great authoritie at that time in Fraunce that for feare of them no Counsellor durst plead his cause wherefore necessitie enforcing him to defend him selfe he pleaded there by the space of two howers being very attentiuely heard by the whole audience and in the end so acquite himselfe that by the Iudges sentence he was discharged Among other things he rehearsed at the bar how sundrie troublesome and daungerous voiages he had sustained for the King and the common wealth How highly King Lewis both had fauoured him and for his faithfull seruice rewarded him for his owne part he said that he neuer had done any thing couetouslie ambitiouslie nor cruelly and further that if he had sought onely to aduance and inrich himselfe he might haue had as goodly possessions as any man in France He was prisoner in almost three yeeres The next yeere after his deliuerie he had a daughter borne named Iane which married with Rene Earle of Pantabria descended of the Dukes of Britaine by whom among diuers other children she had issue Iohn late Duke of Estampes Lieutenant of Britain Knight of the French Kings order and Lord of diuers goodly Seniories But to returne to Commines in prosperity he gaue for his posie this sentence He that will not labour let him not eate but in aduersitie this I sailed into the deepe of the sea and a sudden tempest ouerwhelmed me He died the threescore and fourth yeere of his age the yeere of our Lord 1509. the 17. day of October in his owne house of Argenton in the countrey of Poictu from whence his body was conueighed to Paris and there lieth buried in the Augustine Friers I was heere purposed to haue staied my pen and further not to haue spoken either of Commines historie or his life had I not called to minde diuers accusations of Iacobus Meyerus who in sundrie places of his Annales of Flanders inueigheth verie bitterly as well against Commines life as his historie whose accusations I am forced to laie open to the iudgement of the world to the end it may appeere whether they be grounded vpon iust proofe Notwithstanding before I enter into the examination of them thus much in the commendation of Commines historie I cannot passe ouer in silence that two of the greatest and woorthiest Princes that raigned in Europe these hundred yeeres namely the Emperour Charles the fift and Francis the first King of Fraunce made so great account of this historie that the Emperor caried it continually about with him as Alexander did the workes of Homer no lesse esteeming it than he did them and the King was as much displeased with the printing and publishing thereof as was the same Alexander in times past for the setting foorth of Aristotles workes called Acroamatica as rehearseth Gellius so desirous was he to haue reserued to himselfe and a few of his owne subiects the great treasures of wisedome hidden in this small volume But let vs now heare what Meyer obiecteth against this historie In the 17. booke of his Annales of Flaunders writing of the battell fought at Saintron betweene Charles Duke of Burgundie and the Liegeois he hath these words Pugna commissa caeduntur magno numero profligantur ad nouem millia cecidisse tradit qui interfuit Philippus Cominius Sed Brabantiae scriptor quidam scriptor Flandriae quibus plus habeo fidei tria tantum millia occubuisse memorant For answere heereunto if this place be indifferently weighed it shall appeere to be wholie grounded vpon malice and no colour of reason much lesse iust proofe First bicause Meyer preferreth the credit of these obscure Annalistes that write but vpon report before the credit of him that was an eie witnesse and that no way could aduantage himselfe by reporting a lye Secondarily sir Oliuer de la Marche who liued also in that time and was Steward of the Duke of Burgundies house writeth that a great number of these Liegeois were slaine at this battell and also at the siege of Saintron but that their friends and kinsfolkes trussed vp their dead bodies in vessels full of lime partly to the end the discomfiture might appeere the lesse and partlie that they might be buried among their auncestors in the which feate saith he the Liegeois shewed a woonderfull audacitie and courage whereby it shoulde seeme a great number to haue been thus trussed vp by meanes whereof the dead appeered the fewer and were reported accordingly which deceiued diuers and happilie these Annalists of Brabant and Flaunders The like practise we reade of in diuers authors of the like writeth Meyer also himselfe Lastly the Annales of Burgundy agree with Commines and report the number as he doth so that this answer I hope shall suffice for this point Againe in the same booke fol. 364. Meyer writeth thus Loquitur Cominius de nobili quadam foemina attrebatensis ditionis proditrice patriae cuius aedere non vult nomen falsus in hoc vt in caeteris historicus Sure if it were an vndoubted truth that a Ladie of Artois could not send the King such aduertisement as Commines reporteth that she did or if Meyer were Pythagoras that ipse dixit might passe for proofe the credit of Commines should happilie hang in ballance but if you reade the place in his historie the very circumstances will induce any indifferent man to thinke that which is there written of this Ladie to be no lie Againe fol. 366. Meyer hath these words Hic est Cominius ille transfuga gente Flandrus qui multa de Carolo Lodouico prouinciali lingua bene scripsit sed quaedam etiam scripsit plane mendaciter multaque dicenda infideliter reticuit This is so generall and vncertaine a charge that answer in truth it deserueth none notwithstanding I refer to the iudgement of those that shall reade this historie whether Commines conceale his Masters faults therein or not for that is Meyers meaning in this place True it is that he vttereth them not in such railing barbarous termes as Meyer very vnseemely vseth of so great a Prince as King Lewis was and is offended with Commines for not dooing the like a thing which becommeth Meyer himselfe very ill and would haue become Commines much woorse But our author as he concealeth not his masters faults but laieth them open enough to the vnderstanding of the wise and attentiue Reader so deliuereth he them so sparingly and vnder such termes as truth being vttered the Kings honor be no further impeached than verie necessitie doth enforce a matter verie commendable in a gentleman writing of a Prince a seruant of his Master and a subiect of his Soueraigne Lastly Meyer fol. 365. hath these words refert Cominius exercitum Caroliadeo fuisse extenuatum vt exhibere illum Anglis non auderet sed hoc falsum est But you must beleeue Meyer vpon his word other disproofe of Commines report he can bring none neither grounded vpon any circumstance nor produced out of any good
vnlike and also bicause the Dukes liberalitie was inferior to the Kings his attempts so impouerishing him that he had not to be liberall of as the King had Whereunto I adde that he made no such account of his seruants as the King did but attributed all his good successe to his owne braine whereby their seruice was the lesse esteemed and the woorse rewarded or rather not at all esteemed nor rewarded for he neuer vsed any mans counsell but his owne so that wise men lost but their time with him Yea Meyer himselfe reporteth him to be Durum asperum ingratum à quo milites maligne admodum stipendia accipiebant raro blande liberaliter appellarentur quanquam multis in locis extremis periculis se obiectarent plurimumque algoris inediae aestus sustinerent If then the Duke were of this disposition towards his soldiers and so euill rewarded them whose helpe he daily and howerly vsed what reward could any wise man looke for at his hands whose aduice he seldome asked and neuer followed Further the Duke was of nature very cholericke and ready to offer his seruants iniurie as for example to the Earle of Campobasso he gaue a blowe which in the end cost him his life and whether any such outrage offered to our Author caused or furthered his departure we knowe not but that aduauncement which was to be looked for at the Kings hands and not to be hoped for at the Dukes was one cause is already as I suppose sufficiently prooued The second cause of Commines departure from the Duke in mine opinion was safetie for the Duke as Commines himselfe reporteth forced not to venture his seruants into any danger were it neuer so great which all men especially despairing of reward of their seruice will seeke to auoide for as our Author himselfe saith in one place of his historie most men by seruice seeke to aduaunce themselues but all men will haue an eie to saue themselues Further Commines being a very wise man foresawe the Dukes attempts to be such as would in the end ouerthrowe both himselfe his subiects and his dominions wherefore he thought it best to dislodge in time and to saue one These in mine opinion were the principall causes of his departure from the Duke which being honest and reasonable and his departure likewise voide of al treason and trecherous practises against the Duke I see no reason why for his departure he should not rather be commended than condemned The last point that we haue to consider is whether he being the Dukes subiect might leaue his Master and depart to the King were the causes of his departure neuer so reasonable and honest Whereunto I answer that Commines was not absolutely the Dukes subiect for Flaunders was held in soueraigntie of the crowne of Fraunce and both the Earle and all the people sworne to beare no armes against the King of Fraunce and diuers examples too long to rehearse are to be read in the histories of diuers Earles of Flaunders that haue been arrested imprisoned and togither with their people fined for breach of this oth Wherefore seeing our author was a Flemming borne and Flaunders held in Soueraigntie of the King of Fraunce and the Duke of Burgundie in-hostilitie with the King of Fraunce contrarie to the oth he either tooke or ought to haue taken and further violating diuers naie I may say all those points whereunto by his allegeance he was bound to the French King I see no reason why Commines might not or rather ought not to leaue an inferior rebellious Lord and cleaue to his soueraign Prince and King to whom he ought a soueraign dutie both by allegeance and oth And if after his reuolt he gaue any aduice to the furtherance of the Kings affaires he did therein in mine opinion the dutie of a faithfull seruant and true subiect Thus much I haue beene forced to speake in defence both of Commines life and historie whereof as the former appeereth to haue beene both honest and vertuous as well by the reasons aboue alleaged as also by the notable discourses wherewith he farceth his historie which breath nothing but vertue and sinceritie so is the latter confirmed by the consent of diuers good histories and approoued by the iudgement of the noblest Princes that Europe bred these many hundred yeers as I trust is sufficiently declared Wherefore our authors credit standeth vpright as well for good conuersation of life as sincere report in historie both the which Meyer no lesse falsely slandereth than he doth in other places of his Annales the noble races of the Kings of England and Fraunce which ignorantly or maliciouslie he reporteth to be more vile and base than any honest eare can endure to heare Thus hauing I trust sufficiently defended the credit of this woorthie writer I will heere abruptly for auoiding of tediousnes staie my pen. A Table declaring the contents of all the Chapters contained in this historie The preface of the Author to the Archbishop of Vienna in Fraunce page 1 Chap. 1 The occasion of the wars between Lewis the eleuenth and the Earle of Charolois Duke of Burgundy page 2 Chap. 2 How the Earle of Charolois and diuers noble men of Fraunce leuied an army against King Lewis vnder colour of the weale publike page 6 Chap. 4 How the Earle of Charolois encamped neere to Montl'hery and of the battell fought there betweene the King of Fraunce and him page 10 Chap. 4 Of the danger the Earle of Charolois was in and how he was rescued page 15 Chap. 5 How the Duke of Berry the Kings brother and the Duke of Britaine ioined with the Earle of Charolois against the King page 19 Chap. 6 How the Earle of Charolois and his confederates with their whole army passed the riuer of Seine vpon a bridge of botes how Iohn Duke of Calabria ioined with them and how they all encamped before Paris page 22 Chap. 7 A discourse vpon ambitious hunting after offices and estates by the example of the English men page 25 Chap. 8 How King Lewis entred into Paris while the Princes of Fraunce practised with the citizens page 27 Chap. 9 How the Earle of Charolois artillery and the Kings artillery shot the one against the other neere to Charenton and how the Earle of Charolois caused another bridge to be built vpon botes ouer the riuer of Seine page 29 Chap. 10 A discourse vpon certaine vices and vertues of King Lewis the 11. page 32 Chap. 11 How the Burgundians lying neere to Paris and looking for the battell supposed great thistles to haue been launces held vpright page 34 Chap. 12 How the King and the Earle of Charolois met togither to treat of peace page 36 Chap. 13 How the towne of Roane by practise was put into the Duke of Bourbons hands for the Duke of Berry and how the treatie of Conflans was fully concluded page 38 Chap. 14 How the treatie of peace was concluded betweene the King
it with a great oath Which words put the King in such feare that euer after he flattered him and bestowed gifts vpon him which was a maruellous purgatorie to him in this world considering of how many noble men and gentlemen he had been obeied Moreouer he had caused diuers cruell prisons to be made as for example cages being eight foote square and one foote more than a mans height some of iron and some of wood plated with iron both within and without with horrible iron works He that first deuised them was the Bishop of Verdun who incontinent was himselfe put into the first that was made where he remained fowerteene yeeres Many haue cursed him for his deuise and among others my selfe for I lay in one of them vnder the King that now reigneth the space of eight moneths He had also caused certaine Almains to make terrible heauie irons to lay men in among the which there was a fetter to put on their feete very hard to be opened like to a carquan with a waightie chaine and a great iron ball at the end thereof heauy beyong all measure These irons were called the Kings nets Notwithstanding I haue seene diuers gentlemen lie in them as prisoners who came foorth afterward with great honor and were aduanced by him to great estates as for example a sonne of the Lord of Grutuze of Flaunders taken prisoner in the wars whom the King afterward richely maried and made one of his chamber Seneschall of Aniou and gaue him charge of a hundred launces and in like maner the Lord of Piennes and the Lord of Vergy taken prisoners also in the wars who both had charge of men of armes vnder the King and other goodly offices and were of the priuie chamber either to him or his sonne The like happened also to the Lord of Richbourg the Constables brother and to one Roquebertin of the country of Cathelonie being likewise taken prisoners in the wars whom he afterward highly aduanced with diuers others of diuers countries too long to reherse But now to returne to the matter As in his time these diuers and sundrie cruell prisons were deuised euen so he before his death laie in the like yea in a much crueller prison than any of them and was in greater feare than they that stood in feare of him which I account as a great grace towards him and as part of his purgatorie and rehearse it onely to shew that euery man of what estate or condition soeuer he be is punished either secretly or openly especially those that punish others Further the King a little before his death enclosed his castel of Plessis with a grate of iron bars and at the fower corners of the said castell caused fower strong-watch houses of iron to be built The said grate was made directly ouer against the castell wall round about the castell on the outer side of the ditch which was very steepe He caused also to be masoned into the wall a great number of iron speares each of them hauing diuers heads set close togither Moreouer he appointed ten crossebowe men to be continually in the said ditches and to lie in the fower iron houses built in the bottome of the said ditches and gaue them commandement to shoote at euery man that approched neere to the grate before the gate opened He knew well that this fortification was to no purpose against a great force or an armie but that he doubted not his onely feare was that certaine noble men of his realme hauing intelligence in the castell would attempt to enter into it in the night partly by loue and partly by force and take the gouernment vpon them and make him liue as a man bereft of his wits and vnwoorthie to rule The castell gate neuer opened before eight of the clocke in the morning neither was the drawe bridge let downe till that hower and then entred his officers and the captaines of his garde placed the ordinarie warders and appointed archers to the watch both at the gate and within the court as if it had beene a frontire towne straightly kept neither entred any man without the Kings commandement but by the wicket saue the stewards of his house and such like officers that went not to him Is it possible then to hold a King I meane vsing him like a Prince in a straiter prison than he held himselfe The cages wherein he held others were about eight foote square and he being so great a Prince had but a little court in the castell to walke in yea and seldome came he into that for vsually he kept himselfe in the gallerie from whence he neuer stirred but when he went to masse at which time he passed through the chambers and not through the Court. Thinke you that he was not in feare as well as others seeing he locked himselfe in after this sort kept himselfe thus close stood in such feare of his children and neerest kinsmen and changed and remooued his seruants from day to day whom he had brought vp and whose good estate depended wholy vpon him in such sort that he durst trust none of them but bound himselfe in these strange chaines and bands The place I confesse was larger than a common prison so was his estate greater than a common prisoners But a man will say peraduenture that other Princes haue been more suspicious than he whereunto I agree but none sure in our time neither any so wise as he nor that had so good subiects as he had as touching them peraduenture they were cruell tyrants but he neuer punished any without desert All this aboue written I haue rehearsed not so much to publish the suspicions of the King our Master as partly to prooue that the patient enduring of these passions being equall with those he had caused others to endure and of this sicknes being sharpe and troublesome to him and the which he feared greatly before he fell into it is to be accounted as a punishment God gaue him in this world to ease him in the world to come and partly to giue an example to those that shall come after him to haue some more compassion on their people than he had and to be lesse rigorous in punishing than he was Notwithstanding for my part I am not able to accuse him neither saw I euer a better Prince for though himselfe pressed his subiects yet would he suffer none other so to do friend or foe After all these feares sorrowes and suspicions God according to his accustomed goodnes wrought a miracle vpon him healing him both in soule and bodie for he tooke him out of this miserable world being perfect of sense vnderstanding and memorie hauing receiued all his sacraments without all griefe to mans iudgement and talking continually euen within a Pater noster while of his death so that he gaue order for his funerall and named those that should accompanie his bodie to the graue saying euer that he trusted to die