Francis Hargrave THE WORKS OF THE Right Honourable Henry late L. Delamer AND Earl of Warrington CONTAINING His Lordships Advice to His Children Several Speeches in Parliament c. WITH MANY OTHER Occasional Discourses On the AFFAIRS of the Two Last Reigns BEING Original Manuscripts Written with His Lordships own Hand Never before Printed LONDON Printed for John Lawrence at the Angel and John Dunton at the Raven in the Poultrey 1694. TO The Right Honourable THE EARL OF WARRINGTON My Lord SInce my late Lord Warrington your Father trusted me with the care of your Education your Lordship has made so great a Progress in all things which I Taught you that I am now forced to procure you another Tutor You are become in a little time a great Master of several Languages and most parts of Philosophy and I may say without flattery that your Lordship hath Genius Learning and Piety enough to make one of the Best and the most Accomplish't Gentleman in England But yet your Quality requires something more for it is not enough for one in your Lordships High Station to be Humanist Geographer Historian and I may add a good Man too he must be also a States-man and a Politician but being neither my self I must repeat the same thing over again to my Shame and to your Credit that your Lordship wants a better Master Amongst several of the most Eminent Men which I could recommend to your Lordship I found none so Learned nor indeed so fit to make deep Impressions upon your Mind as your Lordships Noble Father whose Writings belongs to you as well as his Estate I don't doubt but you will strive to get the best share of his Learning nor can you fail of an Extream Delight by drawing Sciences but of the same Spring from whence your Noble Blood did flow His Book then being yours both by Inheritance and by the particular gift of its Authour it would be unjust to present it to any other but your Lordship and needless to recommend it or beg your acceptance for 't Therefore omitting any longer Preface in Recommendation of these Golden Remains I 'll only take leave to make this Observation upon them That as there is nothing wanting in them for your Lordship's Instruction both by Humane Learning and Solid Devotion I have fitted you with the Master that I look't for and whom you wanted From whom having obtained all the Qualifications which your Noble Soul is capable of you have no more to wish for but that you may live and practice 'em and it will be to me both a great Satisfaction and Honour to see my Work finisht by the same Artist who put it first into my hands and trusted me with the beginning of it It will be enough for me that I have put my hands to such a Master-piece and shall be highly honoured if your Lordship take notice of my Endeavours and sufficiently Rewarded if you grant your Protection to him who has no other Ambition than to be Your Lordships Most Humble most Obedient and most Devoted Servant J. Dela Heuze THE CONTENTS I. HIS Lordships Advice to his Children page 1 II. An Essay upon Government p. 36 III. Reasons why King James Ran away from Salisbury p. 56 IV. Observations upon the Attainder of the late Duke of Monmouth with some Arguments for the Reversing thereof p. 70 V. Of the Interest of Whig and Tory which may with most safety be depended on by the Government on the account either of Fidelity or Numbers In a Letter to a Friend p. 82 VI. A Discourse shewing who were the true Incouragers of Popery Written on the occasion of King James 's Declaration of Indulgence p. 88 VII A Speech in Parliament for the Bill of Exclusion That the next of Blood have no Absolute Right to the Crown p. 94 VIII A Speech against Arbitrary and Illegal Imprisonments by the Privy Council Several Laws for the Restraint of this Power Instance of the Exercise of this Power on Sir Gilbert Gerrard about a Black-Box An Objection answered p. 100 IX A Speech against the Bishops Voting in case of Blood Lord Coke 's Opinion against it An Act of Parliament Good to which their Consent is not had Bishops no Peers though Lords of Parliament p. 107 X. A Speech against the Pensioners in the Reign of King Charles II. p. 115 XI A Speech for the sitting of Parliaments and against King Charles the seconds Favourites p. 121 XII A Speech in Parliament on the occasion of some Justices being put out of Commission in the said Reign p. 129. XIII A Speech for the Banishing the Papists p. 133 XIV A Speech on the Corruption of the Judges Laws to prevent it Some Instances thereof particularly Sir George Jeffreys when Judge of Chester p. 138 XV. Some Observations on the Prince of Orange's Declaration On the Exit of King Charles II. and Entrance of the late King whose Administration becoming Exorbitant brought on the Present Revolution The Arbitrary Proceeding of K. James excellently set forth by the Declaration c. In a Charge to the Grand Jury p. 353 XVI A Speech against the Asserters of Arbitrary Power and the Non-Swearers p. 385 XVII A Perswasive to Union upon King James his design to Invade England in the Year 1692. p. 401 XVIII Some Reasons against Prosecuting the Dissenters upon the Poenal Laws p. 412 XIX A Discourse proving the reasonableness of the present Revolution from the Nature of Government p. 421 XX. Whether a Conspiracy to Levy War is an Overt Act of Conspiring or Imagining the Death of the King p. 437 XXI Reasons for an Union between the Church and the Dissenters p. 457 XXII Of the Absolute Power Exercised in the late Reigns and a Defence of King Williams Accession to the Throne Election the Original of Succession Succession not very Ancient Division among Protestants a step to Arbitrary Power Enemies to the Act of Indulgence Disaffected to the Government p. 467 XXIII A Speech concerning Tyranny Liberty Religion Religious Contentions Laws of Advantage to the State cannot hurt the Church Of Conquest Of God's ways of Disposing Kingdoms and against Vice p. 483 XXIV The Legality of the Convention-Parliament though not called by Writ p. 509 XXV A Resolution of Two Important Questions 1. Whether the Crown of England be Hereditary 2. Whether the Duke of York ought to be Excluded p. 541 XXVI The Case of William Earl of Devonshire for striking Collonel Culpepper p. 563 XXVII Arguments against the Dispensing Power p. 583 XXVIII Prayers which his Lordship used in his Family p. 597 XXIX Some Memoirs of the Methods used in the Two last Reigns The Amazing Stupidity of those that would reduce us again into the same Condition p. 613 XXX Some Arguments to prove that there is no Presbyterian but a Popish Plot and against the Villany of Informing in 1681. p. 627 XXXI Monarchy the best Government and the English beyond all other With some Rules for the Choice
Courage did not out-run their Discretion for they did not adventure to name the Prince of Orange but pretended the contrary to the Duke of Newcastle and used as much Artifice to delude him as if it had been of the highest consequence to secure him though he was attended by none but those of his own Family And there was as much preparation and consulting in order to surprize York as if it had been the most considerable Garrison in England though kept only by twenty Men and they as ready to yeild and declare for the Prince as they could have wisht And when they were possest of the Town they set strict Guards at every place and suffered none to go out or come in till they were fatisfied with their business and were as wary as if a considerable Force had been ready to sit down before the place And with the like Steps they moved at Notingham and other places And though no doubt they ingaged in the business with a great deal of Zeal and Resolution yet the Declaration of the cause of their Assembling was penn'd with great caution perhaps as a considerable Man amongst them said to keep themselves within the Statute for their Declaration neither charged King James with Male Administration nor complained of the danger we were in but the Sum of it was to joyn with the Prince of Orange in declaring for a Free Parliament Whereby they put it into King James his power to oblige them to put up their Swords as soon as he pleased for when ever he issued out his Proclamation for a Free Parliament they were bound in Honour to lay down their Arms And then what very great Service can they boast of who could hold their Swords in their hand no longer than King James pleased And though they may pretend to Merit highly yet not to the degree with those who moved forward to Joyn the Princes Army For by their Motion they prevented King James from having a true Account of their Numbers and as they would daily increase so every Account he had of them would make them still more confiderable They shewed thereby that they were resolved not to look back but would either conquer or dye They did not mince the Matter but spoke plain English of King James and of our Condition and thereby animated the Country as they Marcht and made all sure behind them so that the further they Marcht the greater Service they did for 500 Men thus moving would in a short time occasion 40000 to rise in Arms whereby in a few days they would not only be reported but in effect be so considerable and formidable as to support the Cause they had espoused and either reduce King James to Measures or drive him out of the Kingdom So that this seems to be the great thing that so astonished King James and put him to his Wits end For as to the Princes Forces their Number was not valuable and if pressed very hard would not too obstinately stand it out because it was evident they had a Retreat in their thoughts and accordingly had provided for it The desertion in his Army he could not much regard because it did not amount to 2000 Men till he ran away But as to those who intended to Joyn with the Prince of Orange his Army he would with dread behold the Storm coming upon him for he might observe the Cloud no bigger at first than a Mans hand increased so fast that it would quickly over spread the whole Heavens and prove so great a weight that it would bear down all before it for their Numbers would quickly swell very high and it could not be foreseen where and at what degree they would stop He might plainly see that they had thrown away the Scabbard and contemned the thoughts of asking quarter for as they could never hope for another opportunity to recover their Liberties if they failed in this so they very well knew the inexorable temper of King James that it would be to no great purpose to sue for his Mercy whereby being made desperate and abetted moreover by the whole Nation he must expect the utmost that could be done by the united Vigour of Courage Revenge the Recovery of Liberty and Despair all which would make up too strong a Composition for King James his tender Stomach and turn his thoughts from fighting to contrive the best way to save his Life and this was the Storm that drove him away from Salisbury Observations upon the Attainder of the Late Duke of Monmouth THAT which is done by King Lords and Commons is so Sacred as not to be called in question by any power on Earth and what they do is so very good that the Wit of Man cannot devise any constitution that can proceed with more Justice or be less subject to err than they when rightly in Conjunction And therefore whoever he be that proposes to have any of their Acts reviewed must take care to set his words in great order by reason that that which in an Inferiour Court might be called error will scarcely indure the soft name of a mistake if done by King Lords and Commons But however it does appear that they have reconsider'd what they have done and thereupon have many times found that they might do better than to adhere to their first resolve especially in cases of Bills of Attainder which for the most part have rather been expedient than that the strict Rules of Justice were pursued and though in so doing their wrath did seem to burn very hot yet in effect for little more than a moment and even to end with the blow that struck off the Criminals Head for upon the Petition of his Heir his Blood has seldom been deny'd to be restored and this proceeds from the great humanity of this Government The Law of England being a Law of Mercy does in many Cases appoint a grievous punishment rather in Terrorem than that the penalty should be rigorously exacted for which reason it is that so few Attainders are now in force If then those Cases have met with so much compassion the Case of the Duke of Monmouth may well hope for the like favour since there is not any argument for the reversing of any other Attainder that cannot be urg'd with as great force in the case of the Duke and besides there is no president of the like case to be found and whilest it remains in force is of dangerous Consequence The Law is so very careful to do right in every case that it will not allow that any Man be judg'd without being heard or at least that a convenient time be allotted him for it if he think fit to appear and it does also require that the fact be fully and sufficiently proved without both of which no Man can be convicted of any offence in the ordinary course of Justice and this is and has ever been reputed the undoubted Right and Priviledge of every Subject of
as well for Malice as otherwise whereof the King is often grieved and divers of the Realm put in damage against the Form of the same Charter Wherefore it is ordained That all they which make suggestion shall be sent with the same suggestions before the Chancellor Treasurer and his Grand Council and that they there find Surety to pursue their suggestions and incur the same pain that the other should have had if he were attainted in case that his suggestions be found evil And that then process of the Law be made against them without being taken and imprisoned against the Form of the said Charter and other Statutes In the 38. Edw. III. Chap. 9. is contained the Informers punishment in these Words It is assented That if he that maketh the complaint cannot prove his Intent against the Defendant by the Process limited in the same Article he shall be commanded to Prison there to abide till he hath made gree to the Party of his damages and of the slander that he hath suffered by such occasion and after shall make fine and ransome to the King And the Point contained in the same Article that the Plantiff shall incur the same pain which the other should have if he were attainted shall be out in case that his suggestion be found untrue And still there is another Law made 42. Edw. III. Chap. 3. In these Words At the Request of the Commons by their Petitions put forth in this Parliament to eschew the Michiefs and Damage done to divers of his Commons by false Accusers which oftentimes have made their Accusations more for revenge and singular benefit than for the profit of the King or his people which accused Persons some have been taken and sometime caused to come before the Kings Council by Writ and otherwise upon grievous pain against the Law It is assented and accorded for the good Governance of the Commons That no Man be put to answer without presentment before Justices or Matter of Record or by due process and Writ original according to the old Law of the Land And if any thing from henceforth be done to the contrary it shall be void in the Law and holden for errour These are Laws that are as much in force as any Statutes whatever and ought to be as duly observed But I beseech you consider to what a degree they have been violated by the Privy Counsel How have they sent for Gentlemen from all parts of the Nation upon meer Flamms and Stories No Man could be quiet but upon any groundless pretence away went a Messenger to bring up that Man not considering the great charge and trouble they put the Gentleman upon by it I will mention only that of Sir Giles Gerrard he was sent for up by a Messenger to answer to I know not what a business about a Black Box and who charged him with it But when it came to be examined it proved nothing but Town-talk and what a pudder did they make In our Countrey when a Man makes a great stir about a matter and it ends in nothing that is significant we say Billy has found a Pin So I pray what did this hurly burly of the Black Box end in but nothing that was worth a straw And to this mighty purpose Sir Giles was fetcht from his House in the Country And several other Gentlemen have been thus used against Law and Reason It 's strange the Privy Council should not remember the Bill of Habeas Corpus which passed in the last Parliament that might have brought to their remembrance these Laws that I have mentioned and might further convince them how precious a thing we esteem our Liberty It puts me in mind of the Petition of Right and what I have heard and read after it was passed how soon it was violated and broken The Privy Council has been very unjust to these Gentlemen whom they have molested by their Messengers in that they have not made their Accusers to find Sureties to make good their Accusations as the Law requires 37. Edw. III. 18. for then idle Stories would not be so currant by reason of the Punishment inflicted on those false Accusers by 37. Edw. III. 18. and 38. Edw. III. 9. which Lawes are grounded upon the Word of God Deuteronomie 19. chap. 18. and 19. ver But now such Fellows as are mentioned in the 37. Edw. III. 18. and in 42. Edw. III. 3. who make their Accusation for Malice or for Revenge or singular benefit more than for the Profit of the King or his People these I say shall be allowed to accuse honest Men though they cannot prove a word of what they say and for these devices are we to be forc't from our Habitations to appear before the King and his Council Methinks it's hard play and yet what remedy have we left but to sit down and be quiet But without doubt the Land intended a Redress in these Cases for 25. Edw. III. 4. says that whatever is done contrary to that Law shall be redress't and holden for none but it does not tell us how satisfaction is to be had But since it is left uncertain I hope for the future we shall so order it that every Man may have relief against this great Oppression and that I humbly move for if we let this alone we leave an Arbitrary uncontroulable Power in the Privy Council which will never stop till it has made the Law subject to them But I have heard it objected that if this Power of sending for People be not allowed to the Privy Council then you put them in a worser condition than any Justice of Peace because by his Warrant he can send for any body in the County where he lives I must in the first place deny this altogether for the consequence is not true In the next place I say that the Law is the best Judge of this whether the Privy Council ought to have such an unlimited Power and what the Law has determined over and over again ought not to be disputed by us besides it is a thing of dangerous consequence to put Discretion into the Ballance with so many written Lawes which conserve so dear a thing as our Liberty But the Power of the Privy Council is not hereby made less than that of a Justice of Peace for a Justice of Peace it is to be supposed will not send out his Warrant but upon a just and reasonable ground What Justice of Peace ever sent out a Warrant of the good Behaviour against any person but he either first heard the party accused which is the juster way or else the matter was proved upon Oath Or when was any Warrant of the Peace issued out but it was grounded upon the Oath of him that demanded the Surety of Peace And whatever Warrants or Precepts are granted by a Justice of Peace they ought to be for just causes or else he violates his Trust So the Privy Council may upon a just Accusation
and here 's the short and long of the case And therefore the Parliament must never yield that the Bishops shall Vote in case of Blood for the consequence of it will be to alter the very Frame of our Government and cursed be he that removes his Neighbours Landmark A SPEECH AGAINST THE PENSIONERS IN K. Charles II. Reign WIthout doubt the last Parliament had great Matters in agitation and the inquiry they made about the Pensioners of the preceding Parliament was no small one but rather one of the chief things they had in hand for had they been permitted to have perfected that it had been a good recompence for the disappointment which the Nation sustain'd in their other expectations by the suddain Prorogation And without all question nothing is fitter for the thoughts of a Parliament than to take into consideration how to punish them that had proved the Pest and had almost if not altogether ruin'd the Nation and how to prevent the like mischief for the future The Name of a Pensioner is very distastful to every English Spirit and all those who were Pensioners I think are sufficiently despised by their Country-men And therefore I will mention only two or three things that will lye at their doors before I offer my advice what is to be done Breach of Trust is accounted the most infamous thing in the World and this these Men were guilty of to the highest degree Robbery and Stealing our Law punishes with Death and what deserve they who beggar and take away all that the Nation has under the Protection of disposing of the Peoples Money for the honour and good of the King and Kingdom And if there were nothing more than this to be said without doubt they deserve a high censure Besides the giving away such vast Sums without any colour or reasonable pretence There is this great mischief will follow upon it Every man very well knows that it has put the King into an extraordinary way of expence And therefore when he has not such great supplyes it must of necessity bring the King into great want and need And shall not only give him an ill opinion of all Parliaments that do not supply him so extravagantly but perhaps put him to think of ways to get Money that otherwise would never have entred into his thoughts so that whatever ill may happen of this sort these Pensioners are answerable for it Furthermore they have layd us open to all our Enemies whoever will invade may not doubt to subdue us For they have taken from us the Sinews of War that is Money and Courage all our Money is gone and they have exhausted the Treasure of the Nation and when People are poor their Spirits are low so that we are left without a defence and who must we thank for bringing us into this despicable condition but these Gentlemen who notwithstanding this had the face to style themselves the Kings Friends and all those who opposed their practices were Factious and Seditious They had brought it to that pass that Debates could not be free if a Gentlemans Tongue happen to lye a little awry in his Mouth presently he must be called to the Bar or if that would not do whensoever any Gentleman that had a true English Spirit happen'd to say any thing that was bold presently away to seek the King and tell him of it and often times more than the Truth And thus they indeavoured to get an ill Opinion in the King of his best Subjects And their practice was the more abominable because their Words and Actions gave the occasion to force those smart Expressions from the Gentlemen that spoke them for their honest hearts were fired with true Zeal to their King and Countrey when they beheld the impudence and falseness of those Pensioners It 's true we find that in or about the 10th year of Richard II. it was indeavoured to get a Corrupt Parliament for our English Story says that the King sent for the Justices and Sheriffs and enjoyn'd them to do their best that none should be chosen Knights and Burgesses but such as the King and his Council should name but we find it could not be effected The next that occurs to my thoughts is that in the 4th year of Henry IV. the Parliament that was called at Coventry named the Lay-mens Parliament for the Sheriffs were appointed that none should be chosen Knights or Burgesses that had any skill in the Laws of the Land The next that I remember is that in Henry VI. time in the year 1449 or 50 when the Duke of Suffolk was Accused by the Commons and Committed to the Tower the King Dissolved that Parliament not far unlike our case of my Lord D but it differs in this that Suffolk was Committed to the Tower as of right he ought but we were deny'd that Justice against D only Henry VI. made the cases thus far even that he set Suffolk at liberty after he had Dissolv'd that Parliament Soon after a Parliament was called wherein great care was taken in choosing of Parliament Men that should favour Suffolk But they so far failed of their purpose that his appearance at the Parliament gave great distaste to the House of Commons and they were so far incensed that they began the Parliament with a fresh Accusation against him and others So that you may see that it was not in the power of the Court to corrupt the House of Commons In the time of Henry VIII about the 20th year of his Reign when the Parliament was active against Pluralities and Non-Residence there was an Act passed to release to the King all such Sums of Money as he had borrowed at the Loan in the 15th year of his Reign it 's said that it was much opposed but the reason that is given why it passed is because the House was mostly the Kings Servants but it gave great disturbance to the Nation And this is the only case that I can remember that comes any thing near to our Pensioners but we cannot find that they or any Parliament took Money to Vote So that we must conclude that there was never any Pensioners in Parliament till this Pack of Blades were got together Therefore Sir what will you do Shall these Men escape shall they go free with their Booty Shall not the Nation have Vengeance on them who had almost given up the Government It was they who had perverted the ends of Parliaments Parliaments have been and are the great Refuge of the Nation that which cures all its Diseases and heals it Soars But the Men had made it a Snare to the Nation and at best had brought it to be an Engine to give Money If therefore these go away unpunisht we countenance what they have done and make way to have Pensioners in every Parliament but far be any such thought from any Man that sits within these Walls And having said this I will in the next place humbly offer
to whom his obstinacy will recommend him If any do think they were in the right when they served as Bawds to the arbitrary Iusts of the two late Kings I heartily pitty them for their case is desperate yet I am perswaded that none of them would of choice had that power exercised upon themselves and if so they will then grant that what they would not have done to themselves is not lawful for them to do or bring upon another if they shall still adhere to what they did either out of fear or else out of hopes of preferment they must make it appear that this King has resolved upon the same methods that were taken by the two late Kings or else declare that they think that nothing else will make him a great and glorious Prince Perehaps some men cannot bring themselves to make a publick or direct recantation of what they have done or of a suddaen to separate from their Party but yet they may do things so by degrees and so fairly too and without any noise as will testifie to the world that they intend to pursue another course As for example if any who were active in the late Reigns do now meddle very little if at all in publick matters and modestly stand aside as it were to make room for others who professed that principle which brought about this Revolution This will let every man see that they are now of another temper But if such persons do still continue to meet and consult upon publick Affairs as heretofore when the power was in their hands and do bandy to support every man of their party at any rate without considering their abilities or any objection that may be made against them on the score of their immorality or unjust dealings but implicitly because they are of their party resolve to give them the preference before any other This carries a very ill countenance with it I cannot imagine what they propose to themselves by such diligence unless they hope for or expect to see the like administration again in England for as it discovers no sort of inclination to accommodate differences so they cannot but be sensible it will irritate and provoke those of another opinion On the other side I think they are very much to blame who take unnecessary occasions to reproach their neighbours with what they did in the late times They that are thus liberal of their tongues would do well to consider whether they were never guilty of some abitrary or unjust action and whether they have not at some time or other done something that has helpt to support some of the illegal and unreasonable proceedings of the late times for we are all frail and had need to examine our selves before we condemn other people now if any persons are guilty in either of these particulars silence becomes them much better than reproaching others however reproaching of men with their faults is not the proper way to bring them to a right sence of their errors whilest a Sore is rubbed there 's no hopes of healing it and men are to be instructed by reason and not railing Besides railing is so poor a revenge or satisfaction so that if I could not have a better I would let it alone for as I should do my self a great prejudice by it so I would not give my enemy that satisfaction who must needs be pleased to see me torment and fret my self this I am sure of that to be ever and anon twiting people with their faults can breed no good blood and I wish it has not some ill effects amongst us You see Gentlemen I only touch things lightly and apply them to no body but leave that to every man as he shall find it concerns him if any thing I have said shall do good I shall much rejoyce at it if not I hope there 's no hurt in mentioning such truths as these For I think I may possitively affirm that a Union is absolutely necessary to make us a happy people and that there is not a more certain fore-runner of a peoples destruction than to see them divided into Parties and Factions I could proceed into a long discourse upon this Subject but that I may avoid being tedious to you I will apply my self to the particulars of their inquiry The first of which is High Treason of which there are several sorts of species To compass or imagin the death of the King or Queen and that declared by some Overt-acts and all those who in other offences would be accessary before or after the Fact are Principlas in this Case To Levy War against the King in his Realm or to adhere to the King's Enemies in this Realm or to give them comfort here or elsewhere but a Conspiracy to Levy is not Treason unless the War be actually levyed tho the contrary opinion prevailed in the late times to the murdering of several worthy men To Counterfieit the King 's Great or Privy Seal or his Money To bring in false or Counterfeit Money knowing it to be such to make payment with it To kill the Chancellor Treasurer or the King's Justices being in their Places doing their Offices all Treason per Stat. 25 Ed. 3. c. 2. To Clip File or wash Money per 3 H. 5. To Counterfeit Sign Manual Privy Signet or Privy Seal 1. M. 6. To extol any foreign Power 1 Eliz. For a Priest or Jesuit to come and abide within this Palace 27 Eliz. To Absolve any from their Allegiance or to be Absolved 3 Jac. Petty Treason A Servant kills his Master a Wife her Husband or a Priest his Ordinary these are made so Capital by reason of the power or the Authority they have over them FELONY EIther against the Person or Goods of another Against the Person To kill another either with Malice expressed or imployed is Murder without benefit of Clergy To cut out the Tongue designedly to to maim or disfigure another is Felony without benefit of Clergy So is Stabbing if a Weapon be not drawn or a Blow given by the party Slain So is Buggary with Man or Beast Rape Manslaughter is when two quarrel and before it can be supposed that their blood is cool they fight and one of them is slain here is benefit of Clergy Chance medly when by accident a man slays another or in his own defence being assaulted These the Law pardons of Course Against his Goods TO Rob on the High-way To take any thing privately from his person To steal Horses Designedly to burn any Stacks of Corn or Hay To Rob a Church To break into a House and take any thing thence by day or night To Rob any Booth in a Fair or Market are all Felony without Clergy The Accessaries to all these and other Felonies do fall within your inquiry For generlly where Clergy is taken from the Principal the Accessary before the Fact is to suffer Death And good reason is it that he who was partaker of
the King strove to please the People and they were willing to gratifie him by conniving at his Faults But besides all this the Law of Nature is to be considered and this Law cannot be extinguished by any other Laws whatsoever And this I never heard any man deny The Law of Nature commands Self-preservation and then I would ask whether I am to obey him that will destroy me If we shall have a Prince that plainly declares either by his Words or Actions that he will change our Government and Religion or that he will give us up to a Foreigner or else that he will govern by a standing Army and take away our Properties must I obey him must I not endeavour to rescue my Self and Country from Ruine for in the Saxons time Treason did not relate to any thing but the Government and the general Concern of the Nation and not to the single Person of the King and now though it be Treason to kill the King yet it is only in order to the Publick Good and therefore with the Saxons all Indictments against Legience concluded Feloniae Proditoriae but against the Person of the King only Feloniae But in our days we find things are crept in that is difficult to tell how or when they came in And you shall find in all our ancient Laws that whatever was decreed or enacted was for the Common Good and the King was not concerned otherwise than so far as related to the Common-wealth though I know in our days another Opinion is asserted which I am sure cannot be maintained That all things must give place to the King 's particular Interest For my own part I will obey the King but I think my Obedience is obliged no further than what he commands is for the Common Good Our Government ever since the Conquest has proceeded upon the Saxon Principles and they were grounded upon Self-preservation which I do not find to be repeated by any Act of Parliament for all our Lawyers do agree That it is Treason to subvert the Government and if so without doubt our Allegiance the Laws of God and of Nature command us to defend them I will detain you no longer but only to consider this one thing Whenever we have a Popish King we must expect an alteration at least in our Religion for though he take all the Oaths and Declarations that can be devised yet it ever stands in the way to oppose the Interest of Rome they must all give place and it is meritorious to break those Engagements for that purpose or at worst hand be certainly pardoned if he presume to do it without a Dispensation and it is no more in his power to preserve our Religion than it is for him to work an Impossibility And therefore whether it is better to oppose a Popish Successor seeing we have the practice of our Forefathers to justifie us in it and besides he cannot if he would defend us or else to suffer him to rest in the Throne to destroy all we have and bring in a Religion that will damn Millions of Souls from Generation to Generation And if we may not defend our Religion then we must absolutely depend upon Providence in every thing and not put out our Hand to help our selves up when we are fallen into a Ditch This is the Case and here is an end of all Human Policy but without doubt it is our Duty to do our Endeavours and leave the Success to God Almighty and his Will be done THE CASE OF WILLIAM EARL Of Devonshire ON Sunday the 24th of April 1687. the said Earl meeting on Collonel Culpepper in the Drawing Room in White-hall who had formerly affronted the said Earl in the said King's Palace for which he had not received any satisfaction he spake to the said Collonel to go with him into the next Room who went with him accordingly and when they were there the said Earl required of him to go down Stairs that he might have Satisfaction for the Affront done him as aforesaid which the Collonel refusing to do the said Earl struck him with his Stick as is suppos'd This being made known to the King the said Earl was required by the-the-Lord Chief Justice Wright by Warrant to appear before him with Sureties accordingly April 27. he did appear and gave Bail in 30000 l. to appear the next day at the King's Bench himself in 10000 l. and his four Suretles in 5000 l. a piece who were the Duke of Somerset Lord Clifford the Earl of Burlington's Son Lord De-la-mere and Tho. Wharton Esq eldest Son to Lord Wharton The Earl appeared accordingly next morning and then the Court told him that his Appearance was recorded and so he had Leave to de part for that time but upon the sixth of May he appear'd there again and being then requir'd to plead to an Information of Misdemeanour for striking the said Collonel in the King's Palace he insisted upon his Priviledge That as he was a Peer of England he could not be tryed for any Misdemeanour during the Priviledge of Parliament and it being then within time of Priviledge he refused to plead the Court took time to consider of it till Monday which was the last day of the Term and the Earl then appeared and delivered in his former Plea in Parchment the Judgment given by the House of Lords in the Case of the Earl of Arundale 3 Car. was urged on the behalf of the Earl viz. That no Lord of Parliament the Parliament then sitting or within the usual times of priviledge of Parliament is to be imprison'd or restrain'd without sentence or order of the House unless it be for Treason or Felony or for refusing to give Surety for the Peace And also that the like Priviledge was about two years before allow'd in the Case of my Lord Lovelace The Court over-rul'd the Earl's Plea and requir'd him to plead to the Information the first day of the next Term and to be a Plea as of this Term and so he had Leave to depart but his Sureties were not called for to see if they would continue as his Bail The next Term he appeared and pleaded guilty to the Information and so the last day of the Term the Court did award That he should pay a Fine of 30000 l. be committed to the King's Bench till it be paid and to find Sureties for the Peace for a year To all which Proceeding and Judgment three notorious Errors may be assign'd I. The over-ruling of the Earl's plea of Priviledge II. The Excessiveness of the Fine III. The Commitment till it be paid 1. The over-ruling the Earl's plea of Priviledge is a thing of that vast consequence that it requires a great deal of time to comprehend it aright and is of so great an extent that more may be said of it than any one man can say The Judgment seems to be very unnatural because an inferiour Court has taken upon it to reverse a Judgment
wealth thinking no doubt to enjoy greater Priviledges and Immunities than now they do But I am apt to believe that they who are not contented under this Government have not consider'd aright what a Common wealth is A Common-wealth makes a sound and shadow of Liberty to the People but in reality is but a Monarchy under another Name for if Monarchy be Tyranny under a single person a Common wealth is Tyranny under several persons as many Persons that govern so many Tyrants but let it be the best that can be yet the People under any Common-wealth enjoy not that Liberty that we do Gentlemen as the Excellency of this Government is an Argument sufficient to disswade any of us from the least attempt of alteration so Experience has taught us that no sort of Government but that we now live under will suit or agree with England Let us but consider the late Troubles how many several kinds of Government were there set up one after another All ways were tryed but nothing would do till we were returned to our old and ancient way But Gentlemen it may fall out that we our selves may be the Authors of our own Destruction for whatever the Parliament does we are bound up by it if they pass a Law to give away all we have to the King we must submit to it for it is our own Act and therefore it highly behoves us to be very cautious who we chuse to represent us in Parliament we put all we have into their Hands and what they do must bind and oblige us Every Man is mortal and possibly may be corrupted to vote against the Interest of them he represents I accuse none of your Representatives nor do I accuse all only tell you that Men may be corrupted Therefore in my opinion whenever you have occasion to chuse a Member for the Parliament as now you have you ought to have a care of an ambitious Man or a Man that is vain glorious for it was never known that any of that Temper were so out of a real intention to the Publick Good for Ambition or Vain-glory was never accounted to be the Make of an Honest Man and if you 'll give me leave I 'll tell you what sort of a Man I shall give my Vote for if I cannot have a Man that is both wise and honest then I would rather be for an honest than wise man for I would rather trust all I have with a man that is truly honest and less knowing than with a man that is more knowing and less honest I shall always be for a man that has a good Estate in the Country for though he may possibly forget us yet he will remember himself and avoid all unnecessary charge upon the Country because he himself is to pay part of it Next I am for a moderate man one that is not strict or rigid neither one way nor the other either in Church or State for it's Moderation that must keep every thing in right order and it's Severity and Rigidness that will bring things into confusion In short Gentlemen let your own Judgment and not another Man's Interest or Inclination direct you in this case for our Parliament is our Weal or Woe And now I will proceed to the Particulars of your Charge The first and chief thing that you are to present is High-Treason To Compass or Imagine the Death of the King the Queen of their Eldest Son Now Gentlemen you must observe that the Heirs to the Crown are of two sorts first Heir Apparent that is the King 's Eldest Son that is living for no body else can be Heir Apparent secondly their Expectant or Presumptive that is he who in course of Descent is next in Blood to the King if he hath no Son Now the Offence is not so great to kill or procure the Death of the Heir Expectant as it is to compass or imagine the death of the Heir Apparent To levy War against the King in his Realm or to adhere to the King's Enemies in his Realm or to give them Aid or Comfort in the Realm or elsewhere To counterfeit the King 's Great Seal or Privy Seal or his Money To bring false Money into England counterfeit the Money of England and knowing the same to be false with intent to make payment with the same To kill or slay the Chancellor Treasurer or the King's Justices of the one or the other Bench Justices in Oyer or of Assize and all other Justices assign'd to bear and determine being in their Places doing their Offices To counterfeit the King's Sign Manual Privy Signet or Seal by 1 Q. Mary 6. To diminish scale or lighten the current Money of England 18 Eliz. 1. So Clipping Washing Rounding and Filing of Current Money by 5 Eliz. 2. There are too many Offenders in this nature amongst us The second time to extol and maintain the Pope's Authority formerly usurped here and the second time to refuse to take the Oath of Supremacy 5 Eliz. 1. A Priest or Jesuite that shall come and remain here who shall be in any Seminary and not return within six months after proclamation 27 Eliz. 2. To put in use any Bull or Instrument of Reconciliation or Absolution from Rome or from any person authorized or claiming Authority from Rome Any Person that shall willingly receive any Absolution and all Aids and Abettors it 's High-Treason in them by 13 Eliz. 2. To withdraw any of the King's Subjects from their Obedience or Religion And such Persons as shall be withdrawn from their Obedience to the King or their Religion 23 Eliz. 1. And now Gentlemen give me leave to take notice to you of them who very largely discourse that the King is above the Laws I am very apt to believe that they don't consider very well what they say nor don't know or remember that as it is High-Treason to kill or hurt the King so it is High-Treason to subvert the Government or to endeavour any alteration of it and then I would ask any man to solve me this Question Whether or no it be not an alteration of the Government to render all our Laws ineffectual and useless which must necessarily follow and where it is or upon what they ground their Opinion I am sure the Word of God warrants no such thing nor can any such thing be found in the ancient Government of this Island for at first it was govern'd without a King I don't mention this as if I question'd the King's Title to the Crown no Gentlemen I would have every subject to pay him all possible Duty and Obedience but I say this to shew you that there is no Ground for that Opinion that the King is above the Laws And I am sure I never met with it either in Magna Charta or any Law made since and therefore I could wish they would forbear to preach up such destructive Doctrine both to King and People I am sure it is for
throws off all thought for the Publick the very Heathens could say how pleasant and delightful is it to dye for their Countrey It is by reason of this concern for the Publick that we render such honour to the King who if the Common-wealth did not receive great Advantage by his Care and due administration of Justice would be regarded no more than another man There never yet was any good Man who had not an ardent zeal for his Countrey And to all men of true honour and worth it is a more pleasant reflection to think how useful they have been in their Generation than how wealthy they are grown Though we are bound to do all the good we can yet you ought not to be over-forward in taking upon you any publick Imployment save with these two Cautions First that you be in some good measure qualified for it Secondly that you undertake it for the sake of Gods Glory and the good of your Country and not to gratifie your Ambition For as by reason of Insufficiency you will certainly come off with shame so by desiring it for a wrong end God will not prosper it Perhaps the activeness of your temper may push you on to business in that case you have no more to do but to make your self fit for it and then a man of your quality and condition need not hunt after imployment for it will seek him out Now as good esteem and popular applause are the general returns to good service done for the publick so such as deserve it seldom fail of it And you will find that this Nation is more steady in the first and the more valuable I mean their good esteem and affection than in the latter for that is bestowed upon every occasion and so being become common is of less value If then you have done your Countrey good service be not disturbed when you may think the merits of your service is forgotten and drowned in the applauses that are given to some popular action For you will often see that though a Man has been the greatest Villain to his Country yet upon doing any one popular thing he shall for the present be cryed up as the best and bravest man alive but as this has no foundation so it will prove but a nine days wonder and when that time is expired they will return to their Wits and remember those to whom they are obliged When you are got into imployment be it never so agreeable to you let not the fear of being turned out prevail with you to do the least Injustice or to act irregularly neither for the serving of a turn nor for any other Consideration For upright behaviour in regular times is the surest way to keep you in your Seat And in times of disorder you must resolve to do every ill thing that is put upon you if by such means you will keep your place for the doing of one will not secure you Now though you lose your Place by refusing to do what you think is not just yet you retain your Honour and Conscience and all the odium your Enemies would cast upon you will then prove only malitious aspersions and turn with shame upon the head of your Accusers And by your Integrity you will give your Family so great a Reputation as sooner or later will turn more to the advantage of it than the holding of your Place longer could have been When you are in a very high Station be sure to behave your self with the like familiarity to all sorts of Persons as you did before your promotion For by this you will not only gain the esteem of every body But if you are displaced you will lose nothing of the respect that was paid you Besides this be sure to be easie of access to every one that has business with you and give them all the dispatch you can For as in common charity you are bound to do it that no man may be tyred out in attending his just concerns so it is an honest policy to keep friends in store against an evil time whereas they who practice the contrary not only procure themselves hatred whilest they are in Place but when turned out for such don't stand long none are so much despised and contemned as they But an Imployment at Court I mean such as is purely within the Court abstracted from the Publick is seriously to be thought on before you ingage in it For nothing but the pure profit can incline a man of a generous and noble Spirit to accept of it For though Princes should be examples of Piety as well as administers of Justice yet there is so much looseness and disorder in their Families that a man who lives there must be very well fortified with Religion and Morality or he will be in great danger of losing his Integrity For how often will he be necessitated to neglect his Devotion both in publick and private and at best hand postpone the worshipping of God to the attendance on his Prince and serve God only in the second place And then it is no strange thing if the mist occasion'd by the arbitrary vapours of the Court do so far mislead him as to fall down and worship him who is but his fellow-creature yet great respect is due to him because placed in some degrees above him for his good and advantage Consider besides the servile compliances to which he must submit even to pretend to love the man he hates and crouch and bend to the man that he does despise And as Courts are always in Factions and Parties so he cannot avoid falling in with some side and whatever they drive at he must implicitely pursue it though to the destruction of some Person who never injured him or any other thing as base as that Add to this how unsetled he must be always in a hurry and shifting from place to place at an hours warning and pay such slavish attendance as we don't expect from the meanest of our Servants And in the mean while his Estate in the Country is left to the honesty of Servants in which as he cannot fail to be a loser so must he also in the interest and affection of his Neighbours Whereas he that lives at his own house has daily opportunities of doing good and is still gaining upon the good will and esteem of his Countrey so that when any of them see him they do not fail to pay him respect and at the same time wish him well from their heart Though this is not intended as a discourse upon the Politicks but as some directions in your passage through this World yet I conceive it not improper to say something of Government in general and therein of a King since the want of a right notion herein has been the occasion that many a one of honest intentions has gone out of the World with the character of an ill Man Government then in general is necessary as well because
of Gods express Command as also that no Society of men can subsist without it And that particular form of Government is necessary which best suits the temper and inclination of the People and thereby becomes to be Gods Ordinance But no particular model of Government is such in it self save so far as it effects the true end of Government For nothing can be God's Ordinance but what he has expresly declared to be such And if he had thought any sort of Government to have been better or more necessary than another he would not have left the World so much in the dark in a matter of so high importance but he would either have expresly declared it in his Written Word or discovered it to us by the instinct of Nature But we cannot find any such thing in Holy Writ neither does Nature prompt it because there are so many several sorts of Government in the World no two of them agreeing in every point but differing in something that is very material And even the Jews Gods peculiar People who received their Statutes and Judgments immediately from him yet therein he did not prescribe or limit them to any particular form but what he did command were only rules in general for the executing of Judgment and Justice amongst themselves for we find that the form of their Government was changed no less than five times If not more often 1. Under Patriarchs 2 Under Moses 3. Under Judges 4. Under the High Priest 5. Under Kings So that nothing can be more clear than that God has not appointed the World any form of Government but left every Nation and People to chuse such a Model as best liked them And I have often thought that God Almighty did on purpose permit the Jewish constitution to be changed so often to let the World understand that every form of Government was alike indifferent to him and that if any People found theirs to be out of order the blame rested at their doors if it was not reformed The true original of Government being thus discovered it gives us plainly to understand whence Kings receive their Power and what is the natural and lawful measure of their power For if God Almighty did permit every people to model their own Government from whence can the Kings Prerogative flow save out of that constitution Unless it be supposed which is ridiculous to imagine that Kings are sent down immediately from Heaven with their Commission in their hands or else that they begat all their Subjects If then their power does flow from the Constitution the natural extent of it does seem to be limited within the rules of doing equal right to rich and poor to relieve the oppressed and to punish the guilty unless it can be supposed that cruelty and oppression is more eligible than Justice and Peace And therefore it is more than to be supposed that when any People conferred so great a trust upon their King it was with this condition either expressed or implied that as much as in him lay he should lay out that power to the good and advantage of the People For though several Kings have taken upon them to govern by their Will and this practice has prevailed for many Successions and Ages yet this cannot give them a good title to their arbitrary Rule because the body of the People have an earlier claim and a younger title must give place to the elder and a title or power gained either by force or fraud can never be good and by one of these two arbitrary Power can only be gained For the measure of Power which by the institution of the Government was assigned to the King cannot in reason be supposed to be any other than such as men of sound understandings and without constraint should judge to be most behoveful to the common good Now if Kings may of right exercise a power beyond this then is the condition of every Subject much worse than the Brutes for Brutes though chaced from their usual abode yet can they in any other place find food and lodging as well as where they used to frequent and whenever they are killed or pursued it is because they are hurtful or that the seising of them is useful to men But when Subjects by reason of the cruelty and oppression of an arbitrary King are necessitated to fly for their Lives they are under a certainty of perishing for want of food and lodging if not relieved by the charity of others and their destruction is resolved on not that they have offended against the Laws of nature or reason but because the intentions and thoughts of their King are evil A King that lays out himself for the good of his people is to be obeyed for Conscience sake for he is God's Ordinance and such a King can never be too highly esteemed nor the loss of him sufficiently lamented But when a King forsakes the guidance of the Law and rules only by his Will to call such an one God's Ordinance is very absurd unless we can suppose God to be the Authour of confusion and oppression All that have written of Government agree in this that Kings were created or set up that Justice may be had which does plainly intimate these things First That every King is such by reason of the constitution of the Government 2. That he is admitted to that trust upon condition 3. That when he does not administer Justice much more when he oppresses the People he exceeds the limits of his lawful power and both this Doctrine and Exposition is not denyed by any save some ignorant Ambitious Clergy who in hopes of preferment have turned Bawds to Arbitrary Power And the Coronation Oath or Solemn Ingagement which every King takes before he is crowned confirms the foregoing Observations and what can oblige the taking of that Oath but the constitution of the Government For since Mankind is so greedy of Power and prone to incroach upon anothers right can it be supposed that Kings would clog themselves with the Coronation Oath if they could avoid it much less that they would on their own accord so shackle themselves What has been said will serve to explain what is the true meaning of a natural Prince or Lord a notion which for want of consideration has gulled a great many good People and yet amounts to no more than this That he is one of our Brethren or born amongst us It is a meer conceit to imagine that any thing is such by the institution of Nature For if Nature had formed any Government every other Government in the World would have been of the same Form and Model to all intents and purposes For Nature is immutable and the same in all places and what it does in one place it does the same thing in another So that all that Nature does in the framing of any Government is only to concur with the people in making choice of that which best suits their
his Will and Pleasure For Principle is the great Director of all Mans Actions and every Man is either better or worse esteemed according to the Opinion that the World has of his Principles In the worst and most corrupt of times there has not wanted such as have been more solicitous about the well-fair of their Country than for themselves and if a King does not so much depend upon those that by the current of their Actions have made it evident they prefer the Publick Good to their own private Advantage as upon some other sort of Men it 's as clear as the Sun that he aims at something beside the Publick Weal or else that God has a quarrel to him and will not let him see his Interest For what greater pledge can be given of a Mans Integrity than when voluntarily and without Compulsion he dedicates himself and all that he has to the Publick service any other security being inconsiderable in comparison of it And therefore when a King knows such Men and yet imploys others rather than they it 's a clear Demonstration that his Designs and Affections are alienated from the good of his People and the Land is then in as ill a condition as when their King is a Child As to the third it will be no less extraordinary to see the King under equal Obligations to all Parties for it can only be for this reason because every Party shall have approved themselves equally serviceable or useless faithful or negligent steddy or inconstant to him which would be very wonderful though he dropt out of the Skies because there are so very many occasions in which a King needs the service of his People that if one Party acquit themselves better than others he will in a little time find who deserves best and it will be so plain and obvious that he must see it unless he be very unfortunate And till all Men have the same Complexion are of the same Stature and proportion of Body and Temper of Mind there will be distinctions of Men and Parties and therefore it will be the most remarkable thing that ever happen'd that notwithstanding their differences in other matters yet they should all concur to have the same Principle and Inclination to the King and Government But that Prince is very unfortunate who cannot depend upon one Party more than another nor has obligations to one more than another since it is an ill effect of a bad cause For the reason wherefore he cannot depend upon one more than another is because he has used and treated all alike And this Method as it will never make his Enemies to become his Friends so in a short time it will make his Friends so cold and indifferent towards him that they will serve him at the rate that others do and hereby his Obligations won't be greater to one more than to another So the Service that is done him will not be the effect of Duty and Affection but only according to the rate that he pays them But when a King cannot depend upon one more than another and is under equal obligations to all the most usual and truest reason of all is because he has so far disoblig'd all Parties that he has more cause to be afraid of than to trust any of them therefore till Men are of the same mind in every thing else it cannot be expected that these things or any of them can ever happen If then should a King act as if they were and the Case prove to be otherwise the consequence of it would be fatal to him For though it may be objected that by a distribution of his favours and imployments equally on all Parties he thereby gives incouragement to all to stand by him and makes none desperate yet on the other hand he thereby makes every Party Jealous of him and none to trust him For when he inlarges his hand to any Party it is to the regret and envy of the rest that were not then also consider'd which he cannot repair but by conferring greater things on them and then this turns to the dissatisfaction of the other Party as much as if nothing had been done for them So that thence it will follow that when ever his bounty moves every one must have a share for if any Party is omitted he will lose more on one hand than he gains on the other and what Prince ever found that his bounty turn'd to account where the Persons that were the objects of it had not something of affection or duty for him because all that he can do in that way will ingage them no longer than till they can make a better bargain or could he winn them by it yet the case of that Prince is much to be lamented who has none to depend on but such as he has gained by his liberality But could he gain any by such a Method which is very uncertain yet for one that he so makes his Friend he thereby looses a hundred who are such upon principle and that Prince gives himself very little leasure to think who does not know that one who is a Friend upon Principle is worth many who are made such by bounty preferments may be out-bid but Principles are permanent Every Prince will find himself out in his reckoning when he perceives what construction the People do put upon such a Method for they will be apt to conclude That it is the effect of Fear want of understanding or that his heart is not right towards them and its a dangerous thing to suffer such Notions to get into their heads it being very difficult to remove them if once they are fixt there Those that wisht him well will grow cold and indifferent towards him when they find that others who don 't deserve it are treated as well as themselves and it will discourage the honest endeavours of others for the future when neither they nor the Nation is much the better for their service and at last they will despise him and such as had no great good will for him will be sure to follow their blow as soon as they find his blind side and improve to their utmost advantage though to the ruine of him and the Nation all Parties will slight him undervalue all his Actions put the worst construction upon every thing and ascribe to chance whatever is well done When obnoxious Men are made use of it is too evident a sign that the same work is to be done because the same Tools come into play and hereby the King in a great measure becomes Particeps criminis of former ill councels and practices in allowing such to suck the fat of the Government who ought to be squeazed if not crushed to satisfie and vindicate the publick Justice and then well may such wipe their mouths and say What evil have I done when in stead of answering at the Bar their Treatment is more like a Reward for what they have done
of every Man is under the protection of the Law even Persons Condemned Outlawed or Attainted to Kill or Execute them in any other manner than the Law directs is Criminal In case of Outlawry for Treason or Felony in the Kings Bench if the Party be apprehended in time of a Vacation no Warrant can go out to execute him before the next Term but he is till then to remain in Prison that so he may not only be heard what he can say for himself wherefore Execution should not be awarded but that also the Law may be satisfied that he is the very Person named in the Outlawry and even a Prisoner condemn'd at the Bar cannot be executed till there is a Rule of Court or other order for it Now it is conceived that the Duke of Monmouth ought not to have been executed till he had been brought before the King's Bench or some other Court that could properly judge and distinguish whether he were the very Person Attainted by that Act for had he been brought to the Bar and there deny'd that he was the same Person a Jury must thereupon have been impanelled to try whether he were the proper Person or not For the Law delights in certainty and will not go out of so grave and considerate a way especially in so solemn a case as Blood where it cannot be too cautious one Man may be so like another that it is not easie to distinguish them when asunder and a mistake in such a kind would be a great blot upon the Justice of any Government when it is occasion'd by precipitancy and haste but we have lately seen such unfortunate times when there was a willing disposition to commit such Mistakes if any Colour of Law could have been found for it But setting all these things aside and were there not so many extraordinary things in the Case yet something ought to be done for the sake of the Dukes Children surely a great deal of compassion is due to them considering upon what score their Father lost his Head by reason that the Cause of his Rising in Arms was no other than that which prevailed with the Prince of Orange to make a descent into England that is to deliver us from Popery and Slavery there being nothing that differences those two Cases but that the one had success and the other miscarried and therefore can it be politick to leave that Attainder unrevers'd as a reproach upon the Duke and his Posterity for what he did Besides if this Attainder be not revers'd it will be an utter discouragement upon all others for the future to attempt the rescue of their Country if no regard shall be had to their Posterity in case they don't succeed I am verily perswaded that if the Prince of Orange had miscarried in his late Attempt to deliver us every Man that had suffered in that cause would have expected that when ever it was in the power of the Nation to have had a mark of favour be set upon their Posterity at least that of right their Families were to be put in Statu quo There will be very small inducement for any to be concern'd for the Publick when nothing but success will make the Publick take care of them when the Vertue of a People is so far depraved as to forget those that have serv'd them they do not after that long retain a true sense of Liberty and are easily perswaded to part with their freedom and so long as this Attainder remains in force it hangs over the Nation like a dreadful Omen for so long as it is in force we consent to the Justice of it and how can that be Just which we would not have done to our selves for certainly no Man would like to be Judged by such Law as took off the Duke of Monmouth and therefore what can be said that his Attainder should not be revers'd THE INTEREST OF Whigg and Tory. A LETTER to a Friend THough others may be more fortunate in their Conceptions yet I am confident that no Body imploys their thoughts so often and with more Affection to His Majesties Service than I do It is very obvious that the Kings Affairs are much perplex'd Vast supplys are necessary and there is but a dark prospect where the Money will be had or if the Nation were in more Wealthy Circumstances the Divisions that are amongst us would much obstruct the giving so much as is needful at this time But the greatest difficulty which the King has to struggle with will be from the High Church or Tory Party and the more he trusts or confides in them the harder game he will have to play For give me leave to say the King can never be safe in depending upon them till they change their Principles or he do foregoe his own No Man can have so mean a thought of the King that he will ever have so little Honour or Justice either to deny or go counter to what he has profess'd and practised in the whole course of his Life And it 's very plain that it is Private Interest and not the Publick good is the Principle by which that party has been acted And though they have sometimes seemed very zealous to serve the Crown yet they have never gone further with any King than so long as they could serve themselves of him and therefore unless they are govern'd by a more Publick Principle or have given more ample testimonies of their true affection to the King than they have done to those that have been before him the more Countenance he gives them the more he strengthens the hands that will be lift up against him if a fair occasion offer it self The Seven Bishops who were sent to the Tower for refusing to read K. James's Declaration were highly applauded for that Action as a Service done the Publick but if their own particular Interest had not prevailed with them they would not have been so forward to read the Declaration of K.C. that struck more directly at the heart of the Government and reproach all that shew'd a dislike of it If that Party has given any instances of their Affection to this King either they are not publickly known or not well understood but what they have done on the contrary are too notorious to admit of a Dispute It was that Party that contended so obstinately for the Regency and when the matter came to be decided by a Vote in the House of Lords there was but one Bishop that gave his Vote against the Regency Who are they besides those of that Party and the Papists that at this day refuse to take the Oaths Five of the Seven Bishops have so done It was that Party in the House of Lords that opposed the imposing the Oaths with the penalty especially on the Clergy It 's that Party that so much favours the Papists of this day and if any Protestants are found to be in a Plot with the Papists they are
constituted by God himself But that cannot be so for it would follow that God is unjust which he cannot be There neither is nor was any Government of that sort but only that of the Jews the rest of the World were left to themselves to frame such a Government as suited best to their Inclinations and to make such Rules and Laws as they could best obey and be governed by Ours is compounded of an absolute Monarchy and a Common-wealth and the original of it we have from the Saxons But be it what it will or whence it will it is without question that the first original of our Kings was that the people found it for their advantage to set one over them because of his Wisdom Valour and Justice and therefore they gave him several Prerogatives above the rest of the People that he might be the better able to govern and defend them for there is none of the Kings Prerogatives but are for the good of the Nation if rightly imployed But it will be a strange conclusion to suppose that the People obliged themselves to submit to the Posterity of that Man whom they first chose for their King because of his extraordinary Endowments let them be what they would and never so unfit for the Government For the next of blood may be incapable of governing in several respects suppose a Fool or Lunatick by his Principles if he aim at Arbitrary Power by his Religion if he be a Papist or a Heathen or by his practises before he comes to the Crown to destroy the Religion and Government by Law Establisht Now this I do not say to argue that the Election of the King is in the People though I think much might be said in that case neither is it now the question but that which I speak for is to prove that the next of blood has not so absolute an Inherent Right to the Crown but that he may for the good of the Nation be set aside There is yet another Inconvenience to allow the next of blood to have so absolute a Right to the Crown because the Possession of the Crown takes away all disabilities but only such as are by Act of Parliament which being so every King must thank his Successor for every moment that he lives if he kill him himself he cannot be questioned for it because as soon as the one is dead the other is King for here the King never dies If therefore the next of blood has so absolute a Right the King is very unsafe For though the D. be not inclined to shorten his Brothers days nay though he be averse to it yet in obedience to the Pope and his Priests it must be done either by himself or some other hand and then how long we expect his Majesties life If Kings were good Men an absolute Monarchy were the best Government but we see that they are subject to the same Infirmities with other Men and therefore it is necessary to bound their Power And by reason that they are flesh and blood and the Nation is so apt to be bad by their Example I believe was that wherefore God was averse to let the Jews have a King till they had Kings they never revolted so wholly from him when their Kings were good they were obedient to him but when they were idolatrous then the People went mad of Idols I hope it is no Regis ad exemplum that makes our Nation so lewd and wicked at this day A SPEECH AGAINST Arbitrary and Illegal IMPRISONMENTS BY THE Privy Councill THere is not any thing that an Englishman can claim as his Right that we value more than Freedom and Liberty I mean that of the Body because Imprisonment is a sort of Death and less tolerable to some than Death it self For by it we are deprived of all our Earthly Comforts What is a Man the better for having never so great an Estate never so great Honour or what else is desirable in this World if he is restrained of his Liberty Now there are several sorts of Restraints or Imprisonments and they are all forbidden by our Law unless the cause be very just and reasonable not for bare surmises or vain stories that a Man shall be imprisoned and hurried from his aboad but only for such cause as shall prove that it is for the good of the Government and the support of it that this or that Man is imprisoned or restrained Although the Law has taken very good care yet the Subject is often abused in his Liberty sometimes by the Courts in West-Hall sometimes by other Courts and particular Magistrates But the greatest cause of complaint proceeds from the Privy Council The Privy Council that is though they have been much to blame in this particular yet it is not a new thing that they practice but this Itch of sending for and imprisoning the Subject upon vain pretences has descended from one Privy Council to another like an Infirmity that runs in a Blood for no sooner is a Man made a Privy Councellor but this Spirit rests upon him This Mischief was early espied even in Henry III's time and several Lawes have been made to restrain the Privy Council By the 9. H. 3. Chap. 29. it 's declared that No Free-man shall be taken or imprisoned or be disseised of his Free-hold or Liberties or Free Customes or be out-lawed or any other way destroyed nor we will not pass upon him nor condemn him but by Lawful Judgment of his Peers or by the Law of the Land By the 5. Edw. III. 9. It is Enacted That no Man from thenceforth shall be attacht by any Accusation nor fore-judged of Life or Limb nor his Lands Tenements Goods nor Chattels seized into the Kings Hands against the Form of the Great Charter and the Law of the Land By 25. Edw. III. Chap. 4. It is declared That from thenceforth none shall be taken by Petition or Suggestion made to our Lord the King or to his Council unless it be by Indictment or Presentment of his good and lawful people of the same Neighbourhood where such Deeds be done in due manner or by Process made by Writ original at the Common Law Nor that none be out of his Franchises nor of his Free-holds unless he be duly brought in answer and fore-judged of the same by the Course of the Law And if any thing be done against the same it shall be redressed and holden for none By 28. Edw. III. Chap. 3. It is Establisht That no Man of what Estate or Condition that he be shall be put out of Land or Tenement nor taken nor imprisoned nor disinherited nor put to death without being brought in answer by due process of Law And by 37. Edw. III. Chap. 18. It says Tho' it be contained in the Great Charter That no Man be taken nor imprisoned nor put out of his Freehold without process of the Law nevertheless divers people make false Suggestions to the King himself
send for any person but without that they cannot and therefore I do not see wherein a Justice of Peace has a greater power than the Privy Council or if he had yet it would not be so great a Mischief for he can only send for any person that is in the County but the Privy Council are not limited to this or that County but their power extends all over England But besides it is unjust to be punisht without a cause and restraint or being debarr'd of Liberty is a punishment and whoever he be that would have the Privy Council to exercise this Power when he has known what it is to be brought up by a Messenger upon an Idle Story let him then tell me how he likes it and answer me if he can A SPEECH AGAINST THE Bishops Voting In Case of BLOOD OF all the things that were started to hinder the success of the last Parliament and is like to be so great a stumbling-block in the next That of the Bishops Voting in Case of Blood was and will be the chief Now they that deny that the Bishops have right to Vote in Case of Blood do labour under two great difficulties first because this is a new thing at least it is very long since the like Case has come into debate And next because they are put to prove a negative which is a great disadvantage But Truth will appear from under all the false glosses and umbrages that men may draw over it And I doubt not to make it evident that the Bishops have no right to Vote in Case of Blood at least I hope I shall not be guilty of obstinacy if I do not alter my opinion till what I have to say be answered It is strange the Bishops are so jealous of their Cause as not to adventure it on their great Diana the Canon Law by which they are expresly forbidden to meddle in case of Blood Perhaps they would do by the Canon Law as it is said by the Idolaters in the Old Testament that part of the timber they made a god and fell down and worshipped it the rest of it they either burnt in the fire or cast it to the dunghil For they tell you that the Canon Law was abolisht by the Reformation and that none but Papists yeild obedience to it and therefore now they are not tyed up by the Canon Law but may sit and Vote in case of Blood if they please I should be very glad if they were as averse to Popery in every thing else and particularly that they would leave Ceremonies indifferent and not contend so highly for them whereby they make the breach wider and heighten the differences among Protestants in the doing of which they do the Pope's work most effectually I wish they would consent to have a new Book of Canons for those that are now extant are the old Popish Canons I like Bishops very well but I wish that Bishops were reduced to their primitive Institution for I fear whilst there is in England a Lord Bishop the Church will not stand very steddily But I will leave this though I need say no more and proceed to other things that are very clear as I conceive My Lord Cook in the Second Part of his Institutes the first Chapter treating of Magna Charta when he reckons up the Priviledges of the Church he tells us that Clergy-men shall not be elected or have to do in secular Office and therefore he tells us that they are discharged of such and such burdens that Lay persons were subject to and good reason it should be so that they might with greater ease and security attend the business of their Function that is to govern and instruct the Church But whether they had these Immunities granted them that they might study the Pleas of the Crown and Law Cases or else that they might apply themselves to the work of the Ministry let any Man judge for saith he Nemo militans Deo implicet se negotiis secularibus And if to sit and judge in case of Blood be not a secular Matter I have no more to say and I hope my Lord Cook 's Authority will be allowed And because as I conceive that my Lord Cook 's Authority may pass Muster in this point I will offer some things out of him that will make it evident that the Bishops are only Lords of Parliament and not Peers and if so it is against the Law of England for them to sit and judge upon any Peer for his Life for the Law says that every Man shall be tried by his Peers In the Second Part of his Institutes the first Chapter he tells us that every Arch-Bishop that holds of the King per Baroniam and called by Writ to Parliament is a Lord of Parliament But in the 14th Chapter when he reckons up who are Pares in the Lords House he says not a word of the Bishops but repeats all the other Degrees of Lords as Dukes c. And without doubt he would not have made so great an omission if the Bishops ought to have been taken into the number Besides this if the Bishops be Pares how comes it to pass that an Act of Parliament shall be good to which their consent is not had passed by the King Lords Temporal and Commons But it was never allowed for an Act of Parliament where the Lords Temporal had not given their Vote And for proof hereof see my Lord Cook in his Chap. De Asportatis Religiosorum where he gives you several Instances of Acts of Parliament that passed and the Bishops absent But then in the Third Part of his Institutes he there puts the matter out of all controversie and shews that Bishops are to be tried by Commoners for says he in the second Chap. treating of Petty Treason None shall be tried by his Peers but only such as sit there ratione Nobilitatis as Dukes c. and reckons the several Degrees and not such as are Lords of Parliament ratione Baroniarum quas tenent in Jure Ecclesiae as Arch-Bishops and Bishops and formerly Abbots and Priors but they saith he shall be tryed by the Country that is by the Free-holders for that they are not of the Degree of Nobility So that with submission this is as clear as any thing in the World If the point be so clear that the Bishops may Vote in case of Blood it would do well that some Presidents were produced by which it might appear that they have ever done it at least that they have made use of it in such times when the Nation was in quiet and matters were carried fairly for Instances from Times of Confusion or Rebellion help rather to pull down than support a Cause But my Lord Cook in his Chap. that I mentioned even now De Asportatis Religiosorum gives you several Presidents where the Bishops when Capital Matters were to be debated in the Lords House withdrew themselves particularly 2 of
their Favourites do for the most part pick up mean Men people of no Fortunes or Estates upon whom it is that they place their favour to so high a degree And therefore it 's for their Interest to advise the King to govern by an Army for if he prevails then they are sure to have what heart can wish or if he fail yet they are but where they were they had no thing and they can loose nothing There is no Man but very plainly sees that there are People about His Majesty who advise him to shake off the Fetters of the Lawes and to govern Arbitrarily and I wish that their Advice have not prevailed for the most part yet I think His Majesties own Inclinations do not bend that way for he seems to love quiet and ease which no Prince can have that Rules by an Army Therefore before we can expect that His Majesty will come in to us these People of Arbitrary Principles must be removed from his Throne for whilest there are the same Advisers we must expect the same Advice whilest there are the same Councellors we must expect the same Results And this alone will not do it it 's but the first step to our happyness the Principles or Maxims of State must be removed it 's not taking away this or the other Man and putting in another to act by the same Rules that will cure our Disease but it 's the change of Principles that must do it You may remember in the last Parliament the change that was made in the Privy Council and Ministers and upon the first news of it I met with a Gentleman that had a great Service for White-Hall says he I hope now you are pleas'd what can you expect more from His Majesty I replyed I like it well yet not so very well for said I all is well that ends well for all is not Gold that glisters I am not sure that these Men that are put out have not left their Principles behind them when those are gone I shall like it very well The Man was angry and flung away saying you are hard to please and says I you are easie and so we parted And I pray you how much Wooll have we had after all this cry what benefit have we reaped by that change Do not we see that unless they would act by the Maximes of their Predecessors they must do nothing and therefore several did desire leave to go off Some of these worthy Lords and Gentlemen that did so are now in my eye and I shall ever honour them for it I cannot forget the promises made to the Parliament at the same time and how well they have been kept Therefore I think it 's very plain that till these Principles are removed from White-hall that all our labour and pains will end in nothing The way then as I conceive to do this is to lay before His Majesty the state of the case let us shew him how unable these Men are to serve him and how destructive to his Interest it is to follow their Advices and that he can be Safe and Great only by closing with his Parliament Would His Majesty be Safe alas what can his Creatures do just nothing they have no Power nor have they Will further than it serves for their own advantage But His Majesty is safe in his Parliament for it is the Interest of every Man in England to preserve and defend His Majesties governing by his Parliament Does he want Money to make him easie I pray what can he expect from the Catterpillers his Favourites their care is not how to serve him but to make their own Fortunes But from his Parliament he need not want very plentiful supplies to preserve the Honour of himself and the Kingdom Would he maintain his Dominions and Rights what can his Creatures do but when he closes with his Parliament he can neither want the Heads Hearts and Purses of his People to serve him so that whatever His Majesty would have it is only to be had by his Parliament For his Favourites cannot in the least contribute to make him Safe or Honourable or whatever else a King may want or desire All the Use a King can have from His Favourites is to have Stories and Lies to set him at variance with his People I hope when the Case is laid before His Majesty that he will close with us but if his Judgment is so prepossessed that it will not convince him of his Interest then we must conclude that it is with him as it was with Rehoboam who forsook the Council of the Old Men and inclined to that of the Young Men who councelled him to tell the People that his little Finger should be thicker than his Fathers Loynes And I pray what was the effect of that huffing Speech Why Ten Tribes were taken from him and it was not his Young Men that could recover them for him again neither was it without a Parliament that his Majesty was brought into England I hope his Majesty has not forgot it Let them advise what they will but I am confident they will think on 't a good while before they will adventure to put those Arbitrary Councils into Execution it will prove a hot matter to handle For though I hope no Man here will lift up his hand against His Majesty yet we may oppose any Man that does seek to invade our Properties And for my own part I will Pistol any Subject be he the greatest in England that shall in deavour to deprive me of my just Right Let us do what we can to effect an Union between the King and his People and leave that Success to God Almighty and his will be done A SPEECH On the Occasion of some JUSTICES Being put out of COMMISSION I Was in hopes that some Gentlemen would have prevented me in what I have to say for I fear the House is under a great mistake as to those Gentlemen of the House who are put out of the Commission of the Peace For it is to speak to that chiefly I stand up I acknowledge that it is an unanswerable thing that other Gentlemen were put out but no doubt it was upon very weighty and warrantable grounds that the Gentlemen of the House were put out For without doubt His Majesty or who he be that advised him to it did think it reasonable and were sensible that we who attend the service of our Country in this place do spend our Time and Money and neglect our own Affairs and therefore when we come home its fit that we have a time of rest and that we be eased both in our Bodies and Purses and be at leasure to settle our own concerns and not that we should be tossed from one chargeable and troublesome Imployment to another So that we have great cause to be thankful for the care that is taken of us Besides there is a further regard had to us for this is a
two late Kings we had a mighty cry for the Church and Loyalty but were indeed only disguises for the bringing in of Popery and Slavery by reason that nothing can be more effectual for the bringing in of Popery than the dividing of Protestants and nothing can make us more arrantly Slaves than the subjugation of us to the Kings will For the rule then laid down was this that every man that did not come up to every Ceremony of the Church of England tho he professed the Doctrine of it was not to be deemed a good Protestant but to be persecuted and treated as an Enemy to the Publick And in the next place that he only was a Loyal man that did sincerely believe that we must in all cases submit to the King's will and was not in any case to be opposed or resisted and tho he never so openly violated the known Laws yet we were only to defend our selves with Prayers and Tears This notion prevailed with a great many for some time yet it was not the force of reason that gave it so much reputation but Rewards and Preferments on the one hand and Frowns and Displeasure of those in power on the other together with all the other incouragements and advantages that the Government could give it and so might any thing tho never so nonsensical obtain for a while when so supported But let it be fairly reasoned and it will appear that nothing is more distructive to the end of Government than such an unlimited power Considering with all due respect to Kings that they have their frailties and passions as well as other men I cannot believe that he who is the most indulgent of Arbitrary Power can be of opinion that God Almighty made mankind to be miserable and if so how can that and the absolute power of Kings be reconciled for what can render this life more miserable than to be subject to the passions of a man who is restrained by no rules but that of his Will nor does it seem to be consistent with the goodness and justice of God to subject a people to such a condition it 's most plain that he has not left Kings so at large in the exercise of their power and that what power he has given them was to protect and not to oppress his Subjects for otherwise wherefore do we find such repeated examples of God's displeasure against those Kings that have tyrannized it over their Subjects God is a God of Order and has ordained that Order and Peace shall be the end of every Government but is the way to obtain this by giving scope to the unruly passions of a man It 's the King's protection that gives him a right to our subjection for when he denys his protection we may withdraw our obedience and when the King's protection or the Subjects obedience ceases nothing but confusion can ensue If God had ordained that every people should be subject to the will of their Kings he would either have expresly revealed his pleasure therein or discovered it to us by the light of Nature But no such revealed Will is to be found and the light of nature tells us that nothing is more unreasonable than such a power But put the case that King 's are made by Gods immediate direction yet it is scarcely less than blasphemy to conceive that where he does so delegate his power that their actions shall not have such a temperament of Wisdom Mercy and Justice as in some measure to resemble him whom they represent for otherwise it would make him the Author of Confusion yet in our late times all the infringements of the Laws that were made by those two Kings was called a divine right And in the next place he would have provided some means by which the people should have known what would be the Kings Will for where there is no Law there can be no Transgression for otherwise the people would have been in a sad case For they could not in such a case be allowed the use of their reason neither could they know when they were in the right for whilst they do a thing with never so much Reason and Justice the King's fancy may make it Criminal and indeed to govern a people any other way than by known and certain Laws is to suppose mankind to be a compamy of Brutes and not reasonable Creatures It 's blasphemy to suppose that any of God's commands are unjust and yet has he given us express rules to be the measure of our obedience to him and can it then be supposed that he has subjected us to the will of our fellow Creature when he would not require from us such a blind obedience to be paid to himself unless we can believe that the ways and commands of a King are more equal and just than God's If there was a People before there was a King as no doubt there was then will it be a difficult undertaking to prove that Kings have a just right to Arbitrary Power and I know of nothing that savours more of nonsence than to suppose a King without a people If the power of Kings is so unlimited wherefore did Solomon say that oppression would make a wise man made For where I have a right it 's lawful for me to make use of it and therefore oppression does imply that what is done is against right The standing body of our Laws is a clear proof that the power of our Kings is limited How come we by Municipal Laws if we must submit to their will for who ever looks into our Constitution will find that it is not built upon an Arbitrary Foundation but directly calculated to make us a free people But if it shall be answer'd me that this Government was the work of some King and that he directed the form of our Constitution I do in the first place desire to know who that King was and in what Age he lived and in the next place I say that he was extremely Wise and Just and these two other consequences will follow from thence First That that King did believe that it was not so just and reasonable to govern by his Will as by those rules which the Law has prescribed that is that it was more reasonable that the Law should controul his Will rather than that his Will should over-rule the Law Secondly That every King that governs more by his Will he is so much less Wise and Just than that King who was the moulder of our Constitution The more effectual preservation of the publick Peace is the only pretence that a King of England can have for Governing by his Will but if it be out of that regard he will find that the Law has provided safer and juster in that case than his Wit can invent for it 's a rule in our Law that no body is wiser than the Laws But too many instances have made it plain that no King ever desired to rule
without the Law but that he might imploy his power to an ill end and those then that incourage arbitrary inclinations in their Prince are guilty of all the Oppression and Violence that he shall commit The Law is the best hold both of King and people for it 's their mutual and only interest which soever of them lets it go will have much ado to preserve themselves for never did any stand long that parted with it when the King forsakes the Law he ceases to be King and makes room for another that is more righteous than himself and therefore because he endeavoured to set his will above the Law was the late King James set aside and I am perswaded with all the Justice in the World Thus I have indeavoured in a few words to detect the unreasonableness of this arbitrary Doctrine and indeed the great Asserters of it at last discovered what was the true principle that guided them they had very honestly prescribed a rule for others which they could not practice themselves like the Pharisees who were reproved by our Saviour for laying heavy burdens upon others that they would not touch themselves Our Loyal men were very well pleased with arbitrary power whilst they might be imployed and lord it over their neighbours they little dreamt that the wheel might go round for no sooner did they see that this power was like to be exercised upon themselves but they changed their note all their encomiums upon King James were turned into the most bitter invectives that their wit could invent and their threatnings which they used to breath out against the Dissenters were turned into words of Vnity and Reconciliation I will not affirm that the mercenary principle of preferment made them so zealous for Prerogative but this is most certain their zeal never abated till they saw that other people were like to come into play and then they were as forward as any to explode the Doctrine of Non-resistance and to wish success to the Prince of Orange But since King William does not think fit to employ them nothing will serve their turn but King James And because they cannot for shame talk any more of their unshaken Loyalty they have wholly laid aside that word and now their mouths are filled with nothing but the Church and considering that they refuse the Oaths and indeavour to throw all the contempt they can upon this Government therefore in their sense the Church and this Government are two distinct interests and King James a profest bigotted Papist is more likely to support the Church than King William who is a Protestant and thus they demonstrate their care for the Church and if it be not because King William won't put them into imployment I can't imagine why they should be so averse to him unless it is because his Government is more Just and Mild and that he Governs more by the Laws than any of the four last Kings Gentlemen Your inclinations to the Government is not to be question'd yet in regard it has been indeavoured to be so much traduced it may not be improper to say some thing of it Every King of England receiving and holds his Crown upon condition to Govern according to the known and approved Laws of Land for by what means soever he may come to the Crown he can hold it by no other means than by making the Laws the measure of his Power and when he forsakes that good old way he ceases to be King and Male Administration is a forfeiture of his Crown This was the opinion of our forefathers as appears by the many instances of those Kings that have been Deposed for their evil Government And those who have succeeded them have still been acknowledged and obeyed as rightful and lawful tho the other were alive For when the Throne is vacant it naturally comes into the hands of the people because the original dispose and gift of the Crown was from them therefore whoever they place upon the Throne has as good a right to be there as the first King that wore the Crown No Government can want a power to help it self and therefore when the King has set his will above the Laws what other means has the people left but their Arms for nothing can oppose Force but Force Prayers and Tears are our proper applications to God Almighty but signifie but little with an Arbitrary Prince who will be rather confirmed in his purposes when he finds that he is like to meet with no other opposition But this opposing the King with Arms is not justifiable for every wrong step or miscarriage of the Prince save only in cases of extremity when it 's obvious to every man that the King has cast off his affection to the Common Good and sets up his will in the place of the Law and thereby rendered himself unmeet to sway the Scepter For this reason was King James deposed and therefore is this present Government justified to the last degree by very good reason and the constant practice of our Fore-fathers in the like case For long before King Charles dyed the Nation was very apprehensive of the mischief they should be exsposed to if in case the Duke of York should get into the Throne and he had not long been in possession of the Crown before he convinced the world that those jeers and apprehensions were not groundless for he quickly became so exorbitant in the exercise of his power that the Nation grew very uneasie under him where upon the Duke of Monmouth landed in order to deliver us from that which the Nation had so much cause to fear and it did not please God to give him success Yet I am perswaded it was not by reason of the justness of King James 's Cause that God permitted him to prevail for some years but that he might fill up the Measure of his Iniquities and all the Earth might see how justly he was Deposed To recount the particulars of his Male-Administration would take up too much of your time and therefore I will only say this in short That he had so notoriously broken the Constitution of this Government to set up Popery and Slavery that the Nation was necessitated to rise in Arms and by as good right did they take the Diadem from his Head as he ever had to claim it for he having rendered himself unmeet to sway the Scepter the Crown thereby fell into the hands of the people and where then could they so well and properly dispose of it as to set it on his Head that so generously and opportunely came in to our assistance at a time when the Nation lay gasping and just ready to expire with the weight of Popery and Arbitrary Power What horrible unthankfulness to God and ingratitude to King William is every man professing the Protestant Religion guilty of who is disatisfied with the present Government For I would ask any of them what else could have been done to bring
Earth and not for his own Glory whereby he would become the Author of all the Oppression and Violence that they shall commit Secondly If these Texts are not taken in a limited Sence they cannot be reconciled with other Places in Scripture and thereby God Almighty would contradict himself both of which are no less than Blasphemy to conceive of him And when these are compared with other Texts that do explain them they will be found to be Arguments to prove that the Power of Kings is limited by Law and the Right which they claim in the Crown is from the Constitution of the Government and not by Gods immediate appointment For as to that Expression By me Kings Reign he that looks into the Story will find that these Words are not a Declaration of the Right or Power of Kings but are enumerated amongst the many and great things that are done by Wisdom all which would be too tedious to mention at this time or if they were declaratory of the Kingly Power yet they are far from leaving Kings at large in the exercise of that Power for the Words that follow in the some Verse and Princes decree Justice do plainly Argue That Kings Reign no longer by God than they decree Justice not when they Govern by their Will without the Guidance of the Law So that by this it is clear that Kings and Gouernours are restrained within certain bounds and limits of Justice and Right according to the establisht Government The next thing to which I will give an answer is these Words Where the word of a King is there is power and who may say unto him what doest thou Every Command of the King so far as it is warranted by the Law is not to be disputed but to be obeyed for Conscience sake And it is the Interest of every man to enforce an obedience to it because it is for the Common Good But that a Man must be bound to obey any Commands whereby no advantage accrues to him or the Publick and is really to the detriment of both I no more understand than that a man ought to be his own Executioner in any Case And if the Commands of the King are to be obeyed without disputing the Legality of them then it will follow That all his Commands are equally Just or else that his Fiat makes that â—ust and lawful which was not so in it self and then by parity of reason his Command shall make that unlawful which was just and reasonable in it self and at this rate no man can tell whether he act with or against the Law till the King has declared his pleasure Now whether this does not rather confound and destroy the very End of Government than support it I leave to every man of common Sence to Judge and I think tho more might yet it need not be said to make it clear that this Text of Scripture is far from proving That Kings of Right have an unlimited and absolute power Let every Soul be subject to the higher Powers c. I take the meaning of these Words to be this That Government in general is of Divine Institution and that when any People and those that they set over them have entred into a mutual Stipulation of Protection and Obedience under such Rules of Policy and Justice as are not inconsistent with the Word of God this constitution is hereby so far ordained by God that it must be submitted to not only for Worth but also for Conscience sake so long as those in Authority do Govern according to the Prescripts of the Constitution And those words must be understood in this or some such like Sence for if they are taken Literally then it will follow That God prescribed the Model of every Government but no such Direction is to be found in Holy VVrit concerning any Government except that of his peculiar People the Israelites and besides every Government under the Sun would have been of the same shape if God had directed the Model of them but they cannot be taken literally because 1 Pet. 2.13 says Submit your self to every Ordinance of man for the Lords sake whether it be to the King as Supreme or unto Governors ' as unto them that are sent by him for the punishment of Evil doers and for the praise of them that do well And from these Words I take it to be clear that it was left to every People to form such a Constitution of Government as best suited their own Inclinations But if God had more expresly delivered him as to the form of Government yet that of Romans 13. Let every Soul is no warrant for the absolute Power of Kings for the 3d. and 4th Verses in that Chapter restrains it within bounds where it says For Rulers are not a Terrour to good works but to the evil Wilt thou then not be afraid of the Power do that which is good and thou shalt have praise of the same for he is the Minister of God to thee for good but if thou do that which is evil be afraid for he beareth not the Sword in vain for he is the Minister of God a Revenger to execute Wrath upon him that doeth evil These Words are as expresly restrictive of the Kingly power as Words can be in any case where he is to Protect or Punish is positively directed and not left to his discretion to call it Good or Evil according to his power or fancy but the Execution of his Power is to be guided by the Rules of Gods word and of the Government If God had prescribed one or more Models of Government for the World yet he would not have allowed that to be lawful in Kings which he has so often and severely reproved and punisht and under great Penalties he has restrained their Administration within the bounds of Justice and Judgment and because therein he has only delivered his pleasure in general therefore Kings are to submit to such Explanation of what is Just and right as the Constitution of the Government has declared For if this Explanation rested in the Breast of Kings the Condition of Subjects would be worse than that of Brutes unless Kings were endued with the Wisdom and Purity of an Angel of Light If Brutes be so chased and hunted that they are forced to leave their Native Soil yet wherever they can find rest for the Soal of their Foot they will meet with Food and Lodging and all other Necessaries But when by reason of Oppression and Bondage men are necessitated to quit their Habitations and Country must inevitably perish unless relieved by the Charity of others It is therefore plain that an absolute Power in any King must be gained either by force or fraud because God has not conferred any such Authority and it cannot be supposed that men in their Wits and without constraint would put into anothers hand a power that may hurt them when it depended upon their pleasure whether he should
distinctly besides they are different in the manner of Proof for that which is necessary to prove the one does in no sort prove the other and furthermore the one may be effected and the other never so much as intended or designed as that the King may be Murdered and no War levyed nor intended And moreover in the one Case it is Treason as well to intend as to execute it without relation to or being joyned with any thing else but it is not so in the other for it is Treason absolutely in it self as well to compass the Kings Death as to Kill him But an Intention to Levy War and the doing of all things in order to it is not Treason unless the War be levyed except by Misplication or Inference and thus much may serve to prove that they are distinct Species of Treason As to the Fourth No doubt that every Statute is to be construed most strictly to restrain the Mischief against which it was enacted For the Uninterrupted course of all Judgments and Resolutions have been accordingly and nothing can more directly thwart common Sence than to make it otherwise and therefore if the State be absolute the more forcibly that it is construed to restrain the Mischief the more truly is the intent of the Statute pursued for how shall any evil be supprest if the remedy must be applyed but by halves For the Law would then be rather a Mockery than a means to redress the Mischief if it shall not be taken most strongly against it either it is or it is not a restraint of the Evil if it is not why was it made If it is It must be understood in that Sence by which the Mischief or Evil may be effectually prevented and suppressed As to the Fifth The Answer will be best understood by Considering first the Significations of these two words apart Viz. Provably and Overt Provably Signifies To prove or make good by Evidence Argument Reason or Testimony Overt has all these Significations open clear plain apparent manifest notorious evident known undoubted certain perspicuous This then being the Significations of those Words what then can follow more Naturally than that to be provably attainted by Over Deed is that the Fact must not only be direct apparent and notorious to the point but it must also be proved clearly evidently plainly and perspicuously void of all doubt or obscurity and those two Words being taken together do the better Expound each other and seem to be choice Words culled out by the penners of that Statute as the most expressive against all Implications and Inferences which might be made in Case of Treason These things being premised which are as easily proved as alledged there will remain very little for them to maintain their Opinion who say That a Conspiracy to Levy War is an Overt Act of compassing the Death of the King The things which are commonly and chiefly urged for that Opinion are these two First It would be of dangerous consequence if a Conspiracy to Levy War may not be interpreted an Overt Act of Compassing the King's Death because there is no means left to prevent it and the Mischiefs attending it when the War is Levyed Secondly If a War be levyed the Death of the King must needs be intended and will certainly ensue if the Rebels prevail In answer to these it may be replyed That the one of them is but a bare Objection and that the other is no substantial Argument because it begs the Question and then surely that must be a feeble Opinion that has no better a Foundation But a more particular answer to them will discover the Sandy Foundation upon which this Opinion is built And it will be more proper to begin with the Second because in giving an answer to that the other will in a great measure receive an Answer also Therefore as to the Second It may be observed that the Death of the King is made so certain and necessary a Consequence of Levying of War that by reason of that certainty a Conspiracy to Levy War is an Over Act of Compassing the Kings Death Now therefore if that certainty will not hold but that many Cases may be put and Instances produced wherein the Kings Death is not intended nor did it ensue upon the prevailing of the Party then is the whole weight and strength of that Argument of None Effect The Hugonots in France have heretofore Assembled together in Arms and tho' they repeated it several times yet in which of those Occasions does appear either by the cause of their coming together in that manner or by the issue of it that it was Levelled at the Kings Life No the Cause of their rising in Arms was for the asserting of their Religion and just Rights for as soon as their Reasonable Demands were satisfyed they laid down their Arms more willingly than they took them up neither did they attempt any thing against the Kings Life when he was in their power but after they were answered in those things to which they had Right both by the Laws of Nature and the Government immediately they returned home in peace and upon all other occasions proved the most firm and Loval Subjects of all that Kings Dominions and as this present King of France must witness for them if he will do them Justice If the Protestants in France should at this time take up Arms upon so just a provocation as they now have it would be very senceless to suppose that they Levy'd the War with a principal Design to Murder the King and not for the Defence of themselves and their Rights which are so inhumanly and against all Law and Justice at the same time invaded and ravisht from them Story is full of like Cases and Instances to this but to speak more particularly to England What was the Barons Wars the answer to which must be that they took up Arms to assert their Rights and Liberties which the King contrary to his Oath withheld from them and that it lasted near 40 Years yet the Kings Death was never intended nor his Life in any danger for as soon as their just demands were answered they put up their Swords and every man returned home and pray'd for the life of the King And out of English Story what one instance can be produced where the cause of War was declared to be against the Kings life or if that party prevailed the King was put to death by their general consent and approbation For tho' it be true that there are some instances where they have been Murdered after the War yet it is also as true that it was by private Assacination and not by the consent and privity of those who levyed the War for all those that were concerned in the Murder were condemned and executed for it as Traitors as in the Case of Edw. 2d and Richard 2d And as for that of Charles the First which is so much pressed and urged
gave him the Crown and he soon perceived that there was no Rest for the Sole of his Foot till he had taken the Coronation Oath and had sworn to maintain their Laws and Properties Some little Irregularities must be admitted in a time when things are unsettled but it will scarcely be found that any man was disceased of his Freehold but only such whose Demerits render'd them unworthy of them and from his time the Norman Government proceeded upon the Saxon Principles for King William by the Advice of his Nobles caused a select number of Men out of every County to be summoned who were to set down their Laws what they were in Edward the Confessor's time for it was he who had collected the Laws which at this day is called the Common Law Then after him William II. and Hen. I. succeeded each other and their Title was by Election of the People for Robert their elder Brother was alive and saw them both preferred to the Crown and he never enjoy'd it for he died a Prisoner at Cardiff Castle in the time of Hen. I. The next was K. Stephen who was second Son to Adela Daughter to William the Conqueror he was chosen by the People for he had an elder Brother whose Name was Theobald and there was Maud the Empress Daughter to Henry I. and both these were nearer by descent than he After him came Hen. II. he came in by Compact between K. Stephen himself and the Nobles and the good liking of the People for Maud his Mother was alive and by descent it belonged to her Then Richard I. was elected in his Father's Life-time and received Homage from the Peers King John was chosen by the People or else Arthur his elder Brother's Son who was then living would have succeeded Richard I. Henry III. came in by Election for Lewis the French Prince pretended to the Crown several of the Nobility having called him into their aid against King John and had sworn to him but the Fall of Pembrook who had married Henry's Aunt stuck to him and got him crowned by the consent of the Nobles and People after that he had taken the Coronation Oath and made other promises to the People Edward I. being out of the Land when his Father died was chosen by the consent of the Lords and Commons and I find that the Nation was sworn to the Succession of Edward I. before he went to the Holy Land Edward II. being mis-led by his Favourites was deposed and his Son Edward III. was declared King in his Life-time Richard II. Son to Edward the Black Prince was deposed for his Evil Government Henry IV. came in by Election of the People and though upon occasion sometimes he might pretend to several other Titles yet he found them unstable and to make sure he got the Crown entailed by Act of Parliament and so came in Henry V. and then his Son Henry VI. but he being found unmeet for Government enclining too much to the Counsels of his Wife who was a Foreigner and neglecting the Advices of his Parliament he was deposed and Edward IV. who was E. of March whose Father the D. of York by Act of Parliament was declared Heir apparent to the Crown and afterwards slain in the Battel at Wakefield He I say was Elected and afterwards Henry was restored and Edward set aside but at last Edward was setled and dies and the Crown came to his Son Edward V. who lived no longer than to be put into the Catalogue of our English Kings and then Richard III. was confirmed King by Act of Parliament for Elizabeth Daughter to Edw. IV. was living who afterwards was married to Henry VII and by right of descent the Crown belonged to her and he had no Title but what the People gave him Henry VII came in by Election for his Wives Title preceded his and there was also Edward Plantaginet Son to George D. of Clarence had an unquestionable Right before him if Descent might take place but to clear all doubts he got the Crown setled by Act of Parliament upon him and the Heirs of his Body successively for ever and upon that came in Henry VIII and in his time the Crown was limited three several times by Act of Parliament and there succeeded upon those limitations first Edward VI. then his Sister Queen Mary by Katherine Widow to Prince Arthur and then Q. Elizabeth by Ann Daughter to Sir Thomas Bullen and in the thirteenth year of her Reign a Law was made whereby it is made penal if any say that the Parliament cannot limit the Succession And now Sir I have given you a just account how the Crown has been disposed and if I should say no more I think that this of it self might convince any impartial man that the Crown till King James was in the Peoples dispose But that I may leave no place for doubt I will say something to those things which are so frequently objected and I will begin with that which says as follows Although there be many Instances where the Crown has leaped over the right Heir by descent and has lit upon the Head of another yet say they there are several Instances both before the Conquest and since where the Son has succeeded to the Father and that these are chiefly to be regarded because most agreeable to the Word of God which tells us That by me Kings reign c. and that the presidents that are otherwise are no better than Usurpation and not to be esteemed as legal but to be forgotten as Errors in the Government I acknowledge there is such a Text of Scripture but I must deny that it is to be taken in the literal sence for otherwise the King must be look'd upon to receive his Soveraign Power immediately from God without any regard had to our Laws and Constitutions and then he is King Jure divino and no Bounds or Limits of Humane Contrivance can be set to his Will but we are wholly at his Mercy and Pleasure and Magna Charta and the Petition of Right are waste Paper nay it not only destroys our Government but it puts an end to all other Constitutions in the World But the true meaning of the Words are That Kings are to be obeyed and that they are to govern under God according to the Laws of that Government and that they are to administer the Laws and Justice according to the Rules and Directions of that Constitution and not that Kings hereby shall have a Warrant to be unjust or govern arbitrarily But because there are some Instances where the Son has succeeded to the Father that therefore the Crown comes by descent I cannot grant for this Island has seldom been free from War and then the People are not at leisure to regard every Particular of their Right but are willing to have it at an end upon any terms and are not then so regardful under whom they enjoy their Liberties and Properties as that they
considering that Popery was so long professed in this Nation To that a short Answer will serve That the Pope's Authority was never establish'd here by Law altho' he was allowed many things by reason of the Superstition and Blindness that then overspread this Island yet the King and Parliament could never agree to give him any power by Law nay when he grew immodest in his Encroachments upon the Church they made Laws to restrain him but the Truth is it was the Resolution of the Parliament and especially of the Lords that protected the Nation against the Pope but if Popery should now come in we should have it to all intents and purposes for it would possess both Church and State it must have all Q. Marys days are a sufficient Warning what we must expect from a Popish Successor and how far their Promises are to be relyed on for by the assistance of the Men of Norfolk and Suffolk it was that she did her business and what Promises did she make to them not to make any alteration in Religion and said many other fine things yet as soon as she was setled on the Throne the first thing she did was to alter Religion with the greatest violence and effusion of Blood that was possible and these Men of Suffolk and Norfolk felt the first stroke of her Hand and perhaps the greatest heat of her Fury But I have too far digressed from my first Argument which is That if Protection from the King is not given to his Subjects or Obedience in the Subjects is not paid to the King then if one side fail the other is discharged and the Condition being broken the Obligation is void And this was the reason why Vortigern the Saxon King was deposed by his Lords for he was grown too friendly to Heugist the Dane and the Lords perceiving that he intended to betray the Land to him they to prevent the Common Destruction and because by this practice he had absolved them of their Allegiance therefore they deposed him and set up his Son Vortimer because he was a true lover of his Country There are several other Instances of the like nature which would be needless to be cited because I should rather amuse than satisfie you of the Truth should I recount them all In the next place I do conceive that the King until he be Crowned is not so much King to all intents and purposes as he is after he is Crowned for if the crowning of the King be but a meer Ceremony or Compliment of State and not essential in giving him a Right to the Allegiance of the Subject then certainly no King of England would be troubled with the Ceremony of being formally crowned because then there will lye no Obligation upon him to take the Coronation Oath and so he may be more at liberty to act according to his Will because his Conscience will not be clogged with the weight of so solemn an Oath and then with less Infamy and Reflection he may suspend or pervert the Laws and therefore with submission to better Judgments I am not convinced that the King whilst he is uncrowned has that Right in our Allegiance as he has after that the Crown is set upon his Head in the same way that it ought to be done for before the Crown is set upon his Head by the Archbishop or other person appointed to do it the Nobility and People are asked if they will do their Homage and Service to him which by the way implies that the People are at liberty in the thing and that if he be Crowned it is by their Leave and Election then if the People consent the King takes the Coronation Oath which is to preserve the Church our Laws Liberties and Properties and to administer Justice indifferently and thus when he has Sworn to us the Crown is immediately put upon his Head and then the Nobility and People do their Homage to him and according to this has been the Practice ever since there were Kings in England And I believe there is scarcely an Instance where the People ever swore to the King before be had taken his Oath to them If there be any such President it is to be look'd upon as irregular and not to be a Direction to us for it is not impossible but such a thing may happen but however is it reasonable that one or two Instances shall be sufficient to invalid a Practice of several hundred years to the contrary And is it not a piece of nonsence that we should adventure our Religion and Properties and all we have in the Hand of him that for ought we know has an Obligation on him to ruine or give us up to a Foreigner and not in the first place to take Security from him that he will defend and do us right before we repose so great a Trust in him for otherwise such Confusion and such Contradictions would follow that the Wit of Man cannot invent how to salve them But I acknowledge there are some Instances where the People have sworn to the Succession in the life-time of the Father and thence some do inferr that the King is entitled to our Allegiance before the Crown is set on his Head but this under correction will not hold for it does not appear but that the intended Successor swore to them also at the same time and it is very probable he did yet if he did not it cannot thence be concluded that the King has Right to our Allegiance before he is Crowned for whenever it happen'd that the Successor was sworn to in the life-time of his Father if afterwards he came to the Crown he took the Coronation Oath before the People swore Allegiance to him And therefore it is very plain that an Oath taken to the Successor in the life-time of his Father is nothing more but a declaring the good liking they have of the Successor and that if in case he will promise to defend them and their Properties when his Father or Predecessor dies they will elect him for their King as possibly it might now fall out if in case the Duke of Monmouth were legitimate Don't you think that the People would be very inclinable to swear to his Succession next after the King And I believe you will never find it done but when the King had the Hearts of the People or out of the hopes they had in the Successor for English Men if the King pleases them he may have all they have even to their Skins as a wise man said If an English King will be kind to the People he can never want their Heads Hands and Purses and therefore it is that in the most peaceable and tranquil times that ever the Land saw when King and People had a mutual Confidence of each other we find things done by the King that are more irregular in those times of agreement than was done in times of greater confusion and the reason is because
yet if the King think good to question it the party must yield it up without insisting upon his Right for the Reason given by the learned Judge for the same Reason every Peer if denied his Writ must not demand it nay he must surrender his Patent and renounce his Title as far as in him lies if the King require it And for the same reason when any man is called to an account for his life he must make no defence but submit himself to the King's Mercy for all we have is from the King and nothing must be disputed when it is his pleasure to question it This is indeed to make the King as absolute as any thing on Earth can be yet is withal to make him the most unjust Prince that ever sate on the English Throne This sort of Justice is learnt from Children whose Gifts continue good no longer than the Donor remains in that kind mood Surely nothing can more reflect Dishonour upon the King for it makes him as unjust and uncertain as any thing can be both which should not be in the Temper much less in the Actings of a Prince Another Reason was given I think by the Chief Justice or else by Mr. Justice Holloway because it was absolutely necessary for the securing of the Peace it was urg'd so far as if the Peace could not be secured without it Surely all this must be but gratis dictura for my Lord Devonshire by finding Sureties had done all that the Law does require for securing the Peace unless they had clapt him up a close Prisoner which they could not justifie if he tender'd Sureties and therefore either my Lord Devonshire is different from all Mankind and a different method must be made use of to secure the Peace or else this Argument of theirs savours not so much of Reason as of something else that ought to be no Ingredient when they give Judgment in any Case and it surpasses common sence to understand how the over-ruling my Lord's Plea could tend to the securing of the Peace either the Security which he had given must awe him to keep the Peace or the other could not for he had broke the Peace again and repeated it several times before he came to his Trial yet that could not effect the Merits of the Cause neither could it be given in evidence at the Trial so as to alter the state of the Fact neither could the Judges by reason of it enhaunce his Punishment if he were found guilty but they must look upon it as a distinct Offence and so might require the greater Security for the Peace and for a longer time Indeed it is an effectual way to prevent a man from breaking the Peace to lay such a Fine upon him as is impossible to be paid immediately and to commit him till payment It is too probable that the Judges being concious how liable they have made themselves to be called in question for this Sawciness and trampling upon the Law would debase and bring under the Credit and Authority of this Court because no other can take cognizance of their proceedings so as to correct their Errors and Mistakes it is only here that they can be called to an account for what they do amiss no Court can punish them but this so that if they can once top your Lordships there is nothing that they need stand in awe of nothing to restrain them but they may act ad libitum not per legem for let this Court be deprest and they may say Of whom then need we be afraid By what they have done already they have sufficiently shewn to what Extravagances they will proceed when they think themselves to be out of the reach of this Court If once the King's Bench can set it self as high as the Judges have attempted by this proceeding against my Lord Devonshire then must the whole Nation your Lordships not excepted stoop to all the Extravagances and monstrous Judgments that every corrupt and ignorant fellow shall give who shall chance to get up to the Bench and not only this present Age shall feel and undergo the Mischief but it will be entail'd upon all succeeding Generations Well then did the Judges attempt that which would bring your Lordships so low and raise their Court so high to set it above all reach or controul especially if they did promise to themselves Impunity if not Reward which they might have expected had it been in the Reign of an arbitrary Prince who would be a great gainer by the fall of this Court because then the Skreen betwixt the King and People is taken away This is the first time that an inferiour Court did take upon it to invalid the Priviledges of a superiour Superiour Courts do sometimes set aside the Orders and Proceedings of Inferiour Courts and yet in that case they proceed with that caution that it is never done but when there is manifest Error and the Law not duly pursued and observed but in no case was it known that they ever meddled with their priviledges If what the Judges have done is good I cannot tell what Power and Jurisdiction they may not pretend to for no bounds nor limits can be set to the King's Bench it may assume as great a power in Civil Affairs as the High Commission does in Ecclesiastical in their Actings not to be tyed up to any Rules or Method but to vary and alter them as well as the Law when occasion or humor serves the proceedings shall be as summary or as delatory as they think fit and your Lordships shall no more than other people be exempted from the exercise of that power Therefore if your Lordships will not prevent the Mischief from spreading it self over the whole Nation yet I hope you will take notice of the Injury you have suffer'd in the Case of my Lord Devonshire and to do your selves Right The Law has for the most part left Fines to the Discretion of the Judges yet it is to be such a Discretion as is defin'd by my Lord Coke fol. 56. Discretio est discernere per legem quid sit Justans not to proceed according to their own Will and private Affection for Talis discretio discretionem confundit as Wing at says fol. 201. So that the Question is not Whether the Judges could fine my Lord Devonshire but Whether they have kept themselves within the bounds and limits which the Law has set them It is so very evident as not to be made a Question whether in those things which are left to the Discretion of the Judges that the Law has set them bounds and limits which as God says to the Waves of the Sea Hitherto shalt thou go and no farther for either they are so restrained or else the Law does suppose them to be exempted from those Frailties and Passions which do attend the rest of Mankind But as they cannot be suppos'd to be void of Passions and Infirmities no less than other
us I fully agree with every man who is of that Opinion but if by this Assertion any would insinuate that there is a Plot against the King and Government carried on by all or any of the Dissenters besides that Plot of the Papists I cannot subscribe to it because where God Almighty permits me to use my Reason I cannot believe but upon clear evidence and I have not met with any thing that can warrant such an Opinion and therefore in things of this or the like nature we ought to explain our selves very clearly lest by leaving the matter under a doubtful construction we may against our intention cast an Imputation upon them who do not deserve it I am apt to believe that he who is most strongly possest with the Opinion That the Dissenters have formed a Plot against the King and Government will not adventure to justifie it before His Majesty and a Parliament and certainly that Opinion which will not abide the Test of the King and Parliament is not much to be valued But he who believes that there is a Popish Plot for the taking away of His Majesty's Life which God long preserve and the altering of Religion and Government may avow his Opinion to all the World because he has an undeniable Authority for it for His Majesty in Parliament and both Houses have declared no less but we do not find that His Majesty or either House of Parliament has made any Declaration that they have so much as in suspicion any other sort of People who are designing against his Life and the Government I think it is agreed by all that this Government is the best in the World for it gives the King a Prerogative whereby he may appear great both at home and abroad and it gives the Subject such a Right and Property in his Person and Goods that he cannot be deprived of either without his Consent unless for the breach of some known Law and besides Prerogative and Property help and support each other that is when they are rightly understood and applied for the Interest of King and People are as inseparable as the Sun and Light but when Prerogative and Property stand at a distance it is occasioned either by overgrown Favourites who by their Counsels and Actions have render'd themselves obnoxious to the publick and therefore so shroud themselves from Justice advise the King to insist upon something as his Prerogative which tends rather to hurt than preserve his just Prerogative or else from some ambitious restless Spirits who burr into the People that this or that is their Property which in the end will make their Just Rights to be Felo de se And what cares the one or other of these Make-bates for they are for the most part men of desperate Fortunes who having little or nothing to lose cannot doubt to reap advantage by the publick disturbance But to avoid the Evil on either Hand I think it would be a very good Rule to consider how far what is insisted on does quadrate with the Common Good and if they find that it does not agree to that Rule then to let it go as a thing that is against their true Interest It is agreed on all sides that there is a Plot for to Murther His Majesty and to alter the Religion and Government but whence our danger does arise who is the Common Enemy and against whom we are to unite is that which makes the Dispute and Divisions amongst us I take it to be an undeniable Truth That every State or Kingdom must expect to receive the most frequent and greatest Affronts and Injuries from such of their Neighbours whose Support and Interest does least depend upon them And every Government must in reason expect its Disturbances and Disquiets from such Subjects whose Interest does least depend upon the preservation of the Government And though I will not hastily judge any Man yet when there is a Plot against the Religion and Goverument they are with most reason to be under the suspicion of it who are of a contrary Religion and acknowledge a foreign Jurisdiction until there is very good Proof to charge it upon some other People I am verily perswaded that there are several Papists in England whose Quietness of Temper may make them very averse to give the Nation any disturbance and I heartily wish they were all such But when I consider the greater number of them and the Slavery they are under to their Priests I must be under an apprehension that they cannot intend us any good because their Religion is oppofite to ours and they look upon themselves as under another Jurisdiction but I know that not many years since Popery was a thing of a remote consideration and that they who declared their Fears of it were by those who called themselves the King's Friends accounted Enemies to the King and ill-affected to the Government Yet since the discovery of the Plot has proved their Fears were not groundless I suppose it is no difficult point to determine who are to be blamed they who were afraid of Popery or they who reprehended them so severely for their Fears for the Proof of the present Conspiracy of the Papists is so clear and evident that there remains no room for a Doubt whether there is such a Plot or no. And who is not confirmed in this Opinion since His Majesty and both Houses of Parliament have declared That there has been and still is a damnable and bellish Conspiracy contrived and carried on by the Popish Recusants for the assassinating and murthering the King for subverting the Government and destroying the Protestant Religion now by Law establish'd Now can any Man be so hardy as to think that His Majesty would lay so severe an Imputation upon a great part of his Subjects for God knows they are too many who are of that Perswasion or that the Parliament would pass so great a Censure upon such a number of their Fellow-Subjects without plain and evident Testimony and such as must convince every man but he who will not believe for by this Declaration they have avowed their Opinion to the whole World And there is one thing which further confirms me in the belief of a Popish Plot because in some of the Evidence it is declared That the Papists never had such hopes of restoring their Religion since Q. Maries days as at this time for it seems they had prepared every thing to their Hearts desire if His Majesty were but out of the way and how near they have been to effect it is horrible to remember and it 's a wonder they have not done it since they have not stuck at any thing whereby they might attain it And if we also consider how many fair Opportunities they have had we may conclude that God Almighty has wonderfully preserved him and may he always have him in his keeping But notwithstanding all this some do take upon them to say That there is
ordained That all they which make Suggestions shall be sent with the same Suggestions before the Chancellor Treasurer and his Grand Councel and that they there find Surety to prove their Suggestions and incur the same Pain that the other should have had if he were attainted in case that his Suggestions be found evil And that then process of the Law be made against them without being taken and imprisoned against the form of the said great Charter and other Statutes 38 Ed. III. 9. As to the Article made at the last Parliament of those that make grievous Complaints to the King himself it is assented That if he that maketh the Complaint cannot prove his Intent against the Defendant by process limited in the same Article he shall be commanded to Prison there to abide till he hath made good to the Party of his Damages and of the Slander that he hath suffer'd by such occasion and after shall make Fine and Ransome to the King And the point contained in the same Article That the Plaintiff shall incur the same pain which the other should have if he were attainted shall be out in case that his Suggestion be found untrue 42 Ed. III. 3. At the Request of the Commons by their Petitions put forth in this Parliament to eschew the Mischiefs and Damage done to divers of his Commons by false Accusers which oftentimes have made their Accusations more for Revenge and singular Benefit than for the Profit of the King or his People which accused Persons some have been taken and sometimes caused to come before the King's Council by Writ and otherwise upon grievous Pain against the Law It is assented and accorded for the good governance of the Commons that no man be put to answer without Presentments before Justices or Matter of Record or by due Process and Writ original according to the old Law of the Land And if any thing from henceforth be done to the contrary it shall be void in the Law and holden for Error To the same purpose are the Statutes of 17 Rich. II. 6. 15 Hen. VI. 4. which you may peruse at your leisure and because I will not trouble you too long I will say no more of them but leave every man to make his own Observations upon the whole matter and so I 'll proceed to the Particulars of your Charge But Gentlemen if we invite our Friends to Dinner and the Gates and Doors are left open for all persons that please to come in and partake of what the Cellar and Kitchin will afford and no Violence or Rudeness is offer'd to any person this is not a Riot within the meaning of the Law and if any such thing shall be offer'd to your consideration I hope you will not take it to be your Duty to present it Gentlemen one thing more I will mention and then I will dismiss you There is a new Opinion which obtains very much which is this That a Grand Jury is oblig'd to find every Indictment without considering the Credibility of Persons that swear to it and the probability of what they swear I must confess I do not understand the reasonableness of this Doctrine for by this Rule a man has more play for any thing else than his Life First As to his Estate he has Relief three several ways first at Common Law secondly in Chancery and thirdly in Parliament As to his Reputation though he may be injured by a false Verdict yet by an Arrest of Judgment he may have another Hearing or else in process of time he may come to redeem his Credit some other way but when an Indictment is preferred against a Man for his Life and the Grand Jury are oblig'd to Find the Bill if it be Sworn to then that man has but one play for his Life and if the Petty Jury give a false Verdict there 's an end of him for there is no redemption from the Grave But besides if you are obliged of course to Find every Bill if it be sworn to and may not consider and deliberate upon the Evidence before you not only a great many will be put to causeless Trouble and unnecessary Charge but it will be an undervaluing of your Service and a lessening of the Trust that your Country reposes in you It is a new Doctrine and therefore it is not convenient to be too forward to put it into practise till time shall prove that it is agreeeble to the Fundamentals of the Government And now Gentlemen I will detain you no longer but do pray GOD to direct you in your Business Monarchy the Best Government AND THE ENGLISH Beyond all others WITH SOME RULES For the Choice of Members to Serve in Parliament Gentlemen of the Grand Jury IT is very probable that this is not the first time that all or many of you have been upon the Grand Jury and therefore I have great reason to believe that all or most of you are acquainted with what your Country expects from you this day and for that cause I shall contract my Discourse into as narrow a compass as the present occasion will permit but before I tell you the Particulars of your Charge I think it may not be impertinent considering the present juncture to give you a short account of the Government of England as it stands at this day Gentlemen Peace and Justice is the End of every Government under the Sun and this is then only to be hoped for when the King or Governour duly executes and administers the Laws and Justice and the People are disposed to obey and be governed by them therefore it does naturally follow that in every Government there is a Supreme Power to which all are to submit whilst that Power contains it self within the Laws for without this there can be no Order or Peace if every man will be his own Master and Judge in his own Case and not own a Superiour our condition would quickly be worser than that of the Brute Beasts for amongst them there seems to be a kind of Government Now that sort of Government appears to be most proper and agreeable to Mankind where the power and administration of the Laws and Justice is vested or setled in one single person And this is fully cleared by the course of Experience ever since the World began although some People are not so happy as to enjoy this Blessing But Gentlemen that Government which is under a single person I mean a King is more or less happy for the People according as it depends more upon the King's Will and so consequently less upon the Laws or else more upon the Laws and less upon the Pleasure of the King And this is the difference betwixt us and our neighbouring Nations our Government depends upon the Laws but theirs chiefly or for the most part upon the Will and Pleasure of their Kings and though no Government under the Sun be perfect in every point yet I think I may safely
affirm that ours is perfect in comparison of any other Government in the World for if we consider those Nations that have Parliaments that Assembly is of little or no use to the People but to pass into Laws the Edicts of their King But God be praised our Parliament is of far greater use and advantage to us for there it is that our Grievances are redressed and Laws that by process of time are become useless or burthensome are repealed and new and profitable Laws and Statutes are made and in a word Barliaments to our Neighbours are their Burden but our great Happiness Secondly All manner of Taxes and Impositions are laid upon the People at the Will and Pleasure of the King But we can have no Tax imposed upon us but by our Consent in Parliament and there is this peculiar to us from the rest of the World That no English-man can be taxed for his Hand-labour whereas in other Countries and especially France every man pays for what he gets by his Labour In France every Labourer pays two parts of three to the King as if he get Six pence in a day Four pence is paid immediately to the King's Officer Thirdly In other Countries War and Peace is made by the King without consulting the People and they are chargeable to that War tho' made without their Consent or against their Interest So it is with us our King has the sole power of making War and Peace but the Sinews of War is in the People I mean Money and that they cannot part with but with our own Consent And although the Matter of War and Peace is an Arcanum Imperii and that no man as some say may pry into it save they to whom the King is pleased to communicate it Yet I conceive in this our Government where the People are so essential a part of it that they ought to be satisfied with the Ground and Reason of the War before they make themselves chargeable to it and the People are not bound to support every War that the King may engage in for methinks it 's all the reason in the World that a Man should be satisfied with the Cause before he part with his Money and I think that Man is very unworthy of the Honour to serve his Country in Parliament who shall give away the Peoples Money for any other thing but what shall be effectually for the good and advantage of the People and Nation Fourthly The Estates and Goods are taken from the People without assigning a Reason of it but only that it is the Mind of the King to have it so But here no Man can be deprived of his Estate or Goods but by due course of Law for Possession is that the Law is very tender of But although some say That the King's Commission may not be resisted in any case whatsoever I shall not argue that point because this is not a proper time for it and I hope we shall never have occasion to try it if it ever should happen I 'll lay the Blame at the door of his Ministers for our King is a merciful Prince and loves not such things Yet this I am sure cannot be denied That every Man's House is his Castle and may defend himself and his Goods against those that shall assault or molest him and I cannot believe that Man can be really a Friend either to his King or Country but rather does it out of some sinister end or to curry Favour with the Court that shall extol the King's Prerogative above the Laws because this Doctrine if true quite destroys the Fundamentals of our Government for if ever you set the King above Laws then it must necessarily follow that the King derives his Title to the Crown of England not from the Laws of England but from something else but I am sure that man does the King no great Service who puts the King to seek his Title to the Crown of England any where else than from the Laws of England To set the King above all Law but that of his own Will does so directly tax the Justice of God Almighty that I cannot believe him to be a good Christian that is of that Opinion Fifthly In other Countries the Subjects are Imprisoned and Hanged at the Command of the King without any other Reason given But none of us can be deprived of Life Limb or Liberty but for some Offence first committed against some known Law Sixthly Our Neighbours are pressed and forced to serve in foreign Countries against their Wills and are hanged for refusing Our King may press any of us for the defence of the Nation but I never heard that the King could press any English-man to serve beyond the Seas Seventhly In other Countries though the King or his Officers commit never so many or great Outrages and Cruelties upon the People yet have the People no Remedy against either the King or his Officers But with us though our Law says That the King can do no Wrong yet his Officers and Ministers may and if any Man shall do an unlawful thing though by the King's Command that man is accountable to the People for it and it is the Right of every English-man to call him to account for if neither the King nor his Officers are answerable for a breach of the Laws then our Laws signifie nothing and are but a dead Letter and we no better than Slaves These Particulars I have now mentioned I suppose may be sufficient to convince any reasonable man of the Excellency of our Government I shall not proceed further into Particulars or discourse how and with what Caution all our Laws are made and how Justice is administred in all Cases for I should not only weary you but want time to finish so great a Work therefore I shall say this in part That in no Government in the World the People live with such Liberty and Security of what we enjoy when the Laws are duly observed and followed as we do no Prince more safe and happy than ours when he holds to the Laws and it is the mutual Interest of both King and People to maintain the Laws It is the Interest of the People to support the King in his Legal Prerogative and it is the Interest of the King to preserve the People in their due Rights and Liberties for the Happiness of one is bound up in the Welfare of the other There is a certain ballance betwixt the King's Prerogative and the Peoples Properties and he that endeavours to turn the Scales to either side does in effect endeavour the destruction of both for the Interest of the King and People are so interwoven that we cannot separate or distinguish one from the other In a word our Government is both the Envy and Admiration of our Neighbours But Gentlemen notwithstanding our excellent frame of Government yet I find that many are impatient under it and thirst extreamly after that which is called a Common