and great cause they had for their doing so for Remarkable is it that in the beginning of his Reign he made a conscience to keep it and this the Historian plainly proves for so far was he from pretending to be a Conqueror or from exercising absolute Power and Soveraignty over the English that you see he denied to none right Judgment who required it of him he condemned none but those who deserved it by the condemnation of the Law he strictly commanded his great Men to whom he had given the Estates of those who had been hold in Arms against him under King Harold that they should behave themselves with all due moderation and temper and he invited them to Acts of Iustice by his Example He charged them always to have God before their Eyes by whose Arms they had so far overcome That they should nay ought not too much to oppress those they had got the better of who were Christians with them lest those whom they had justly subdued should by such their Oppressions be forced to rebel again he strictly forbad them all Violences that they should restrain themselves from all Cruelties and Rapines That as the People should be kept in Peace by his Arms so their Arms should submit to and be governed by the Laws Nor did he only give this admirable Advice but he prudently governed himself and set easy Boundaries to those Services Taxes Aids quod de jure Apud Lambar LL. Wil. prim fol. 170. c. 55. facere debent which were due to him by the Law he absolutely denied all Pardons and Grace to Robbers and all disturbers of the Publick Peace and wicked Persons He commanded all the Roads to be free and open for Travellers and that no Injuries should be done them so that the beginning of his Reign was as it were a Golden Age and his Clemency and other Acts of Goodness still shone brighter to the happiness of his Subjects which was confirmed towards the Loyal and Dutiful by his steady and commendable perseverance Where in all this is there any pretence to absolute Conquest and despotical Dominion And now to conclude I shall produce an Evidence that is omni exceptione major it is Gulielmus Pictavensis who as Ordericus Vitalis in fine litri tertii writes was Regis Gulielmi Capellanus and writ the Acts of William the First And he categorically says it That Nulli tamen Gallo datum est quod Anglo cuiquam injustè fuerit ablatum that is according to the Judgment given in Sharborn's case That those who had kept themselves unconcerned and had neither consilio vel auxilio assisted Harold against William had the full and free benefit of the Saxon Laws and had not their Estates unjustly taken from any of them and given to his French and Normans Gulielm Pictavens in Gesta Gulielm Ducis Norman Regis Anglorum fol. 208. But I will leave this Sir and now come to your fourth and last Question The Fourth Question IV. Whether it be not a Grand The Anonimâ—â— Author against Mr. Petyt p. 37. Error to affirm That there were no English Men in the Common Council of the whole Kingdom OVr Government saith the Learned In his Argument for the Bishops Right in judging in Capital Causes in Parliament Postscript p. 2. and most judicious Mr. Hunt by a King and Estates of Parliament is as ancient as any thing can be remembred of the Nation The attempt of altering it in all Ages accounted Treason and the punishment thereof reserved to the Parliament by 25. Ed. 3. The conservancy of the Government being not safely to be ledged any where but with the Government it self Offences of this Kind not pardonable by the King because it is not in his Power to change it This is Our Government and thus it is established and for Ages and immemorial Time hath thus continued a long succession of Kings have recognized it to be such This too perhaps will be granted Sir in some sence that for a long Series and Tract of Time the Government hath been so but the main pinch and stress of your Question as I apprehend it is this Whether after William the Conqueror had setled himself as well as he could on the English Throne he did admit any of the English to fit in the Great Council of the Nation and to Advise and Consult de arduis Vrgentibus negotiis Regni And I hope this I shall make plain and evident to you That the Grand Court of Parliament was in substance the same that it was before the coming in of this Conqueror and that there were English Men Members of it in the Time of the Conqueror 'T is not to be denied but that the same Courts that were in the Saxon Time for administration of Justice continued after William the first was made King and the Footsteps of them remain yet to this day I shall mention a few and so come to the main Point in Argument 1. As it was their Wisdom to preserve 1. County Courts LL. Hen. 1. c. 6 apud Lambard fol. 180. the Ancient Land-marks so was it likewise both their Wisdom and their Care to continue their due Privileges and Interests Their County Courts were still kept up and every County had its Court and every Court its wonted Jurisdiction no complaint LL. Guil. â— 42 fol. 168. must be to the King's Court if Right might be done in the County no Distress must be taken but by Warrant from the County and that must be after complaint thrice made The LL. Guil. c. 64. County Court must be called as our Ancestors have appointed such as will not come as they ought shall be first summoned and in case of default distrained at the fourth default Reddatur de rebus hujus hominis quod calumpniatum est quod dicitur Ceargel insuper Regis forisfactura that is The Complainant shall be satisfied out of the Distresses so taken and the King also for his Fine These are the express Laws of the Conqueror's own establishment The last of which also was confirmed by another express Law saving that he would allow but of two Summons and two Distresses before Execution I shall give you a memorable case to prove the continuance of this Court. Odo the Conqueror's half Brother Selden ' s Titles of Honour 2d Part c. 5 f. 581 â— Eadmer His Nov. l. 1. p. 9 videsis notas ad eundem p. 197. de placito apud Pinendenem inter Lansrancum Archiepiscopum Odonem Bajocensâ—m Episcopum was by him made Earl of Kent and therewith had the Gift of a large Territory in Kent and taking advantage of the King's displeasure at Stigand the Arch-bishop of Canterbury possessed himself by Disseisin of divers Lands and Tenements belonging to that See. Lanfrank the succeeding Arch-bishop being informed hereof petitioned to the King that Iustice might be done him secundum Legem Terrae and the King sends forth a
are in French and in the Common Pleas to our Time. But Sir our Law is Lex non Scripta I mean our Common Law and our Statutes Records and Books which are written in French are no Argument that therefore the Original of our Laws is from France but they were in being before any of the French Language was in our Laws Fortescue writes That the English kept their Accounts in French yet doubtless they had Accounts here and Revenues before the French Language was in use here My Lord Cook saith That the Conqueror taught the English the Norman Terms of Hawling Hunting and Gaming c. yet no doubt but that these Recreations were in use with us before his Time. And tho' Duke William or any other of our Kings before or after his Time did bring in the French Tongue amongst us yet that is no Argument that he or they did change or introduce our Laws which undoubtedly were here long before those Times and some of them when the French Tongue was so much in use here were translated written and pleaded and recorded in the French Tongue yet remained the same Law still And from the great use of the French Tongue here it was That the Reporters of our Law-Cases and Judgments which were in those Times did write their Reports in French which was the pure French in that Time tho' mixt with some words of Art. Those Terms of Art were taken many of them from the Saxon Tongue and may be seen by them yet used and the Reporters of later Times and our Students at this day use to take their Notes in French following the Old Reports which they had studied and the Old French which as in other Languages by time came to be varied I shall not deny but that some Monks in elder Times and some Clerks and Officers might have a Cunning for their private Honour and Profit to keep up a Mystery to have as much as they could of our Laws to be in a kind of Mystery to the Vulgar to be the less understood by them But the Councellors at Law and Iudges can have no advantage by it but perhaps it would be found that the Law being in English and generally more understood yet not sufficiently would occasion the more Suits And possibly there might be something of the like nature as to the Court Hand yet if the more Common Hands were used in our Law-writings they would be the more subject to change as the English and other Languages are but not the Latin. Surely the French Tongue used in our Reports and Law-Books deserves not to be so enviously decried as it is by Polydore Aliot Daniel Hottoman Cowell and other Censurers But Mr. Speaker if I have been tedious I humbly ask your pardon and have the more hopes to obtain it from so many worthy English Gentlemen when that which I have said was chiefly in vindication of their own Native Laws unto which I hold my self the more obliged by the Duty of my Profession and I account it an honour to me to be a Lawyer As to the Debate and Matter of the Act now before you I have delivered no Opinion against it nor do I think it reasonable that the generality of the People of England should by an Implicit Faith depend upon the knowledg of others in that which concerns them most of all It was the Romish Policy to keep them in Ignorance of Matters pertaining to their Souls Health let them not be in Ignorance of Matters pertaining to their Bodies Estates and all their worldly Comfort It is not unreasonable that the Law should be in the Language which may best be understood by those whose Lives and Fortunes are subject to it and are to be governed by it Moses read all the Laws openly before the People in their Mother Tongue God directed him to write it and to expound it to the People in their own Native Language that what concerned their Lives Liberties and Estates might be made known unto them in their most perspicuous way The Laws of the Eastern Nations were in their proper Tongue The Laws at Constantinople were in Greek at Rome in Latin in France Spain Germany Sweden Denmark and other Nations their Laws are published in their Native Idiom For your own Country there is no Man that can read the Saxon Character but may find the Laws of their Ancestors yet extant in the English Tongue Duke VVilliam himself commanded the Laws to be proclaimed in English that none might pretend ignorance of them It was the Judgment of the Parliament 36. Edw. 3. That Pleadings should be in English and in the Reigns of those Kings when our Statutes were enrolled in French and English yet then the Sheriffs in their several Counties were to proclaim them in English I shall conclude with a Complaint of what I have met with abroad from some Military Persons nothing but Scoffs and Invectives against our Law and Threats to take it away but the Law is above the reach of those Weapons which at one time or another will return upon those that use them Solid Arguments strong Reasons and Authorities are more fit for Confutation of any Error and Satisfaction of different Judgments When the Emperor took a Bishop in compleat Armour in a Battle he sent the Armour to the Pope with these words Haeccine sunt vestes Filii tui So may I say to those Gentlemen abroad as to their Railings Taunts and Threats against the Law Haeccine sunt Argumenta horum Antinomianorum They will be found of no force but recoiling Arms. Nor is it ingenious or prudent for ENGLISH-MEN to depravâ— their Birth-right the Laws of their own Country Thus Sir have I impartially given you my Sentiments of VVilliam the first his Conquest which hath been so terribly and frightfully represented and published to the VVorld by the Ignorance Interest and Artifice of some Modern VVriters Thus have I as an English Man endeavoured to do my Country Justice and to support the true Honour both of our worthy Saxon Ancestors and of our excellent and famous Laws against Conquest and Slavery as also to justify the Ancient Parliamentary Right as well of Lords as Commons But yet for your fuller and clearer satisfaction in this so weighty a Point I shall refer you if you please to the Learned and Judicious Discourses writ in some measure more particularly upon this Subject never yet sufficiently answered to my Conviction though I have industriously compared and considered all the pretended Answers and them together without the least of byass or prepossession and I heartily could wish others would do the like and that for TRUTH 's sake The Discourses are these viz. Mr. Selden's Jani Anglorum Facies Alterâ— Mr. Sytas Taylor 's History of Gavelkind Mr. Petyt's Rights of the Commons of England asserted And Mr. Attwood's Jani Anglorum Facies Nova And his Jus Anglorum ab Antiquo You would likewise I suppose be extreamly pleased in the
Writ to summon a County Court The Debate lasted three days before the Freemen of the County of Kent in the presence of many chief Men Bishops and Lords and others skilful in the Laws and the Iudgment passed for the Arch-bishop Lanfrank upon the Votes of the Freemen This County Court was holden by special Summons and not by adjournment as was allowable by the Saxon Law upon special occasions And this Suit was originally begun and had its final determination in the County Court. And the County Courts in those days were of so great esteem that two of the greatest Peers of the Realm one a Norman the other an Italian did cast a Title in fifteen Mannors two Lordships with many Liberties upon the Votes of the English Freeholders in a County Court and that the Sentence was allowed and commended by the King and submitted to by all But 2. The Hundred Courts were still 2. Hundred Courts continued and they were of two sorts The first whereof was holden twice a Year and all the Free-holders within the Hundred were bound to appear for the service of their Fees and was the Sheriff's Court and such appearances were called the Sheriffs Turnes where it belonged to Sheriffs to enquire of all Personal Offences and of all their Circumstances done within those Hundreds The other was the more ordinary Court belonging to the Lord of the Hundred to whom also belonged the Fines in cases there concerned This Court was to be held once in each Month and no suit to be begun in the King's Court that regularly ought to begin in the Hundred No Distringas to issue forth till three demands made in the Hundred And three Distresses then to issue forth and if upon the fourth the Party appear not execution then to be by Sale of the Distress and the Complainant to receive satisfaction 3. And so likewise were the Court Barons c. continued and the Lords held Pleas either in their own Persons or by their Stewards But not to forget Sir your Question I shall now shew you what the Soveraign Court of Parliament was and whom it consisted of in the Saxon Times and for this I think it will be needless to give you any more than one Instance which as by the way it does impreguably assert That the Commons of England were an Essential and Constituent Part of the Saxon General Councils so doth it I think fully and clearly refute and The Anoâ—imous 〈…〉 p. 20. â—n the Margin baffle that novel Erroneous Notion viz. That there are no Commons to be found in the Saxon great Councils Idem p. 13. 14. nor any thing that tends towards the proof of the Commons of those Times to have had any share in making Laws in those Councils The memorable Instance is the mighty Law of Tythes which was made and ordained A Rege Baronibus Populo Laâ—â—â—â—â—â— â—â—â—priscis 〈◊〉 Legiâ—us 〈◊〉 fol. â—39 Spelm. 〈◊〉 Tom. 1. 〈◊〉 â—â— By the King his Barons and his People Now William the First in that little time of Rest he had from Forreign Wars with the French King and his Neighbouring Princes to Normandy did apply both it and himself in the setling of Laws here which was done not ex plenitudine Regiae Potestatis no nor by the Norman Barons co-operating with that Power but by the joint Advice and unanimous Consent of the Grand Council of the Lords and wise Men of the Kingdom of England To prove which I shall produce the Testimony of Ancient Writers whom no Man of Historical understanding can modestly impeach of Partiality Faction or Interest in the Case in Question I. The first shall be taken out of the Lambard fol. 158. Chronicle of Litchfield which tells us That this William in the fourth Year of his Reign at London Consilio Baronum suorum by the Advice of his Barons caused a General Meeting or Assembly to be summoned Per universos Angliae Comitatus omnes Nobiles Sapientes suâ Lege eruditos ut eorum Leges consuetudines audiret i. e. of all the Nobility wise Men and such as were skilled in the Laws through all the Counties of England to hear what their Laws and Customs were And after this was done at the request of the English Community he did consent that they should be confirmed and so they were ratified and kept throughout all his Kingdom The words are Ad preces Communitatis Anglorum ex illo die Magna Authoritate veneratae per universum Regnum corroboratae conservatae sunt Leges Sancti Regis Edwardi prae caeteris Regni Legibus From this Testimony I think it will plainly appear 1. That the Barones sui here of William cannot absolutely exclude the English and only signify his Norman Barons upon those Authorities and Reasons I have already offered to prove That there were equally Barones Francigeni Angli nostri in his Time as you may see in my Argument under the third Question 2. That the King having by the Counsel of these his Barons summoned all the Nobility wise Men and those that were skilled in the Laws of the Land throughout all the Counties of England he then and there ratified and confirmed the Laws of St. Edward 3. And to prove that this general Assembly of the Nobility wise Men and able Lawyers were a PARLIAMENT I shall now give you the Judgment of Mr. Selden in his own words Selâ—en's Tit. of Hon. f. 580. which are these viz. That William the first in the fourth Year of his Reign or MLXX. which was the Year wherein he first brought the Bishops and Abbots under the Tenure of Barony Consilio Baronum suorum saith Hoveden p In Hen. 2. p. 343. E. Lond. out of a Collection of Laws written by Glanvill Fecit summoniri per universos Consulatus Angliae Anglos Nobiles Sapientes sua Lege eruditos ut eorum jura Consuetudines ab ipsis audiret And twelve were returned out of every County who shewed what the Customs of the Kingdom were which being written by the hands of Aldred Arch-bishop of York and Hugo Bishop of London were with the Assent of the same Barons for the most part confirmed in that Assembly which was a Parliament of that Time. And a little lower he saith This might be the same Parliament wherein the Controversy between Thomas Arch-bishop of York he was consecrated after the death of Aldred the same Year and to the same Year this Controversy is attributed and Vlstan Bishop of Worcester touching certain Possessions was determined So that from hence 't is easy to observe That 1. There were English Men in this Council by the words ANGLOS NOBILES c. And 2. Besides the Confirmation of the Laws of St. Edward here mentioned it may reasonably be supposed That the Law for bringing the Bishops and Abbots under the Tenure of Barony was first made in this Parliament And that 3. Likewise the great Case