inter manus habens alicubi retinetur ibi purgetur vel sordidetur si solum inculpatio plegiis si opus est datis ubi justum fuerit terminanda revertatur CHAP. XII The Terms laid out according to these ancient Laws TO lay out now the bounds of the Terms according to these Canons and Constitutions especially that ancient Law of Edward the Confessour it thus appeareth viz. Hilary-Term began then certainly at Octabis Epiphaniae that is the thirteenth day of January seven days before the first Return it now hath and nine days before our Term beginneth and ended at the Saturday next before Septuagesima which being moveable made this Term longer in some years than in others Florentius Wigorniensis and Walsingham in his Hypodigma Neustriae saith Anno 1096. In Octabis Epiphaniae apud Sarisburiam Rex Gulielmus Rufus tenuit Consilium in quo jussit Gulielmi de Anco in duâ—llo victi oculos eruere testiculos abscindere Dapiferum illius Gulielmum de Alderi filium amitae illius suspendi c. proceeding also judicially against others Tho' Walsingham calleth this Consilium with an s a Counsel and Wigorniensis Concilium with a c an Assembly the word Term perhaps not being in use under William Rufus yet it seemeth to be no other than an Assembly of the Barons in the King's house or Court of State which was then the ordinary place of Justice for crimes of this nature For the Barons of the Land were at that time Judges of all causes which we call Pleas of the Crown and of all other belonging to the Court of the King The proceeding also against these offenders seemeth meerly Legal and not Parliamentary or ex arbitrio For the tryal was according to Law by Battel and the judgement after the manner of the time by putting out the eyes and mutilation of the privy members As for putting men to death I confess that it was not at this time ordinary For William the Conquerour had made a Law Interdico nequis occidatur vel suspendatur pro aliqua culpa sed eruantur oculi abscindantur testiculi But as himself observ'd it not so his Son made not nice in breaking of it And I think the Barons of that time did in many things especially crimes of Treason ex arbitrio judicare Besides this if it had been other than an ordinary course of justice they would not have call'd it Consilium or Concilium simply but magnum Concilium or commune Concilium Regni as the phrase then was for Parliaments Lastly tho' it had been a Parliament yet they could not or at least they would not break the Constitutions of the Church by medling with tryals of crime and blood in diebus pacis Ecclesiae and therefore we must conceive it to be done in Term-time diebus pacis Regis as the Canons alledg'd and assign'd it I meet also with a precedent to this purpose in Radevicus under the year 1160. whereby it appears that they began their Term or Law-day likwise beyond the Seas at Octabis Epiphaniae Curia says he quae in Octavis Epiphaniae Papiae fuerat indicta usque in sextam feriam proxime ante caput jejunii quia in destructione Cremae dominus Imperator detinebatur est dilata The Norman Custumary sheweth also expresly that this Term began at Octabis Epiphaniae in saying that their Law-days began and went out with the times of celebrating Marriage which in this part of the year as we shewed before came in at Octab. Epiphaniae and went out at Septuagesima as it still doth And the Court of the Arches doth still hold the same beginning The Exchequer also being brought out of Normandy seemeth to retain at this day the steps of the Norman Custume For in that it openeth eight days before the beginning of the Term it openeth upon the matter at Octabis Epiphaniae By which it appeareth that it was then no Vacation and that the Term was begun at Octabis Epiphaniae whereby it is the likelyer also that it ended at Septuagesima lest beginning it as we now do it might fall out some years to have no Hilary-Term at all as shall anon appear And this our ancient use of ending the Term at Septuagesima is some inducement to think the Council of Erpford is depraved and that the word there Quinquagesima should be Septuagesima as the gloss there reporteth it to be in some other place And as well Gratian mistakes this as he hath done the Council it self attributing it to Ephesus a City of Ionia instead of Erpford a Town in Germany where Burchard before him and Binius since do now place it It comes here to my mind what I have heard an old Chequer-man many years ago report that this Term and Trinity-Term were in ancient time either no Terms at all or but as reliques of Michaelmass and Easter-Terms rather than just Terms of themselves Some courses of the Chequer yet encline to it And we were both of the mind that want of business which no doubt in those days was very little by reason Suits were then for the most part determined in inferiour Courts might be the cause thereof But I since observe another cause viz. That Septuagesima or Church-time one while trode so near upon the heels of Octabis Epiphaniae I mean came so soon after it as it left not a whole week for Hilary-Term and again another while Trinity Sunday fell out so late in the year that the common necessity of Hay-seed and Harvest made that Term very little and unfrequented For insomuch as Easter which is the Clavis as well to shut up Hilary-Term as to open Trinity-Term may according to the general Council of Nice holden in the year 322. fall upon any day between the 21 st of March exclusively which then was the Aequinoctium and the 25. of April inclusively as the farthest day that the Sunday following the Vernal Full-Moon can happen upon Septuagesima may sometimes be upon the eighteenth of January and then could they in ancient time not have above four days Term and we at this day no Term at all because we begin it not till the 23 d. of January which may be six days after Septuagesima and within the time of Church-Vacation But what Hilary-Term hath now lost at the beginning of it it hath gained at the latter ending Of Trinity-Term I shall speak more by and by CHAP. XIII Easter-Term EAster-Term which now beginneth two days after Quindena Paschae began then as the Law of Edward the Confessour appointed it at Octabis This is verified by Glanvil who maketh one of his Writs returnable thus Rex c. Summone per bonos summonitores quatuor legales milites de vicineto de Stock quod sint ad Clausum Paschae coram me vel Justiciis meis apud Westmonasterium ad eligendum supra sacramentum suum duodecim legales milites But as it began then nine days
therefore and truly is it said by the ever honoured Justice Littleton that Feodum idem est quod haereditas and the captious criticism of Sir Thomas Smith Dr. of the Civil Law in denying it is to his own reproach for his great Master Cujacius as before appeareth supporteth Littleton and his fellow Civilians do tell him quod in feudis particularis localis consuetudo attendenda est And Littleton received it as used in this signification from the eldest writers of our Law Of the like indiscretion is that of Dr. Cowell who carpeth at this ancient phrase used in the formulis of our pleading where it is ordinarily said Rex seisitus fuit in Dominico suo ut de feodo as tho de feodo was there to be understood according to the Court of Milan for praedium militare superiori Domino servitiis obnoxium not by the laws of England pro directo dominio vel haereditate pura absoluta To conclude therefore It appeareth by this passage of Justice Littleton's joyned to that we have formerly delivered that our Law took no notice of Feuds till they were become hereditary with us which being since the Conquest as we have already shewed and shall prove abundantly hereafter overthroweth all the arguments in the Report produced for proving our Feodal rites of Tenure Wardship Marriage Relief c. to have been in use among the Saxons for till they were hereditary these appendances could not belong to them It is also very improbable that Feuds were made hereditary here in England before other Countries or that the more civil Nations of Europe should take example herein from our rude if not illiterate Saxons CHAP. III. That none of our Feodal Words nor Words of Tenure are found in any Law or ancient Charter of the Saxons IT appeareth by that which hath been said that our modern kind of Feuds could not be in use among our English Saxons And it will now be a question whether any of our modern Tenures or which of them were then in use or not The Report saith It is most manifest that Capite-Tenures Tenures by Knight-service Tenure in Socage Frank-Almoign c. were frequent in the time of the Saxons I desire that without offence I may examine this that is so manifest and so frequent I confess there be many specious shews of Knight-service and Socage among our Saxon Ancestors but whether by way of Tenure Contract or De more Gentium must be well examined For the Romans and other Nations had formerly as great command over their followers and such as dwelt upon their lands as our Saxons had yet was it without any rule or speech of Tenure The word Tenura is neither known nor found in any Latin Author of antiquity nor any conjugate thereof as tenentes tenementa tenere or tenendum in a feodal sense The first place where I meet with tenere in that manner is amongst the Saliques and Germans in the Constitution before mentioned of Conradus the Emperour about the year 915 when Beneficia which we now call Feuds were first continued to some of the sons and grand-children of the male line of them that then enjoyed them But I find not one of those words or any consignificant or equivalent to them in all our Saxon-laws The word Feodum Feud or Fee it self is never mentioned in them nor is there any sound of Tenure in Capite Tenure by Knight-service Tenure in Socage Frank-Almoign c. either in our Saxon laws or in the laws of any other Nation that I can find till the time that Feuds began to be perpetual or hereditary as before is mentioned It is true that in some Latin Charters of the Saxon time we now and then find the words Tenere tenementum and tenendum and in a Charter of Beorredus King of the Mercians dated Anno 868. the words de eodem seodo as tho' Lordships at that time had been distributed into Feuds which being reported by Ingulfus a Saxon giveth great probability that Feuds were then in use But it is to be noted that these Charters are as I said in Latin and not in Saxon and therefore not likely to be the very originals but translations of them made after the Conquest for the instruction of the Normans either by Ingulf himself or some other expert in the Norman language laws and customs Who applying himself to the understanding of the Normans used Norman words and such interpretation as they were best acquainted with tho' differing from the propriety of the Saxon tongue and so perhaps translated de eodem fâ—odo for de eodem territorio or patrimonio and tenentes tenementa and tenendum for possidentes possessiones and possidendum Not unlike our translators of the holy Scriptures who tell us of the Arms of Families Chancellors Sheriffs Recorders Townclerks Doctors of Law Homage done to Solomon and of the arraignment of our blessed Saviour as tho' the Jewish and Asiatick Nations had in those days of old their College of Heralds the same Magistrates Officers Degrees in School Customs of Law Pleas of the Crown and form of Government which we in England have at this day By such allusions I suppose or illusions rather came our later Feodal words into ancient Latin Charters I desire to see but one Charter in the Saxon tongue before the Conquest wherein any Feodal Word is apparently expressed A Saxon Chronicle telleth us that King Alfred in the year 896. gave London to Ethelred an Earl or Alderman that married his daughter Ethelfled to healdo that is ad tenendum which some understand Feodally as to hold it of him but Wigorniensis reports the matter plainly ad servandum that is to keep and defend it So among the customs of Kent the word healder i. e. holder is used for a Tenant in the Saxon distich there cited But it is to be noted that those customs were collected long after the Conquest and therefore written in the Norman tongue not in the Saxon and that the distich it self is not of the ancient Saxon but of a puisne dialect used vulgarly since the Conquest But because the Charter of Beorredus produced by my self against my self is more material for proof of Feuds among the Saxons than all that is alledged to that purpose in the Report First in respect of the Antiquity thereof then for that it nameth the word feodo expresly and thirdly for that it declareth certain lands to be de eodem feodo as if there were many other Feods then in use Give me leave I beseech you to examine this Charter yet more largely and particularly It is therefore to be understood that the elder Saxons made their ordinary conveyance of Lands c. without deed or writing by delivery of a Turff or Spear a Staff an Arrow or some other symboll in token thereof Yea their very Laws like those of the Lacedaemonians called Rhetra were unwritten till Ethelbert their first
viz. Towns or Mannours to the Lords thereof whom the Saxons called Theings after Barons Hundreds to the Lords of the Hundreds Trithings or Lathes to their Trithingreves Counties to their Earls or Aldermen and the larger Satrapies to their Dukes or chief Princes All which had subordinate Authority one under the other and did within the precinct of their own Territories minister justice unto their Subjects For the Theinge or Lord of the Town whom the Normans called a Baron had of old Jurisdiction over them of his own Town being as it were his Colony and as Cornelius Tacitus saith did Agricolis suis jus dicere For those whom we now call Tenants were in those ancient times but Husbandmen dwelling upon the soil of the Lord and manuring the same on such conditions as the Lord assigned or else such as were their followers in the wars and had therefore portions of ground appointed unto them in respect of that service which portion was thereupon called a Knights-fee for that a servant in the war whom the Saxons called a Knight had it allotted unto him as the fee or wages of his service Neither at the first had they these their fees but at the Lord's pleasure or for a time limited and therefore both these kinds of Military and Husbandmen dwelling upon the Town or Colony of the Lord were as in reason they ought under the censure and will of their Lord touching the lands they ocucpy'd who therefore set them laws and customs how and in what manner they should possess these their lands and as any controversy rose about them the Lord assembling the rest of his followers did by their opinion and assistance judge it Out of which usage the Court-Barons took their beginning and the Lords of Towns and Mannours gain'd the priviledge of holding plea and jurisdiction within those their Territories over their Tenants and followers who thereupon are at this day called Sectatores in French Suitres of suivre to follow But the Saxons themselves called this jurisdiction sacha and soca signifying thereby Causarum actionem and libertatem judicandi for sacha signifieth causa in which sense we yet use it as when we say For God's sake and soca signifieth liberty or priviledge as Cyriâ—socne libertas Ecclesiae But by this manner the Lords of Towns as ex conâ—â—etudine Regni came to have jurisdiction over their Tenants and followers and to hold plea of all things touching land But as touching cognizance in criminal matters they had not otherwise to meddle therewith than by the King's Charters For as touching the King's peace every Hundred was divided into many Freeborgs or Tithings consisting of ten men which stood all bound one for the other and did amongst themselves punish small matters in their Court for that purpose called the Lete which was sometime granted over to the Lords of Mannours and sometime exercised by peculiar officers But the greater things were also carryed from thence into the Hundred Courts so that both the streams of Civil justice and of Criminal did there meet and were decided by the Hundreds c as by superiour Judges both to the Court Baron and Court Leet also Edward the Confessor Ll. ca. 32. saith that there were Justices over every ten Freeborgs called Deans or Tienheofod that is head of ten which among their Neighbours in Towns compounded matters of trespasses done in pastures Meadows Corn and other strifes rising among them But the greater matters saith he were referred to superiour Justices appointed over every ten of them whom we may call Centurions Centenaries or Hundradors because they judged over an hundred Freeborgs The Lord of the Hundred therefore had jurisdiction over all the Towns of the Hundred as well in Criminal matters as in Civil and they that failed of their right in the Court Barons Tithings or Leets might now prosecute it here before the Lord of the Hundred and his followers called the Suitors of the Hundred which were the Lords and owners of lands within that Hundred who were tyed to be there at every Court which as appeareth by the Laws of H. I. ca. 8. was to be holden twelve times in the year that is once every month But especially a full appearance was required twice in the year in memory whereof the Suitors are at this day called at our Lady and Michaelmass Courts by the Steward of the Hundred These as I said before held piea of trespasses done in Pastures Meadows Corn and such like and of other strifes arising between Neighbour and Neighbour and as by and by also shall be shewed of Criminal matters touching the very life of a man Decrevit tum porro Aluredus c. King Alured then further decreed that every Free-man should be settled in some Hundred and appointed to some Freeborg or Tithing as did also Canutus Ll. par 2. cap. 19. and that the heads of these Tithings or Freeborg whom we now call Capitales plegii should judge the smaller matters as in Leets c. but should reserve the greater for the Hundred Court and those of most difficulty to the Alderman and Sheriff in the County Court Lamb. voc Centuria The order of which proceedings in the Hundred Court do there also appear out of the Laws of King Ethelred made in a great Assembly at Vanatinge Cap. 4. In singulis Centuriis Comitia sunto c. Let the Courts be holden in every Hundred and let twelve men of the elder sort together with the Reve of the Hundred holding their hands upon some holy thing take their oath that they shall neither condemn any man that is innocent nor quit him that is guilty And it seemeth by the Laws of Canutus par 2. cap. 16. 18. That a man was not to be delayed above three Court days from having his right for if he were he might then resort to the County and if he obtained it not there within four Courts then he might seek unto the King And no doubt but this Law opened a great gap for the carrying of matters from the Hundred and County Courts up to the King 's Court. The Jurisdiction also of this Court seemeth to be further abated by H. I. who tho' he establish'd the ancient manner of holding it yet pulled he from it some principal parts thereof as after shall appear in a Writ of his touching this and the County Court directed to the Sheriff of Worcester MS. Co. pa. inter 48. 49. The Thrithingreve or Leidgreve whom I take to be the same called in the Salic Laws Tungimus but doubt whether he or no that in our Laws of H. I. is called Thungrevius was an officer that had authority over the third part of the County or three or more Hundreds or Wapentakes whose Territory was thereupon called a Thrithing otherwise a Leid or Lath in which manner the County of Kent is yet divided and the Rapes in Sussex seem to answer the same And perhaps the Ridings also of Yorkshire
the shooting here mentioned seemeth not to be the long-bowe which stirreth the body and is profitable to health but that deadly Engine which imagineth mischief as a law the Cross-bowe whose force a man cannot mitigate as in other weapons and is properly numbred amongst the instruments of War and therefore by a multitude of Canons prohibited to Clergy-men so that they may not use them pro justitia exercenda as appeareth by the Constit of Othob Tit. de Clericis arma portan nor equitantes per loca periculosa as it is in the Gloss upon the Decret of Gratian p. 992. where the Text is Clerici arma portantes usurarii excommunicentur But I have gone the length of my tedder I mean as far as the Apologie leadeth me and therefore now manum de tabula The case of this Reverend and most Worthy Person deserveth great commiseration and tender handling for who can prevent such unexpected casualties Yet may the consequence prove so mischievous both to himself and those that are to receive their Consecration from him as of necessity it must be carefully look'd into and provided for Let me remember an ancient precedent even in one of his own Predecessors Stigand Arch-bishop of Canterbury in the time of the Conquest who because he had not Canonically received his Consecration but from the hands of Pope Benedict who stood Excommunicate and sacris interdictus was not only deprived himself by authority of a Council but also the Bishops and Abbots which had taken their Consecration from him Therefore the Bishops of Wells and Hereford foreseeing that evil to make all clear fetch their Consecration at Rome from Pope Nicholas Vitabant enim saith Flor. Wigorn. in An. 1070. à Stigando qui tunc Archiepiscopatui Doroberniae praesidebat ordinari quia noverant illum non Canonice Pallium suscepisse It is good to follow the counsel of Gratian in the like matter Consultius est in hujusmodi dubio abstinere quam celebrare ca. 24. 1716. But because we are fallen into a case wherein perhaps some extraordinary Consecration may be required let me also relate a strange Consecration used in the entrance of the Reign of Henry I. An. 1100. where Eadmere a Monk of Canterbury being elected by the Clergy and People of Scotland to be Bishop of St. Andrews with the great good liking of King Alexander and the Nobility Yet by reason of some discontentments the same King had conceived against the Arch-bishop of York within whose Province Scotland then was he would by no means agree that Eadmere should take his Consecration from that Arch-bishop and after much consultation how then it might otherwise be performed it was at last agreed that the Staff of the Bishoprick should be solemnly laid upon the Altar and that Eadmere taking it from thence should receive it as deliver'd him from God himself which accordingly was done This calleth to my mind another of like nature somewhat more ancient where Wulstan the good Bishop of Worcester both resigned his Bishoprick by laying the Staff thereof upon the shrine of St. Edward the Confessor by the agreement of a Council holden under Lanfranc and in like manner received the same again from thence in the presence of King William the Arch-bishop Lanfranc and many others not without some miracle as Matthew Paris writeth it in An. 1095. These as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And thus in this matter of Shooting If I have done as the Proverb saith Shot like a Gentleman that is fair tho far off it sufficeth I humbly crave pardon 19. Octob. 1621. Recep Apolog. â—5 Octob. praeced SOME Letters and Instruments Concerning The killing of Hawkins by Arch-bishop ABBOT A Letter written by his Majesty to the Lord Keeper the Bishops of London Winton Rochester St. Davids and Exeter Sir Henry Hobart Kt. Chief Justice of the Common-Pleas Mr. Justice Dodderidge Sir Henry Martin and Mr. Doctor Steward or any six of them whereof the Lord Keeper the Bishops of London Winton and St. Davids to be four IT is not unknown unto you what happened this last Summer unfortunately to our Right Trusty and our Right Well-beloved Counsellour the Lord Arch-bishop of Canterbury who Shooting at a Deer with a Cross-bow in Bramsil-park did with that shoot casually give the Keeper a wound whereof he died Which accident tho it might have happened to any other man yet because his Eminent Rank and Function in the Church hath as we are informed ministred occasion of some doubts as making the Case different in his Person in respect of the Scandal as is supposed We therefore being desirous as it is fit We should to be satisfied therein and reposing especial Trust in your Learning and Judgement have made choice of you to inform Vs concerning the nature of this Case And do therefore require you to take it presently into your consideration and the Scandal that may have risen thereupon And to certify Vs what in your Judgements the same may amount unto either to an Irregularity or otherwise And lastly what means may be found to redress the same if need be of all which points We shall expect to hear your Reports with what diligence and expedition you possibly may Dated at Theobalds 3. Oct. 1621. A Letter from the Lord Keeper to Arch-bishop Abbot intimating the Reception of his Majesty's Letter May it please your Grace MY Lord of Winchester my Lord Hobart Sir John Dodderidge Dr. Martin and my self having met this afternoon about a Letter sent unto us together with some others under his Majesty's Signet and finding the Contents thereof to require from us some information of the nature of an unfortunate Act which doth referr unto your Grace We thought our selves ty'd in all justice and respect to send your Grace as I do here inclosed a copy of his Majesty's Letter And to let your Grace understand that we are ready to receive from your Grace in writing all the qualifying circumstance of the Fact if any such there be omitted in this Letter that we may be better grounded to deliver our Opinions as is desired concerning the nature of this unlucky accident And we have appointed two of the clock in the afternoon upon Saturday next to be the time and this Colledge of Westminster to be the place of our meeting to receive what information of the Fact your Grace shall 〈…〉 unto us And ceasing to be further troublesome I shall 〈…〉 Your Grace's poor Friend and Servant Jo. Lane C. S. Westminst Coll. 〈…〉 of October 162â— The Arch-bishop's Answer My very good Lords I Thank you for sending me the Copy of his Majesty's Letter which concerneth the â—nhappy 〈…〉 that befell me in Hampshire I here inclosed send unto your 〈◊〉 a â—opy of the Verdict given up by the Jurors unto the Coroner as also a 〈…〉 of some circumstances of this Fact which are not expressed in that Verdict 〈◊〉 the first being already upon Oath it needeth not as I
Northampton who builded the gallery there but in Queen Mary's time the same was restored to that See where it so continueth 5. The Lord Arch-bishop of YORK'S house was the White-hall much enlarg'd and reedify'd by the Cardinal Wolsey then Arch-bishop of York as by the Arms remaining in wood stone and glass in sundry places of that house may appear And after the said Cardinals conviction of Premunire and Death the same was made parcel of the King's Palace at Westminster by purchase from the Arch-bishop of York as appeareth by the Stat. of 28. Hen. VIII ca. 12. But afterwards until anno 2. or 3. of Queen Mary the Arch-bishop of York had no other dwelling-place near London in right of his See or by reason of his Arch-bishoprick but the house at Battersey and then Queen Mary gave to Arch-bishop Heath and his Successors the late Duke of Suffolk's house called Suffolk-place in Southwark which the Arch-bishop of York by confirmation of the Dean and Chapter there shortly after sold away to others and purchased to his See York-place where the Lord Chancellor remaineth together with the houses adjoining to the Street Which house was sometime the Bishop of Norwich's Place and the same among all or the greatest part of the possessions of the See of Norwich about an 27. Hen. VIII were convey'd to the King by a private Act of Parliament in recompence of the union of the Monastery of St. Bennets and the possessions thereof to that Bishoprick being of far better value than the ancient Lands of the Bishoprick of Norwich assur'd to the King as is recited in the Statute of 32. Hen. VIII ca. 47. whereby the Bishop of Norwich is made Collector of the Tenths of his Diocess as other Bishops were being formerly free'd thereof by the said private Statute of 27. Hen. VIII Which said now York-place by Hen. VIII was convey'd in fee to Charles Brandon Duke of Suffolk and after the death of the said Duke's sons the coheirs of the Duke's sons sold the same to the said Arch-bishop Heath and his Successors 6. But the Bishop of NORWICH was limited by the said private Act of 27. Henry VIII to enjoy perpetually in succession a Prebend in the Free-Chappel of St. Stephens at Westminster after dissolv'd by the Statute of Dissolution of Colledges and Free-Chappels 1. Ed. VI. and the house thereto belonging in Chanon-row whereof then was incumbent one Knight but the house is said to be Leas'd for some small Rent by the Bishop of Norwich to Sir John Thinn Knight in Edw. the Sixth's time for many years enduring And that the house now call'd York-place was belonging to the Bishop of Norwich is proved by a Case 21. Edw. IV. fol. 73. in a Presentment against the Bishop of Norwich in the King's Bench for annoyance of a way inter hospitium Episcopi Norwicensis Dunelmensis in parochia Sancti Martini in Campis 7. DURHAM-HOUSE as appeareth in that Case was the Bishop of Durham's house and Bishop Tonstal about the 26 th of Hen. VIII convey'd the same to the King in Fee and King Henry VIII in recompence thereof granted to the See of Durham Coldharborrowe and certain other houses in London And after Edw. VI. about an 2. granted Durham-house to the Lady Elizabeth his Sister for life or until she be otherwise advanced After the Bishoprick of Durham by a private Statute not printed of 7. Edw. VI. was dissolved and all the possessions thereof given to King Edw. VI. who shortly after convey'd in Fee the said Bishop's late house at Coldharborrowe and other houses in London to Francis Earl of Shrewsbury and his heirs And after the 2d. Mariae ca. 3. The Stat. of 7. Edw. VI. for dissolving that Bishoprick is repeal'd but the Mansion-house of Coldharborrowe and other Tenements in London so granted to the said Earl be confirm'd And the Bishop by that Act prayeth a recompence from the Queen at his charge Whereupon Queen Mary about anno V. or VI. of her reign granteth to the said Bishop of Durham her reversion of Durham-place in succession which coming into possession by the death of Queen Elizabeth the late Bishop of Durham now Lord Arch-bishop of York enter'd into and enjoy'd the same in the right of his See by opinion of the chief Justices of the Land referr'd by the King being opposed by Sir Walter Rawleigh as likewise doth the now Bishop of Durham 8. The Bishop of LICHFEILD and COVENTRY of old call'd the Bishop of Chester before the new erection of the new Bishoprick of Chester had his Place where Somerset-house is builded 9. 10. As likewise the Bishops of WORCESTER and LANDAFF had there sometime a house as Stow in his Book of Survey of London saith But the said three Bishops Places together with a Parish Church call'd Straunde-Church and the greatest Inn of Chancery call'd Straunde-Inn belonging to the Middle Temple were defaced without recompence to any of the said three last mentioned Bishops Parish Church or Inn of Chancery Other than to the Bishop of WORCESTER who had in respect of his former house a house in the White Fryers which he enjoyeth 11. Arondell-house now the Lord Admiral 's was the Bishop of BATH and WELLS'S and was assured in Edw. VI. time to Admiral Seymer and is now quite sever'd from that Bishoprick without recompence 12. Likewise the Bishop of EXETER'S Place after call'd Paget Leicester and Essex-house of the several Owners of the same And it is thought the Bishop of Exeter hath likewise no recompence for the same of any other house in or near London 13. The Bishop of SARUM'S Place now call'd Dorset-house before call'd Sackvile-house and of former time Salisbury Court being in long Lease made by Bishop Capon who was Bishop there in Hen. VIII Edw. VI. and Queen Mary's time was exchang'd temp Reginae Elizabethae by the great Learned Reverend Father Bishop Jewel for recompence of good value in Lands in his Diocess or elsewhere in the West Country 14. The Bishop of St. DAVID'S Place was near adjoyning to Bridewell upon the ditch that runneth to Fleet-bridge into the Thames and was granted in Fee-farm for a Mark Rent temp Edw. VI. to Dr. Hewick the Physician under which purchase the same is now enjoy'd 15. The Bishop of HEREFORD'S Place as Stow in his Survey of London pag. 357. saith is in the Parish of St. Mary de Monte alto or Mount-halt in London of which Bishops Patronage the said Church also is which Place is in the tenure of the Bishop of Hereford or his Tenants 16. 17. The Bishop of LONDON'S Place at Pauls was never sever'd from the Bishop's possession And likewise ELY Place from the Bishop of that See other than such part thereof as the late Lord Chancellor Hatton had by Lease for many years from the late Bishop Cox 18. The Bishop of BANGOR'S house is or lately was Mr. Aleworth's house