Declarations otherwise truth must be said and will be said that there is brought in a new arbitrary and tyrannicall government If the Lords have taken one mans life by an Ordinance they are not bound to take any more and the case differs in case any appeale be made from a tryall by Ordinance to a tryall at common law which was not done by that man whose life was taken away by an Ordinance The Lords ought to remember that his Majesty and his Progenitors have made them a house of Peeres they are trusted to counsell him in peace f Nevels case 8. part Cooks reports and defend him in war his Majesty in Parliament is to consult and treat with the Peers and with his Counsell at Law Judges his Sergeants Atturney and Solicitor and Masters of the Chancery the Lords and that counsell by the respective Writs of Summons to Parliament are to give Counsell g 4 Pars instit fol. 4.9 the House of Commons by their Writ to performe and consent In the House of Lords the Court of Parliament only is for they only examine upon oath h 1 H. 7. fol. 20. with them the King in person sits and by them there erroneous judgements * 14. Ed. 3. c. 5. upon a Petition to his Majesty for obtaining of a Writ of Errour by the advice of the Judges are reversed or affirmed c. the Lords are to remember that their eminency and grandeur is preserved by the Laws if they leave all to will and dishonour their King and make nothing of the Lawes they will make nothing of themselves in the end And therefore it is well worth your observation what was said by Mr Iohn Pym a Member of the House of Commons in his speech against the Earle of Strafford in the beginning of the Parliament which speech is published by the expresse order of the House of Commons the words are these The Law is that which puts a difference betwixt good and evill betwixt just and unjust if you take away the Law all things will fall into a confusion every man will become a Law unto himselfe which in the depraved condition of humane nature must needs produce many great enormities Lust will become a Law and Envy will become a Law Covetousnesse and Ambition will become Lawes and what diâ—tates what decisions such Lawes will produce may easily be discerned i See part book deel pag. 140.163 c. They that love this Common-wealth as things now stand will use all meanes to procure an Act of Oblivion a generall pardon from his Majesty the Souldiers their Arrears and tender consciences a just and reasonable satisfaction else we all must perish first or last God preserve His Majesty and the Lawes wherein their Lordships and the whole Kingdome are concerned Mai. 17. 1647. David Ienkins Prisoner in the Tower of London FINIS TO THE HONORABLE Societies of Grayes-Jnne and of the rest of the Innes of Court and to all the Professors of the LAW I Have now spent Forty five yeares in the Study of the Lawes of this Land being my profession under and by the conduct of which Lawes this common-wealth hath flourished for some ages past in great splendor and happinesse jam seges est ubi Troja fuit The great full body of this Kingdome hath of late yeares fallen into an extreame sicknesse it is truly said that the cause of the disease being knowne the disease is easily cured There is none of you I hope but doth heartily wish the recovery of our common parent our native country Moribus antiquis stat res Britannica I call God to witnes that this discourse of mine hath no other end then my wishes of the commonâ—gâ—od how farr I have been from Ambition my life past and your owne knowledge of me can abundantly informe you and many of you well know that I ever dâ—tested the ship 〈◊〉 and monopolies that in the beginning of this Parliament for opposing the excesses of one of the Bishopes I lay under three Excommunications and the Examination of seeventy seven Articles in the high Commission Court His sacred Majesty God is my witnes made mee a judge in the parts of Wales against my will and all the meanes I was able to make and a patent for my place was sent mee for the which I have not paid one farthing and the place is of so inconsiderable a benefit that it is worth but 80. l. per Annum when paid and it cost me every yeare I served twice as much out of mine owne estate in the way of an ordinary and frugall expence That which gave me comfort was that I knew well that his Majestie was a just and a prudent Prince In the time of the Attournyships of Master Noy and the Lord Banks they Were pleased to make often use of me and many referrences concerning suits at Court upon that occasion came to my knowledge and as I shall answer to God upon my last account this is truth that all or most of the referrences which I have seen in that Kind and I have seen many were to this effect That his Majesty would be informed by his Counsell if the suits preferred were agreeable to the Lawes and not inconvenient to his people before he would pass them What could a just and pious Prince do more Gentlemen you shall find the Cause and the Curse of the present great distemper in this discourse and God Prosper it in your hands thoughts and words as the Case deserves Hold to the Lawes this great body recovers for sake them it will certainly perish I have resolved to tender my selfe a Sacrifice for them as cheerefully and I hope by Gods assistance as constantly as old Eleazer did for the holy Lawes of his Nation Your well-wisher DAVID JENKINS Now Prisoner in the Tower LEX TERRAE THE Law of this Land hath three grounds First Custom Secondly Iudiciall Records Thirdly Acts of Parliament The two latter are but declarations of the Common-Law and Custome of the Realme touching Royall Government And this Law of Royall-Government is a Law-Fundamentall The Government of this Kingdome by a Royall Soveraign hath beene as ancient as history is or the memoriall of any time The kings prerogative is a principall part of the common Law Com Littâ— 344 what power this Soveraignty alwayes had and used in warre and peace in this land is the scope of this discourse That Vsage so practised makes therein a Fundamentall Law and the Common Law of the Land is common Vsage Plâ—wdens Commentaries 195. For the first of our Kings â—ithence the Norman conquest the first William second William Henry the first Stephen Henry the second and Richard the first the Customs of the Realme touching Royall Government were never questioned The said Kings injoyed them in a full measunt In King Iohns time the Nobles and Commons of the Realme conceiving that the arcient customes and Rights were violated and thereupon pressing the
facto but not de jure Ed. 4. c. â— but not de jure as appeares by the Acts of Parliament declaring them so And by all our Law-Bookes and the fundamentall constitution of the Land Regall power is hereditarie and not elective For the words vulgus-elegerit if vulgus be applyed to the House of Commons 1 H. 7. they of themselves can make no Lawes The Peeres were never yet tearmed vulgus but allowing they be so called the Lawes to be made must be just and who is fit to judge thereof is before made evident Customes cannot referre to future time â—5 Ob. and both are conpled Lawes and Customes Princes have beene deposed and may be by the two Houfes go. The deposers were Traytors Sol. as appeares by the resolution of all the Judges of England Coke Chap. Treason in the second part of the Institutes And never was King deposed but in tumultuous and mad times and by the power of Armies and they who were to be the succeeding Kings in the head of them as Edward the third and Henry the fourth The appeale to the Parliament for errors in judgements in all Courts 16 Ob. is frequent go. This is onely to the House of Lords Sol. and that is not the Parliament the House of Commons have nothing to doe therewith and in the House of Peeres if a Writ of Error be brought to reverse any judgement there is first a petition to the King for the allowance thereof and the reason of the Law in this case is for that the Judges of the Land all of them the Kings Councell and twelve Masters of the Chancerie assist there by whose advice erroneous judgements are redressed The Parliaments have determined of the rights of Kings 17 Ob. as in Henry the sixts time and others and Parliaments have bound the succession of Kings as appeares by the Statute of the thirteenth of Q. Elizab. Chapter the first and the discent of the Crowne is guided rather by a Parliamentarie Title then by Common Law go. If this Objection be true Sol. that the Title to the Crowne is by Parliament then we had no Usurpers for they all had Parliaments to back them yea Richard the third that Monster All cur Bookes of Law say they have the Crowne by discent and the Statutes of the Land declare that they have the same by inherent birth-right And the Statute of the thirteenth of Elizabeth the first Chapter was made to secure Q Elizabeth against the Qu. of Scaâ—â— then in the kingdome clayming the Grown of England and having many adherent◠〈…〉 〈…〉 〈…〉 And that Statute to that end a firmes no such power in the two Homfor which is the Question but in Q Elizabeth and the two Houses which makes against the pretence of this time Master Prynne fol. 104. of his booke intituled The Parliaments supreme power c. Objecting the Statute of the first of Queen Elizabeth and his own Oath that the king is the onely supreme Governour of this Realme Answers The Parliament is the supreme power and the king supreme Governour And yet there he allowes him a Negative Voyce and fol. 107. confesseth that Acts of Parliament translated the Crowne from the right Heires at Common-law to others who had no good Title then the Parliamentary Title makes not the king so powerfull in truth that it escapes from a man unawares To make a distinction betweene Supreme Governour and Supreme power is very strange for who can Governe without power The king assembles the Parliament by His Writ adjourns Vide Speed 645.4 par Instit 27. 1. prorogues and dissolves the Parliament by the law at his pleasure as is evident by constant practise the House of Commons never sate after an adjournment of the Parliament by the kings command Where is the supreme Power The king by his Oath 1â—â— Ob. is bound to deny no man right much lesse the Parliament to agree to all just and necessary lawes proposed by them to the king This is the substance of the discourse against the kings Negative Voyce The king is so bound as is set downe in the Objection but who shall judge whether the Bill proposed be just and necessary Sol. For all that they doe propose are so pretended and carried in either House sometimes by one or two Voyces or some few as aforesaid and certainly as hath been shewn the king his Councell of State his Judges Sargeants Attorney Sollicitor and twelve Masters of the Chatcery can better judge of them then two or three or few more Mr. Pryn fol. 45. In his book of the Parliaments interest to nominate Privie-Councellors calleth the opinion of the Spencers to divide the Person of the King from his Crowne a strange opinion Calvins case 7. pars fol. 11. and cites Calvins Case but leaves out the conclusions there in mentioned fol. 15. Master Prynne saith there But let this opinion bee what it will without the Kings Grace and Pardon it will goe very far and two Acts of Parliament there mentioned are beyond an opinion And in his Book of the opening of the Great Scale fol. 17. The Parliament hath no jurisdiction to use the Great Seale for Pardons Generall or Particular Where is the Supreme power Mr. â—9 Ob. Prynnes opening of the Seale pag. 19. saith The Noblemen and State the day after the Funerall of King Henry the third King Edward the first his sonne being in the Holy Land made a new Great Seale and Keepers of the same And in Henry the sixts time in the first yeere of his Reigne the like was done in Parliament A facto Sol. ad jus is no good Argument for that in Edward the firsts time it was no Parliament for King Henry the 3. was dead which dissolved the Parliament if called in his time and it could be no Parliament of Edward the firsts time for no Writ issued to summon a Parliament in his Name nor could issue but under that New Seale it was so sodainly done after Henry the thirds death King Edward the first being then in the Holy Land it was the first yeere of his Reign and no Parliament was held that yeere nor the second yeere of his Reigne The first Parliament that was in his Reigne was in the third yeere of his Reigne as appeares by the Printed Acts. Also the making of that Seale was by some Lords then present What hand had the Commons in it Concerning the Seale made in Henry the sixths time the Protector was Vice-Roy according to the course of Law and so the making of that Seal was by the Protector in the Kings name and that Protector Humphrey Duke of Gloucester as Protector in the kings Name summoned that Parliament and was Protector made by the Lords and not in Parliament as appeareth plainely for that Parliament was in the first of Henry the sixth and the first holden in his time and power given by Commission to the
Land or without any thing should lose or forfeit for doing their duty or service of Allegiance It be therefore ordained enacted and established by the King our Soveraigne Lord by the advice and assent of the Lords spiritual and temporall and the Commons in this present Parliament assembled and by authority of the same that from henceforth no manner of person or persons whatsoever he or they be that attend upoâ— the King and Soveraigne Lord of this Land for the time being in his person and doe him true and faithfull service of allegiance in the same or be in other places by his commandement in his wars within this Land or without that for the said deed and true duty of allegiance he or they be in no wise convict or attaint of high treason nor of other offences for that cause by act of Parliament or otherwise by any processe of Law whereby hee or any of them shall lose or forfeit life lands tenements rents possessions hereditaments goods chattels or any other things but to be for that deed and service utterly discharged of any vexation trouble or losse And if any act or acts or other processe of the Law hereafter thereupon for the same happen to be made contrary to this Ordinance that then that act or acts or other processe of the Law whatsoever they shall be stand and be utterly void Provided alwaies that no person or persons shall take any benefit or advantage by this Act which shall hereafter decline from his or their said allegiance Cap. 24. In the Statute of 27. H. 8. It is enacted that no person or persons of what estate or degree soever they be of shall have any power or authority to pardon or remit any treason murders man-slaughters or any kinde of Fellonies c. but that the King shall have the sole and whole power and authority thereof united and knit to the Imperiall Crowne as of right it appertaineth c. And in the same it is enacted further that none shall have power of what estate degree or condition soever they be to make Justices of Eyre Justices of Assize Justices of the Peace c. but all such officers and Ministers shall be made by Letters Patents under the Kings great Seale in the name and by the authority of the King and his Heires and Successors Kings of this Realme In the first yeare of Queen Mary and the first Chapter It is enacted by the Queen with the consent of the Lords and Commons That no deed or offence by Act of Parliament made treason shall be taken deemed or adjudged to be high treason but only such as be declared and expressed to be treason by the Act of Parliament made 25. Ed. 3. cap. 2. before mentioned A Declaration of M. David Ienkins now Prisoner in the Tower of London one of His Majesties Iudges in Wales for tryalls of Treasons Murthers Felonies and all other capitall crimes that they ought only to be by Iuries and not otherwise unlesse it be by Act of Parliament THe common Law of this Land is That every freeman is subject to a tryall by bill of Attainder in Parliament wherein His Majesty and both Houses must necessarily concurre for that tryall and attainder is an Act of Parliament to which all men are subject to a Mag. Chart. cap. 29. 2 part instit fol. 28 29.46.48 49 50. composed by Sir Ed. Cooke and published by the Order of the House of Commons in May 1641. No man shall otherwise be destroyed c but by the lawfull judgement of his Peers or by the common Law of the Land Peers to Noblemen are Noblemen Peers to the Commons are Knights Gentlemen c. Judgement of Peers refers to Peers those words The Law of the Land refers to the Commons the Law of the Land is for the tryall of the life of a free Commoner by Indictment Presentment of good and lawfull men where the deed is done or by Writ originall of the common Law all this is declared in Magna Charta c. 29. and by 25. Ed. 3. c. 4. 28. Ed. 3. c. 3. 37. Ed. 3. c. 8. 42. Ed. 3. c. 3. If the Lords will try any man by an Ordinance they destroy that excellent Act of Magna Charta and all those other good Lawes Sir Simon de Bereford a free Commoner of England was condemned by the Lords to death by an Ordinance which after the Lords better considering the matter that they might be acquitted of that sentence became suters to the King that what they had so done in future time might not be drawn into president because that which they had so done was against the Law b Rot. Par. 1. roule 4. E. 3. Num. 2. part inst page 50. with this 〈◊〉 grees Sir Joâ—n Lees case Rot. Par. 42. E. 3. Num. 22.23 2. inst fol. 50. with this agrees the practice and usage of all times in this Land all the free Commoners of this Kingdome have alwayes been tryed and acquitted or condemned in capitall causes by Jurers of their equalls An Ordinance bindeth not in Law at all c See 4. part inst fol. 23.48.292 2. part inst f. 47 48. and but pro tempore as the two Houses now affirme a mans life cannot be tryed by that which is not binding and to continue for all times for a life lost cannot be restored By an Act of Parliament of the 1. and 2. of Philip and Mary chap. 10. It is enacted that aâ—â— tryalls for Treason hereafter to be had shall be according to the course of the common-law If the crime charged upon any be treason against the two Houses against the Parliament it cannot be for there is no Parliament without the King that is no Treason in Law as appeares by 25. Ed. 3. chap. 2. 11. R. 2. chap. 3. 1 Hen. 4. cha 10. 1. and 2. Philip and Mary chap. 10. 3 part of the institutes Page 23. An Act of Parliament to make any a Judge where he is party is a void act d Dr â—oâ—ams case 8. part of Cooks reports for none can be a Judge and party in the same cause and therefore the House of Peers being a party touching the crime charged upon any man whom they would try by an Ordinance for Treason against both Houses cannot be a Judge By the Petition of Right e Petition of Right 3. Car. Regis if any man deserve death he ought to suffer the same according to the Lawes of the Land established and not otherwise but an Ordinance of the Lords is no established law The Protestation the Vow and Covenant the solemne League and Covenant the Declarations of both Houses had made and published sithence this unnaturall Warre are amongst other things sworne and set downe to be for the maintenance of the Lawes the people of this land ought to enjoy the benefit of their Birth-right the Law of the Land and the making good of the said Protestation Vow and Covenant League and Covenant and
Jan. 1641. as aforesaid being a yeare and almost three moneths had time and liberty to question all those persons who were eyther causes or instruments of the violation of any of the Lawes Examine how both Houses remedied them in former times First touching Religion What hath beens done this way Both houses in Henry the eights time tendred to him a Bill to bee passed called commonly the Bill of the six Articles this was conceivd by them to be a just and a necessary Bill Had not Henry the eighth done well to have refused the passing of this bill both houses tendred a bill to him to take the reading of the Scriptures from most of the laity had not King Henry the eight deserved much prayse to reject this bill In Queene Maryes time both houses exhibited a bill to her to introduce the Popes power and the Roman Religion had not Queen Mary done well to have refused this bill Many such instances may be given The two Houses now at Westminster I am sure will not deny but the refusall of such Bills had beene just the King being assisted as aforesaid and why not so in these times For the Civill Government what a bill did both houses present to Richard the third to make good his title to the Crowne had it not beene great honour to him to have rejected it what bills were exhibited to Henry the eight by both houses for bastardizing of his daughter Elizabeth a Queene of renowned memory to settle the Crowne of this Relme for default of Issue of his body upon such persons as he should declare by his letters Patents or his last will and many more of the like had not this refusall of passing such bills magnified his vertue and rendred him to posterity in a different Character from what he now hath And by the experience of all times and the consideration of human frailty this conclusion is manifestly deduced that it is not possible to keepe men at all times be they the houses or the King and his councell but there will be sometimes some deviation from the Lawes and therefore the constant and certain powers fixed by the ancient Law must not be made void and the Kings Ministers the Laws do punish where the Law is transgressed and they only ought to suffer for the same In this Parliament the houses exhibited a bill to take away the suffrages of Bishops in the upper house of Parliament and have sithence agreed there shall be no more Bishops at all might not the King if he had so pleased have answered this bill with Le Roy s'avisera or no voult it was against Magna Charta Articuli Cleri and many other acts of Parliament And might have farther given these reasons if it had so pleased him for the same first that this Bill destroyes the writt whereby they are made two houses of Parliament the King in the writt to the Lords being Cum praelatis colloquium habere secondly they have beene in all Parliaments since we had any and voted but in such wherein they themselves were concerned And there have beene Bishops here sithence we were Christians and the fundamentall Law of the Kingdome approves of them if any of them were conceived offensive they were left to justice and his Majestie would put in inoffensive men in their places but sithence his Majestie hath passed the Bill for taking away their votes in Parliament it is a Law that binds us so farr Upon the whole matter the Law hath notably determined that Bills agreed by both houses pretended to be for the publique good are to be judged by the King for in all Kings reigns Bills have been preferred by both houses which all wayes are pretended to be for the publique good and many times are not and were rejected with Roy s'avisera or Roy ne veult This Parliament beganne the third of November 1640 before that time in all the Kings reigne no armed power did force any of the people to do any thing against the law what was done was by his Judges officers Referees and Ministers from that time untill the tenth of January 1641 when the King went from London to avoyde the danger of frequent tumults being a yeare and three months Privy Councellors and all his Justices and ministers were left to the Justice of the law there wanted 〈◊〉 time to punishable men The Sphaere of the house of Comment is to represent the grievances of the Countrey to grant aydes for the King upon all fit occasions extraordinary to assent to the making or abrogating of lawes The Orb of the house of Lords to Reforme eroneous judgements given in the Kings Bench to redresse the delayes of Courts of Justice to receive all Petitions to advise his Majestie with their Councell to have their votes in making or abrogating of Lawes and to propose for the common good what they conceive meete Lâ—x non cogit ad impossibilia Subjects are not to expect from Kings impossible things so many Judges Councellours Sheriffes Justices of the peace Commissioners Ministers of State that the King should over-looke them all cannot be it is impossible The King is virtually in his ordinary Courts of Justice so long as they continue has Courts their charge is to administer the lawes in being and not to delay defarre or sell-justice for any commandement of the King We have Lawes enough â—â—stâ—uâ—â—â—ta bâ—â—i saculi sunt boni 〈◊〉 good ministers as Judges and officers are many times wanting the houses propose now Lawes or abrogation of the old both induce novelty the law for the reasons aforesaid makes the King the only Judge who is assisted therein by a great number of grave learned and prudent men as aforesaid For the considerations aforesaid the Kings party adhered to him the law of the Land is their birth-right their guide no offence is committed where that is not violated they found the commission of Array warranted by the law they found the King in this Parliament to have quitted the Ship-money Knighthood-money seven Courts of Justice consented to a trienniall Parliament setled the Forest bounds tooke away the Clerke of the Market of the houshold trusted the house with the Navie passed an Act not to dissolve this Parliament without the Houses assent no people in the world so free if they could have been content with Lawes oathes and reason and nothing more could or can be devised to secure us neither hath been in any time Notwithstanding all this we found the King driven from London by frequent tumults that two thirds and more of the Lords had disserted that house for the same cause and the greater part of the house of Commons left that house also for the same reason new men chosen in their places against Law by the pretended Warrant of a counter set Seale and in the Kings name against his consent levying warre against him and seizing his Ports Forts Magazines and Revenue and converting them to his destruction
and the subversion of the Law and Land laying taxes on the people never heard of before in this Land devised new oathes to oppose forces ray fed by the King not to adhaere to him but to them in this Warre which they call the Negative Oath and the Vow and Covenant By severall wayes never used in this Kingdome they have raised monies to foment this warre and especially to inrich some among them namely first Excise secondly Contributions thirdly Sequestrations fourthly Fift parts fiftly Twentieth Parts fixtly Meale-money seventhly Sale of Plundered goods â—ightly Loanes ninthly Benevolences tenthly Collections upon their Fast-dayes eleventhly new Inpositions upon Merchandizes twelvethly Guards maintained upon the charge of private men thirteenthly Fifty Subsidies at one time fourteenthly Compositions with such as they call Delinquents fifteenthly Sale of Bishops lands c. From the Kings party meanes of subsistance are taken 1 R. 3. cap. 3. â—ract li. 3. c. 8. Stanford 192. Sir Ger. Fleetwoods Case 8. pars Cook 7. H. 4 last lease before any indictment their Lands seized their goods taken the Law allows a Traytor or Fellon attainted Necessaria sibi familie sua in victâ—â— vâ—stitu where is the Covenant where is the Petition of light where is the liberty of the subject First We have ayded the King in this warre contrary to the negative oath and other votes Our warrant is the twenty fifth of Edward the third the second Chapter and the said resolutions of all the Judges Secondly Wee have maintained the Commission of Array by the Kings Command contrary to their votes We are warranted by the statute of the fifth of Henry the fourth and the judgement of Sir Edward Cooke the Oracle of the Law as they call him Thirdly We maintained Arch-Bishops and Bishops whom they would suppresse Our warrant is Magna Charta and many statutes more Fourthly we have maintained the booke of Common prayer they suppresse it Our warrant is five acts of Parliament in Edward the sixt and Queene Elizabeths time 5. Peschâ— 35. Elizabeth inter placita Coronae in Banco Regis New booke of Entries sol 252. Penry for publishing two scandalous Libels against the Church government was indicted arraigned attainted and executed at Tyburne Fifthly We maintained the Militia of the Kingdome to belong to the King they the contrary Our warrant is the statute of the seventh of Edward the first and many statures sithence the practise of all times and the custome of the Realm Sixthly We maintained the counterfeiting of the great Seale to be high Treason and so of the usurpation of the Kings Forts Ports Shipping Castles and his Revenue and the Coyning of money against them We have our warrant by the said statute of the twenty fifth of Edward the third Chapter the second and divers others since and the practise of all times Seventhly We maintaine that the King is the only supreme govermour in all causes They that his Majesly is to be governed by them Our warrant is the statures of the first of Q. Eliza. Chapter the first and the fifth of Q. Elizabeth the first Eighthly 9. Ed. 4. sol 4. Wee maintaine that the King is King by an inhaerent birth-right by nature by Gods law and by the layâ— of the Land They say his Kingly right is an 〈…〉 Our warrant is the statute of the first of King Jaâ—â—â— Chapter the first And the resolution of all the Judges of England in Calvins case Ninthly We maintain that the politick capacity iâ— not to be severed from the naturall They hold the contrary Our warrant is two flatures viz. â—xilium Hugonis in Edward the seconds time and the first of Edward the third Chapter the second and their Oracle who hath published it to posterity that it is damnable detestable and execrable Treason Calvins case pars 7. fol. 11. Tenthly we maintain that who aids the King at home or abroad ought not to be molested or questioned for the same they hold and practise the contrary our warrant is the statute of the eleventh of Henry the seventh Chapter the first Eleventhly We maintain that the King hath power to disassent to any Bill agreed by the two Houses which they deny Our warrant is the Statute of the second of Henry the fift and the practise of all times the first of King Charles Chapter the seventh the first of King James Chapter the first Twelfthly We maintain that Parliaments ought to be holden in a grave and peaceable manner without â—â—ults They allowed multitudes of the meanest sort of people to come to Westminster to cry for Coll. of Ord. fol. 31. Justice when they could not have their will and keep guards of armed men to wait upon them Our warrant is the Statute of the seventh of Edward the second and their Oracle Thirteenthly We maintain that there is no state within this Kingdome but the Kings Majesty and that to adhere to any other State within this Kingdome is high treason our warrant is the Statute of the third of King James Chapter the fourth and the â—â—enty third of Queen Elizabeth Chapter the first Fourteenthly We maintain that to levy a warre to remove Councellours to alter religion or any Law established is high Treason They hold the contrary One warrant is the resolutions of all the judges of England in Queen Elisabeths time and their oracle agrees with the same Fifteenthly We maintain that no man should be imprisoned put out of his Lands but by due course of Law and that no man ought to be adjudged to death but by the Law established the customer of the Realm or by act of Parliament They practise the contrary in London Bristol Kent c. Our warrant is Magna Charta Chapter the twenty ninth the Petition of right the third of King Charles and divers Lawes there mentioned We of the Kings party did and do detest Monopolies and ship money and all the grievances of the people as much as any men living we do well know that our estates lives and fortunes are preserved by the Lawes and that the King is bound by his lawes we love Parliaments if the Kings Judges Counsell or Ministers have done amisse they had from the third of November 1640 to the tenth of Ianuary 1641 time to punish them being all left to Justice where is the Kings fault The law faith the King can do no wrong 11 pars Cooks Reports Magdalen Colledge Cale that he is medicus Regni pater patriae sponsus regni qui per annlum is espoused to his Realm at his Coronation The King is Gods Lieutenant and is not able to do an unjust thing these are the words of the Law One great matter is pretended that the people are not sure to enjoy the acts passed this Parliament A succeeding Parliament may repeal them The objection is very weak a Parliament succeeding to that may repeal that repealing Parliament That feare is endlesse and remedilesse for it is the
essence of Parliaments being compleat and as they ought to be of head and all the Members to have power over Parliaments before Parliaments are as the time are if a turbulent faction prevails the Parliaments are wicked as appears by the examples recited before of extreme wicked Parliaments if the times be sober and modest prudent and not biassed the Parliaments are right good and honourable and they are good medicines and salves but in this Parliament excessit mediâ—iâ—a medum In this cause and warre between the Kings Majesty and the two Houses at Westminster what guide had the Subjects of the Land to direct them but the lawes What means could they use to discern what to follow what to avoid but the Lawes The King declaresiâ—â—â— treason to adhere to the Houses in this warre The Houses declare it Treason to adhere to the King in this Warre The Subjects for a great and considerable part of them treason being such a crime as forfets life and estate also renders a mans posterity base beggerly and infamous looke upon the Lawes and find the letter of the law requires them to assist the King as before is manifested was ever subject criminally punisht in any age or nation for his pursuit of what the letter of the Law commands The Subjects of the kingdome find the distinction and interpretation now put upon the Lawes of Abstractum Concretam Power and Person body politique and naturall Personall presence and virtuall to have beene condemned by the law And so the Kings party hath both the letter of the law and the interpretation of the letter cleared to their judgements whereby they might evidently perceive what side to adhaere to what satisfaction could modest peaceable and loyall men more desire A verbo legis in criminibus poenis non est recedendum hath been an approved maxime of law in all ages and times If the King be King and remain in his Kingly office as they call it then all the said lawes are against them without colour Coll of Ordinances 777. they say the said lawes relate to him in his Office they cannot say otherwise Commissions and pardon in the Kings name and the person of the King and his body politique cannot nor ought to be severed as hath beene before declared 5 Eliz. cap. 1.1 Eliz. cap. 1. And the members of both houses have sworn constantly in this Parliament that the King is the only supreme Governour in all causes over all persons at this present time For that of verball or personall commands of the King which is objected We affirme few things to be subject thereto by the law But his Majesties Command under his great Seale which in this warre hath beene used by the Kings command for his Commission to leavy and array men that is no personall command which the law in some cases disallowes but that is such a command so made as all men hold their lands by who hold by Patents All corporations have their Charters which hold by Charters and all Judges and officers their places and callings It is objected the King cannot suppresse his Courts of Justice Ob. Sol. 7 pars The Earle of Westmerlands Case 1 Eliz. Dier 165.7 pars Cooke and that this warre tended to their suppression The answer is the King cannot nor ought to suppresse Justice or his Courts of Justice nor ever did But Courts of Justice by abuser or non user cease to be courts of Justice when Judges are made and proceedings in those courts holden by others then Judges made by the King and against his command under the great Seale and his Majestie is not obeyed but the votes of the houses The case of discontinuance of Processe they cease to be the Kings Courts and are become the Courts of the houses and his Judges breaking that condition in law of trust and loyalty implied in their Patents are no longer his Judges they obey and exercise their places by vertue of writts and processes under a counterfet Seale The King only can make Judges the twenty seventh of Henry the eighth Chapter the twenty fourth Iustices of the peace c. twenty eighth of Henry the eighth Dier the eleventh the Kings Patent makes Judges The cheese Justice of the Kings Bench is made by the Kings writ only of all the judges The great Seale is the key of the kingdome Articuli super chartas cap. 5. and meet it is that the King should have the key of his kingdome about him 2. pars instit 552. which confutes their saying that the King got the Seale away surreptitiously The King and he only Britton sol 23. may remove his Courts from Westminster into some other place at Yorke the Termes were kept for seaven yeares in Edward the first 's time but for the Court of Common pleas the place must be certaine for the Kings Bench and Chancery the King by the law may command them to attend his person alwayes if it seeme so meete unto him but the removing of the Common pleas must be to a place certaine and so notified to the people All the bookes of law in all times agree 34. Assis pl. 24.22 Ed. 4. Fitz. jurisdiction last placit that the King may grant conusance of all Pleas at his pleasure within any County or precinct to be holden there only and remove the Courts from Westminster to some other place for the Common Pleas 6 H. 7.9.6 Eliz. Dier 226. the place must be certaine and so notified to the people and adjourne the termes as he sees cause All which the two houses have violated Plebs sine lege ruis Some seeming objections of Master Prinâ—'s scattered in divers books answered and the truth thereby more fully cleared The first of Henry the fourth reviveth the statute of the eleventh of Richard second 1 Ob. and repeales to the twelfth of Richard the second whereby certaine persons were declared traytors to the King and Kingdome being of the Kings party True Sol. but note the eleventh of Richard the second A Parliament beset with 40000 men and the King assents to it so an Act and besides the first of Henry the fourth declares that the treasons mentioned in the act of the eleventh of Richard the second being but against a few private men shall not be drawn into example and that no Treason should be but such as the twenty fift of Edward the third declares 9 Ed. 4. sol 80. All these are Acts passed by the King and the three estates not to be drawne into example in a tumultuous time by a besieged Parliament with an army and the confirmer of Henry the fourth being an usurper makes that Act of the first of Henry the fourth to secure himselfe Also what is this in the votes of the two houses only at this time The Court of Parliament is above the King 2 Ob. for it may avoid his Charters Commissions c. granted against the law
And the Law is above the King Sol. By the same reason you may say that the Courts of Chancery or any of the Courts of Law at Westminster are above the King for they make of no effect the Kings Charters which are passed against the Law and the King is Subject to Law and sworne to maintaine it Again it is no Parliament without the King and the King is the head thereof he is principium Caput finis of a Parliament as Medas tenends Parliament hath it and two houses only want principium Caput fixis of a Parliament and it is a sorry Parliament that wants all these And therefore to say that Parliaments are above the King is to say that the King is above himselfe The Parliament can enlarge the Kings prerogative 3 Ob. therefore it is above him If the King assent otherwise not Sol. and then it is an Act of Parliament and otherwise no Act. Bracton saith God the Law and the Kings Court 4 Ob viz. his Earles and Barons are above the King viz. in Parliament as Master Prynne expounds it Where is then the House of Commons Indeed take God Sol. the Law and Earles and Barons together it is true but to affirme that the Earles and Barons in Parliament are above the King the King being the head of the Parliament and they one of the members how an inferior member is above the head is hard to conceive besides that position destroyes all M. Pryâ—â—es discourse who attributes so much to the House of Commons The King is but one of the three estates of Parliament 5 Ob. and two are greater then one therefore above The Legs Armes Sol. and Trunke of the Body are greater then the Head and yet not above nor with life without it the argument holds for quantitie but not for qualitie and in truth the King is none of the three estates but above them all the three estates are the Lords Spirituall the Lords Temporall and the Commons Coke their Oracle in his Chapter of Parliaments fol. 1. In Corporations 6 Ob. the greater number of voyces make all the Acts of the Corporation valid therefore so in Parliament By this reason the Kings assent is needlesse and to no end Sol. and all the Acts of Parliament formerly mentioned and Law-Bookes have quite mistaken the matter which with unanimous voyce requires the Kings assent as necessarie besides the Corporations are so constituted by the Kings Charters that the greater number of Votes shall make their Acts valid The King as King 7 Ob. is present in his Parliament as well as in all other his Courts of Justice how be it he is not ther. In his other Courts of Justice he hath no voye Sol. he is none of the Judges in the Parliament he hath if his presence be not necessarie his voyce is not nor his assent â— Ob. Soverain power of Parliaments â—6 47. The originall prime legislative power of making Lawes to bind the subjects and their posteritie rests not in the King but in the Kingdome and Parliament which represents it Master Prynne in the same leafe affirmes and truly that the Kings assent is generally requisite to passe Lawes and ratifie them Sol. the King is the head of the Kingdome and Parliament how then can a Body act without a Head A major part of a Corporation binds 9 Ob. therefore the major part in Parliament and so of by-Lawes The Corporation is so bound either by the Kings Charters Sol. or by prescription which sometimes had the Kings concession but prescription and Law and practise alwayes left the King a negative voyce The King cannot alter the Bills presented to him by both Houses 10 Ob. go. True Sol. but the King may refuse them Acts of Parliament and Lawes ministred in the Reignes of Usurpers 11 Ob. bind rightfull Kings go. What is this to prove the two Houses power only Sol. which is the question A King de facto must be obeyed by them who submitted to him and they are his Subjects by their submission and not Subjects de facto to the true King and such being Traytors and Rebels to the Regent King having renounced the true King when the lawfull King is restored 9. Id. 4.12 may be punished by him for their Treason against the Usurper But here is a King still in both cases and the proceedings at Law holds the Judges having their Patents from the being Kings in the reignes of Kings de facto or de â—urâ— for all Kings are bound and sworne to observe the Lawes A King dies without Heire 12 Ob. is an infant non compes mentis c. the two Houses may establish Lawes go. There is no Inter-regnum in England Sol. as appeares by all ouâ— Bookes of Law and therefore the dying without Heiâ—e is a vaine supposition and by their principle 〈◊〉 is considerable in his politique capacitie which cannot die at also The Protector assisted by the Councell of the King at Law his twelve Judges the Countell of State his Attorney Solicitor and two Sergeants at Law his twelve Masters of the Chancerie hath in the Kings behalfe and ever had a negative Voyce but what is thi no the present question Wee have a King of fall age of great wisdome and judgement the power of the two Houses in such a case to be over the King cannot be showne The King cannot dis-assent to publique and necessarie Bills for the common good go. 13 〈◊〉 Nor ever did good King but who shall be judge Sol. whether they be publique and necessarie The major part in either of the Houses for passing of Bills so pretended may be but one or two voyces or very few and perhaps of no judicious men is it not then fitter or more agreeable to reason that his Majestie and Councell of State his twelve Judges his Sergeants Attorney and Solicitor twelve Masters of the Chancerie should judge of the conveniencie and benefit of such Bills for the publique good rather then a minor of which sort there may be in the Houses or a weake man or a few who oftentimes carry it by making the major part which involves the consent of all let reason determine The Kings of England have beene elective 14 Ob. and the King by his Coronation-Oath is bound to maintaine justas leges consiâ—â—tudines quas vulgas elegerit go. â—â—perie hath beene in the kingdome Soâ— and therefore to continue it still will not be taken for a good argument when things are setled for many ages to look back to times of confusion is to destroy all repose The Act of Parliament of the first of K. James Chapter the first and all our extant Lawâ—s say that the Kings Office is an heritage inherent in the bloud of our Kings and their birth-right And Usurpers that come in by the consent of the people are Kings de
Spencers did either that the King may be removed for misdemeanours or reformed per aspertè or that the Subject is bound to govern in ayde of him we only say that his power is distinguishable from his person and when he himself makes a distinction betwixt them commanding one thing by his Legall Writs Courts and Officers and commanding another thing extrajudically by word of mouth Letters or Ministers we are to obey his power rather then his person 5. We take not from the King all power of pardoning Delinquents we only say it is not proper to him quarto modo For if the King pardon him which hath murthered my sonne his pardon shall not cut me off from my appeale and 't is more unreasonable that the Kings pardon should make a whole State which hath suffered remedilesse then any private man So if the King should deny indemnity to these which in the furie of Warre have done thingâ— unjustifiable by the Lawes of Peace and thereby keep the wounds of the State from being bound up 't is equitable that an Act of Indemnity should be made forcible another may And if this will not hold yet this is no good consequence the King is absolute in point of pardons therefore he is absolâ—â—e in all things else and the Parliament hath no power to discharge Delinquencies therefore it hath no power in other matters 6. The Parliament hath declared the King to be in no condition to govern but this must not be interpreted rigidly and without distinction for if the King with his sword drawn in his hand and pursuing the Parliament and their adherents as Rebels be not fit for all Acts of Government yet 't is not hereby insinuated that he is divested of the habit or right of governing If he be unqualified now he is not unqualified for the future if he may not doe things destructive to the Parliament he is not barred from returning to the Parliament or doing justice to the Parliament This is a frivolous cavil and subturfuge 7. We sweare that the King is our supreme Governour over all persons and in all Causes but we doe not sweare that he is above all Law nor above the safety of his people which is the end of the Law and indeed Paramount to the Law it selfe If he be above all Law or liable to no restraint of our Law then we are no freer then the French or the Turks and if he be above the prime and of Law common fafety then we are not so free as the French or Turks For if the totall subversion of the French or the Turk were attempted they might by Gods Law imprinted in the Book of Nature justifie a self-defence but we must remedilesty perish when the King pleases to command our threats Besides how atchieved the King of England such a Supremacie above all Law and the community it selfe for whose behoofe Law was made If Gods donation be pleaded which is not speciall to him or different from what other Kings may pretend toâ— then to what purpose serve our Laws nay to what purpose serve the Laws of other Countries for by this generall donation all Nations are condemned to all servitude as well as we If the Law of this Land be appealed to what Books hath Mr Ienkins read where hath he found on t that Lex Regia whereby the people of England have given away from themselves all right in themselves Some of our Books tell us that we are more free then the French that the King cannot oppresse us in our our persons or estates by imprisonment denying justice or laying Taxes without our consents other Books tell us that the safety of the people is the supreme Law and that the King hath both God and the Law for his Superiour But all this is nothing to learned Mr Ienkins 8. We admit that no Acts of Parliament are compleat or formally binding without the Kings assent yet this is still to be denyed that therefore without this assent particularly exprest the two Houses can doe nothing nor have any virtuall power at all no not to examine Mr Ienkins nor to doe any other thing of like nature though in order to publick justice and safety I have done and wish Mr Ienkins would call in and lick up againe his black infamous execrable reproaches so filthily vomited out against the Parliament To the first I Was examined by a Committee appointed by the House of Commons I say and said that the House of Commons have no power to examine me for that it is no Court every Court hath power to examine upon Oath this power the House of Commons never claimed The Court of Pie-powders Court-Baron Hundred Court 5 H. 4. c. 3. 3 H. 6.46 1 H 6.43 35 H. 6.5 County Court and every other Court of Record or not of Record hath power to examine upon oath and an examination without Oath is a communication only examination in Law is upon Oath There is no Court without a power of tryall the House of Commons have no power to try any offence Sir Anthony Maynes case Cook 5. pars Reports Lit. 2. lib. Sect. 194.6 H. 4.1 nor ever practised it by Bill Inditement Information Plaint or Originall to deduce it to tryal nor to try it by Verdict Demurrer or Examination of Witnesses upon Oath without which there can be no condemnation or judgement and that which can attaine to no reasonable end the Law rejects as a thing inutile and uselesse Sapiens incipit a fine The Writ Whereby they are called gives them power Aâ— faciendum consentiendum to what to such things Que ibidem de communi Consilie ordinari contigerint 4 pars instit fol. 4. 9. viz. in the Parliament This makes nothing at all for a Court for the House of Commons that consilium which that Writ intends is cleared partly by the Writ for chusing Knights c. For the King by that Writ is said to resolve to consult and treat with the Prelates and Peeres of the Kingdome for and touching the great concernments of the Common-wealth for the King never sits in the House of Commons and this also is made evident by the Writs to the Prelates Peeres Iudges and to his Councell at Law the words in their Writ are To appear and attend the Parliament consilium impensuri the one doth consulere the other facere consentire The House of Lords where the King sits in person 7. H. 6.28 1 H. 7.20 13. E. 3. ca. 5. 4 pars instit pag. 21. assisted by his Lords Judges Serjeants Atturney Sollicitor Masters of the Cnancery is a Court of Record to many purposes set down in the Books of Law and the Statutes of the Land and that Court is only in the House of Lords where the Kings sits A Court must either be by the Kings Patent Statute Law or by the Common Law which is common and constant usage the House of Commons hath no Patent to be a