them Flaccus relented never a jote but persisted still in his opinion and gave the people of Rome thankes for their favour in that they shewed themselves willing to elect him Pretour so often as they had time and place wherein they might testifie and declare their love to him which affectionate kindnesse of his fellow citizens he never meant to reject and abandon This constant and resolute speech of his kindled and enflamed so great love and affection in them toward him that past all peradventure he had been chosen Pretour out of hand in case the Consull would have received his name Much strife and debate there was amongst the Tribunes one against another yea and between them and the Consull untill at length the Consull held a Senat and there a decree passed in this wise That forasmuch as the wâ—â—â—â—ull stubbornnesse of Q. Flaccus of one side and the inordinate affection of men on another side was such as the solemne assembly for subelecting of a Pretour in the place of the deceased could not be holden according to the lawes the Senat agreed and resolved that there were alreadie Pretours enough and that P. Cornelius should administer and execute both jurisdictions in the citie and exhibite the playes and games in the honour of Apollo After this troublesome debate about the election was by the sage wisdome and valorous courage of the Senat suppressed there arose another far greater by how much the thing was of weightier importaunce and the persons agents therin more in number and for qualitie and place mightier There stood in election to be Censors and that with earnest endeavour and exceeding heat of contention L. Valerius Flaccus P. and L. both Scipions Cn. Manlius Veljo and L. Furius Purpureo all Patritij And of commoners M. Porcius Cato M. Fulvius Nobilior T. and Marcus both Sempronij the one surnamed Longus the other Tuditanus But M. Purcius over-went them all by many degrees as well those of the Patricians as also of the commons notwithstanding they were come of most noble families This man caried with him so vigorous a spirit and pregnant wit that howsoever he were bornè and descended it seemed he was able to make way of himselfe to advancement and honour He wanted no Art and skill meet and requisite for the managing either of private busines of his owne or publicke affaires of state cunning he was in country husbandrie as wel as in civill pollicie Some are advanced to the highest dignities and most honourable places by their deepe knowledge in the law others attaine to promotion by eloquence and therefore be againe who have risen and become great through martiall prowesse and feats of armes But this man was by nature so trainable and pilant to all alike that whatsoever he addicted and gave himselfe unto a man would have said he had bene borne and framed even from his mothers wombe to it and to nothing else In war a most hardie and valiant souldiour and in many soughten fields highly renowmed Being mounted once to high places of honorable calling a right excellent commander he proved Generall of an armie In peace again for sound councell in the civill law passing well learned for pleading at the bar and making orations most eloquent Neither carried he himselfe so that his tongue flourished only whiles hee lived as leaving no monument behind him of his singular eloquence but it liveth nay it flowreth still immortalized as it were recommended to posteritie in all kind of writing Orations of his there be extant many which he penned pronounced as well in his own cause as for the defence of his friends yea invectives also against others for able he was to put down and wearie his adversaries not onely by declaiming and accusing them but also by pleading his own cause Factious quarels and enmities there were exceeding many that tormented him and he plagued others with as many and hard it is to say or set downe whether hee were urged and pressed upon by the nobilitie or himselfe coursed and baited them more Doubtlesse by nature he was austere and rigorous his speech was sharpe biting and beyond measure plaine and free but he carried a mind with him that stouped to no desires and lusts whatsoever his life so severe and precise as it was untouched and without all spot of blame despising all fawning favours and contemning earthly riches In thrift and frugalitie in sobrietie in patience in sufferance of travaile and daunger his bodie was steele to the verie backe And as for his mind and courage it was such as verie age and time which abateth and consumeth all things els was not able to breake and daunt when hee was fourescore yeeres old and sixe hee pleaded at the batte for others he made orations for his owne defence and wrote bookes and in the nintieth yeere of his age he convented Sergius Galba before the people to receive his judgement by them As all his life time before the nobilitie was set against him so when hee stood now to be Censor they pressed hard upon him insomuch as all his competitours excepting L. Flaccus who had been his colleague in the Consulship complotted togither how they might give him the repulse and put him besides the quishion not only for that their owne teeth watered and they were desirous themselves rather of that honour nor because they repined to see a new risen gentleman one of the first head to be a Censor but also because they looked for no other but that his Censorship would be rigorous and prejudiciall to the name and reputation of divers men considering how he had been crossed and hurt by very many and was desirous himselfe to wait them a shreud turne and be meet with them againe For even then whiles he laboured and sued for the place hee used minatorie speeches and gave out that they onely were opposed against him who feared they should have a Censorship sharply exercised without partiality and respect of persons And herewith hee maintained and upheld the suite of L. Valerius with him saying that if hee had but him of all others to be his colleague hee should be able to represse the wicked enormities newly come up and rise in the citie and to bring in request againe the ancient manners and fashions of the old world Men were much mooved in these respects and considerations and so maugre the heads of the nobilitie they not onely created him Censor but also adjoyned unto him L. Valerius for his companion in that government After the election of Censors was ended the Consuls and Pretours tooke their journies into their severall provinces all save Q. Naevius who before that hee could goe into Sardinia was staied behind no lesse than foure moneths about certein inquisitions of poysoning whereof he fate upon many without the citie of Rome in corporate burroughes market townes and places of great resort for that he thought that manner of proceeding more
Verrius for in the time of Paule the third Pope of Rome the fragments of the said stones were digged out of the ground betweene the Roman Forum and the broad street Via Sacra brought forth also laid abroad in the capitol to the view of the world To which as the true touch-stone certain learned men of late daies have laid to their owne labours in that kind namely Bartholomew Marliau of Millaine Onuphrius Panvinius of Verona Charles Sigonius of Modena and Francis Robortellus of Vdine comparing the same as also the annales gathered by Henry Glareanus before time with the foresaid antiquities of Verrius late found have recovered much light to the his torie of Livie and supplied his wants in that behalfe I thought it not amisse therefore to gratifie my countriemen in some measure this way also and deliver the same in English which I found annexed to the best editions in Latine as followeth A CHRONOLOGIE TO THE HISTORIE OF T. LIVIVS COMPILED ACCORDING TO THE TABLES AND RECORDS OF VERRIVS FLACCVS IN THE CAPITOLL AND SET OUT VVITH MOST PROFITABLE notes shewing the varietie and disagreement of Authors about the names of the Romane Consuls The causes of dissent and repugnance in Historiographers as touching the computation and relating of the yeeres from the foundation of the citie of Rome SInce wee entend to setfoorth a Kalender or Register of the Consuls mentioned in the historie of Livius which by reason of uncerteintie obscuritie and discordance of the times is so darke and intricate that not onely the learned and most experienced Historians of our age but the best writers of the Romane storie in auncient time estsoones complained thereof we thinke it not impertinent to our purpose briefely to search into the causes of this dissent which beeing once knowne wee may follow that account of the times which seemeth to accord best with the historicall truth and to be grounded upon the authoritie and testimonie of the most authenticall and approoved writers For seeing that an historie as Cicero hath most truly said is the witnesse of times what is more unfitting for it than to misse and want that which is the chiefest point therein and without due and diligent reckoning made to be ignorant what was first and what was last done It seemeth therefore that of this diversitie in the account and computation of the Romane Consuls there be three especiall causes The first is for that the yeere in which the first Consuls entred into that magistracie is by the Romane Historiographers not after one sort but diversly set downe For Dionysius a most diligent writer of the acts of Romans in his first booke in the end of the fourth and beginning of the fifth reporteth that the KK reigned 244 yeeres which also is collected out of the yeerely computation gathered by Varro and approoved by the authoritie of others For Messala reporteth how upon the expulsion of the KK which hapned in the 244 yeer after the foundation of the citie the Romans were ruled under the yeerly government of Consuls To which opinion Livie also subscribeth in the end of his first booke saying that the regiment of KK continued 244 yeeres from the foundation of the citie unto the freedome and libertie thereof But Eutropius in his 1 booke writeth that the seven Kings reigned in Rome 243 yeers which account agreeth with Sex Ruffus in his abridgement In which varietie this is to be observed that these two last named reckon the yeeres onely of every kings raigne and out of the whole and grosse summe leave out the yeere of the interreigne which Dionysius Livius Messala and the rest insert betweene and that right truly and upon good reason for after the death of Romulus the interreigne continued one yeere Consider then and examine the thing diligently and yee shall find that in reckoning the yeeres of every kings reigne in severall Eutropius and Sextus Ruffus both attribute as many yeeres to the kings government as Denis Livie and the rest so that this difference is not much But others there be as Eusebius hath delivered in his Chronicles who write that the KK reigned but 243 yeeres and take the interregencie withall whose judgement Orosius Iornandes and Bede seeme to follow For Orosius in the 5. chap. of his second booke recordeth that Brutus the Consull in that very yeere namely the 244 put his owne sonnes to death the KK reigned not precisely so many yeeres just but for that some and namely Romulus went over some months and daies Dionysius and Livius reckoned them for a full yeere and laid it to Tarquinius Priscus but the other above named together with Eusebius left out those odde months and daies because they made not up a complet yere and assigned but onely seven and thirtie yeres to the raign of king Priscus To this may be added another reason of the like nature namely that as divers authours have doubtfully reported the yeere so they are no more certain of the month and day on which the first Consuls began their government For Plutarch in his problemes writeth that they entred upon the first day of Ianuary but Macrobius in the first book of his Saturnalia and seventh chapter seemeth to imply that they tooke their Consuls place the first of Iune saying according to the opinion of others That Iune tooke the name of Iunius Brutus for thaâ— in this month and namely upon the first day thereof according to a vow wherto he was obliged by the banishment of Tarquine hee solemnized a sacrifice to the goddesse Carnea upon mount Coelius Others againe write how this hapned the foure and twentieth of Februarie grounding herein upon the old antiquities and records of stone together with the testimony of Ovid who in the second booke of his Kalender thus writeth King Tarquine with his sonnes then fled The Consuls yeerly beare The soveraigne rule at Rome since that no king ever reign'd there Some there are besides of opinion that they entred the first day of Iulie and of their mind seemeth Ioachimus Perionius to be in his third booke of the Greeke magistrates In this repugnancie therefore of opinions very doubtfull it is which to follow As for that of Plutarch it hath long since bene clearly and learnedly confuted by two great and excellent clerkes Onuphrius Panvinius and Sigonius since it is plaine that it was the sixe hundred yeere from the foundation of the cittie and not before that the Consuls began their government the first of Ianuarie But in setting downe the certaine day they themselves are not well agreed For Sigonius after Marlianus inclineth this way and saith That the first day of the Consuls government was the sixe and twentieth day of May. But Panvinius thinketh that the first Consuls were created the 26 day of Februarie And this diversitie is found not onely in the day when the first Consuls tooke their government but also in the time after ensuing What was the usuall day of any
commonweale which law A. Terentius Arsa a Tribune of the Commons promulged as touching five Quinquevirs to be created who should set downe lawes to gage the Coss. authority For the Commons complained That their governement was too great intollerable and therfore required that it might be abated and made more moderate Which law after it had been for six yeers together hotely canvassed by the Trib. to no effect in the end waxed cold againe by reason that the said Trib. obtained a graunt to double their own number But afterwards upon occasion that Romilius Veturius the Coss. bare themselves too extreame in rigor against the Commons refusing warfare the said law was set on foot againe and the suit followed more hotly than before Whereupon when the LL. of the Senat were doubtfull what to doe at length they resolved upon this point whereof the principall adviser was T. Romulius to create certain lawgivers who should set down the rights and priviledges both of nobles and commons And looke what ordinances by them were decreed the same should bind both the one state and the other The Commons agreed to this determination and so three Embassadours namely Sp. Posthumius Albus Au. Manlius Vulso and Serv. Sulpitius Camerinus were sent into Greece to learn the statutes customs rights and lawes of the Atheniens and other cities of Greece and the same to bring with them to Rome These went their embassage when Atinius and Tarpeius were Consuls and three yeeres after returned with the said lawes whiles Sestius and Menenius were Consuls Now when the Tribunes were instant and called hard upon them to begin once for to make these positive lawes and that now alreadie Ap. Claudius and T. Genetius were elected Coss. for this yeere there passed an act of the Senat according to the advise of Ap. Claudius That all other magistracies should surcease and 10 Decemvirs be created in consular nay in roiall authoritie absolutely without libertie of appealing from them to the people who should choose as well out of their owne customes and ordinances as the forreine lawes above-said the best and most profitable to the common-weale and set downe the rights of the people of Rome And looke what they prescribed and presented if the Senate and people of Rome allowed therof that should stand in force and bind the whole bodie of the state for ever When this act was approoved by the Commons the Consuls resigned and gave over In whose stead were chosen Decemvirs consular namely Ap. Claudius T. Gentius the same that gave up their Consulship Spar. Posthumius Serv. Sulpitius Au Manlius those that went in embassie from the Coss. to Athens T. Romulius C. Iulius P. Sestius Pub. Horatius all men of Consular calling and such as had been Consuls before Besides Sp. Veturius according to Livie Diodorus and Dionysius although Dionysius calleth Posthumius by the name of Publius and not Spurius as Livie and Diodorus doe Likewise Livie fore-nameth Veturius Lucius Dionysius Titus but Diodorus and the Capitoline stone Spurius These Decemvirs began their government in the 301 yeere after the foundation of the citie as Live writeth and after him Cassiodorus goeth But the avouchers of the Capitoll records say it was the yeer 302 with them agreeth Solinus But Varro whome Onuphrius followeth accounteth the yeer 303. These sat in judgement and ministred justice to the people by turnes every one his tenth day on which day the said chiefe justice bare the soveraigne port with his 12 Lictors before him the other nine had but one sergeant apeece to give attendance and the singular concored among themselves which otherwhiles was an agreement profitable when they were private prooved exceeding great equitie to others 304 BY this time the Commons besides that they detested the name of Coss. no lesse than KK found no misse of the Tribunes assistance nor sought once after it seeing the Decemvirs yeeld one unto another in reciprocall appealing With great affection therefore and endeavour as well of nobles as commons there were created for this yeere also Decemvirs in Consuls authoritie absolutely without appeale Ap. Claudius the secondtime Q. Fabius who had been four times Consull M. Cornelius Maluginensis brother of L. Cornelius who had been Consull in the yeere 295 Manius Sergius L. Minutius T. Antonius Merenda M. Rabuleius and three likewise of the Commons Q. Petilius K. Duilius and Sp. Oppius Cornicen as witnesseth Diodorus Dionysius and Livie although the gentile names for the msot part are by Diodorus omitted 305 WHen the more part of the former yeer was past and that upon the adding of two other tables to the former ten there remained no more to doe in case the said tables were once in the high court and assembly of the Centuries passed why the common-weale should have any need of the Decemvirs insomuch as the commons expected that soone after the solemne court and assembly aforesaid for creation of Consuls should be published then the Decemvirs without any word at all made of that election or assembly came abroad guarded with whole troupes of young gentlemen Patritians and demeaned themselves more proudly and insolently to every man But before the yeere was fully expired by occasion of the lecherous lust of Ap. Claudius who chalenged a maiden one of the commons daughters as a bondservant according as Livie more at large writeth and also of the commons insurrection and departing into the Aventine the foresaid Decemvirs gave over their magistracie and when Q. Furius the high Pontifex called a generall assembly of the tribes ten Tribunes of the Commons were againe chosen and so at length in another assembly of Centuries for the Consuls holden by the Interregent created there were Consuls L. Valerius Potitus M. Horatius Barbatus THese Consuls Onuphrius casteth upon a third yeere of the Decemvirs although Livie seemeth to dissent to the end that hee might jumpe with the account of the Capitoll which he supposeth to be collected by Varro for by their calculation the triumphs of these Consuls declared in the Capitoll records are engraven upon this verie yeere i. 304 so as it appeareth evidently that part of this yeere was taken up by the Decemvirs and part by the Consuls Tacitus and Rufus write that the Decemvirs continued but two yeeres 306 LIvius putteth down for Consuls Sp. Herminus and T. Virginius Caelimontanus Cassiodorus saith L. Herminus and T. Virginius Dionysius writeth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and Diodorus thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Greeke records Herminius Tricostus whereby Onuphrius feareth that it be corruptly written in Diodorus Sructus for Tricostus for Structus was surname of the Servilij and not of the Virginij As for his colleague Herminius that he is to be fore named Lars besides Diodorus Dionysius Valerius also sheweth in his tenth booke where he writeth thus The fore-name of Lars is derived from the Lares 307 M. Geganius Macerinus C. Indius THese are recorded likewise to be the Consuls this yeere The surname
SEeing that for twelve yeeres next ensuing we have the Capitoline tables whole and sound the lesse trouble we need to be at in reforming and redressing the names of the magistrates Both they also Livie with Cassiodorus represent unto us for this yeres Consuls M. Feslius Flaccinator and L. Plantius Venno Diodorus calleth them L. Plotius and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Sicilian registers Venno Flaccus 437 C. Iunius Bubulcus Q. Aemylius Barbula CAssiodorus putteth downe C. Iunius and Quintus Aemylius for Consuls Livie C. Iunius Bubulcus and Quintus Aemylius Barbula A stone in the Capitoll Q. Aemylius Barbula and C. Iunius Bubulcus Brutus 438 Sp. Nautius M. Popilius NExt follow in order Sp. Nautius and M. Popilius Consuls according to Livie Cassiodorus Rutilus and Lanas their surnames are by Sigonius restored unto them and the same also are to bee seene in the Sicilian bookes of record 439 L. Papirius Cursor IIIL Q. Publilius Philo. IIII. THe Consuls names of this yere through the default of the writers that copied foorth Livies bookes are there lest out namely L. Papirius Cursor the fourth time and Q. Publilius Philo likewise the fourth time as it is written in Cassiodorus in the Capitoll tables and in Cuspinians booke wherin they are named Cursor and Philo Howbeit in the Sicilian registers they are called Cursor and Lanas 440 M. Paetelius C. Sulpitius LIvie and Cassiodorus report for Consuls this yeere C. Sulpitius and M. Paetelius But Diodorus hath C. Sulpitius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 corruptly for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Capitoline writers have M. Paetelius Libo C. Sulpitius Longus the third time The Sicilian registers Longus and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but there is a fault as Sigonus truly thinketh 441 L. Papirius Cursor V. C. Iunius Bubulcus DIodorus putteth downe for Consuls this yeere L. Papirius fift time and C. Iunius The Sicililian registers Cursor Bubulcus But Livie and Cassiodorus L. Papirius Cursor V. and C. Iunius Bubulcus II. Festus maketh mention also of these Coss. in his eighteenth booke 442 M. Valerius C. Decius LIvie writeth that there followed Consuls M. Valerius Max. and P. Decius but Cassiodorus saith M. Valerius and P. Decius Frontinus in his booke of water conduites speaketh of these Consuls whom he writeth to have bin thirthie yeeres after the beginning of the Samnites warre As for P. Decius Livie afterwards calleth Mus. The Sicilian registers have Max. and Mus. 443 C. Iunius Bubulcus III III. Q. Aemylius Barbula II. VVEe find in Livie for Consuls this yeere C. Innius Bubulcus the third time and Q. Aemylius Barbula the second time likewise in Cassiodorus But Diodorus nameth them C. Iunius and Q. Aemylius In the Sicilian registers Bubulcus and Barbula The same names are also in the Capitoll monuments which be in Livie 444 C. Martius Rutilus Q. Fabius CAtus Martius Rutilus and Q. Fabius be this yeeres Consuls in Livie But in Cassiodorus C. Martius Rutilus and Q. Fabius the second time Diodorus hath C. Martius and Q. Fabius the second time The Sicilian registers shew Rutus and Rutilus The Capitoll monuments Q. Fabius Max. Rutilianus the second time and C. Martius who afterwards in his second Censureship in the 498 yere is surnamed Censorinus 445 A yeere without Consuls L. Papirius Dictator II. VErrius Flaccus interposeth this yeere also without Consuls wherein hee reporteth L. Papirius Dictator the second time with C. Iunius Bubulcus Brutus the maister of the horse This yeere Diodorus Livie the Greeke records Cuspinians booke Cassiodorus do overleape For Livie writeth that L. Papirius Cursor was nominated by the Consull Dictatour by him C. Iunius Bubulcus named maister of the horse upon occasion that C. Martius the Consull had no good fortune in his conduct of the warres in Samnium This inserting of one yere Onuphrius hath approved that the computation of the yeeres gathered by Varro might stand in force which to the Capitoll tables putteth one yeere whose judgement wee also are willing to follow 446 Q. Fabius P. Decius LIvie writeth that Fabius continued Consull this yeere also for his singular good service in subduing and taming Hetruria and that he had for his companion in government Decius Cassiodorus acknowledgeth for Coss. Q. Fabius the third time and P. Decius the second time Diodorus P. Decius and Q. Fabius The Sicilian registers Mus and Rullus The Câ—pitoline tables P. Decius Must II and Q. Fabius Max. Rullianus the third time 447 App. Claudius L. Volumnius LIvie saith that immediatly there followed Consuls App. Claudius L. Volumnius Cassiodorus and Diodorus Appius Violens The Sicilian registers App. Claudius Caecus and L. Volumnius The Capitoline monuments have Flamma Violens Now whether one of these Consuls surnames be Violens or Violensis Onuphrius advertiseth us to consider For the capitoll stone hath it alwaies written Violens But the Greeke words have Appius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as if the name were Violensis 448 Q. Martius Tremulus P. Cornelius Arvina LIvie and Cassiodorus register for the Consuls of this yeere Q. Martius Tremulus with a colleague adjoined unto him Diodorus saith Q. Martius and P. Cornelius The Sicilian records Tremulus and Arvina 449 L. Posthumius T. Minutius LVeius Posthumius and T. Minutius are reported Consuls by Diodorus Livie and Cassiodorus Cuspinians book sheweth Migellus and Augurinus These Coss. doth L. Piso put down for to succeed Q. Fabius and P. Decius leaving out those two yeres wherein we have set downe as Livie writeth that Claudius with Volumnius and Cornelius with Martius were Consuls Whither his memorie failed him in digesting of the annales or of purpose he supposed that those two couple of Consuls were not truly recorded and therefore overleapt them I know not A fragment there is of the Capitoline stone which sheweth for this yeere Megallas to bee the surname of Posthumius Tiberius the forename of Minutius and Mr of Fulvius Now the surnames of Fulvius were Curvus and Petinus as it appeareth written in his triumph 450 P. Sempronius Sophus P. Sulpitius Saverrio THe Consuls next following were P. Sulpitius Saverrio and P. Sempronius Sophus according to Livie and Cassiodorus In Diodorus they are written P. Sulpitius and P. Sempronius In the Greeke registers they stand Sempronius and Saverrio Plinie writeth of these Consuls in his 33 booke but Sempronius hee calleth Longus Both of them are described thus by their triumphs appearing uppon record in the Capitoll for in their Consulship there is no more to be seen but Sophus and Publius 451 L. Genutius Ser. Cornclius DIodorus Livie and Cassiodorus report for Consuls this yeere L. Genutius and Servius Cornelius The Sicilian registers have Aventinensis and Lentulas The Capitoline writers put unto Cornelius the surname of Lentulus 452 M. Livius Denter M. Aemylius LIvie nameth for Consuls this yeere M. Livius and C. Aemylius Cassiodorus M. Livius and L. Aemylius Diodorus M. Livius and M. Aemylius As for the forename to Aemylius
was no need that the people thus should gather togither for his meaning was to proceede onely by order of law and not with any violent course And so he cited her to the court minding to commense his action against her and put her in suite Then they that were present to assist her persuaded her to follow Now when they were come before Appius sitting judicially upon his tribunall seate the plaintife or challenger aforesaid declareth against her and telleth a tale full well knowen to the judge himselfe being the authour and deviser of the whole matter and argument Namely that the maiden was borne in his house and by stealth was from thence conveied home to Virginius and so was his supposed and reputed daughter this he averred to have certaine knowledge of by pregnant evidences and witnesses and would make proofe thereof to be most true and let Virginius himselfe be the judge whom the greater part of this wrong deeply touched in the meane while it was but meete and reason that the bond maid should go with her master The friends and advocats of the damosell having alleaged and pleaded in her behalfe that Virginius was absent and emploied in the affaires of common-weale and if he had word therof would not faile but be at home within two daies that it was no reason that whiles a father was away he should be in contention and controversie about his children they required of Appius therefore to defer and put off the hearing of the whole matter untill her fathers comming and that according to a law by himselfe in that case made and provided he would grant her to be at large and stand at libertie for to bring in proofest that she was not bond and that he would not suffer a maiden of those yeares ripe and readie for a husband to be more in hazard and danger of her good name than prejudiced in the triall of her freedome Appius made a long preface and discourse before his decree namely how much he favoured and tendered the cause of libertie and to that effect alledged the selfesame law which the friends of Virginius pretended for their purpose and demaund But so farre forth and no otherwise should there be in that law assured safegard of freedome as the case altered not in circumstance of causes and persons For this priviledge and benefit held onely in those that were claimed to bee free where any man whosoever might goe to law and plead As for her who was in her fathers hand and at his disposition there was no other man els unto whom the Maister that maketh challenge is to yeeld the right of his possession His pleasure therefore was and thus he decreed That the father should be sent for and that in the meane reason hee that made title to her should not bee prejudiced thereby but that he might lead away the wench promising and assuming to have her forthcomming and to present her in court at the returne of him who is pretended and nominated to bee her father Against this injurious decree when as many men rather muttered and murmured than any one durst refuse and contradict it P. Numitorius the maidens uncle by the mothers side and Icilius her espoused husband happened to come in place and having way made them through the throng and prease the multitude thought verily that by the comming especially of Icilius Appius might have been resisted and crossed But then the Lictor pronounced that Appius had passed an order and decree alreadie and put Icilius backe who cried out alowd for so manifest and horrible a wrong had been ynough to have mooved a very Saint and set on fire a right mild natured person Nay Appius quoth he thou hadst more need to set me backe with force of arms if thou wouldest goe cleare away and not be spoken to for that which thou wouldest doe in hucker mucker This maid I tell thee I meane shall goe with me I purpose to have her to my selfe an honest and pure virgine and enjoy her in lawfull marriage as my wedded wife call therefore unto thee all the Lictors besides thou were best that belong to thy companions cause both rods and axes to be made readie I tell thee Icilius his espoused wife shall not abide in any place without hir fathers house What although yee have taken from the Commons of Rome the Tribunes assistance and protection and the priviledge of Appeale two principall bulwarkes for defence of their libertie yee are not therefore allowed to rule and tyrannise and to fulfill your lust upon our children wives too Exercise your rigour and crueltie and spare not upon our backs and sides in scourging us yea upon our necks and heads also in taking them from our shoulders so yee forbeare to assaile our chastitie and honestie Wherunto if any violence shall be offered I will for my part call for the helpe of the Quirites here present in the behalfe of my spouse and Virginius for himselfe will call to the souldiours in regard of his onely daughter we will crie for helpe of God and man and cost it shall our lives before thou goe away with this decree and put it in execution I require and charge thee O Appius therefore to be well advised and looke how farre thou doest proceed Let Virginius when he is come see to his daughter how he dealeth about her and let him know thus much for certaine that if he give place to his plaintifes assertion and forgoe the present possession of her he shall goe seeke his estate and proprietie that he hath in his daughter As for me in this quarrell of maintaining the freedome of my spouse I wil lose my life before I faile in my faithfull promise to her made Hereat the whole multitude was moved and like it was that some mutinie and fray would presently have ensued For the Lictours had hemmed in Icilius on everie side Howbeit they proceeded no farther than to big words and high threats whiles Appius laid hard to Icilius That he did not this so much in the behalfe and defence of Virginius as being himselfe an unrulie person and even alreadie breathing forth a Tribunes spirit sought meanes and picked occasion of an uprore and sedition Howbeit for his part he would not that day minister unto him any matter thereof And that he might now well know that he did not this to feed his malapert saucinesse but in regard of the absence of Virginius and for the name of a father and the tender respect of freedome hee would not that day fit to heare and determine the matter nor award a definitive judgement in that case but would request Mar. Claudius to suspend his action and to forbeare and yeeld so much of his owne right as to suffer the maiden to be bailed and goe under sureties and to be at her libertie untill the next day But in case her father appeared not in court the morrow after he gave Icilius and such
of the Nobilitie and the whole bodie of the Senat began to interpose themselves by way of mediation but all their intreatie notwithstanding he persisted still in his implacable anger Then stept foorth M. Fabius the father For as much as qd he neither the authoritie of the Senat nor mine old age whom you seeke to make childlesse ne yet the valiancie noble courage of the Generall of horse by your own selfe chosen and nominated can prevaile nor any humble praiers which are able to appease the furie of the enemie oftentimes yea and to pacifie the wrath indignation of the Gods I implore the lawfull helpe of the Tribunes and to the whole bodie of the people I appeale And since that you challenge and except against the judgment of your own armie and of the Senat I offer and present unto you that judge who onely is of more force and puissance I am sure than your Dictatourship I will see whether you will yeeld to this appeale whereunto the Romane King Tull. Hostilius gave place Then out of the Councell house they went straight to the Common place of audience and when the Dictatour attended with some few was ascended up and the Generall of the Cavallerie accompanied with all the whole troupe of the chiefe of the cittie Papyrius commanded that he should come downe or els be fetched from the Rostra unto the lower ground The father followed after him Well done quoth he in commanding us to be brought hither from whence we may be allowed to speake our mindes if we were no better than privat persons At the first there passed no continued speeches so much as wrangling and altercation But afterwards the voice and indignation of old Fabius surmounted and drowned the other noise who greatly blamed and cried out upon the pride and crueltie of Papyrius What man quoth he I have been also a Dictator of Rome my selfe and yet was there never so much as a poore Commoner no Centurion nor souldiour hardly entreated or misused by me But Papyrius seeketh victorie and triumph over a Romane Grand-Captaine and Generall as over the Leaders and Commanders of his enemies See see what difference there is between the government of men in old time and this new pride and crueltie of late daies Quintius Cincinnatus a Dictatour for the time proceeded no farther in punishment against Minutius when he was fain to deliver him lying enclosed and besieged within his own campe but to leave him as a Lieutenant in steed of Consull in the armie whereof he had charge M. Furius Camillus not only for the present tempered his choler toward L. Furius who incontempt of his old age and authoritie had fought most untowardly and with dishonour in the ende and wrate nothing to the people or the Senat but well of his Colleague but also being returned made a speciall reckoning of him above all the Tribunes consular whom also of all his colleages when as hee had the choise granted him by the Senate he elected to be his coadjutour in the charge of his government Neither the people verely whose power is soveraigne over all were ever more angrie against those that through rashnes and want of skill lost whole armies than to fine them at a summe of money For the losse and miscariage of any battaile that a Generall should be brought into question and answere for his life was never heard of to this daie And now rods and axes whipping and beheading are prepared for the Commaunders under the people of Rome and those who are conquerours and have deserved most justly triumphs which by no law can be offered to those that have been vanquished What els Ipray you should my sonne have endured if he had beastly suffered the field to be lost and his armie withall If he had been discomfited put to flight and driven cleane out of the field how far forth further would the Dictatour his yre and violence have proceeded than to scourge and kill And see how fit and seemly a thing it is that the cittie for the victorie of Q. Fabius should be in joy in processions to the gods and thankesgivings with congratulation feasting one another and he himselfe by whose meanes the temples stand open the altars smoake with incense and sacrifice and are heaped up againe with vowes oblations and offerings to be stripped naked to be whipped and tewed in the sight of the people of Rome looking up to the Capitoll and the Castle lifting up his eies to the gods upon whom in two such noble battailes he called and invocated not in vaine not without good and happie successe With what heart will the armie take this which under his leading and conduct and under his fortune atchieved victorie What lamentation will there bee in the Romane campe and what rejoycing on the other side amongst the enemies Thus fared the good olde father thus pleaded hee by way of expostulation and complaint calling upon God and man for helpe and withall embraced his sonne in his armes and shed many a teare On the one side there made with young Fabius and tooke his part the majestie and countenance of the Senat the favour and love of the people the assistance of the Tribunes and the remembrance of the armie absent On the other side were alledged against him by Papyrius the invincible governement and Empire of the people of Rome the discipline of warfare the Dictators commandement observed and reverence at all times no lesse than the Oracle and will of the gods the severe edicts of Manlius whose fatherly love and affection to his deare son was set behind the service and common good of the State Also it was alleadged that the same exemplary justice L. Brutus the first founder of the Romane libertie executed in his two sons and now mild and kind fathers indulgent and fond old men in the case of contempt of other mens commandement give libertie to youth and pardon as a small matter the overthrow of militarie discipline Howbeit he for his part would persist in his purpose stil nor remit one jot of condign punishment to him who contrarie to his commaundement and notwithstanding the trouble and confusion of religion and the doubtfull Auspicia had given battaile saying That as it was not in his power to abridge any jot the majestie of that State and Empire for being everlasting so L. Papyrius would diminish nought of the authoritie thereof wishing That neither the Tribunes puissance sacred and inviolable it selfe should by their opposition and interposing of their negative voice violate the Empire of Rome nor that the people of Rome should in him above all others abolish and extinguish both Dictatour and Dictatorship Which if it did the posteritie hereafter should lay the waite and blame although in vaine not in L. Papyrius but in the Tribunes and the perverse judgement of the people when as the Militarie discipline being once polluted and stained neither soldior would
toward his warres what places they would give him for his land-forces and what havens and harbours for his strength and armie at sea After all this he stuck not to serve his own turn for to overreach and tell a lowd lie as touching Philip and Nabis in giving out confidently that they were both of them ready and at the point to renue war and would take the vantage of the very first opportunitie and occasion that could be presented to recover those things which by warre they had lost Thus the Aetolians laboured to set all the world at once upon the top of the Romanes Howbeit the KK were either not moved at all with their solliciting or bestirred them more slowly than they looked for But as for Nabis he sent immediately about all the townes by the sea side certeine persons of purpose to sow discord and kindlie seditions among them and some of their principall citizens he woon by gifts and presents to his owne purpose and designements but such as stifly continued fast and firme in alliance and allegeance with the Romanes those he made away and murdred Now had T. Iuintius given in charge and commission to the Achaeans for to guard all the Laconians that dwelt upon the sea coasts and therefore presently they both dispatched their embassadors unto the Tyrant to put him in mind of the confederacie and association with the Romanes and to warne him and give him advertisement that in no wise he would trouble that peace which he had so earnestly craved and sought for and also sent aid unto Gyttheum which now the tyrant began to assault yea and addressed other embassadors also to Rome to geve intelligence of these occurrents Antiochus the king after he had that winter time given his daughter in marriage to Ptolomaeus the king of Aegypt at Rhaphia a citie in Phoenicia retired to Antiochia and in the very end of the same winter passed through Cilicia over the mountaine Taurus and came to Ephesus And from thence in the beginning of the Spring after he had sent his sonne Antiochus into Syria for to defend and keepe in obedience the utmost frontiers of his kingdom least in his absence there might arise some troubles behind his back he marched with all his land-forces against the Pisidians who inhabit about Selga At the same time the Romane embassadors P. Sulpitius and P. Villius who as we said before had ben sent unto Antiochus with direction first to visit king Eumenes arrived at Elea and from thence went up to Pergamus where Eumenes kept his royall court Eumenes was desirous in this heart that Antiochus should be warred upon supposing verily that if he were at peace being a prince so much mightier than himselfe he would be but an ill and dangerous neighbour to neere unto him but if warre were once afoote that he would be no more able to beard and match the Romanes than Philip had been and that either he should wholly be overthrowne and come to utter ruine or if being vanquished he had peace given unto him by the Romanes then as he lost much thereby and would be weaker so himselfe should gaine by the bargaine and grow mightier that afterwards he might be able easily of himselfe to make his part good and hold his owne against him without the help and aid of the Romanes or if any misfortune should happen unto him he were better by farre to hazard any fortune whatsoever in the Romane societie than either alone to endure the lordly dominion of Antiochus be subject or in refusing to obey be compelied there to by force and armes For these causes he employed all the credit and authoritie he had yea and addressed all counsell that he could devise for to prick on and set forward the Romanes in this warre Sulpitius remained behind sick at Pergamus But Vilius advertised that the king was occupied and busied in the Pisidian warre went to Ephesus and whiles he abode there some few dayes he endevoured and made meanes to have conference often times with Anniball who haply at that time so journed there both to sound his mind if possibly he could and also to secure him of all feare from the Romanes In these meetings and communications no other thing passed nor was done between them But see what ensued hereupon of it selfe as if it had bene a thing wrought and compassed of meere pollicie Anniball by this meanes was lesse set by and in smaller credit with the king yea and in all matters began to be more and more suspected and had in jelosie Claudius the Historian who followeth the greeke bookes of Acilius writeth that P. Africanus was joyned in that embassage and that he talked and devised with Anniball at Ephesus and namely maketh report of one conference and speech betweene them twaine and that is this Africanus demaunded of Anniball whom in his judgement he tooke to have bene the greatest commaunder for feates of armes that ever was to which he made answere that he judged Alexander the king of the Macedonians was simply the most excellent warrior in this regard that he with a small power had defeited innumerable armies and besides had passed as farre as to the utmost bounds of the whole earth even to those lands that a man would think incredible for any one to reach unto And when he asked againe whom he deemed worthie to stand in the second place he answered that Pyrrhus was the man for that he first taught how to pitch a camp and above all other points of military skill no man knew better to choose out commodious ground and places of advantage or more cunningly to plant and dispose garisons besides he had such cast and a dexteritie to draw and win men unto him that the Italian nations had leiser have bene subject to him a foreine prince than to live under the people of Rome not with standing they had of long time the seignorie and rule of those parts And when he proceeded still to know whom he reputed for the third he made no sticking at the matter but named himselfe Whereupon Scipio tooke up a laughter and replied againe What would you say then if your hap had bene to have subdued me Mary then quoth he I would thinke I were worthy to be set before Alexander before Pyrrhus yea and before all other martiall men and commanders in the whole world At this answere Scipio tooke delight and pleasure to see how surrelly and caurelously he had like a cunning Carthaginian couched his words in a certeine kind of flatterie as if he had sequestred him from out of the raunge and ranke of all other captaines as being by many degrees incomparable and farre above all others Then Villius went forward from Ephesus to Apamea and thither Antiochus also repaired for to meete him hearing of the comming of Romane legates In this communication and conference at Apamea the matter was debated much after the same sort as it
Genutius is the same who before-time was Consull As for C. Blasio he is described by his Censorship standing upon record in the Capitoll The Greeke records over-passe them both 485 or after some P. Sempronius or after some App. Claudius or after some Q. Ogulpbius or after some Fabius Pictor AFter Cornelius and Genutius Consuls Cassiodorus bringeth in Pub. Sempronius and App. Claudius and of purpose over-skippeth Q. Gulo and Fabius Pictor Zonaras Q. Gallus and C. Fabius Of them speaketh Eutropius saying When Q. Gulo and Fabius Pictor were Consuls the Picenates raised warre and by the Consuls next following to wit P. Sempronius and App. Claudius they were vanquished Plinie also in his 33 booke and 3 chap. When Q. Fabius quoth hee was Consull silver was coined and stamped for money five yeeres before the second Punicke war These Consuls Velleius also reckoneth in his first booke But Sigonius and Onuphrius advertise us that the booke of Eutropius is verie faultie in one of these Consuls and that in lieu of Quin. Gulo it should be read Q. Ogulphius for of this Gulo there is no place besides any mention so as they would have that it should be Q. Ogulvius son of L. nephew of A. surnamed Gallus who a little before was sent in embassage to Ptolomeus And it falleth out passing well that they should match Ogulvius a commoner with Fabius a Patritian Also Onuphrius testifieth that in the most auncient hand written bookes of Eutropius the name is found of Ogulvius And as both the Greeke records and also Zonaras togither with the more auncient and perfect copies of Eutropius agree to this his judgement so Hubertus Goltzius likewise in his catalogue of Consuls embraceth the same and that which maketh most for the purpose the old antiquities of coine witnesse as much But in the meane while this is worth the observation that often times in the most auncient peeces of money the letter C. is written for G as for example here Ocul Cal. for Ogul Galba 486 P. Sempronius App. Claudius SEeing that wee settle the Consulship of the former yeer in Ogulvius and Fabius Pictor and that upon the authoritie of Eutropius the Greeke records Cuspinian Zonaras Onuphrius and others wee will set downe for this yeeres Consuls P. Sempronius and App. Claudius whome Velleius in his first booke calleth Sempronius Sophus and Appius the sonne of Caecus The Greeke records Sempronius Rufus Sophus and Cuspinians booke Rufus Moreover this also Goltzius giveth us to understand that the surname of this Sempronius is in old peeces of coin found written without an aspiration Sopus which is no rare thing to be seene in such antiquities for we read in others of them Pilippus Tampilus Graccus Pulcer Triumpius for Philippus Tamphilus Gracchus Pulcher Triumphus and such like 487 M. Attilius L. Iulius Libo EVtropius putteth downe for Consuls Mar. Attilius and L. Iulius Libo The Sicilian registers Regulus and Libo Cassiodorus M. Attilius and L. Iulius And both of them are taken forth of the records of capitoll triumphs 488 D. Iunius N. Fabius CAssiodorus reporteth for Coss. this yeere D. Iunius and N. Fabius the Sicilian register Pera and Pictor the capitol records of triumphs D. Iunius son of D. nephew of D. surnamed Pera and N. Fabius son of C. nephew of M. surnamed Pictor Vpon what occasion these Fabij tooke the surname of Pictor Plinie sheweth in his 35 book chap. 4. Valer. Max. in his 4 booke and 3 chap. seemeth to note and signifie that Fabius Gurges and N. Fabius Pictor lived at one and the same time 489 Q. Fabius Maximus L. Mamilius Vitulus THis yeere also Cassiodorus passeth over The Greeke records shew Maximus and Vitulus Zonaras Q. Fabius and Aemilius no doubt for Mamilius by some errour and fault of the copies Cuspinian out of some old books delivereth unto us for Consuls Q. Fab. Maximus and Lu. Mamilius Onuphrius thinketh that Q. Fab. Maximus Gurges was now thrice Consull 490 Ap. Claudius M. Fulvius BEsides the capitoll monuments Polybius in his first booke maketh mention of these Consuls Gellius also who calleth them thus App. Claudius brother of Caecus surnamed Caudex and Mar. Fulvius Flaccus In like manner Livie Paterculus and Plinie in his booke of famous men as also Appianus Florus Frontinus in his I booke of Stratagems Eutropius Orosius and Cassiodorus 491 M' Valerius M' Otacilius CAssiodorus and Eutropius shew unto us that M' Valerius and M' Otacilius were Consuls Zonaras nameth Valerius Max. and Otacilius Crassus Cuspinians Kalender and the Sicilian records Maximus Messala and Crassus Of these Consuls Verrius Flaccus Polybius Cassiodorus Eutropius and Macrobius out of Varro make report As for Macrobius he rendreth a reason why M' Valerius was in this government of his named Messala and Plinie likewise in his sixt booke and five and thirtie chapter 492 L. Posthumius Q. Mamilius CAssiodorus and Polybius put downe for next Consuls L. Postumius and Q. Mamilius Zonaras nameth them Postumius Albinus and Quintus Mamilius The Sicilian registers Albinus and Vitulus but the capitoll monuments Lucius Postumius sonne of Lucius nephew of Licius surnamed Megellus and Quin. Mamilius sonne of Q. nephew of M. surnamed Vitulus 493 L. Valerius T. Otacilius POlybius and Cassiodorus match togither in the Consulate for this yeere L. Valerius and T. Otacilius the surname of Valerius is Flaccus and of Otacilius Crassus as it appeareth upon the capitoll and Sicilian records 494 Cn. Cornelius C. Duilius CAssiodorus and Zonaras bring in for Coss. Cn. Cornelius and C. Duilius In like manner also Polybius but only that in lieu of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hee hath 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Sicilian registers shew Scipio and Duilius Cn. Cornelius Scipio is surnamed also Asina by the capitall writers Orosius Eutropius and Valerius in his sixt book chap. 10 of which surname Macrobius writeth thus in his first booke of Saturnalia The surname of Asina qd hee was given to the Cornelij for that the first of the House Cornelia having either bought land or given his daughter in marriage when after the solemne manner hee was required to put in good sureties for securitie brought into the open market place a shee asse laden with money and pawned down that presently in stead of pledges 495 C. Aquilius son of M. L. Cornelius son of L. THere are nominated by Cassiodorus for Consuls C. Aquilius and L. Cornelius The Sicilian registers Florus and Scipio Zonaras C. Florus and L. Scipio Eutropius and Orosius L. Cornelius Scipio and C. Aquilius Florus Polybius leaveth them out The Capitoline monuments agree with the Annales of Eutropius and Orosius 496 A. Atilius Calatinus Q. Sulpitius POlybius avoucheth for this yeeres Consuls A. Atilius and C. Sulpitius Cassiodorus A. Atilius Calatinus and C. Sulpitius The Sicilian registers and Cuspinians Kalender Calatinus Paterculus The capitoll monuments A. Atilius Calatinus and C. Sulpitius Paterculus Zonaras Atilius Calatinus and Caius Sulpitius Of these Consuls Polybius Cicero Valerius