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A93123 The Kings supremacy asserted. Or A remonstrance of the Kings right against the pretended Parliament. By Robert Sheringham M.A. and Fellow of Gunvill, and Caius-Colledge in Cambridge Sheringham, Robert, 1602-1678. 1660 (1660) Wing S3237A; ESTC R231142 93,360 138

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instances to which I could yet add more if I thought it needful But it would be superfluous to illustrate and interpret this place by other when the words considered by themselves imply no more for he maketh no distinction of Superiority but calleth God and the Law and the Earls and Barons in his court superiour to the King after the same manner Now it is evident that God in this place is said to be superiour to him in respect of the directive power his Law hath over him for although God hath de jure a coercive power and jurisdiction over Kings and shall de facto after their death dispose of them as their Judge and in this life also doth often restrain them by his secret judgements yet Bracton speaketh not in this place as will appear immediately when the whole and intire period shall be cited of either of those kinds of jurisdiction but of giving present and open judgement upon the Kings fact and upon his charter which is a jurisdiction that he exerciseth not but giveth his Law only for direction by which all Princes ought to be regulated both in granting their charters and in the whole administration of their power It is also clear that the Laws of the Land are said to be superiour to him in respect of the directive power of them having otherwise no force or influence upon him Bracton therefore meaneth that the Earls and Barons in his Court are superiour to him in the same respect and not in respect of any jurisdiction they ought to exercise over him But if we look upon the coherence of these words and their dependence upon the precedent and subsequent matter Bracton's intention will more fully and easily be discerned I will therefore set down as much as is necessary to the present purpose and explain every clause of it and shew the relation and connexion one thing hath with another and let the Reader judge whether this testimony of Bracton doth not strengthen the Kings cause and might not rather be alledged for him then against him Nec factum Regis nec chartam potest quis judicare ita quod factum Domini Regis irritetur Sed dicere poterit quis quod Rex Justitiam fecerit bene si hoc eadem ratione quod male ita imponere ei quod injuriam emendet ne incidat Rex justiciari in judicium viventis Dei propter injuriam Rex autem habet superiorem Deum Item legem per quam factus est Rex item curiam suam videlicet Comites Barones quia Comites dicuntur quasi socii Regis qui habet socium habet Magistrum ideo si Rex fuerit sine frano i. e. sine lege debent ei fraenum ponere That is No man may judge of the Kings fact or his charter so as to make void the fact of our Lord the King But some may say the King hath done justice and well and if so by the same reason that he hath done ill and impose upon him to amend the injury lest he and his justices fall into the judgement of the living God for the injury But the King hath God his superiour and the Law by which he is made King and his Court namely his Earls and Barons for they are called Comites as being Companions to the King and he that hath a Companion hath a Master and therefore if the King be without a bridle that is without Law they ought to put a bridle upon him If this passage be well considered it will be clear that Bracton in the words alleadged calleth not the Earls and Barons superiour to the King in a civill and legall but in a moral regard alone First he saith No man may judge of the Kings fact or his charter so as to make void the fact of our Lord the King How can the words alledged agree with this if their exposition be admitted How can the Earls and Barons in his Court be superiour to the King in respect of a coercive power or civil Jurisdiction when they cannot judge his charter or his fact No man can have a coercive power or civil jurisdiction over another but he hath authority to judge him according to Law and to force the execution of his Sentence Secondly he saith But some may say the King hath done Justice and well and if so by the same reason that he hath done ill and impose upon him to amend the injury lest he and his Justices fall into the hands of the living God for the injury But the King hath God his superiour and the Law by which he is made King and his Court namely his Earls and Barons Having declared what power the Earls and Barons have not over the King here he declareth what power they have In case justice be not duly administred there are some he saith which may advertise him of it and impose upon him to reform what is amisse and those he declares to be the Earls and Barons in his Court who as well as God and the Laws of the Realm are superiour to him that is are superiour to him in the same manner namely by a directive power For he saith not that they should by constraint but by admonition impose upon him to amend the injury using this reason lest He and his Justices fall into the hands of the living God according to that which he saith in the place before quoted Cap. 4. p. 37. Satis sufficit ei pro poena quod Dominum expectet ultorem Thirdly he saith For they are called Comites as being Companions of the King and he that hath a Companion hath a Master Here he giveth a reason why the Earls and Barons may be called his Superiours namely because they are his Companions and he that hath a Companion hath a Master This reason holds good if he indevoureth by it to prove them his Superiours in respect of a directive power and moral superiority but is ridiculous if he should indevour by it to prove them his Superiours in respect of a coercive power or civil jurisdiction for every one cannot be Superiour to his Companions in respect of jurisdiction and be a leige Lord or Legal Master over all the rest But every one may instruct Counsell and direct all his Companions and be a moral Master over them in that respect all Companions may be mutually one anothers Masters Fourthly he saith And therefore if the King be without a bridle that is without Law they ought to put a bridle upon him This inference which he maketh out of the former words doth also confirm that Bracton calleth them not his Superiours in respect of a coercive power or civil jurisdiction for because they are his Companions and so in a moral regard his Masters they ought therefore he saith if he be without a bridle to put a bridle of the Law upon him This bridle then must be a bridle of Law and not a bridle of their own
forrain Princes and Estates as also to maintain the peace to suppresse Rebellions and to see justice executed at home within his own Kingdome Fleta lib. 1 cap. 17. Habet Rex in manu sua omnia jura quae ad Coronam Laitalem pertinent potestatem materialem gladium qui pertinet ad Regni gubernaculum i. e. The King hath all the rights in his hand which belong to the Crown and to Temporal jurisdiction and the power of the sword which belong to the Government of the Kingdome So likewise saith Bracton lib. 1. cap. 8. Sunt alii potentes sub Rege qui dicuntur Barones hoc est robut belli sunt alii qui dicuntur Vavasores viri magnae dignitatis vavasor enim nihil melius dici poterit quam vas fortium ad valetudinem sunt sub Rege milites s ad militiam exercendam electi i. e. There are other great men under the King which are called Barons and other which are called Vavasours men of great dignity There are also soldiers under the King chosen to exercise the Militia And in the beginning of his Book he saith that it is necessary this power should be in the King In rege quirecte regit necessaria sunt duo haec arma videlicet Leges quibus utrumque tempus bellorum pacis recte possit gubernari utrumque enim istorum alter us indiget auxilio quo tam res militaris possit esse tuta quam ipsae Leges usu armorum praesidio possint esse servatae Si autem arma defecerint contra hostes rebelle indomitos sic erit regnum indefensum Si autem Leges sic exterminabitur justitia i. e. In a King that governeth well two things are necessary armes and lawes by which he may be enabled to rule both in times of peace and war and both these help the need of one another whereby both armes and lawes may be preserved If arms be wanting against enemies and rebells the Kingdome shall be without defence if Lawes be wanting without justice This is also evident from the Tenures whereby most of the chief men in the Kingdome hold their estates for all that hold in capite by Knights service are bound for their fee to assist the King in his wars whensoever they shall be summoned by him whether it be to suppresse rebellion or to resist a forraign invasion And this hath been the known Law of the Land ever since the time of William the Conquerour in the fourth year of whose reign this right was confirmed unto him by Act of Parliament The words of the Statute are these Statuinus firmiter pracipimus ut omnes Comites Barones Milites Servientes universi liberi homines totitu regni nostri praedicti habeant teneant se semper bene in armis in equis ut decet oportet quod sint semper prompti parati ad servitium suum integrum nobis explendum peragendum cum semper opus adfuerit secundum quod nobis debent de feodis tenementis suis de jure facere sicut illis statuimus per commune consilium totius Regni nostri praedicti illis dedimus concessimus in feodis jure hereditario i. e. We will and command that all Earls Barons Knights Villeins and all Freemen of out whole kingdom be alwayes well provided with horse and armes as it behoveth them and that they be alwayes in a readinesse to serve us as often as need shall require according as they are bound by their Lands and Tenements and as we have appointed them to do by the Common-Councell of our whole Kingdome and for that consideration have given and granted them lands in Fee for ever Secondly The Legislative power belongs to the King alone by the Common Law the two Houses have authority granted them by the King to assent or dissent but the power that makes it a law the authority that animates it and makes it differ from a dead Letter is in the King who is the life and soul of the law by whose authority alone the lawes command and forbid and vindicate and punish offenders So saith Bracton lib. 1. cap. 2. Hujusmodi verò Leges Anglicanae consuetudines Regum authoritate jubent quandoque quandoque vetant quandoque vindicant puniunt transgressores i. e. These Lawes and customes of England by the Kings authority do sometimes command sometimes sorbid and sometimes chastise and punish transgressors This was also resolved by divers Earls and Barons and by all the justices in the time of Edward the third For one Haedlow and his wife having a controversy with the King and desiring to have it decided in Parliament a reference being made to divers Earls and Barons and to all the justices to consider of the businesse it was resolved that the two houses were not coordinate with the King in the Legislative power but that the King alone made lawes by the assent of the two Houses that he had none equal or coordinate with him in his Realm and that he could not be judged by the Parliament 22. E. 3.6 Fuit dit que le Roy fist les leis per assent des peres de la Commune non pas les peres le Commune Et que il ne avera nul pere en sa terre demesne que le Roy per eux ne doit estr ajuge i. e. It was resolved that the King makes lawes by the assent of the Lords and Commons and not the Lords and Commons and that he could have no Peer in his own land and that he could not be judged by them The Common practice of the law confirms this as well as the resolution of the Judges for the breach of any Statute whether it be by treason murder felony perjury or by any other way is an offence against the Kings authority alone and pleas made against such offences are called the pleas of the crown because they are done encounter la corone dignitie le Roy Stanford les plees del corone lib. 1. cap. 1. against the crown and dignity of the King So that it is not the dignity and authority of the Lords and Commons which is violated by contempt of the law but the dignity and authority of the King He may dispense also with such laws as forbid a thing which is not malum in se and pardon the transgression of others as Treason Felony and the like which in reason he ought no more to do then to dispense with the laws of Germany Spain or France or pardon the transgressours thereof if they were not made by his own authority Again it is an uncontroulable Maxime of Law Ejusdem est leges interpretari cujus est condere None can interpret the laws but the same power that makes them Now that the King calling the Judges to him hath this power is evident by his exposition
Vicecomites alios Ballivos Ministros suos quibus referantur tam quaestiones super dubiis quam querimoniae super injuriis i. e. And if our Lord the King be not sufficient to determine all controversies himself he ought to select wise men fearing God and hating coveteousness and out of them constitute Justices Sheriffs Bailies and other officers to whom controversies and complaints may be referred The practice of the law hath alwayes been the same since Bracton's time and all Judges and chief officers appointed by writ patent or commission from the King Hence it is that all patents and commission of Judges and other such officers are determined by the common law at the Kings death Coke tit discontinue de proces c. part 7.30 Al common ley per demise le Roy le plea fuit discontinue le proces que fuit agard nient returne devant le mort le Roy fuit perde Car per le breve del predecessor rien poit estre execute in le temps del novel Roy si non que il soit in especial cases car le mort le Roy non solement les justices de lū Bank de laūt Barons del exchequer mes les viconts auxi eschetors touts commissions de Oyer Terminer Goale delivery justices de peace sont determine per le mort le predecessor qui eux fist i. e. By the Common law all pleas were discontinued by the death of the King and process awarded and not returned before his death was lost for by the writ of the predecessour nothing can be executed in the time of the new King except it be in some special causes for by the death of the King not onely the justices of both the benches and the Barons of the exchequer but Sheriffs also and Escheatours and all commissions of Oyer and Terminer Goal delivery and Justices of peace are determined by the death of the predecessor that made them Fifthly the power of making leagues and contracting alliance as also of making war with foraign States is in the King alone Coke lib. 7.25 Leagues between our Soveraign and others are the means to make aliens friends foedera percutere to make leagues onely and wholly pertaineth to the King wars do make aliens enemies and bellum indicere belongeth onely and wholly to the King and not to the subject as appearath in 19. E. 4. fol. 6.6 It hath been resolved by the Judges 19. E. 4.46.22 E. 4. Fitz. jurisdiction last placite Judge Jenkins fol. 17. that if all the people of England collectively taken should break the league made with a forraign Prince without the Kings consent the league holds and is not broken There are yet other rights of Majesty as the power of Coynage the power of granting letters patents of Denization the power of dispensing with such laws as are dispensable and the power of pardoning the transgression of them with divers others all which belong to the King by the Common law but because they are not called in question I will pass them over CHAP. VI. The Kings Supremacy both in general and particular shewed by reasons depending upon the laws and customes of the Land ALthough I esteem positive Laws and customes more demonstrative then deductions and inferences yet these have also their weight and importance I will therefore in the last place add such reasons as shall sufficiently confirm the Kings Supremacy although the laws had positively declared or the Judges resolved nothing concerning it First that power which is so under controul that it can be annihilated at the will of another must needs be inferiour to that power which doth so overrule and master it Now such is the condition of Parliaments that the King by law can annihilate them at his pleasure for they depend upon him quoad existentiam for their existence and continuance If it should be granted that Parliaments are in actu signato by original constitution yet the precise time of their existence and continuance hath alwayes been at the Kings appointment it being in his power to call them and dissolve them when he please so that they must needs be subordinate to him and depend upon him for their operation when they depend upon him for their existence Answer To this the reverent Divines answer for the convention of Parliaments the State hath authority in some eases to meet together in Parliament without a legal warrant from the King as if the King be a prisoner in the enemies hands or distracted and have done it de facto in the infancy and minority of some Kings and for the dissolution of Parliaments they say that they have heard wise men affirm that by law a Parliament can not be dissolved whilst there are any petitions of grievances or such matters of importance depending and unfinished Reply What needed the reverent Divines to have cited these wise men Could they not as easily have said themselves that Parliaments could not be dissolved by the Kings command as they said they might be called without it Perhaps they thought that such notorious falsities would never pass currently amongst the people if they were not confirmed by the authority of wise men as well as by their owne yet I beleeve the wise men they speak of were not so wise as Thales Milesius but whatsoever they were their magisteriall dictates must not passe for law for both that which these wise men affirm and that which they affirm themselves is manifestly opposit to law and truth There was never yet since the first foundation of the Monarchie a Parliament called without a legall warrant from the King nor can a Parliament be called without it for the cases put by them are altogether impertinent and can not be supposed the King according to his politique capacity can not be a prisoner or an infant or distracted but in case his condition be such as make him uncapable to guide and manage his charge in person as in case of infancy or distraction the law hath made sufficient provision who shall exercise the regall power in such occurrencies if he be prisoner in the enemies hands he may substitute others or if he be so closely kept as that can not be permitted in such events also the law is not deficient but in all these cases nothing can be acted by authority inherent in the people but by the Kings authority which can never be in prison nor is it subject to infancy or distraction and Parliaments called at such time by those that have authority by law to exercise the Royall power are called by a legall warrant from the King and without such a legall warrant they never were nor can be called It there have been any generall Conventions without it as the reverent Divines who should have done well to have quoted their authors and their words assure us their acts were never esteemed lawes nor such Conventions Parliaments And that the King
confident the last Parliament had been as great as blessing to the land as ever any was in former ages had not the ambition avarice and malice of some interrupted the course of the lawes But for this assembly of Traitors which hath a long time called themselves a Parliament sitting without the house of Lords and secluding from the house of Commons all that would not be as cruel barbarous and wicked as themselves it is a disturber of the Kingdoms peace an enemy and destroyer of the people and if we look upon their actions in their beginning in their raise and in their progress they may seem to have had alwayes a formal opposition to justice and to have acted by some occult and specifical quality not common to other Christians There was indeed at the first beginning of the Parliament much murmuring and discontent amongst the people partly caused by the monopolies and unusual taxation of Ship-mony and partly occasioned by the abuses of divers Courts Here the enemies of the Common-wealth finding a spacious overture to enter into this Rebellion began to act their parts and being too provident to loose such an advantage laboured to exasperate the minds of the people and to stir up those evil humours which began already to appear And although his Majesty offered all just satisfaction for what was past and the best securitie themselves should in reason require that the like Disorders might for ever after be prevented yet these turbulent and factious spirits being for the most part men of broken fortune and hoping to heal themselves by the ruin of others opposed all such motions and would needs themselves become Chyrurgions to the state and as Chyrurgions are wont to smooth and stroak the parts which they resolve shall bleed so they began to smooth and stroak the people promising them a new light in matters of Religion and that they would remove the grievances and sweeten the evils which affected the Common wealth although in stead of removing and sweetning them they have almost made them incurable By these perswasions mixed with many pretences of Religion they procured the people to meet together in great multitudes and in a tumultuous manner to assault divers of the Lords as they were going to the Parliament and to drive them back again not permitting them to speak in the house when their speech was most necessary for the service of the Kingdome Although it was easy for his Majesty to discover their intentions yet the love he bare his people made him to dissemble it and to give way to their proceedings hoping they might in time be brought by his favours to mitigate and correct their furious practises but finding at last that his patience served for nothing else but to fortifie and encourage them in their malice he thought himself obliged to take such wayes as he judged most convenient to stop the course of their proceedings the continuation whereof was like to bring so many mischiefs to the Commonwealth and seeing it was like to be prejudicial to the safety of the people as well as to his own to stay longer in a place where there was neither security for his person nor liberty for any other then those factious persons to vote according to the dictats of their own reason he was forced to withdraw himself from the Parliament to avoid the pernicious effects of those mens counsels which were resolved the whole commonwealth should sink rather then themselves not obtain those places of command and profit which they aimed at The King being gone it was not to be wondred if they which in his presence had the boldness to weave such pernicious designes against the state should in his absence endevour to corrupt the fidelity of his subjects for having the city of London wholy at their command they neither wanted means nor opportunity to draw the people to their faction who by such artificial devices as they used were easie to be insnared They tould them that by resisting the King they should not be rebels but an army authorised by those which were depositaries of the Kings authority that this resistance was an inspiration from heaven which promised the restauration of their ancient liberties which they said had been so often violated by the King They made them believe that the authority of the King and the whole commonwealth would be brought into confusion if they did not vigourously oppose those disorders were growing upon them and remove those evill counsellors from the King that did mislead and seduce him and withall they set out a Declaration promising to preserve and defend the Kings Majesties person and authority together with the liberties of the Kingdom assuring them they had no thoughts or intentions to diminish his Majesties just power and greatness or any way to alter the constitution of the government or of Parliaments consisting of a King a house of Lords and a house of Commons But now we see the effects contrary to those words and promises which were so solemnly made to the whole Kingdome for they have not onely diminished his Majesties just power and greatness overthrown the nature and very being of Parliaments but most traiterously deprived his Majesty of his life and that afte he had condescended so far as to satifie all their unreasonable demands which fact of theirs although it hath been masked with many specious pretences and coloured with the fairest shews of justice yet was it the most execrable murder that ever was committed next that of our Saviour Christ and his ambitious judge hath gained this that next PILATE BRADSHAW of all such judges shall by posterity be esteemed the chief This murder of the King as it was most unjust so was it also most unseasonable considering the present disposition of the Kingdome whose strength being already too much weakened and attenuated ought not to have been further wasted and consumed by renewing the war which the death of the King did threaten But such motions could work nothing upon those which had long before resolved to make all other considerations give place to profit and ambition the people abused themselves whilst they thought this factious assembly would be more careful and tender of them then of the King for they have not onely brought a new war upon them which might have been avoided dashing them all against one another but have also themselves many wayes barbarously afflicted and destroyed them they have made the scaffold the Gibbet the prison and the grave the common places of their rendezvous and those which they have not devoured by their cruelty they devour by their unsatiable avarice whilst they declaim against Kings for oppressing the people by unjust taxations they have themselves as hath been computed by many squeesed more in one year from the Commonwealth then all the Kings of England have done since the conquest The lawful Magestrates are deprived of the liberty and honour of their functions and such as are the
respect of the power it self the Monarchy is absolute simple pure independent without profanation of outward mixture the King alone without further influence from the two Houses having ful power and authority to do or cause to be done all acts of Justice The King alone makes Laws by the asscent of the two Houses and if the two Houses are said at any time to make Lawes it is by a delegate power and authority communicated to them from him and not by any power and authority which they have radically in themselves Secondly I say that the King alone is not onely invested with all the rights of Soveraingty but hath them also so inseperably annexed to hs Royal person by the Lawes of the Land that they cannot be separated from him by any Act of Parliament by any civil constitution or pragmattical Sanction by any Law or Ordinance whatsoever but in case the King himself should improvidently by Act of Parliament agree to any thing tending to the diminution of his Royal Dignity it is then in the power of the Common-law to controul such a Statute to make voyd all such acts as tend to the degradation much more such as tend to the annihilation of Majesty Having thus opened the state of the Question I will now proceed to demonstrate the truth by Statutes by Common-Law and by reasons depending upon the laws and customes of the land CHAP. II. The Kings Supremacy in general shewed by the Statutes of the land I Could both from Saxon and divers other lawes and antiquities shew the Kings of England to have ruled more absolutely and to have anciently exercised a larger Jurisdiction then hath of later years been exercised or challenged by their Successors but because many immunities and priviledges have been granted to the Subjects since their times I will therefore confine my self to such statutes as have been made since the giving of the great Charter And to avoyd tediousnesse I will omit many statutes wherein the King is by both Houses collectively taken acknowledged to be supreme for they frequently in the statutes style him Our gracious Soveraign Lord the King Our dreadful Soveraign Lord the King I will likewise omit many others wherein they acknowledge themselves to be his Subjects and that when they were in their site relation order and union in which posture the fuller Answerer fancies them to be coordinate for such expressions run through divers statutes Most humbly beseech your most excellent Majesty your faithful and obedient subjects the Lords spiritual and temporal and the Commons in this your present Parliament assembled In their most humble wise shewen unto your Royal Majesty your loving subjects the Lords spiritual and temporal and the Commons of this present Parliament assembled I will only alledge such statutes as have been made on purpose to declare to whom Supremacy and all power and jurisdiction belong for there hath been divers acts of Parliament made to that end upon several occasions wherein the Kings Supremacy hath been acknowledged and confirmed unto him In the four and twenty year of Henry the eighth an Act was made that no Appeals should be used but within the Realm the Reason alledged in the Statute is because the King alone is the onely Supreme head of the Realm and is furnished with plenary and entire power to do all acts of justice Where by divers sundry old authentick Histories and Chronicles it is manifestly declared and expressed that this Realm of England is an Empire and hath so been accepted in the world governed by one supreme head and King having the dignity and Royal estate of the imperial Crown of the same unto whom a body politick compact of all sorts and degrees of people divided in tearms and by names of spiritualty and temporalty been bounden and owen to bear next to God a natural and humble obedience he being also institute and furnished by the goodnesse and sufferance of Almighty God with plenary whole and entire power preheminence authority prerogative and jurisdiction to render and yield justice and final determination to all manner of folk resiants or subjects within this his Realm This clear testimomy of the Kings Supremacy is thus eluded by the fuller Answerer saith he Answer what is meant by governed by one supreme head such a one as is able to do all acts of needful justice which the King in his natural capacity cannot do he cannot make a law it must therefore be understood in his full and intire politick capacity which takes in Law and Parliament nor can it be said that by those words a body politick compact of all sorts and degrees the Parliament is properly meant but the Kingdome at large Reply The sum of his Answer is this that in this Statute by the King not the King alone but the King and the two Houses of Parliament are to be understood and so although he would have the Kings power to be lesse yet to make him amends he will have his name to signifie more then it did before But this is nothing else but the evaporation of his own brain for if in any place the word King could signifie the King and the two Houses of Parliament yet in this it must of necessity signifie the King alone 35. H. 8. cap. 1. these words having the dignity and Royal estate of the Imperial Crown of the same can have reference to no other Besides in this Answer he contradicts his own Principles for if the two Houses be coordinate with the King and have power radically in themselves not derived from him they cannot be comprehended under his politick capacity Whereas he saith the King cannot make a Law and infer from thence that the King alone without taking in the two Houses hath not intire and plenary jurisdiction his inference is very infirm for it doth not diminish Majesty but redounds to the glory of it Argum. l. 8. c. de legibus to give lawes to the people by the counsel and assent of wisemen It hath been and is for the most part the practise in absolute Monarchies to make Lawes that shall bind posterity by general consent and agreement which yet doth not deprive the Monarch of his power or derogate any way from the plenitude and intirenesse thereof But I shall speak more of this when I come to answer their objections Whereas he saith that by a body politick compact of all sorts and degrees not the Parliament but the Kingdome at large is properly meant I know no man will contradict him yet I say the two Houses are comprehended under the Kingdome at large and are representative thereof in Parliament and representatives cannot be the head when the Kingdome at large whose Representatives they are is but the body And therefore here the fuller Answerer hath a little overshot himself for if by the body politick the Kingdome at large be understood then is the King major universis greater then all the people collectively taken by his
or ligeance is due Now that allegiance or ligiance is due to the King and onely to the King will appear by several Acts of Parliament In the first year of King James the Lords and Commons declared that both the ancient and famous Realms of England and Scotland were united in allegiance and loyal subjection in his royal person 1. Jac. cap. 2. to his Majesty and his posterity for ever In 34. H. 8. cap. 1. and 35. H. 8. cap. 3. c. the King is called the liege Lord of his subjects and in the Acts of Parliament of 13. R. 2. cap. 5. 11. R. 2. cap. 1. 14. H. 8. cap. 2 c. subjects are called the Kings liege people By other Acts of Parliament divers oaths have been framed and given to the people the contents and effects whereof were that they should bear all faith and allegiance to the King and his heirs In the six and twenty year of Henry the eighth an oath was taken by all the Kings subjects for the surety of the succession of the crown of England 26. H. 8. cap. 2. the oath was this Ye shall swear to bear faith truth and obedience all onely to the Kings Majesty and to the heirs of his body of his most dear and intirely beloved lawful wife Queen Anne begotten and to be begotten and further to the heirs of our said Soveraign Lord according to the limitation in the statute made for surety of his succession in the crown of this Realm mentioned and conteined and not to any other within this Realm nor forrain authority or Potentate and in case any oath be made or hath been made by you to any person or persons that then ye repute the same as vain and adnihilate and that to your cunning wit and utmost of your power without guile fraude or other undue mean ye shall observe keep maintain and defend the said act of succession and all the whole effects and contents thereof and all other acts and statutes made in confirmation or for execution of the same or for any thing therein conteined And this ye shall do against all manner of persons of what estate dignity degree or condition soever they be And in no wise do or attempt nor to your power suffer to be done or attempted directly or indirectly any thing or things privately or apertly to the let hinderance damage or derogation thereof or of any part of the same by any manner of means or of any manner of pretence so help you God and all Saints and the holy Evangelists There are two things observable in this oath first that they swear inclnsivè to bear all faith truth and obedience to the Kings Majesty and his heirs and onely to them Secondly that they swear exclusivè to bear faith truth and obedience to no other either within the realm or without not to other persons nor to other authority by both which clauses of the oath it appears that the King 28. H. 8. cap. 7. and none but the King can challenge faith and allegiance from the people Afterwards in the eight and twenty year of King Henry the eighth the like oath was injoyned to be taken by all his subjects touching his succession by Queen Jane for the former Act touching his succession by Queen Anne was repealed but the oath injoyned was otherwise the same And in the five and thirty year of his reign an other oath was framed wherein besides the contents of the former touching allegiance due to the King and his heirs some other additions were inserted touching his Supremacy in Ecclesiastical causes because the former oaths were not thought full enough to that effect and purpose And these oaths were extraordinary and imposed by special appointment l. 35. But besides these there is another ordinary oath of Allegiance which was first instituted by King Arthur l. 59. and is mentioned amongst the laws of King Edward and confirmed by the laws of William the Conquerour this oath cominueth still in force and should by the law be given in every Leer The order and form of it appeareth in Britton who wrote in the reign of Edward the first and compiled a book of the Statutes and lawes which were then in use the effect of it is this Coke lib. 7. in Calvins case You shall swear that that from this day forward you shall be true and faithful to our soveraign Lord the King and his heirs and truth and faith shall bear of life and member and terrene honour and you shall neither know nor hear of any ill or damage intended unto him that you shall not defend so help you almighty God By this it is clear enough that allegiance is due to the King the pretended house on the other side is so far from having authority to exact allegiance from the people that they were all bound themselves by law to take the oath of Allegiance before they were admitted to sit in the house and having every one taken the said oath how they should be absolved none but themselves can understand whose common practice hath been to play with oaths as children play with toyes and trifles seeming rather to make them their pastime then to esteem them religious acts or sacred obligations Fourthly to pardon the transgression of the laws to remit treason murder felony man-slaughter to appoint subordinate Judges to make leagues with forraign Princes and States all these are rights of soveraignty and all these are declared and determined by the Statutes of the land to belong to the Kings Majesty First the power of pardoning the transgressions of the law and of remitting treason murder felony manslaughter and such like offences is declared and determined to be in the Kings Majesty by a Statute made in the twenty seventh year of Henry the eighth 27. H. 8. c. 24. Where divers of the most ancient prerogatives and authorities of Justice appertaining to the imperial crown of this realm have been severed and taken from the same by sundry gifts of the Kings most noble progenitors Kings of this realm to the great diminution and detriment of the Royal estate of the same and to the hinderance and great delay of justice for reformation whereof be it enacted by authority of this present Parliament that no person or persons of what estate or degree soever they be of from the first day of July which shall be in the year of our Lord God 1536. shall have any power or authority to pardon or remit any treasons murders manslaughters or felonies or any utlaries for any such offences aforesaid committed perpetrated done or divulged or hereafter be committed done or divulged by or against any person or persons in any part of this Realm Wales or the marches of the same but that the Kings highness his heirs and successors Kings of this Realm shall have the whole and sole power and authority thereof united and knit to the imperial crown of this realm as
of good right and equity it appertaineth any grants usages prescription act or acts of Parliament or any other thing to the contrary hereof notwithstanding Secondly the power of appointing subordinate judges is declared and determined to be in the King by the same Statute And be it also enacted by authority aforesaid that no person or persons of what estate degree or condition soever they be from the said first day of July shall have any power or authority to make any justices of Eire justices of assize Justices of peace or justices of Goale delivery but that all such Officers and Ministers shall be made by Letters Patents under the Kings great Seal in the name and by authority of the Kings highnesse and his Heirs Kings of this Realm in all Shires Counties Counties Palatine and other places of this Realm Wales and the marches of the same or in any other his Dominions at their pleasure and wills in such manner and form as justices of Eire justices of Assise and justices of peace and justices of Goale delivery be commonly made in every shire of this Realm any grants usages prescription allowance act or acts of Parliament or any other thing or things to the contrary thereof notwithstanding Thirdly the power of making leagues with forraign Princes and States is declared to be in the King by a Statute made in the fourteenth year of Edward the fourth which begins thus 14. E. 4. cap. 4. Whereas divers and great offences and attempts have now of late been done and committed against the amities and leagues made betwixt our said soveraign Lord the King and strange Prince By this beginning of the Statute it is manifest that the power of making leagues and contracting alliance with forraign estates is a right belonging onely to the crown I could yet add divers other acts of Parliament to confirm this and all the other particulars above named but I suppose these which are already alledged are more then sufficient there are also other rights of Soveraignty which I could shew by the statutes to be in the King but because there is no contestation about them I will not fight with a shadow those above mentioned are the chiefest and inseparable from Majesty CHAP. IV. The Kings Supremacy in general shewed by the Common Law HAving shewed the Kings Supremacy from the Statutes I come now to the Common law which is the ground and foundation of it for Statutes are but declarations of the royal power the power it self with the several modifications and qualifications of it is more ancient then any statute and cannot be limited or restrained by an Act of Parliament in any thing that tends to the derogation or diminution of Majesty for the English Monarchy by the common law is an absolute Monarchy susceptible of no alteration in the rights and preheminences of Majesty First I say the English Monarchy is an absolute Monarchy by the Common Law admitting no mixture in the rights of Soveraignty the King alone being the onely supreme head and governour having none superiour to him or coordinate with him either singly or collectively taken this is expresly determined in Sir Edward Cokes reports If that Act of the first year of the late Queen had never been made it was resolved by all the judges that the King or Queen of England for the time being may make such an Ecclesiastical Commission as is before mentioned by the ancient prerogative and Law of England Coke lib. 5. in Caudreys case And therefore by the ancient Laws of the realm this Kingdom of England is an absolute Empire and Monarchy consisting of one head which is the King and of a body politick compact and compounded of many and almost infinite several and yet agreeing members all which the law divideth into two general parts that is to say the Clergy and the laitie both of them next and immediately under God subject and obedient to the head also the King head of this Politick body is instituted and furnished with plenary and iutire power prerogative and jurisdiction to render justice and right to every part and member of this body of what estate degree or calling soever in all causes Ecclesiastical or Temporal otherwise he should not be head of the whole body This is further proved by Sir Edward Coke by divers Precedents and Acts of Parliament who concludeth his report after this manner Fol. 40.6 Thus hath it appeared as well by the ancient common lawes of this Realm by the resolutions and judgements of the judges and sages of the Lawes of England in all succession of ages as by authority of many acts of Parliament ancient and of later times that the Kingdome of England is an absolute Monarchy and that the King is the only supream governour as well over Ecclesiastical persons and in Ecclesiastical causes as temporal within this Realm to the due observation of which Laws both the King and Subject are sworn In the second year of King James in Hillary Terme letters being directed to the judges to have their resolution concerning the validity of a grant made by Queen Elizabeth under the great seal of the benefit of a penal Statute in which grant power was given to the Lord Chancelour or Keeper of the great Seal to make dispensations when and to whom he pleased after great deliberation it was resolved that when a Statute is made by Act of Parliament for the publick good the King could not give the power of dispensation to any Subject or grant the forfeitures upon penal lawes to any before the same be recovered and vested in his Majesty by due and lawful proceeding and the reason there alledged is because the King as head of the Common-wealth and the fountain of justice and mercy ought to have these rights of Soverainty annexed only to his Royal person Coke lib. 7. tit penall Statutes Car quant un statute est fait pro bono publico le Rey come le teste del bien publique le fountaine de justice mercie est par tout le realme trust ove ceo cest considence trust est cy inseparablement adjoyne annexe al Royal person del Roy in cy haut point de soveraigntie que il ne poit transferre ceo al disposition on poiar d'ascune privat person ou al ascune privat use that is For when a Statute is made for the publick good and the King as head of the Common-wealth and the fountain of justice and mercy is by all the Realm trusted with it that confidence and trust is so inseperably annexed to the Royal person of the King in so high a point of Soveraignty that he cannot transfer it to the disposition or power of a private person or to any private use I shall not need to explain and amplifie the matter by arguments and inferences drawn from these reports for the words are clear of themselves and do expresly declare and resolve the Monarchy of
the common law made void Stanford lib. 2.101 because they cut off part of the Kings prerogative So likewise to grant letters patents of Denization is esteemed by the common law inter jura Majestatis insignia summae potestatis Coke in Calvins case and is so inseparably and individually annexed to the Royal person of the King as it cannot be divided from it That which I have hitherto said of the rights and preheminences of Majesty is to be understood of those rights and preheminences that are so essential to it as they cannot be separted without the diminution or destruction of Majesty As the power of the Militia the power of making laws the power of appointing Judges and such like Acts of jurisdiction as also the power of dispensing with penal Statutes the power of pardoning the transgressions of the Law the power of prosecuting the law and such like supreme acts of justice and mercy some of which rights and preheminences cannot be taken away without giving a wound others not without bringing death and dissolution to Majesty yet there are other rights and preheminences that are called priviledges which are not so essential to Majesty but that they may by special grace of the King be separated Bracton lib. 2. cap. 24. Ea vero quae jurisdictionis sunt pacis ea quae sunt justitiae paci annexa ad nullum pertinent nisi ad Coronam dignitatem Regiam nec à Corona separari poterunt cum faciant ipsam Coronam Ea vero quae dicuntur Privilegia licet pertineant ad Coronam tamen à Corona separari possunt ad privatas personas transferri sed de gratia ipsius Regis speciali id est Those things which belong to jurisdiction and peace and those which are annexed to justice and peace pertain to none but the Crown neither can they be separated from it because they make the Crown But those which are called Priviledges although they pertain to the Crown yet they may be separated from it and transferred to private persons but not without the special favour of the King It may seem strange that the King and the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and the House of Commons which are virtually the whole kingdome should not have power to make what Laws they please and to bind themselves and the whole kingdome by them in things not repugnant to the law of God yet if we consider the ground of this restraint we shall find it reasonable for they which lay the first foundation of a Common-wealth have authority to make lawes that cannot be altered by posterity in matters that concern the rights both of King and people for foundations cannot be removed without the ruin and subversion of the whole building As for example the division of things which is made at the first foundation of a Commonwealth whether the people took the countrey they divide from the Inhabitants by conquest in a just war or whether they did first actually possesse it themselves as being before emptie and vacant cannot be altered by posterity and a new division made without manifest injustice The Laws which they then make for the preservation of their right and propriety in the said division can not be disannulled by succeeding Parliaments nor can any particular man be deprived of his inheritance which descends unto him by virtue of that division or of any part or parcel or appurtenances thereof by any contrary law which shall be made by them I speak not what Parliaments may do by force but what they may justly do for they have not such an arbitrary power but that they are alwayes in a morall subjection to the rules of justice and natural equity And in this case the Kings condition ought not to be worse then the peoples but his share and rights in the said division are as firmly and unchangeably to be preserved as the share and rights of particular men And both the King and people are obliged to this not only by the rules of Justice and natural equity but by oath and by the municipal Lawes of the Land l. 17. to which they are both sworn That the King is bound to this appears by the Lawes of King Edward Debet vero de jure Rex omnes terras honores omnes dignitates jura libertates coronae regni hujus in integrum cum omni integritate sine diminutione observare defendere dispersa dilapidata amissa regni jura in pristinum statum debitum viribus omnibus omnibus revocare i. e. The King ought by right to maintain and defend all the Lands honours dignities rights and liberties of the Crown entirely without diminution and by all means to recall again those rights which are lost and separted from the Crown That the people are bound to this l. 35. l. 56. appears likewise by the Lawes of King Edward and of William the Conquerour who did a little inlarge the Lawes of King Edward in this particular Statuimus etiam firmiter praecipimus ut omnes liberi homines totius regni nostri praedicti sint fratres conjurati ad Monarchiam ad Regnum nostrum pro viribus suis facultatibus contra inimicos pro posse suo defendendum viriliter servandum pacem dignitatem coronae nostrae integram observandam ad judicium rectum justitiam constanter omnibus modis pro posse suo sine dilatione faciendam Hoc decretum sancitum est in civitate London i. e. we will and command that all free men of our Kingdom be sworn Brothers to defend and keep our Monarchy and Kingdome according to their power against the Enemies of the same and to maintain the peace and dignity of our Crown entire and to exercise right judgement and justice according to their power without deceit and delay This Decree was enacted in the City of London By the civil law also the rights of Soveraignty cannot be separated from the Prince and the reason alleadged is because they are essential to Majesty Suprema jurisdictio potestas regia etsi Princeps velit se separari non possunt sunt enim ipsa forma substantialis essentia Majestatis ergo manente ipso Rege ab eo abdicari non possunt Cabedo practic observ par 2. decis 40. n. 8. Io. Andr. in addit ad specul tit de jurisdict c. Cum Marthae de celebrat Missar i. e. Supreme jurisdiction and Kingly power cannot be separated from the Prince although he would himself for they are essential to Majesty and cannot be abdicated whilst he remaineth King CHAP. V. The Kings Supremacy in particular shewed by the Common Law I Come now to the particular rights of Soveraignty which are all by the Common law wholly in the power of the King First 19 E. 4.6 Coke 7.25 B. the Militia is his by the Common Law and to him it only pertaineth to make War with
upon the Statute of Glocester made in the sixt year of Edward the first extant amongst the printed Statutes and following immediately after the said Statute in these words After by the King and his Justices certain expositions were made upon some of the articles above mentioned that is to wit to the first article for entries by disseisin damages shall run from the time of the Statute published In the same wise in writs of entre upon disseisin in all writs of Mortdauncester Cousenage Aiel or Befaiel of intrusion by one act by any manner of writ damages shall run after the writ purchased against them that held by Statute albeit their ancestors died seised thereof c. Here we see to whom the interpretation of the law belongeth the Judges by themselves have a power to interpret it judicialiter they could not otherwise proceed to judgement but being called by the King with him and under him they have a power to interpret it authoritative as hath been the practice and is the known law of the Land But for the two houses besides that they can do nothing joyntly together unless the King doth actually concurre with them their structure is such that they are altogether uncapable and unfit to interpret law For the power that interprets law must be always existent to act as new occasions shall arise which requires the exercise of that power which the two houses are not And yet were they alwayes existent both houses having a negative voyce upon any disagreement between them the interpretation of the law must be retarded and all controversies depending thereupon undecided and this disagreement might perhaps endure for ever and so a final determination in such suites would be impossible Now these are inconveniences which ought not to be admitted in any common-wealth for it derogates both from the honour and wisdome of a Nation to be so moulded and framed that justice cannot have a free passage in all contingencies I will yet adde for the further clearing of this point that not only the legislative power it self but the very exercise of the power also so far as it is essential to government is in the King alone for he can by edicts and proclamations provide for all necessary occasions and special emergencies not provided for by fixed and certain laws which is one of the most excellent and eminent acts of the legislative power and a sufficient remedy against all mischiefs in case the two houses should refuse to concur with him in those things which concern the benefit of the Kingdome He may also grant immunities liberties and priviledges to any colledge town city or incorporation and authorise the said communities to make such local Statutes as shall oblige every member thereof so far as they contradict not the general Statutes of the Land which are all acts of the legislative power that he can exercise without the concurrence of the two houses Now concerning the Kings negative voice 12. H. 7.10 4. H. 7.18 7. H. 14. Judge Jenkins fol. 18. it is the known law that the King hath a power of dissenting and that no act of Parliament can have any authority except either in person or under his seal he signifies his assent Thirdly allegeance or ligeancy is due to the King and none but the King by the Common law as Sir Edward Coke sheweth at large in Calvins case from the resolution of the Judges By that which hath been said appeareth saith he that this ligeance is due onely to the King so as therein the question is not now cui sed quomodo debetur It is true that the King hath two capacities in him one a natural body being discended of the blood Royal of the realm and this body is of the creation of almighty God and is subject to death infirmity and such like The other is a politick body or capacity so called because it is framed by the policy of man and in the 21. E. 4.39 B. is called a mystical body and in this capacity the King is esteemed to be immortal invisible not subject to death infirmity infancy nonage c. Vide Pl. Com. in le Case de Seigmor Barclay 238. Et in the case del duchie 213. vide 6. E. 3.291 26. ass pl. 54. Now seeing the King hath but one person and several capacities and one politick capacity for the realm of England and another for the realm of Scotland it is necessary to be considered to which capacity ligeance is due and it was resolved that it was due to the natural person of the King which is ever accompanied with the politick capacity and the politick capacity as it were appropriated to the natural capacity and is not due to the politick capacity onely that is to the crown or Kingdome distinct from his natural capacity In the same case a little after it followeth And where divers books and Acts of Parliament speak of the ligeance of England as the 31. E. 3. tit Cosinage 5.42 E. 3.2.13 E. 3. tit Bre. 677.25 E. 3. Statut. 2. De natisultra mare All these and divers other spenking briefly in a vulgar manner for loquendum ut vulgus and not pleading for sentiendum ut docti are to be understood of the ligeance due by the people to the King For no man will affirm that England it self taking it for the continent thereof doth owe any ligeance or faith or that any ligeance of faith should be due to it but it manifestly appeareth that the ligeance or faith of the subject is proprium quarto modo to the King omni soli semper Fourthly the power of making Judges and all such State officers as exercise any jurisdiction is in the King alone by the Common law and can not nor ought not to be separated from him for it is not reasonable that delegate Judges should be substituted by any but those whose delegates they are nor can a King execute justice according to his oath which next the Glory of God is the chief end of Government by a naked title onely His subjects may be vexed by the rapine and exactions of unjust Judges they may be wearied by delayes exhausted by insupportable fees opprest many several ways and the King in the mean time must stand still and look on if his hands be bound and he disabled from punishing their delinquencies deputing others into their places And therefore this power cannot be disunited from the crown but ought to be de jure as it hath alwayes been de facto a part of the Kings prerogative Bracton lib. 3. tit de actionibus cap. 10. Et si ipse Dominus Rex ad singulas causas terminandas non sufficiat ut levior sit illi labor in plures personas partito onere eligere debet de regno suo viros sapientes timentes Deum in quibus sit veritas eloquiorum qui ederunt avaritiam quae inducit cupiditatem ex illis constituere Justiciarios
wings to be clipt before he made the said grant he caused all the Lawes and Customes that were in force in the time of King Edward to be written out and then after good deliberation finding nothing in them prejudicial to his Crown and Royal authority he ratified and confirmed them For whereas some of them say the Fundamental Lawes are not written that so they might cover their fraud and deceit who pretending fundamental Laws are able to alledge nothing out of them this is contrary to all the Histories and Records of those times which testifie that Willam the Conquerour commanded twelve of the wisest men to be chosen in every County who did upon oath declare all the Lawes and Customes which they knew not adding or omitting any thing Aldered Arch-bishop of York who had crowned him and Hugo Bishop of London as Chronicon Lichfieldense relateth writ them out with their own hands Yet he granted not these Lawes without some emendations Leges H. 1. c. 2. as appears by the Laws of Henry the first Lagam Regis EDWARD I vobis reddo cum illis emendationibus quibus eam Pater meus emendavit Consilio Baronum suorum i. e. I restore unto you the Laws of King Edward with those emendations which my father by the advice of his Barons added unto them For although he let the old foundation stand yet he inlarged it and added divers new dignities and preheminencies to the Crown 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fol. 151. not wholely relinquishing the rights he had gained by conquest as some without ground or reason affirm but joyning the rights of law and conquest together And this was all done by consent and agreement of the people and confirmed by Act of Parliament Thirdly the two Houses of Parliament are but the Kings Counsell according to their usual style both in our Statutes and Law Books at first the Members of the Pretended Parliament gave themselves no other name and in propability would have been longer content with it upon condition his Majesty would have observed their counsells as Laws and have acknowledged himself bound to obey them for they were willing then he should have had the title of a King so themselves might have had all the power and authority belonging to the Crown But the truth is there is a great distance between Counsels and Commands Counsellours are but subordinate officers and may not impose their Counsells for Lawes upon those which they serve in that employment Answer 1 To this it is answered first That the two Houses are called the Counsel of the Realm as well as the Kings Counsell and are trusted by the People as well as by the King Reply Although in some respects they be trusted by the people yet as touching the office of Councellours they are trusted by the King and when they are called the Councel of the Realm it is all one as if they were called the Councel of the King for under divers phrases the same thing is signified it being an usual custome in law in expressions of this kind to take the Realm or kingdome for the King himself Coke lib. 7.12 And oftentimes in the reports of our Book cases and in acts of Parliament also the Crown or Kingdom is taken for the King himself as in FITZ NATVR BRE FOL 5. tenure IN CAPITE is a tenure of the Crown and is Signory in grosse that is of the person of the King and so is the 30. H. 8. Dyer fol. 44 45. a tenure in chief as of the Crown is meerly a tenure of the person of the King and therewith agreeth 28. H 8. tit tenure Br. 65. The Statute of the 4. Hen. 5. cap. ultimo gave Priors aliens which were conventual to the King and his heirs by which gift saith 34. H. 6.34 the same were annexed to the Crown And in the said Act of 25. E. 3. whereas it is said in the beginning within the ligeance of England it is twice afterward said in the ligeance of the King and yet all one ligeance due to the King So in the 42. E. 3. fol. 2. where it is first said the ligeance of England it is afterward in the same case called the ligeance of the King wherein though they used severall manner and phrases of speech yet they intended one and the same ligeance So in our usual Commission of Assize of Goale delivery of Oyer and Terminer of the Peace c. power is given to execute justice secundum legem consuetudinem regni nostri Angliae and yet Little lib. 2. in his Chapter of Villenage fol. 43. in disabling of a man that is attainted in a praemunire saith that the same is the Kings Law and so doth the Register in the writ of ad jura Regia style the same Answer 2 Secondly it is answered although the two Houses be the Kings Counsell yet they are not chosen by himself the Lords are consiliari nati born Counsellours and the Commons are consiliari dati Counsellours given him by Election of the people Reply Although the Lords be born Counsellours and the Commons chosen by the people yet they cannot sit in Counsell but at such times as the King is pleased to make use of them and when he is pleased to summon them and command them to sit the Lords cannot refuse to come or the people to send their Deputies nor doth it alter their condition whether they be born his Counsellours given him by the people or chosen by himself they which are born to places of dignity and jurisdiction or they which are chosen to them by the people cease not for all that to be subordinate to the King they are all his Subjects and Ministers and are so far from having authority to challenge obedience to their Counsels that if their Counsells be not such as they ought they are themselves obnoxious to a censure of Law A King is obliged in time of Parliament to follow the advice and direction of the two Houses and out of Parliament of his Privy Counsell when their advice and direction tendeth to the preservation of his person and of his Royal authority and to the preservation of his people and of their rights and priviledges not that Counsellours have authority over Kings but because the matter of their Counsels do morally oblige their consciences but if their advice and direction tend to the ruin of either he may and ought to recede from their Counsels and such a King is not a tyrant but such Counsellours traitors by the law This is mysteriously represented to the Lords when they are first preferred to that degree and dignity by the usuall solemnities then performed for if in stead of giving counsell for the King they give counsell against him they are not only by the Statutes of the Land declared to be traitors but if the Statutes were silent by a tacite condition of law annexed to their dignities and vayled under certain ceremonies used at their first creation
his Courts not in his private capacity and to speak properly only in his high Court of Parliament wherein he is absolutely supreme Head and Governour from which there is no appeal Object 2 And if the Parliament may take account what is done by by his Majesty in his inferiour Courts much more what is done by him without authority in any Court Object 3 And it is preached to the people in the Kings Declarations that by the Supremacy is meant a power inherent in the Kings person without above against all his Courts the Parliament not excepted whereby the excellent Lawes are turned into an arbitrary Government Reply Argus Eyes will scarce be able to discover a word of Law or truth in all this every sentence seemeth rather to be a Sarcasme then to contain matter of serious importance wherein they deal with his Majesty as the Jews did with our Saviour Christ who having stripped him of his apparrel and used all the spiteful and opprobrious tearms they could devise against him added at last a mock to their other incivilities bowing unto him and saying HARLE KING OF THE JEWES The pretended House having likewise seized upon all his Majesties Revenues and rights of the Crown and offered him all the indignities they could invent do yet style him their King and supreme Head and Governour but in such a manner as they may seem like the Jews rather to do it by way of derision then in earnest The Kings Supremacy they say is meant in Curia non in Camera in his Courts not in his private capacity As they fancy the people to have conveyed all authority to the King so they fancy the King to have poured it out again into his Courts as if he had no power authority or jurisdiction adherent in his person but had committed all to his delegate Judges or rather which they say is to speak properly unto themselves Manwood of sorrest lawes part 1. whereas he hath by law a royal and supiremenent jurisdiction above all his courts and may call causes out of them before himself or hear appeals and reform their abuses when occasion require Lambart Archaion fol. 95. I shall not need to repeat that which I have before this time opened touching the beginning of the Kingly power and authority for the delivery of justice to all the sorts and in all the suits of his subjects but I will confirm by proofes drawn out of our country lawes and lawyers that the self same generall jurisdiction is appropriated to all the Kings of this realm of England Master Henry Bracton that lived in the time of King Henry the third hath in the ninth and tenth chapter of his book these words following Rex non alius debet judicare si solus ad id sufficere possit cum ad hoc per veritatem Sacramenti teneatur astrictus exercere igitur debet Rex potestatem juris sicut Dei Vicarius minister in terra Sin Dominus Rex ad singulas causas determinandas non sufficiat ut levior sit illi labor in plures personaspartito onere eligere debet viros sapientes timentes Deum ex illis constituere justiciarios The words do prove two things serviceable to this purpose first that the K. onely is to be the judge of his people if he alone were able to performe that office as well because he is within his own Kingdome the vice-Roy of God the supream judge of the world as also for that he is thereunto bound by oath taken at the Coronation The second that albeit he doe for the multitude of causes substitute others underneath him yet is he not thereby discharged himself for it is done ut levior sit illi labor that his labour be the lighter not that he should sit unoccupied and least you should doubt that so much is not comprised in that oath of his one question therein amongst others is this Facies fieri in omnibus judiciis tuis aequam rectam justitiam discretionem in misericordia veritate secundum vires tuas To which he answereth faciam wherein the words judiciis tuis vires tuas doe more properly denote his own doing then the doing of his subalterne justices albeit their judgment be after a certain manner the judgement of the King himself also from whence their authority is derived Much like the words of Bracton speaketh King Edward the first in the beginning of his book of law commonly called Britton where after he had shewed that he is the Vicar of God and that he hath distributed his charge into sundry portions because he alone is not sufficient to heare and determine all complaints of his people theu he addeth these words Nous volons que nostre jurisdiction so it sur touts jurisdictions en nostre realm issent que in touts manners de felonies trespas contracts en touts maners de autres actions personals on real ayons poer a rendre faire rendre les jugements tiels come ils afferont sans a uter processe par la ou nous scavons la droit verite come judges We Will saith the King that our own jurisdiction be above all the jurisdiction of our realm so as in all manner of felonies trespasses contracts and in all other actions personalls or realls we have power to yeild or cause to yeild such judgements as do appertaine without other processe wheresoever we know the right truth as judges Neyther may this be taken to be meant of the Kings bench where there is onely an imaginary presence of his person but it must necessarily be understood of a jurisdiction remaining and left in the Kings Royall bodie and breast distinct from that of his Bench Marshalsey Common pleas Exchequer and the other ordinary courts because he doth immediatly after in the same place severally set forth by themselves as well the authority of the Kings Bench as of the rest of those his ordinarie Courts of justice And that this was no new made law or first brought in by the Normin conquest I must put you in mind of that which I touched before out of tho Saxon lawes of King Edgar where you did read it thus Nemo in lite Regem appellato nisi quando domi jus consequi non poterit sin juris summi onere domi prematur ad regem ut is id oneris allevet provocato Let no man in suit appeale to the King unlesse he may not get right at home but if that right be to heavy for him goe to she King to have it eased By which it may evidently appeare that even so many years agoe there might appellation be made to the Kings Person whensoever the cause should inforce it Hitherto Mr. Lambart who doth afterwards further prove this supreame and supereminent jurisdiction of the King by divers precedents and acts of Parliament And although the Commons in some other Parliaments have seemed to impugne this prerogative yet here as he saith
categorically they may take an accompt what is done by his Majesty in his inseriour courts yet they would have the people think them to have such a power and therefore they lay it down as a supposition which they seem to take for granted although they know it to be false If they were a full and legal Parliament they might indeed take an accompt what is done in his Courts by subordinate Officers but not what is done by his Majesty who as King can do no wrong His authority is from God and if injustice be committed in his Courts his Kingly authority is not the cause thereof but the corruption of his judges who abuse it and his Majesty may take an accompt of them either privately or in his Parliament but is not himself accountable for their abuses For although the judgement of his courts may and is termed in law the judgement of the King yet that is to be understood of the act it self which cannot be effected without his influence and concurrence K. H. 7.4 not of the obliquity and deviation from justice which is in it Nor is he yet accomptable to any but God for his perfonal actions by the lawes of the land he cannot be obnoxious to any guilt had he committed treason or any other crime before he was King by taking the Crown upon him all attainder of his person is purged ipso facto Enough hath been said already to prove both the Houses and the Members thereof as well collectively as severally taken to be his inferiour delegate and subordinate ministers that derive their authority from him and in case of grievance are to sue unto him by petition which is all the help the law giveth in such exigencies for they are so far from having any jurisdiction over him in matters of misdemeanour that they cannot take knowledge of those cases wherein Majesty without disparagement may submit it self to a legal triall as in controversies of right or of title to land c. except he be pleased to have the businesse decided in that Court. In Haedlows case before mentioned it is resolved by all the Justices that controversies which concetn the King cannot be determined in Parliament 22. E. 3.6 and it is there added above what hath been cited that Kings may not be judged by others then themselves and their justices unques Roys ne serra adjuge si non per eux mesmes lour justic And this is true as it was resolved by Scrope in the Bishop of Winchesters case not only in respect of others but in respect of the Members of Parliament themselves for although they are to be tryed by their own respective houses in things which concern the Parliament if the fact touch not the King yet if it touch the King and the case be prosecuted by him they cannot then take cognisance of it except he thinks it expedient who hath power if he please to try it in any of his other Courts Fitz. tit coron p. 3. E. 3. p. 161. Ceux queux sount judges in Parliament sount judges de lour Pieres mes le Roy naver Piere in sa terre demesne per que il ne doit per eux estre judge ne ailours faire son suite vers cestui qui luy trespassa quam la ou luy pleist i. e. They which are judged in Parliament are judged of their Peers that is the Lords by the House of Lords and the Commons by the House of Commons bur the King can have no Peer in in his own Land and therefore he ought not to be judged by them nor to make his processe against him that offends but where he please himself Object 3 Last of all they charge the King for atttibuting too much power and authority to himself And it is preached to the People in the Kings Declarations that by the Supremacy is meant a power inherent in the Kings person without above against all his Courts the Parliament not exceped whereby the excellent Lawes are turned into an Arbitrary Government It is no wonder if the Members of the Pretended House were more inclined to hear what their own seditious Divines preached in Saint Margarets then what the King preached in his Declarations yet I believe it had been better for them if they had entertained his Majesties Person and Declarations with more respect and duty However for the present may seem to have ruined him and his people too yet they which have mounted to places of dignity and profit upon the dead bodies of the King and People may find in the end that Rebellion and Murder sit not so high but that vengeance and divine Justice sit above them As for the charge which they bring against his Majesty it is partly false his Majesty never used such expressions as they pin upon him where doth he say that he hath a personal power above and against the Parliament let any man produce the words out of which he can force such a sense Their Charge is also partly vain and frivolous for whereas they accuse him for saying his Supremacy was inherent in his Person they might as well accuse him for saying he was King Supremacy is an essential attribute of Majesty and cannot be seperated without the corruption of its Subject to say the Kings Supremacy is in his Courts and not in his person is not only to contradict the Lawes but the Common principles of reason This hath been demonstrated in divers places yet because occasion is offered again I will hear adde the resolution of all the Judges made in the first year of Henry the seventh concerning this matter for a Parliament being then called and both the King himself and divers of the Members being attainted of high Treason it was resolved by the Judges that the Attainder of the Members ought to be adnulled before they could sit in the house but touching the King it was resolved that his attainder was adnulled upon his admittance to the crown because the King is personable that is because his Kingly authority was inherent in his Person by reason whereof he was discharged of all guilt against the Laws 1. H. 7.4 Et donques fuit move un question que serra dit pur le Roy mesme pur ceo que il fuit atteint puis communication ew entor eux touts accordront que le Roy fuit Personable discharge de ascune atteind eo facto qil prist sur luy le Reigne ee Roy. i. e. And then a Question was moved what shall be said of the King himself for he was also attainted and after communication had amongst them all agreed that the King was Personable and discharged from all attainder in the very act that he took the Kingdome upon him and became King Nor is the other part of their charge lesse frivolous and vain wherein they accuse his Majesty as if he had committed a great crime in saying his Supremacy was a power inherent
posse Comitatus if need be to expell this Officer of the Kings and bring him to condigne punishment for resisting the Kings authority in his Lawes Here now is raising of Arms by the Kings legal authority against the Kings Title and the Kings Officer notwithstanding any pretended authority from the Kings personall command and that Officer hath a Writ of Rebellion sent against him and shall be punished by Law for offering to resist the Law upon any pretence ask the Lawyers whether in sence this be not the Law and ordinarily practised save that the King do not command the contrary but whether that would hinder Law or not the Parliament may then in case of necessity raise arms against the Kings personall command for the generall safety and keeping possession which is more necessary then the hope of regaining of the Houses Lands Goods Liberties Lives Religion and all and this by the Kings legall Authority and resisters of this are the Rebells in the Lawes account and not the instruments so imployed legally though with Arms by the Parliament Reply For matter of fact it was themselves that withheld Delinquents from a legall tryall the King detained none but when divers Members of the Parliament were assaulted in the streets driven from the house defamed by Libells and Justice not permitted to take place it was the office of the King to protect them in their Rights and Liberties and to force the due execution of the Lawes and if he refused to yield up those to their injustice which assisted him this was not to keep Delinquents from their tryall but to protect his loyall subjects according to law this for matter of fact But for matter of Right suppose the King had taken up arms unjustly the Law doth not permit his Courts to oppose him or to call any in question that are assistant to him when the King taketh up arms they which attend upon his Person or are imployed in other places about the same service may not be molested or troubled by processe of Law either in Parliament or in any of his Courts as is declared and enacted by a Statute made the eleventh year of Henry the seventh The King our Soveraign Lord calling to his remembrance the duty of Allegiance of his Subjects of this his Realm 11. H. 7. cap. 1. and that they by reason of the same are bound to serve their Prince and Soveraign Lord for the time being in his wars for the defence of Him and the Land against every rebellion power and might reared against him and with him to enter and abide in service in battail if case so require and that for the same service what fortune ever fall by chance in the same battail against the mind and will of the Prince as in this Land sometime passed hath been seen that it is not reasonable but against all Laws Reason and good Conscience that the said Subjects going with their Soveraign Lord in Wars attending upon him in his Person or being in other places by his Commandement within this Land or without any thing should lose or forfeit for doing their true duty and service of Allegiance It be therefore ordained enacted and established by the King our Soveraign Lord by the advice and assent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and the Commons in this present Parliament assembled and authority of the same that from henceforth no manner of person or persons whatsoever he or they be that attend upon the King and Soveraign Lord of this Land for the time being in his person and do him true and faithful service of Allegiance in the same or be in other places by his Commandement in his Wars within this Land or without that for the said deed and true duty of Allegiance he or they be in no wise convict or attaint of high treason ne of other offences for that cause by Act of Parliament or otherwise by any processe of Law whereby he or any of them shall lose or forfeit Life Lands Tenements Rents Possessions Hereditaments Goods Chattels or any other things but to be for that deed and service utterly discharged of any vexation trouble or losse As for the case that is put by them it is very impertinent and the whole Objection made both by Mr. Bridge and themselves full of erronious passages and mistakes first they assume the two Houses to be the whole Parliament Secondly they assume them to be a Court of judicature Thirdly they assume the Judges to have a power of suppressing any Delinquents and maintaining themselves by arms The two former assumptions are absolutely false and the latter true only in some cases so far as they have order of Law and no man deny such a power to be in either of the Houses they may force Delinquents to appear before them in such cases and in such a manner as the Law hath provided for what is so done is done by the Kings Command in Law which is to be obeyed before his personal commands But they must proceed no further nor after any other manner then the King commands in Law And first although the Kings bare Command be not sufficient to warrant his Tenant or others to resist the sentence of his Courts yet if the King in Person taketh up arms and granteth Commissions to any to assist him his Courts must then forbear all processe of Law and desist from all further opposition as is provided in the foresaid statute And secondly although the King doth not authorize the fact in person or by Commission yet neither the two Houses in Parliament nor the Judges can make what Ordinances they please to raise arms or imploy their own instruments to bring in Delinquents but must proceed according to order of Law and commit the whole carriage of the businesse to such of the Kings Officers as are appointed for that purpose which are chiefly the high Sheriffs of Counties who are also confined by Law and may not exceed their Commission For both in the case put by the reverent Divines and also in all cases whatsoever if Delinquents grow so strong that they be able to resist the posse Commitatus and cannot be suppressed but by a War and by the Militia of the Kingdom the Sheriffe ought then to certifie the Court thereof and the prosecution of the matter must be left to the King to whom only it is reserved to preserve the peace of the Kingdome in such cases Object 2 Secondly against the Kings Negative voyce they urge the Oath taken at his Coronation whereby they say he is bound to give his assent to all Bills offered him by the Lords and Commons They have found out a form in Latin which they say was anciently used and ought now to be taken the Form is this Concedis just as leges consuetudines esse tenendas promittis pro te eas esse protegendas ad hónorem Dei corroborandas quas vulgus elegerit secundum vires tuas Resp Concedo