at all because some of the Lords were not come by reason of foule weather shortnesse of warning or other publike imployments all their personall presence in Parliament being reputed necessary and expedient And 20. R. 2. N. 8. The Commons themselves in Parliament required the King to SEND FOR SUCH BISHOPS and LORDS WHO WERE ABSENT to come to the Parliament before they would consult of what the Chancellor propounded to them in the Kings name and behalfe to consider of To recite no more ancient Presidents in the Parliament of 2. Caroli the Earle of Arundell sitting in the Parliament being committed by the King to the Tower of London about his sonnes marriage May 25 1626. without the Houses privity and consent whereby their Priviledges were infringed and the House deprived of one of their Members presence thereupon the Houses of Peeres adjourned themselves on the 25 and 26. of May without doing any thing and upon the Kings refusall to release him they adjourned from May 26. till June 2. refusing to sit and so that Parliament disolved in discontent his imprisonment in this case being a breach of Priviledge contrary to Magna Charta And not long after the beginning of this Parliament upon the Kings accusation and impeachment of the Lord Kimbolton and the five Members of the Commons House * An Exact collection part 1. both Houses adjourned and sate not as Houses till they had received satisfaction and restitution of those Members as the Journals of both Houses manifest it being an high breach of their Priviledges contrary to the Great Charter If then the Kings bare not summoning of some Peares to Parliament who ought to sit there by their right of Perage or impeaching or imprisoning any Peere unjustly to disable them to sit personally in Parliament be a breach of the fundamentall Lawes of the Realme and of Magna Charta it selfe confirmed in above 40. succeeding Parliaments then the Lords right to sit vote and Judge in Parliament is as firme and indisputable as Magna Charta can make it and consented to and confirmed by all the Commons people and Parliaments of England that ever consented to Magna Charta though they be not eligiable every Parliament by the freeholders people as Knights and Burgesses ought to be and to deny this birth-right and Priviledge of theirs is to deny Magna Charta it selfe and this present Parliaments Declarations and proceedings in the case of the Lord Kimbolton a member of the House of Peers Fifthly The ancient Treatise intituled * See Cooke â— Justit p. 12. for the Antiquity and for the Authority of this Treatise The manner of holding Parliaments in England in Edward the Confessors time before the Conquest rehearsed afterwards before William the Conqueror by the discreet men of the Kingdome and by himselfe approved and used in his time and in the times of his Successors Kings of England if the Title be true and the Treatise so ancient as many now take it to be determines thus of the Kings and Lords right to be personally present in all Parliaments The King IS bound by all meanes possible TO BE PRESENT AT THE PARLIAMENT unlesse he be detained or let there from by BODILY SICKNESSE and then he may keep his Chamber yet so THAT HELYE NOT WITHOUT THE MANOUR OR TOWNE WHERE THE PARLIAMENT IS HELD and then he ougth to send for twelve persons of the greatest and best of them that are summoned to the Parliament that is two Bishops two EARLES two BARONS two Knights of the Shire two Burgesses and two Citizens to looke upon his person to testifie and witnesse his estate and in their presence he ought to make a Commission and give Authority to the Archbishops of the Peace the steward of England and Cheife Justice that they joyntly and severally should begin the Parliament and continue the same in his name expresse mention being made in that Commission of the cause of his absence then which ought to suffice and admonish the OTHER NOBLES cheife men in the Parliament together with the evident testimony of the twelve Peers of theirs The reason is BECAVSE THERE WAS WONT TO BE A CRY OR MURMVR IN THE PARLIAMENT FOR THE KINGS ABSENCE BECAUSE HIS ABSENCE IS HURTFULL and DANGEROUS TO THE WHOLE COMMONALTY OF THE PARLIAMENT and KINGDOME WHEN THE KING SHALL BE ABSENT FROM HIS PARLIAMENT Neither indeed OUGHT OR MAY HE BE ABSENT BUT ONELY IN THE CASE AFORESAID After which it followes The Archbishops Bishops and other cheife of the Clergy ought to be summoned to come to the Parliament and Also EVERY EARLE and BARON and their PEERS OUGHT TO BE SUMMONED and COME TO THE PARLIAMENT c. Touching the beginning of the Parliament The Lord the King shall sit in the miâ—st of the great bench and is bound to be present in the first and last day of Parliament And the Chancellors Treasurer and Barons of the Eschequer and justices were wont to record the defaults made in Parliament according to the order following In the third day of the Parliament the Barons of the Cinqueports shall be called and after wards the BARONS of England after them the EARLES Whereupon if the Barons of the Cinqueports be not come the Barony from whence they are shall be amerced at an hundred markes and an Earle at one hundred pounds After the same manner it must be done to those who are Peers to Earles and Barons After which it relates the manner of place of the Earles Barons and Peers in Parliament Then addes The Parliament may be held and OVGHT every day to begin at one of the clocke in the afternoone at which time THE KING IS TO BE PRESENT AT THE PARLIAMENT and ALL THE PEERS OF THE KINGDOME None of all the Peers of the Parliament MAY OR OUGHT TO DEPART alone from the Parliament unlesse he have obtained and that in full Parliament leave from the KING and of ALL HIS PEERS so to doe and that with all there be a remembrance kept in the Parliament roll of such leave and Liberty granted And if any of the Peers during the terme of the Parliament shal be sick or weake so as he is not able to come to the Parliament then he ought three dayes together send such as may excuse him to the Parliament or else two Peers must go and view him and if they finde him sicke then he may make a Proxy Of the Parliament the King is the Head the beginning and ending So this ancient Treatise The Statute of 5. R. 2. Parl. 2. ch 4. enacts by COMMAND of the King and ASSENT of the Prelates LORDS and COMMONS in Parliament That all and singular persons and Commonalties which from henceforth shall have the Summons of the Parliament shall come from henceforth to the Parliament in the manner AS THEY BE bound TO DOE and hath been ACCVSTOMED within the Realme of England OF OLD TIME And every person of the said Realme which from henceforth shall have the
this to the Lords not only against Peers but Commoners of which there are hundreds of presidents this very Parl Therefore the House of Lords hath the proper right of judicatory vested in them not the Commons who are rather informers prosecutors and Grand-Jury men to inform and impeach then Judges to hear censure or determine Seventhly those who are proper Judges in any Court of justice whiles the cause is judging sit in their * 25 E. 3. c. 2. 20 R 2. c. 3. 6 R. 2. c. 5. 14 H. 6. c. 3. â— R. 2. c. 3. 2 R. 2. c. 10. Robes covered on the bench not stand bare at the bar swear examine the witnesses in the cause not produce them or manage the evidence when the cause is fully heard argue and debate the businesse between themselves and give the definitive sentence But in cases that are to be tried judged in Parl the Lords only sit covered and in their Robes upon the Bench but the Comons stand bare at the Bar the Lords only swear and examine the witnesses and judge of their testimony the Commons only u Coke 4. Instit p. 24. produce the witnesses or presse and manage the evidence and when the businesse is fully heard the Lords only debate the businesse among themselves and give the finall Sentence and Judgment without the CoÌ„mons and that both in cases of Comoners and Peers Therefore the Lords or house of Peers are sole Judges in Parl not the CoÌ„mons And that they are and alwaies have been so de facto unlesse by way of Bil of Attainder or in such extraordinary cases when their concurrence hath been desired I shall prove by most clear and infallible evidence To pretermit the * Mr. Seldens Titles of Honor part 7. c. 5 p. 632 633 705 706. judgment of the Earls Barons in Parl in the case of Earl Goodwin for the murther of Alfred in K. Edw. Conf. reign before the Conquest and the judgment of the Barons the Lords in Parl against Tho Becket Arch-b of Can. in K. Hen. 2. raign cited by M. Selden of which you may chuse the same with the punctuall authority of Andr. Horne in his Mirror of Justices c. 1. § 2. forecited First in Pleas of the Crown and other Common Pleas plainly â—â—able in Parl as well between CoÌ„moners as Peers the Pleas have been exhibited heard and judgement given upon them by the King and Lords joyntly or the King alone by which the Lords assent or by the Lords themselves without the CoÌ„mons as is evident by the Parli Rolls and Pleas in Parl in K. Ed. 1. 2. 3. 4. Ric. 2. Hen. 4. 5. 6. where there are hundreds of instances to confirm it some of them printed in Sir Edw. Cokes 3 Instit c. 1 2. and M. St Johns Argument in Law upon the Bill of Attainder against the Earl of Strafford Secondly in all * 18 E. 1. rot Parl. t. 4 E. 3. n. 13. 21 E. 3. n. 65. 28 E. 3. n. 11 12. 50 E. 3. n. 48. 1 R. 2. n. 28 29 104. 2 R. 2. n. 36 37 31 32 33. Parl. 2. n. 21 to 27. 3 R. 2. n. 19 20 21. 7 R. 2. Parl. 2. n. 23 24. 8 R. 2. n. 14 15. 13 R. 2. n. 15 16. 15 R. 2. 22 23. 17 R. 2. n. 13 14 15 19. 18 R. 2. n. 11 10 16. 21 R. 2. n. 25 55 to 66. 1 H. 4. n. 91. 2 H. 4 n. 47 48. 5 H. 4. n. 40. 6 H. 4. n. 31 61 62. 3 H. 5. n. 19. 10 H. 6. n. 51. Writs of Error brought in Parl by Peers or CoÌ„moners to reverse any erroneous judgements touching their reall or personall Estates lives or attainders The KING LORDS ONLY ARE JUDGES and the proceedings upon such Writs are ONLY BEFORE THE LORDS IN THE UPPER House secundum Legem coâ—suetudinem Parliamenti So Sr Ed. Coke in direct terms in his 4. Instit p. 21 22 23. where he produceth divers presidents of such writs of Error out of the Parl Rolls and present experience manifests as much in all the the writs of Error brought this Parl adjudged and determined by the King and Lords alone without the privity of interposition of the CoÌ„mons A truth so clear that Lilburne himself in his Argument against the Lords Jurisidiction confesseth it and the Parl Rolls quoted in the Margine with sundry others resolve past all dispute If then the Lords be the sole Judges in all writs of Error concerning the goods estates free-holds inheritances lives and attainders of the Commoners of England notwithstanding the statute of Magna Charta c. 29. No Free-man shall be taken or imprisoned or disseised of his Free-holder Liberties of Free-customes nor outlawed nor exiled neither will we passe upon him nor condemn him but by THE LAWFUL IUDGMENT OF HIS PEERS c. the grand and principall objection against their Iudicature then by the self-same reason they are and may lawfully proceed against them in all other civill or criminall causes especially breaches of ther own priviledges of which themselves are the sole and only Iudges the cases of Lilburne and Overton properly triable in Parliament Thirdly in all Petitions and complaints against CoÌ„moners for redresse of grievances the King and Lords are the sole and proper Tuns and Judges not the CoÌ„moners as appears by all the Parl Rolls in former times wherein we find in the beginning of every Parl some Assistants of the Lords house appointed by them to be receivers of the Petitions of England Ireland Wales Scotland others appointed receivers of the Petitions of Gascoyne other parts beyond the Seas and the Isles of Jersy and Gernsey c. And some Lords appointed tryers of those Petitions who had power given them to call the L d Chancellor Treasurer Steward Chamberlain the Judges Kings Serjeants and others to their assistance prescribing also by what day the Petitions should all be exhibited and the place where they should be examined All particular persons usually presenting all their grievances and petitions immediately to the King Lords without any addresse to the CoÌ„mons by Petitions as now of late there being no Petitions of record in the Parl Rolls addressed immediately and originally to the Commons that I can find And towards the end of the Parl Rolls there is this Title usually The Petitions of the CoÌ„moners containing all Petitions of the CoÌ„mons house for redresse of publick or particular injuries and grievances presented to the King in the Lords house and answered by the King alone with the consent of the Prelats Counts Barons with which answers the Commons rested satisfied whether granted or denied as ofttimes they were Of which you may read somthing in Sr E. Cokes 4. Instit p. 16. more in the Records themselves Fourthly in all criminal causes in Parl by way of accusation impeachment or indictment the King Lords were the proper Judges as is evident by Placita Coronae coram
said Sommons be he Archbishop Bishop Abbot Prior DUKE LORD BARON Baronet Knight of the Shire Citizen of City Burgesse of Burgh or other singular person or Commonalty do absent himselfe or come not at the said Summons except he may reasonably or honestly excuse himself to our Soveraigne Lord THE KING HE SHALL BE AMERCED and OTHERWAYES PVNISHED ACCORDING AS OF OLD TIME HATH BEEN USED TO BE DONE within the said Realme in the SAID CASE Which relates unto and agrees expresly with that forecited out of Modus tenendi Parliamentum If then all the Judges and Peares in Parliament are bound to attend the Parliament not to depart without the Kings and Houses leave under paine of Amercement and other punishment as this Statute resolves and 3. Ed. 3. 19. Fit 2. Câ—ron 161. Stamford l 3. c. 1. f. 153. Cooke Instit p. 15. 16. 17. 43 18. E. 3. Mo. 1. 2 8. and 31. H. 6. n. 46. What fine were imposed on absent Lords manifest then questionlesse they ought of right to sit in Parliament else it were the height of Injustice thus to fine them In the tenth yeare of King â— * Grafâ—oâ—â— Cron. p. ◠〈◊〉 350. 2. this King absented himselfe from his Parliament then sitting at Westminster residing at Eltham about forty dayes and refusing to come to the Parliament and yet demanding from them foure fifteenes for maintenance of his Estate and outward Wars Whereupon the whole body of the Parliament made this answer THAT VNLESSE THE KING WERE PRESENT THEY WOULD MAKE THEREIN NO ALLOWANCE Soone after they sent the Duke of Gloucester and Bishop of Ely Commissioners to the King to Eltham who declared to him among other things in the Lords and Commons behalfe how that by AN OLD ORDINANCE THEY HAVE AN ACT if the King absent himselfe 40. dayes not being sicke but of his owne minde not heeding the charge of his people nor their great paines and will not resort to the Parliament they may then lawfully returne to their Houses And now sir said they you have beene absent a longer time and yet refuse to come amongst us which is greatly to our discontent To which the King answered Well we doe consider that our owne people and Commons goe about to rise against vs wherefore we thinke wee can doe no better then to aske ayd of our Cosen the French King and rather to submit us to him then unto our owne subjects The Lords answered Sir that Counsell is not best but a way rather to bring you into danger c. By whose good perswasions the King was appeased and Promised to come to the Parliament and condiscend to their Petitions and according to his appointment he came and so the Parliament proceeded which else had dissolved by the Lords departure thence in discontent and the Kings wilfull absence Andrew Horne in his Mirrour of Justices in the raigne of King Edward the first writes That our Saxon Kings divided the Realme into 38 Counties over which they set so many Counts or Earles and though the King ought to have no Peers in his land but PARLIAMENTS all Writs and Plaints of the Moneys of the King Queene and their Children and of those especially who otherwise could not have common right of their wrongs These Companions are now called Counts after the latine word Comites For to the Estates of the Realme King Alfred assembled the COVNTS or Earles and ordained by a Perpetuall Law that twice a yeare or oftner they should assemble at London in Parliament to consult of the Government of the people of God Fleta l. 2. c. 2. p. 66. writes thus in the same Kings raigne Habet enim Rex curiam suam in concilio suo in Parliamentis suis PRAESENTIBUS Praelatis COMITIBUS BARONIBUS PROCERIBUS alijs viris peritis vbi terminatae sunt dubitationes judiciorum moris injuriis eversis nova constituuntur remedia And l. 17. c. 17. he writes thus Rex in populo regendo superiores habet Vidilicet legem perfactus est Rex Curiam suam to wit of Parliament videlicet COMITES BARONES Comites enim a Comitia dicuntur qui cum viderint Regem sine froeno Froenum sibi apponere TENENTVR ne clament sabditi Domine Jesu Christe in Chamo froeno maxillas eorum constringe Sir Thomas Smith in his Common-wealth of England * Bracton l. 2. c. 〈◊〉 l. 3. c 9. 〈◊〉 the like in the same words in Henry the 3. his reigne l. 2. c. 1. John Vowel and Ralph Hollinshed vol. 1. c. 6. p. 173. Mr. Cambden in his Britania p. 177. John Minshew in his Dictionary vuell in his Interpreter Title Parliament Powell in his Attornyes Academy and others unanimously conclude That the Parliament consisteth of the KING the LORDS SPIRITVALL and TEMPORALL and the Commons which STATES represent the body of all England which make but one assembly or Court called the Parliament and is of all other the Highest and greatest Authority and hath the most high and absolute power of the Realme And that no Parliament is or can be holden without the King and Lords Mr. Crompton in his Jurisdiction of Courts affirmes particularly of the High Court of Parliament f. 1. c. This Court is the highest Court of England in which the King himself fits in person and comes there at the beginning and end of the Parliament and AT ANY OTHER TIME WHEN HE PLEASETH ORDERING THE PARLIAMENT To this Court come ALL THE LORDS OF PARLIAMENT as well spirituall aâ— temporall and are severally summoned by the Kings writ at a certaine day and place assigned The Chancellour of England and other great officers or Judges are there likewise present together with the Knights Citizens and Burgesses who all ought to be personally present or else to be amerced and otherwise punished if they come not being summoned unlesse good cause be shewed or in case they depart without the Houses or Kings speciall license after their appearance before the Sessions ended And he resolves that the King Lords and Commons doe all joyntly make up the Parliament and that no Law nor Act of Parliament can be made to binde the subject without all their concurrent assents Sir Edward Cooke not onely in his Epistle before his ninth Report and Institutes on Littleton p. 109. 110. But likewise in his 4. Institutes published by Order of this present Parliament c. 1. p. 1. 2 c writes thus of the high Honorable Court of Parliament This Court consisteth OF THE KINGS MAJESTIE sitting there as in his royall politick capacity and of the three Estates of the Realme viz. Of the Lords Spirituall Archbishops and Bishops being in number 24. who sit there in respect of their Counties or Barronies parcell of their Bishopricks which they hold also in their politick capacity and every one of these when the Parliament is to be holden ought exdebito Justitiae to have a writ of summons The LORDS TEMPORALL Dukes Marquesses Earles
3. p. 156 157. where his words contradictions in this kinde are receited at larg as appeares by their severall Petitions and Complaints to them upon sundry occasions heretofore by their resorting to them for Justice against Strafford Canterbury and others Yea John Liburne himselfe till his late quarrell with them not onely acknowledged their very power of Judicature but highly applauded their Justice in his owne cause Petitioning and suing to them not onely for reversall of the sentence against him in Starchamber but likewise for dammages and reparations against his Prosecutors â—leading his cause by his Counsell before them as his proper Judges who thereupon by Judgement of the House vacated the Decree against him as illegall voted him Dammages and passed him an Ordinance for the recovery and levying thereof all which he himselfe both published in sundry of his printed Pamphlets wherein he acknowledgeth and extolleth their Justice Take but one passage for all in his Innocency and Truth justified p. 74. 75. If I be transmitted up to the Lords and confidently beleeve I shall get forward out of the former experiences of that Justice that I have found there and I will instance two particulars First when I was a Prisoner in the Fleet and secondly May the fourth one thousand sixe hundred forty one The King accused mee of High Treason and before the Lords barre was I brought for my life where although one Littleton servant to the Prince swore point blanke against mee yet had I free liberty to * He did not then demurr to their Jurisdiction speake for my selfe in the open House And upon my desire that Master Andrewes also might declare upon his Oath what hee knew about my businesse it was done And his Oath being absolutely contradictory to Master Littletons I was both freed from Littletons malice and the Kings accusation at the Barre of the whole House And for my part * Nota. I AM RESOLVED TO SPEAKE WELL OF THOSE THAT HAVE DONE ME JUSTICE and not to doubt THEY WILL DENY IT MEE till such time as by experience I finde they doe it And at that time he was so much for the Lords that he writes most disgracefully derogatorily of the Commons and other his Confederates by his example and of their want of power injustice and proceedings d His â—etter to a friend-Innocency and truth justified His â—etters to the Generall Hen. Martin L. G. Cromwell Englands Birthright See Mr. Edw. Gangraena part 3. p. 146. to 228. quarrells onely with them and their Committees for their delayes and injustice towards him telling them to their faces in many of his former and late printed Libels That they have no power at all to commit or examine him or any other Commoner of England without the Lords nor yet to give or take an Oath That they are but a peece and lowest part of the Parliament not a Parliament alone That they can make no binding Votes Ordinances or Lawes nor commit nor command any Commoner without the Lords and in one or two Pamphlets he endeavours to prove them to be now no lawfull House of Commons at all nor would hee ever acknowledge them to be so and that he would make no more conscience of cutting theirs and the Lords throates the Tyrants and Oppressors at Westminster then of killing so many Weasels and Polcats with many other like scurrilous and mutinous expressions His owne printed Papers Petitions and Actions therefore are an unanswerable confutation of his malicious contradictions of their Authority and judicature since for their exemplary justice on him and he must either now re-acknowledge their right of sitting voting and judging in Parliament to be lawfull or else renounce his owne former Petitions and addresses to them for justice retract all his former printed Papers asserting their Power and judicature and extolling their justice yea disclaime their judgment for vacating his owne Sentence in the Starchamber their awarding him Dammages and passing an Ordinance to recover them as meerly null and voyd being made before no lawfull or competent Judges as now he writes since not elected by the peoples Votes And let those his followers who admire him for his Law observe these his palpable and invincible contradictions and be ashamed and afraid to follow such an ignorant and erronious guide who writes onely out of malice and faction not of judgement as his contradictions evidence 11ly The Acts for preventing the inconveniences happening by the long intermission of Parliaments And to prevent the inconveniences which may happen by the untimely adjourning proroging or dissolving the Parliament made this Parliament and assented to by the King at the Commons importunity confirme the Lords interrest and right to sit and Vote in Parliament beyond all dispute and give them anâ—w power to summone a Parliament themselves in some cases â—â— ly The ancient forme still continued till this day of dismissing Parliaments and dissolving them by the Kings licensive THE LORDS and COMMONS TO DEPART HOME and TAKE THEIR EASE 37. E. 3. n. 34. 38. E. 3. n. 18. 40. E. 3. n. 16. 43. E. 3. n. 34. 45. E. 3. n. 8. 13. 47. E. 3. n. 7. and all Parliaments since proves their right of sitting in and attending the service of the Parliament in person without speciall licence of the King during its continuance in dispite of all ignorant cavils to the contrary Having thus impregnably evinced the Lords undoubted right to sit and vote in Parliament though they be not elective by the peoples voyces as Knights and Burgesses are I shall next discover unto our illiterate Ignoramusses who oppose this their right the justice and good grounds and reasons of our Ancestors why they instituted the Lords and Peers to sit and vote in Parliament by right of their Nobility and Peerage which will abundantly satisfie rationall men and much confirme their right First the Nobles and Great Officers in all Kingdomes and in our Kingdome too in respect of their education birth experience and imployment in State-affaires have alwayes been generally reputed the wisest and best experienced Common-wealths men best able to advise and Councell the King and Kingdome in all matters of Government Peace or War as our Historians Antiquaries Polititians and Records acknowledge and attest whence they were antiently stiled e Mr. Seldenâ— Titles of honour part 3. ch 5. Sir Edward Cookes Epistle to the 9. Report and â— Instit p. 120. 4. Instit p. 2. Cambdens Brit. p. 177. Spelmanni Concil Tom. 1. Aeldermen Wisemen Magnates Optimates Sapientes Sapientissimi Clarissimi viri Conspicui Clarique viri Primates Nobiles c. in our Historians and Records and our Parliaments in that respect are frequently stiled in ancient times Consilium SAPIENTVM upon which Grounds our Kings and * 1. E. 3. n. 36. 55 56. 45 E. 3. n. 15 16. 50 E. 3. n. 10. to 14. 1 R. 2. n. 10. to 27 47 50 51. 112 113. 17 R. 2. c. 1
E. 3. nu 22. 23 E. 3. nu 7. to 17. The sole question men will be Whether the House of Peers have any lawfull power of Judicature in or â—ver the causes and Persons of the Commoners of England in matter civill or criminall so farre as to judge their Causes or censure fine imprison or condemne their persons in any case without the Commons This the ignorant sottish sectaries Levellers seduced by their blinde guides Lilburne and Overton peremptorily deny without the least shadow of truth or reason the contrary whereof I shall infallibly make good to their perpetuall shame and refutation First our Histories Law-books and Records agree that in ancient times our Earls who were called Comites or Counts from the word County had the chief Government and Rule of most of the Counties of this Realmne under the King and that they and the Barons were the proper Judges of the common peoples Causes in the Tournes County-Courts County Barons even by vertue of their Dignities and Offices as our Sheriffes have now in which Courts they did instruct the people in the Lawes of the Land and administer Justice to them in all ordinary and criminall causes For proof whereof you may peruse at leasure M. Seldens Titles of Honour Part 2. c. 5. Sect. 5. Sir Edw. Cookes Institutes on Magna Charta c. 35. His 4. Institutes c. 53 Spelmanni Glossarium Tit. Comites M. Lamberts Archaion Hornes Mirrour of Justices c. 1. Sect. 2 3. If then they were Judges of the Commons and People in the Country by reason of their Honours Dignities even in ancientest times in ordinary Causes there was great right and reason too they should be so their Judges also in all their extraordinary causes as well criminall as civill Secondly The Lords Peers and great Officers of State in respect of their education learning and experience in all proceedings of Justice and State affaires are better able and more fit to be Judges of Parl then ordinary Citizens and Burgesses for the most part especially if chosen out of the Cities and Burroughes themselves for which they serve as anciently they were and still ought to be by the Statutes of 1 H. †7 R. 2. Parl. 2. n. 19 20. 17 R. 2. n. 17. 5. c. 1. 32 H. 6. c. 15. and the very purport of the writs for their election at the very day de qualibet Civitare Com. predict DVOS CIVES de quolibet Burgâ— DVOS BVRGENSES imports who have better knowledge and skill in Marchandice their severall Trades then in matters of Judicature Law or State Therefore the Right of Judicature was thought meet even by the Commons themselves to be lodged vested in the House of Peeres who are the 〈◊〉 and fittest of the two rather then in the Commons House as I shall prove anon Thirdly since the division of the Houses one from another which is very ancient and not certainly known when first made the House of Peers hath been ever furnished with the ablest Temporall and Spirituall persons for their Assistants in judgment and advice to wit all the Judges Å¿ See Modus tenendi Parliamentum Vowell Cowell Crompton Sir Thomas Smith Coke and others 17 E. 3. n. 23. 21 E. 3. n. 7. 7. R. 2. n. 30 31. 9 R. 2 n. 13. 2 R. 2. part 2. n. 27. 31 H. 6. n. 26 27 28. 28 H. 6. n. 6. of the Realm Barons of the Exâ—hequer of the Coyse the Kings learned Councell the Masters of the Chancery that are Courtiers or Lawyers the Master of the Rolls the Principall Secretaries of State and other eminent persons for parts and learning and the Procuratores Cleri all which are called by Writ to assist and give their attendance in the upper House of Parliament where they have no voices and are to give their counsel and advice only to the Lords when they require their assistance For proof whereof you may consult the Statutes of 31 H. 8. c. 10 Register 261. Fitz. Nat Bre 229. a. b. M. Seldens Titles of Honor p. 2. c. 5. Sir Edw. Cokes 4. Instit p. 4 5 6 44 45 46. and the Parl Rolls and Authorities there cited by them seconded by our present experience Now the House of Peers being thus assisted with the advice of all the Iudges of England the Kings learned Councell and other ablest to advise them in all Civill or Ecclesiasticall matters were and are in this regard thought fittest by our Ancestors and the Commons themselves in Parl 1 H. 4. n. 79 who have no such assistants to have the principall and sole power of Judicature in all or most civill or criminall causes between Commoner and Commoner that proper for the Parliaments Iudicature by way of relief redresse or censure Fourthly there can be no judgement given in any of the Kings Courts Sâ—e The Preeholders Grand Inquest p. 2 5. but when the King is personally or representatively present sitting upon the Tribunall and where the proceedings are CORAM REGE But the King sits personally and representatively present in the House of Peers not in the House of CoÌ„mons where nothing is said to be done Coram Rege And therefore in the end of most ancient Parl Rolls we find the Title Placita Corona CORAM DOMINO REGE IN PARLIAMENTO SVO c. Therefore the House of Peers only not the Commons are the true and proper judicatory whence the King the supream Judge sits usually in Person Fiftly there can be no legall triall or Judgement given in Parl without examination of witnesses upon oath as in all other Courts of justice But the House of Peers alone have power to give and examine witnesses upon * 7 R. 2. par 2â— n. 16. Oath and the whole House of Commons no such power but to take Informations without Oath which they nor their Committees cannot administer unlesse by Order and Commission from the Lords Therefore the power of judicature in Parl is inherent only in the House of Poers and not in the Commons House Sixtly it is a rule both of Law and common Justice * Littleton sect 212. Coke ibid. 4 E. 3 7. 2 H. 6. 10. 14 H. 4. 8. 2 R. 2. 29. 5 H. 7. 8. Bur. Challeng 23 42 71 that no man be an informer prosecutor and judge too of the persons prosecuted and informed against it being against all grounds of justice But the CoÌ„mons in all ancient and in this present Parl have been informers and prosecutors in nature of a t Cokes 4. Instit p. 24. Grand Inquest to which some compare them summoned from all parts of the Kingdom to present publick grievances and Delinquents to the King and Peers for their redresse witness their many impeachments accusations and complaints sent up and prosecuted by them in * 50 E. 3. n. 5. to 37. 21 R. 2. n. 14 15 16. 28 H. 6. n. 14 to 52 31 H. 6. n. 45 64. 38 H. 6. n. 38. former parl
Domino Rege in Parliamente sue at the end of each Parliam Roll wherein the King and Lords or only the King and Lords alone generally gave Iudgement of imprisonment fine banishment and death it self even against CoÌ„moners themselves without the Commons the thing now principally controverted and denied for proof whereof I shall cite some few punctuall presidents and records in stead of many which might be insisted on In the famous Parl held at Claredon x Mat. Paris p. 6 97. M. Seldens Titles of Honor part 2. c 5 p. 703. 705 under K. Hen. 2. 〈◊〉 D. 1164. there was a recognition made of all the ancient Customs of the Realm which all the Prelats Abbots Earls Barons and Nobles swore firmly to observe to the King and his Successors whereof this was one That the Arch-b Bishops and other Clergy men who held of the King in Capite by Barony Sicut caeteri Barones debent interesse JVDCIIS CVRIAE REGIS CVM BARONIBVS * Petrus Blesâ—sis De Instit Episcopi Bibl Patrum tom 12. par 2. p. 447 quousque perveniatur AD DIMINVTIONEM MEMBRORVM VEL AD MORTEM which proves the power and right of Iudicature even in those times and long before to be setled in the Barons as well in Parliament as in the Sheriffs Tourne and that in case of Commoners as Peers In the Parliament of 4. E. 3. num 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. Roger Mortimer Earle of March a Peer Sir Simon Bereford Knight of Councell and assistant to the said Earle John Mautravers Bose de Bayous and Iohn Deverall for being guilty of the death of Edward Earle of Kent Thomas Gournay VVilliam of Ocle for murthering King Edward the second after his deposition were attainted and condemned of High treason and some of them then in cuâ—â—odie accordingly executed by Iudgement of the Lords and Peeres alone who AS JUDGES OF THE LAW by the Kings consent gave judgement of death against them as the Parliament Rolls more largely relate It is true indeed that after these Judgements given the LORDS the same Parliament num 6. entred this Protestation * See Cooke 2. Instit p. 50. That alboit the Lords and Peers of the Realme AS JUDGES OF THE PARLIAMENT in the presence of the King had taken upon them to give Judgement of such who were NO PEERS OF THE REALM that he eafter NO PEERS should be compelled to give Judgement ON ANY OTHERS WHO WERE NOT THEIR PEERS according to the Law From this Protestation of the Lord which Lilburne principally insists on hee and * Cooke 2. Instit p. 50. some others conolude that the Peers in Parliament have no right at all to imprison fine judge or passe sentence of death against any Commoner for any offence no not for breach of their own Priviledges but only the Commons To which objection I answer First that this is no Act of Parliament as Sir Edwards Cooke mistakes but a bare Protestation of the Lords without Kings or Commonâ— assent and that neither the House of Commons nor the Commoners then attainted of Treason and judged to death by the Lords ever demurred or excepted against their Jurisdiction as Lilburne and Overton doe but acknowledged and submitted to it Secondly That in this very Protestation the Lords professe and justifie their right of BEING JVDGES in Parliament without admitting or acknowledging any joynt or sole right of Judicature with them in Parliament in the Commons Thirdly That this Protestation was meerly voluntary not in derogation but preservation of their own Honour and Peerage and the Parliaments too and the substance of it no more then this That the Lords in Parliament should not bee constrained against their wills by the Kings command and in his presence to give judgement of death in ordinary cases of treason or Felony in the high Court of Parliament against such who were no Peers who in such caseâ— * Magn. Ch. c. 29. 25. E. 3. c. 2. 4. 28. E. 3. c. 3. 37. E. 3. c. 8. 42. E. 3. c. 3. Cooke 2. Instit p. 50 51. by the Law might and ought to be tried in the Kings Courts at VVestminster or before the Iustices of Oyer and Terminer by a Iury of their equalls but onely in such cases which could not well be tried else-where and were proper for their Judgement in Parliament This is the whole summe and sence of their protestation To argue therefore from hence That they cannot passe sentence or judgement against any Commoners in any case proper for their Judicature in Parliament because they protested only against being COMPELLED to gâ—ve Judgement against such as were no Peers in cases triable else-where and not proper for their tribunall as the Objectors hence conclude is quite to mistake their meaning and to speak rather non-sence then reason or Law Fourthly This Protestation was made only against the Lords giving sentence in Felony and Treason and that in the Kings own presence in Parliament who usually pronounced the Judgement himself with the Lords assent and did not charge the Lords to pronounce it as here hee did not against sentencing fining and imprisoning any Commoner for rayling and Lybelling against their Persons Jurisdiction and proceedings refusing to answer and contemning their Authority to their faces at the Barre and appealing from their Judicature in case of breach of Priviledge of which themselves alone and no others are or can be Judges the case of Lilburne and Overton whose commitments are warranted by hundreds of Presidents in this and former Parliaments Therefore for them to apply this Protestation to their cases with which it hath no Analogy is a manifestation of their injudiciousnesse and folly rather then a justification of their Libellous Invectives against the Lords injustice Lastly this Protestation did not foreclose the Lords in this or future Parliaments to give Judgement against Commoners in other cases of Felony and Treason even without the Commons To prove this by some instances In the Parliament of 1. H. 4. Placita Coronae num 11. to 17. Iohn Hall being in custody of the Marshall of England and brought by him before the Lords in Parliament and there charged by him by VValter Clâ—pton Lord chiefe Justice by the Kings command with having a hand in the murther of the Duke of Glocester who was smothered to death with a featherbed at Calayes by King Richard the seconds command the whole relation whereof he confessed at large and put in writing before James Billing ford Clerk of the Crown which was read before the Lords upon reading whereof the King and ALL THE TEMPORALL LORDS IN PARLIAMâ—NT resolved that the said Iohn Hall by his own confession deserved to have as hard a death as they could adjudge him to because the Duke of Glocester was so high a Person and thereupon TOVTE LES SEIGNEIURS TEMPORELZ per assent du ROY ADJVGGERâ—Nâ— all the temporall Lords by assent of the King AJVDGED that the said Joh. Hall should be drawn from Tower
hill unto the Gallows at Tiburn there kenelled his bowels laid before him and after he should be hanged beheaded and quartered and his head sent to Calayes where the murther was committed and his quarters sent to other places where the King should please and thereupon command was given to the Marshall of England to make execution accordingly and it was so done the same day Lo here the Lords in Parliament gâ—ve judgement against a Commoner in case of a murther done at Calayes and so not triable at the Kings Bench but in Parliament and passe a judgement of High treason on him for murthering of a great Peere only And which is most remarkable all the Commons In this very Parliaments of 1 H. 4. nu 70. Nov 3. made their Protestation and further remonstrated to the King Nota. Com LES JVGGEMENTS DV PARLEMENT APEIRTEIGNENT SOVLEMENT AV ROY ET AS SEIGNEIVRS ET NIENT AS COMMVNES how the judgement of the Parl. appertained ONLY TO THE KING and TO THE LORDS and NOT VNTO THE COMMONS except in case it should please the King OF HIS SPECIALL GRACE to shew unto them the said JVDGEMENTS purcase de eux que null record soit fait in Parlement encoutreles ditz Communes quill soit ou serront parties ascunes juggements donez ouadoues en Apres in Parlement Whereunto it was answered by the Archbish of Canterbury by the Kings command how the said Commoners are petitioners and demanders and that THE KING THE LORDS de tont temps ont eves et aueront DE DROIT LES JVGGEMENT EN PARLEMENT en manere come me me les communes ount monstres HAVE ALVVAYES HAD AND SHALL HAVE OF RIGHT THE JVDGEMENTS IN PARLIAMENT in manner as the Commons themselves have declared except in making Statutes or in making Grants and Subsidies or such things for the common profit of the Realm wherein the King will have especially their advice and assent and that this order of proceeding shall be held and kept IN ALL TIMES TO COME By which record in Parliament it is apparent by the House of Commons own confession First that the Judgements in Parliament even in cases of Commoners appertain ONLY TO THE KING and LORDS in the affirmative Secondly that they appertain NOT TO THE COMMONS in the negative Thirdly that the King and LORDS HAVE ALWAYES HAD and ENJOYED THE RIGHT of Judgements in Parliament Fourthly that they should alwayes hold and enjoy this Right IN ALL TIMES TO COME Fifthly that the Commons speciall advise and assent was and is required by the King in Parliament only in making of Statutes Grants and Subsidies and such like things for the common profit of the Realm So full and punctuall a Parliamentary decision of the present controversie as is uncapable of any answer or evasion In the Parliament Roll of 17. y See Cook 3. Instit c. 2. p. 22. R. 2. num 20. 21. John Duke of Gayen and of Lancaster Steward of England and Thomas Duke of Glocester Constable of England the Kings Uncles complained to the King that Thomas Talbot Knight a Commoner and no Peere with other his adherents conspired the death of the said Duke in divers parts of Cheshire as the same was confessed and well known and prayed that the Parliament might judge of the faulâ— to wit whether it were treason according to the clause of the Statute of 25 E. 3. c. 2. It is accorded that if any other case supposed Treason which is not above specified doth happen before any Justices the Justices shall tarry without any going to judgement of the Treason till the cause be shewed and declared before the King and His Parliament whether it ought to be judged Treason or Felony whereupon the KING and THE LORDS IN THE PARLIAMENâ— without the Commons though in case of a Commoner ADJVDGED THE SAME FACT TO BE OPEN and HIGH TREASON and thereupon they award two writs the one to the Sheriffes of Darby to take the body of the said Sir Thomas retornable in the Kings Bench in the moneth of Easter then next following and open Proclamation was made in Westminster Hall upon the Sheriffes return and the next coming in of the said Sir Thomas that the same Thomas SHOVLD BE CONVICTED OF TREASON and incurre the losse and pain of the same and that all such as should receive him after the same Proclamation should incurre the same losse and paine Sir z 3. Instit p. 22. Edward Cooke relating this Judgement addes his own opinion at the end That this judgement wanting the assent of the Commons was no Declaration of Treason within the Act of 25. E. â— because it was not by the King and his Parliament according to this Act but by the King and Lords ONLY But the record of Parliament and the Judges and Commons then admitted it to be good and processe issued out and judgement was given accordingly the parties concerned taking no such exceptions to it See 21. R. 2. n. 15. 16. So that this Record is a pregnant evidence That the King and Lords are the sole Judges in Parliament in the case of Commoners even in declaring and judging what is or what is not treason within the Statute of 25. E. 3. because the Commons are no Iudges in Parliament and so cannot Iudge or declare unles in a legislative way by Act of Parliament what is Treason or Pelony but the King and Lords alone To put this out of question I shall cite one notable record more to this purpose a Cooke 3. Instit p. 22. c. 1. p. 10. In the Parliament of 5. H. 4. 11. 12. on the 8. of February the Earle of Northumberland came before the King Lords and Commons in Parliament and by his Petition to the King acknowledged that he had done against his Lawes and alegiance and especially for gather of power and giving of Liveries for which he put himselfe upon the Kings grace and prayed pardon the rather for that upon the Kings Letters he yielded himselfe and came to the King at Yorke whereas he might have kept himselfe away Which Petition by the Kings command was delivered to the Justices to be examined and to have their counsell and advice therein Whereupon the LORDS made a Protestation que le Juggement appertient aeux tout soulement THAT THE JUDGEMENT APPERTAINED ONLY TO THEM And after the said Petition being read and considered before the King and the said Lords as Peers of Parliament a queux tells â—uggementz apperteignent DE DROIT TO WHOM SUCH JUDGEMENT APPERTAINED OF RIGHT having had by the Kings command competent deliberation thereupon and having also heard and considered as well the Statute made in the 25. yeare of King Edward the Kings Grand-father that now is concerning the Declaration of treason as the Statutes of Liveries made in this Kings raigne ADJUDGED that that which was done by the said Earle contained within his Petition was neither Treason nor Felony but Trespas for which
right to award Judgement in these cases without the King or them then which a fuller and clearer proofe cannot be desired In the self-same Parliament 1. R. â— num 41 42 43. Dame Alice Piers was brought before THE LORDS and charged by Sir Richard le Scrope with sundry misdemeanors which she denied hereupon divers Witnesses were examined against her Whereupon JVDGEMENT WAS GIVEN BY THE LORDS AGAINST HER that she should be banished and forfeit all her lands goods and tenements whatsoevèr To this Judgement neither King nor Commons were parties but the Lords only To these I might adde the cases of c See the doom of 〈◊〉 and treachery 〈◊〉 14 15. where the record is transcribed Sir William de Eleuham Sir Thomas Trivet Sir Henry de Ferriers and Sir William Farnden Knights and Robert Fitz Ralph Esquire Rot. Parl. 7. R. 2. num 24. sentenced and condemned by judgement of the Lords in Parliament pronounced by the Chancellour for selling the Castle of Burbugh with the armes and ammâ—nition in it to the Kings enemies without the Kings license 21. R. 2. Parl. Rot. Plac. Coronae num 27. where Sir Robert Pleasington is adjudged a Traytor after his death by the King by â—SSENT OF THE LORDS and num 15. 16. Sir Thomas Mortimers case num 17. Sir John Cobhams case * 31. H. 6. n. 45. 64. 65. â— 3. n. 16. to â—8 and num 28. Henry Bonoits case condemned in like manner of treason by the Lords with hundreds of Presidents more I shall only cite three more at large which are punctuall In the Parliament of 8. R. 2. n. 12. Walter Sybell of London was arrested and brought into the Parliament before the Lords at the suit of Robert de Veer Earl of Oxford for slandering him to the Duke of Lancaster and other Nobles for maintenance Walter denied not but that he said that certain there named recovered against him the said Walter and that by maintenance of the said Earl as he thought The Earl there present protested himself to be innocent and put himself upon the triall Walter thereupon was committed to Prison by the Lords and the next day he submitted himself and desired the Lords to be a mean for him saying he could not accuse him whereupon THE LORDS CONVICTED and FINED HIM FIVE HVNDRED MARKS TO THE SAID EARL for the which and for his fine and ransome he was committed to prison BY THE LORDS A direct case in point In the second Parliament in 7. R. 2. num 13. to 19. Iohn Cavendish a Fishmonger of London accused Michael de la Pool Knight Lord Chaâ—cellour of England first before the Commons and afterward before the Lords for bribery and injustice and that he entereâ—â—â—nto a Bond of x. l. to Iohn Ottard a Clerk to the said Chancellour which he was to give for his good successe in the businesse in part of payment wâ—â—â—eof he brâ—ught Herring and Sturgeon to Ottard and ye was delayed aâ—d could have no justice at the Chancellours hâ—nds and upon hearing he cause and examining wiâ—â— oâ—fes upon Oath before THE LORDS the Chancellour was cleared The Chancellour thereupon required reparation for so great a slander the Lords being then troubled with other weighty matters let the Fish-monger to Bail and referred the matter to be ordered by the Judges who upon hearing the whole matter condemned Cavendish in three thousand marks for his slanderous complaint against the said Chancellour and adjudged him to prison till he had paid the same to the Chancellour and made fine and ransome to the King also which the Lords confirmed In the Parliament of 15. R. 2. nu 21. Iohn Stradwell of Begsteed in the County of Sussex was committed to the fleet by JVDGEMENT OF THE LORDS there to remain during the Kings pleasure for that he informed the Parliament that the Archbishop of Canterbury had excommunicated him and his neighbours wrongfully for a temporall cause appertaining to the Crown and Common Law whâ—ch was ADIVDGED BY THE LORDS upon examination and hearing to BE VNTRVE These three eminent Presidents to which many more might be added of the Lords fining and imprisoning meere Commons only for slandering Peeres of Parliament even by false accusations against them in Parliament by way of complaint will â—â—stify the Lords proceedings against Lilburn and Ovâ—rton for their professed Libells both against their Persons and Jurisdictions too To proceed to latter times in Parliaments of 18. and 21. Jacobi and 3. Car. not only the Lord * Cook 4. Instit p. 23. Chancellour Bacon and the Earl of Middlesex Lord Treasurer upon complaint of the Commons were censured and judged by the Lords alone but likewise Sir Giles Mompesson Sir Iohn Michell and Dr Manwering all Commoners JUDICIALLY SENTENCED Doctor Pocklinton and Doctor Bray even for erroneous Books and Sermons were sentenced this Parliament by the Lords alone since these Master Clement Walker Esquire was imprisoned in the Tower and fined by the Lords for some words pretended to be spoken against the Lord Say and within these few moneths onâ— Morrice and foure or five more of his confederates were censured fined and imprâ—soned by the Lords alone for forging an Act of Parliament upon Sir Adam Littletons complaint with all the Commons privity or consents and above one hundred Commoner more have been imprisoned by them or fined this very Session of Parliament for breach of Priviledge contempts or misdemeanours by the Lords alone without the Commons yet no demurrer nor exceptions were taken by them or the Commons to their Iurisdiction who applauded this their Justice in some of these cases From all these cleare confessions of the Commons themselves in Parliament and punctuall presidents in print in former late Parliaments and in this now sitting it is undeniable That the King and Lords joyntly and the Lords severally without the King have an indubitable right of Judicature without the Commonâ— vested in them not only of Peers themselves but likewise of Câ—mmoners in all extraordinary cases of Treason Felony Trespasse and other Misdemeanors triable only in Parliament which hath been constantly acknowledged practised and submitted to without dispute much more then have they such a just and rightfull power in case of breach of their owne priviledges of d Cooke 4 Instit p. 15. which none are or can be Judges but themselves alone And to deny them such a power is to make the Highest Court of Iudicature in the Realme inferiour to the Kings Bench and all other Courts of Justice who have power to judge and try the persons and causes of Commoners and to commit and fine them for contempts and breaches of Priviledges as our e See Brooke and Ashes Tables Tit. Contempts Fines pur Contempt Imprisonment Law bookes resolve and every mans experience can testifie The Lords right of Judicature being thus fully evicted against the false and ignorant pretences of illiterate Sectaries altogether unacquainted with our Histories and Records of Parliament
awarded him to the custody of the Marshall and to make fine and ransome at the Kings pleasure Whereupon the Commons REQUIRED by way of petition that he might lose all his Offices and no longer be of the Kings Councell which the King granted The Commons not joyning at all with the Lords in his judgement neither could they so joyne he being a Peer And for the Lord Nevill in that Parliament num 33. he was only accused not judged by the Commons Sixthly The case of 2. H. 5. rot Parl. num 15. that Error is there assigned that the Lords gave judgement without Petition or assent of the Commons is a grosse mistake For the record only recites That Thomas Mountague Earle of Salisbury Sonne and Heire of Iohn Mountague Earle of Salisbury exhibited his petition in Parliament to reverse a judgement given against his said father in the Parliament at Westminster in the second year of King Henry the fourth Whereupon he exhibited certaine reversals of Judgements given in Parliament as making on his behalfe to the Lords consideration reversed for some errors assigned in those jadgements to wit one judgement given against Thomas heretofore Earle of Lancaster before King Edward the second at Pomfract the monday before the feast of the Annuntiation in the fifteenth yeare of his reigne and another Judgement against Roger de Mortymer late Earle of March in the Parliament of King Edward the third the Monday after the Feast of St. Katherine in the fourth yeare of his reigne at Westminster Which judgements being distinctly and openly read and fully understood Jo seemed TO THE KING and LORDS that the case of the death and execution of the said John late Earle of Sarum and of the judgement aforesaid against him given is not nor was like to the case of the executing of the said Thomas heretofore Earle of Lancaster nor to the case of the killing of Roger Earle of March nor to any judgement given against the said Thomas and Roger as aforesaid but that the judgement and declaration had and given against the said Iohn late Earle of Sarum WERE A GOOD JUST and LEGALL DECLARATION and JUDGEMENT Per quod CONSIDERATUM FUIT in praesenti Parliamento PER PRAEDICTOS DOMINOS tunc ibidem existentes DE ASSINSU dicti Domini nostri Regis quod praefatus nunc COMES Sarum NIHIL CAPIAT PER PETITIONEM aut prosecutionem suam praedictam Et ulterius TAM DOMINI SPIRITUALES QUAM TEMPORALE supradicti JUDICIUMET DECLARATIONEM praedicta versus dictum Ioannem quondam Comitem Sarum ut praemâ—ttitur habita five reddita DE ASSENSU IPSIUS DOMINI REGIS AFFIRMARUNT FORE ET ESSE BONA JUSTA ET REGALIA et ea pro hujusmodi EX ABUNDANTI DISCREVERUNT ADJUDICARUNT TUNC IBIDEM This is all that is mentioned in this Parliament Roll concerning this businesse It appeares by the Parliament Roll of 2 H. 4. num 30. That Thomas Holland Earl of Kent Iohn Holland Earle of huntingdoâ— Iohn Mountagne Earle of Sarum Thomas Lord de Dispencer and Ralph omely Knight were impeached of high treason before the King and Lords in Parliament for levying actuall Warre against the King to destroy the King and his Subjects and for this taken and beheade and hereupon ALL â—â—E LORDS TEMPORALL BEING IN PARLIAMENT BY ASSENT OF THE KING DECLARED AND ADJVDGED all the said persons TRAITORS for leavying Warre against the King and that as Traytors they should forfeit all the lands they had in fee simple the 5 day of Jannary the first yeare of the raigne of the King or after according to the Law of the Land with all their goods and chattells notwithstanding they were slaine upon the said levying of Warre without processe of Law So this Record To reverse this judgement was this Petition of Thomas Earle oâ— Sarisbury in 2. H. 5. exhibited without the errour assigned as appeares by the Parâ—iament roll but if it were that the Lords only gave Judgement without Petition or assent of the Commons as Sir Edward Cooke imagins 〈◊〉 the King and Lords who upon solemned bate over-ruled the errour abuses and Petitions and found this judgâ—ment and Declaration of 2. H. 4. given by the Lords alone with the Kings assent without the Commons TO BE GOOD JVST and LEGALL as they did ex abundâ—nti is a most undeniable proofe of the King and Lords sole right of JVDGEING and DECLARING HIGH TREASON in Parliament without the Commons as well in case of Commoners as Lords Ralph Lomely being but a Commoner and Knight though the rest were Peers and yet all joyntly adjudged Traytors and declared such only by the King and Lords without the Commons and the Judgement assured to be good by the Commons who in the Parliament of 13. H. 4. num 19. Petitioned the Iohn Lomley might be restored by act of Parliament and made capable to inherit his fathers lands thus attainted to which the King by ASSENT OF THE LORDS SPIRITVALL and TEMPORALL consented Seventhly the Parliament Roll of 28. H. 6. num 18. c. containes onely an Impeachment of High Treason against the King and other great misdemeanors against the Kingdome and wrongs to particular persons comprised by way of Articles in two distinct Bills brought up by the Commons and presented by William Tresham their Speaker to the King in the Lords House the 7. day of February against William de la Pole Duke of Suffolke to which they desired the Duke might give in his Answer by a certaine day which he did absolutly denying the Treason against the King and denying and excusing himselfe of the rest without putting himselfe upon the Tryall of his Peeres The Chiefe Iustice thereupon the 14. day of March by the Kings command asked this Question of the LORDS WHAT ADVISE THEY WOULD GIVE THE KING what is to doe futrher in this matter which advise was deferred till Monday then next following whereon nothing was done in that matter On Tuesday the 17. of March the King sent for all the Lords Spirituall and Temporall then being in Towne being 42. in all into his Inner Chamber within his Palace of Westminster where when they were all assembled hee then sent for the Duke thither who comming into the Kings presence kneeled downe and continued kneeling till the Chancellour of England had delivered the Kings command to him and demanded of him what he said to the Commons Articles not having put himselfe upon his Peerage Whereupon the Duke denyed all the Articles touching the Kings Person and state of the Realme as false and scandalous And so not departing from his said Answers submitted himselfe wholly to the Kings Rule and Governance without putting himselfe upon his Peerage Where thus the Chancellour told him That as touching the great and horrible things contained in the first Bill the King holdeth him neither declared nor charged And as touching the second Bill containing misprisons which are not criminall the King by force of his submission by his owne advise and
and Parl. 2. R. 2. n. 7 9. they are called the GREAT COUNCEL OF LORDS by waging of their extraordinary wisdome and abilities And therefore most fit to sit vote and judge in Parliament Secondly The Lords and great Officers of the Realme as such were ever reputed persons of greatest Valour Courage Power in regard of their great interests Estates allies and retainers and so best able to withstand and redresse all publike grievances and enchroachments of the King upon their owne and the peoples Liberties in defence whereof they have in ancient times been alwayes most ready and active to spend not only their estates but blood and lives for wherewith they have redeemed and preserved those Liberties and Freedomes we now enjoy and contend for And in this regard our ancesters in point of wisdome policy and right thought meet that they should alwayes be sommoned to and bear chief sway in our Parliaments in respect of their Peerage Power and Nobility only without the peoples election This reason of their sitting in Parliament we find expresly recorded in Bracton l. 2. c. 16. fol. 34. and in Fleta l. 1. c. 17. The King say they hath a Superiour namely God also the Law by which He is made a King likewise His Count to wit THE EARLS BARONS because they are called Counts as being the KINGS FELLOWS and he who hath a Fellow hath A MASTER And therefore if the King shal be without a bridle that is without a Law debent ei fraenum imponere THEY OUGHT TO IMPOSE A BRIDLE ON HIM c. which the Commons being persons of lesse power and interest were unable to do Andrew Horn in his Mirrour of Justice ch 1. § 2 3. renders the like reason In all the contest and Wars between K. John Hen. 3. Edw. 2. Rich. 2. concerning Magna Charta and the Liberties of the Subjects the Lords Barons were the Ring-leaders and chief Opposers of these Kings Usurpations and Encroachments on the people as all our g See Mat. Paris Matthew Westminster Walsingham Huntingdon Holings head Polythronicon Coxton Grimsâ—on Stow Speed Trussell Baker Martin Daniel How and the Soveraign Power of Parliaments Kingdomes part 1 2. 3. 10 R. 2. c. 1 2. 11 R. 2. c. 1. to 7. 21 R. 4. c. 7. to 13. â— H. 4. c. 2. for proof hereof Histories and Records relate whence they stile the Wars in their times THE BARONS WARS and before this the Nobles were the principall Actors in resisting the Tyranny of K. Sigebert and K. Bernard and disthroning them for their misdemeanors as is clear by Mat. Westminster in his Flores Historiarum an 756. 758. To give some brief hints to clear this truth An. Dom. 1214. In the 16. year of h Mat. Paris Hist Angl. p. 233. to 282. Daniel p. 140. to 144. Speed p. 558. to 567. K. John a Parliament held at Pauls July 16. the Charter of Liberties granted to the people by K. Hen. 1. being read and confirmed THE BARONS swore in the Arch-bishops presence that if need were they would spend thier blood And afterwards at St. Edmonds Bury the BARONS swore upon the High Altar That if K. John refused to confirm and restore to them those Liberties the Rights of the Kingdom they would make War upon Him and withdraw themselves from His allegiance till he had ratified them all by His Charter under Seal Which they accordingly performed Tota Angliae Nobilitas in unum collecta all the NOBILITY OF ENGLAND COLLECTED INTO ONE appeared in this defence of their own and the peoples Rights and Liberties against the King whereupon it was afterwards enacted That there should be 25 BARONS chosen by the LORDS not Commons who should to their utmost power cause the Great Charter confirmed by K. John to be duly observed That if either the King or His Justicier should transgresse the same or offend in any one Article 4. of the said BARONS should immediately repaire to Him and require redresse of the same without delay which if not done within forty daies after that then the said 4. BARONS and the rest should distrain and seize upon the Kings Castles Lands and Goods till amends was made according to their arbitration Such confidence and power was then reposed in the BARONS alone i Hist Angl. p. 233. Mat. Paris speaking of the death of Geoffry Fitz-Peeter one of the greatest Peers of that age writes thus of him This year an 1214. Geoffry Fitz-Peeter Justiciary of all England a man of great power and authority TO THE GREATEST DETRIMENT OF THE KINGDOM ended his daies the 2 day of Octob. ERAT autem FIRMISSIMA REGNI COLVMNA for he was the most firm pillar of the Kingdom as being a Nobleman expert in the Laws furnished with treasures rents and all sort of goods and confederated to all the great men of England by blood or friendship whence the King without love did fear him above all men for he governed the raynes of the Kingdom Whereupon after his death England was become like a ship in a storm without an helm The beginning of which tempest was the death of Herbert Arch-bishop of Canterbury a magnificent and faithfull man neither could England breath again after the death of these two When K. John heard of Fitz-Peeters death turning to those who sate about him He said By Gods feet now am I first King and Lord of England He had therefore from thenceforth more free power to break His Oaths and Covenants which He had made with the said Geoffry for the peoples Liberty and Kingdoms peace Such Pillars and Staies are great and stout Peers to a Kingdom Curb to tyrannicall Kings and therefore of meeâ— Right ought to have a place and voice in Parliaments for the very Kingdoms safety and welfare without the peoples election In the 43 year of K. Hen. 3. his reign k Mat. Paris p. 952. 953. Speed p. 636. Daniel p. 178. The Barons of England entred into a solemn Oath of Association upon the Evangelist to be faithful and diligent to reform the Kingdom of England hitherto by the counsel of wicked persons overmuch disordered and eff ectually to expel the Rebels and disturbers of the same which Oath they made Richard Earl of Cornwall to take as wel as others In these Barons wars for the Subjects Liberties many hundred Lords and Barons spent both their blood lives and estates and among others Simon Mulford Earl of Leicester the greatest Pillar of the Barons slain in the batail of Eusham of whoâ— l In his Continuation of Mat. Paris p. 968. Daniel p. 178. Râ—shing â—r thus writes Thus this magnificent Earl Simon ended his daies who not only bestowed his estate but his person and life also for relief of oppression of the poor for the asserting of Justice and the Right of the Realm In the 3 4 14 15. of K. Edw. 2. his raign the Barons were the chief Sticklers against Gaveston and the
Spencers who seduced the King and oppressed the people and principall Pillars of our Laws Liberties as our m Walsingham Holingshed Daniel Speed Stow Grafton Fabian Baker Historians relate at large procured thâ—se ill Counsellours to be removed from the King even by force of Arms. In 10 11 22. of K. Rich. 2. the Lords were the principall opposers of the Kings ill Counsellours and Tyranny and protectors of the Laws and peoples Liberties to the losse of some of their lives hâ—ads and estates as our Statutes and Rolls of Parliament in those years and n Walsingham Trussle Fabian Holingshed Grafton Speed Stow. Historians witnesse whence Walsingham writing of the Duke of Gloucester's death murthered by the Kings command at Calice who was the principall Anti-royalist and head of all the Barons useth this expression Thus died this â—â—st of men the Son and Earl of a King in quo posita fuere spes solatium TOTIVS REGNI COMMVNITATIS in whom the hope and solace of the Common-wealth of the whole Kingdom were placed who resented his death so highly that in the Parl of 1 H. 4. Hall who had a hand in his murder was condemned and executed for a Traytor and his Head and Quarters hung up in severall places and K. Richard among other Articles deposed for causing him to be murthered Since then our Peâ—trs and Nobles have been alwaies persons of greatest valour power estate interest most able and forwards to preserve the Laws and peoples Liberties which they have upon all occasions defended with the hazard and losse of their Lives Liberties and Estates and upon this ground were thought meet by the wisdome of our Ancestors to enjoy this priviledge of sitting voting and judging in Parliament by vertue of their Peerage and Baronnies And since we must all acknowledge that the Lords were the chiefe instruments of calling this present Parliament and were therefore in the Act for Trienniall Parliaments principally intrusted to summon and hold all future Parliaments in the Kings and Lord Chancellours or Lord Keepers defaulâ—â— and were very active in suppressing the Star-chamber High-Commission Councel-Table Prelats and other grievances and those who first appeared in the Wars against the King and his party to the great encouragement of others witnesse the deceased Lord Generall Essex Brooke Bedford Stamford Willâ—ngh by Lincolne 〈◊〉 Manchester Roberts and others it would be the extremity of folly ingratitude and injustice to deny our Peeres this Priviledge and Honour now which their Ancestors have purchased at so deare a rate and a meanes to dis-ingage them for ever from the Commons and Republike for such an high dishonour and affront Thirdly our o See Master Sâ—ldâ—us Titles of Honour Part 2 chap. 5. and Coke 4. instit p. 1. Nobles are persons of greater Estates Families Fortunes then others and have more to keep and lose then other ordinary Commoners and therefore have greater interest in the Common-wealth and State-affaires then they And therefore our Ancestors thought it meet and just that they should have this priviledge among others above ordinary Commoners to be present in all our Parliaments by Writ onely and that of right ex debitâ— justitiae and not by election as Knights Citizens and Burgesses are being persons of meaner estate and quality and present in Parliament onely in the right of others who elect them not in their owne right as the Lords are whose estates anciently were far more worth then many whole Burroughes put together and their families retainers and followers far more in number And so their engagements to maintaine the Lawes Liberties and Properties of the Subject greater then inferiour mens Fourthly It is one principall property of Members of Parliament to be p Coke 4. Inst p. 3. constant stout inflexible and not to be bowed or turned from the right and publike good by feare favour promises rewards Now Peeres of noble birth and education and more generous heroick spirits then the vulgar sort of men are not so apt to be over-awed with regall threats terrified with menaces tempted with honours preferments and wealth which they already injoy in a higher proportion then others nor seduced with rewards and private ends from the common good and interest wherein their honour wealth and safety are imbarqued as ordinary Commoners and men of meaner ranke and fortunes as experience of former Ages and this present manifests Therefore it was thought just and reasonable by our Ancestors these Nobles in this regard should sit in Parliament in their owne rights * Modus tenendi Parliam Vowel Coke 4 Inst c. 1. without the peoples election and to leave the people to elect such other persons to represent and vote for them in Parliament in whom they most confided Fiftly our Peeres in Parliament * 12 R. 2. c. 1â— 23 H. 6. c. 11. 9 H. 6. c. 16. 31 H. 8. c. 11. 50 E. 3. n. 209. 1 R. 2. n. â— 37. though they serve for the common good of the whole Kingdome which have alwayes trusted in them in matters of counsel Judicature and making Laws yet they represent up persons but themselves onely and beare their owne expences Wherefore there is no shadow of reason why the people should elect them since they doe not represent them nor pay them wages as they doe to their Knights Citizâ—ns and Burgesses who serve for and represent them and therefore ought in reason right and justice to be elected by them And therefore they may as well argue That our Nobles ought to be elected by the people to their Lands and Estates which descend unto them from their Ancestors not from the common people as to sit in Parlâ—ament by the peoples election onely to represent themselves in their own right not the people in theirs And that the Knights of the Shire ought to be elected to their dignity of Knighthood which the King onely confers on them and to their Lands and Freeholds which they enjoy in their owne right because they are elected by the Free-holders to sit in Parliament in their right who elected them not their owne alone which Barons doe not By all which premisses it is most apparent That our Lords and Barons sitting and voting in Parliament who if you take them poll by poll have in all ages been more able Parliament men and States-men in all respects then the Commons though chosen by the people who alwayes make choice of the best and wisest men as experience manifests is not onely just and lawfull in respect of Right and Title but originally instituted upon such grounds of Reason and Policy as no rationall nor understanding man can dislike or contradict but must subscribe to as necessary and convenient and so still to be continued supported in this their Right and Honour to moderate the Excesses and Encroachments both of King and Commons one upon the other keep both of them within their just and ancient bounds for the Kingdomes peace