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A37240 The question concerning impositions, tonnage, poundage, prizage, customs, &c. fully stated and argued, from reason, law, and policy dedicated to King James in the latter end of his reign / by Sir John Davies ... Davies, John, Sir, 1569-1626. 1656 (1656) Wing D407; ESTC R1608 63,423 186

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they wanted right so to doe or because they doubted of their right in that behalf for they well knew they had the same right the same prerogative and absolute power that their Predecessors had but because they found other means to make other profit upon transporting of Merchandizés and that in another manner and in so high measure as the trade of Merchandizes in those daies could hardly bear any greater charge without danger of overthrowing all Trade and Comerce And therefore those Princes did in their wisdomes forbear to lay any further Impositions by their Prerogatives For these Kings who reigned after King Edw. 3. who conquered Callis in France and before Queen Mary lost Callis had two principal waies and meanes to raise extraordinary profits upon Merchandizes but proceeding from one cause namely from establishing the Staple at Callis for King Edw. 3. some few yeares before his death did by his Prerogative in point of Government without Act of Parliament erect a Staple at his Town of Callis and did ordain and command that all the Merchandizes exported out of England Wales and Ireland by any Merchant Denison or Alien should presently be carried to the Staple at Callis and to no other place beyond the Seas This Staple at Callis was first setled and fixed there by an Ordinance which the King made by virtue of his Prerogative and absolute power in the government of Trade and Comerce without Act of Parliament And if this Ordinance so made had been thought unlawful and against the liberty of the Subject it would never have been approved and confirmed by the Judgements of so many Parliaments in the times of Rich. 2. Hen. 4. Hen. 5. and Edw. 4. Neither could there have been such heavy penalties layd by those Parliaments upon the transgressors of those Ordinances Insomuch as in the time of King Henry the sixth it was made Felony to Transport any Merchandizes to any part beyond the Seas but to Callis onely Now the Staple of Callis being thus established there did arise a double profit to the Crown for transportieg of Merchandizes over and above the ancient Customes and other Subsidies granted by Parliament First it came to pass that the Customs and Subsidies for Merchandizes transported out of England Wales and Ireland which before was single and payd but once that is upon the outgate after the establishing of the Staple at Callis the duties for the same Merchandizes became double at the least and for the most part treble and were ever payd twice and for the most part thrice namely once upon the outgate in the Ports of England Wales and Ireland secondly upon the ingate at Callis and because all the commodities brought into Callis could not be vented into the main Land there but the greatest part was to be exported again by Sea into higher or lower Germany and other the North-East Countries and some into Spain and Italy and the Hands of the Levant there did arise a third payment of Customes and Subsidies for so much of their commodities as were exported again cut of Callis by meanes whereof the Customes and Subsidies did amount to threescore thousand or threescore and ten thousand pounds sterling per annum in the latter times of King Edw. 3. and during the reign of Rich. 2. Hen. 4. Hen. 5. and the beginning of the reign of Hen. 6. as appears by the Records of the Exchequer of England which according to the valuation of Moneys at this day the ounce of Silver being now raised from two shillings to five shillings do make two hundred thousand pound sterling per annum which doth equal or surmount all the Customes Subsidies and Impositions received at this day though that plenty of money and price of all things and consequently the expences of the Crown be exceedingly increased in these times And albeit the breach of Amity between the Crown of England and the Duke of Burgundy who was the Lord of the Lower Germany in the weak and unfortunate time of King Hen. 6. did cause a stop of Trade between us and that Country into which the greatest part of our Staple wares especially Wooll and Cloth were vented and uttered and was likewise the cause of loss of all our Territories in France except Callis and all the Merchandizes thereof whereby the Customes and other duties payable for Merchandizes were in the time of that unhappy Prince withdrawn and diminished to a low proportion yet afterwards upon the Mariage of Margaret Sister to King E. 4. unto the Lord Duke of Burgundy as that in honour of the English Wooll which brought so much Gold into his Country he instituted the Order of the Golden Fleece and thereupon the Customes Subsidies and Impositions were raised again to so high a Revenue as our Kings could not well in policy strain that strength of profit upon Merchandizes any higher Secondly albeit the Staple established at Callis being first established by an order made by the Kings Prerogative and absolute power was afterwards approved and confirmed by sundry Acts of Parliament yet did the King by another Prerogative retain a power to dispence with that Ordinance and those Acts of Parliament and to give license to such and so many Merchants as himself thought fit to export any Merchandizes out of England Wales and Ireland unto any other parts beyond the Seas besides à non obstante of the first Ordinance and of the Statutes which did establish the Staple at Callis By virtue of this Prerogative and power the several Kings who had Callis in their possessions did grant so many Licences to Merchants as well Aliens as Denizens to transport our Staple commodities immediately into other places without coming to Callis for which Licences whereof there are an incredible number found in the Records of England the Merchants payd so dear for their commodities especially the Genoeses and the Venetians and other Merchants of the Levant as by the profits made of those Licences did amount to double the value of those Customes and Subsidies payable for exportation thereof and thereof those Princes as they had the less need so had they no reason at all to charge the Trade of Merchandizes with any other or greater Impositions In these two points before expressed doe consist the principal cause why the Princes of England who succeeded King Edw. 3. who won Callis untill the reign of Queen Mary who lost Callis did not directly use their Prerogative in setting any other Impositions upon Merchandizes above the ancient Customes and Subsidies granted by Parliament For it is to be observed that most part of those Princes who reigned after K. Edw. 3. and before Queen Mary had the Subsidy of Tonnage and Poundage granted unto them by Parliament which being added to the gain of the Staple of Callis did augment not a little the profit layd upon Merchandizes And may be a reason likewise why those Kings did forbear to lay any other Impositions by their Prerogative
properly called Vectigalia à mercibm evectis invectis are the most ancient duties payable to the King so are the same grounded saith Bodin upon the greatest reason and equity in the world quid est enim rationi aequitati magis consentaneum quàm is qui in nostro territorio ex nostris questum facit principi nostro cujus permissu sub cujus protectione negotiatu● aliquod perdat presolvat And this common reason and equity which is the ground of these duties payable for Merchandizes what is it else but the Law of Nations which is nothing else but that which common reason hath establisht amongst all men for the common good of all men and which all Nations have received and imbraced for their mutual benefit and commoditie Neither is this the onely Prerogative which the King of England hath by the Law of Nations habet Rex in regno suo saith Bracton alia privilegia de jure Gentium propria viz. Soreceum maris thesaurum insentum grossos pisces balenas sturgiones Wavias c. huiusmodi de jure Gentium pertinent ad Coronam saith Stampford Prerogativa Regis fol. 37. 6. Adde hereunto the absolute power of the King to make War and Peace League and Truces to grant safe Conducts to pardon all Offenders to distribute all degrees of Honour and the like wherein the King hath sole and absolute power Merum imperium non mixtum and which Prerogative is as antient as the Crown and incident to the Crown by the Law of Nations Lastly for the proof that our Common Law doth acknowledge and prove the Law of Nations in most of these cases The Book 19 Edw. 4. 6. doth approve the Kings absolute power in making War Peace and Leagues and in 37 Edw. 6. 20. That part of the Law of Nations whereby the High Constable and Marshall of England do proceed in their Courts of War and Chivalrie is called the Law of the Land We finde also the Kings sole power in 11 Hen. 4. Rot. Parliament in Archivis turris London for Coyning of Money we have the case of Mines Com. 316. for safe conduct of Merchants and stop of Trades tempore guerrae and Letters of Reprisall we have 7 Edw. 4. 19. 2 R. 3. 2. Magna Charta cap. 30. and the Register wherein we find Writs of Reprisall CHAP. III. Of the Law Merchant which is a branch of the Law of Nations and how it differs from our Common Law and how in the judgement of our Law Merchandizes do differ from other Goods Chattels which do not crosse the Seas and how the Common Law and Statute Law of England do admit and allow of the Law Merchant MErcatura vel Societas Mercatorum est magna Respublica saith Vlpian and therefore that Common-wealth of Merchants hath alwayes had a peculiar and proper Law to rule and govern it this Law is called the Law Merchant wherof the Laws of all Nations do take speciall knowledge first both the Common Law and Statute Law of England do take notice of the Law Merchant and do leave the causes of Merchants and Merchandizes to be decided by the rules of that Law for what saith the Book of 13 Edw. 4. 9 10 A Merchant Stranger made sute before the Kings Privy council for certain Bailes of Silk feloniously taken from him and it was moved that this matter might be determined by Common Law unto which motion the Lord Chancellor doth there answer This sute is brought by a Merchant who is not bound to sue according to the Law of the Land nor to tarry the tryal of twelve men nor other solemnity of the Law of the Land albeit the King hath jurisdiction of him within the Realm and may cause him to stand to his Judgement yet this must be according to the Law of Nature which some call the Law Merchant which is a Law universall throughout the word these are the words of that Book it is there resolved by all the Justices That if the Merchandizes of such a Merchant stranger be stollen and waved by the Felon the King himselfe shall not take those Merchandizes as waifes though in that case the goods of another person were lost by the Common Law of England Doth not this case make it manifest that in the judgement of our Common Law Merchandizes that crosse the Seas are goods of another nature quality and consideration than other goods and Chattels which are possessed within the Realm and do not crosse the Seas This learning is not common in our Books and therefore I think it meet to exemplifie this difference with more cases in this point If two Merchants be Joynt-Owners or Partners in Merchandizes which they have acquired by a Joynt-Contract in this case the one shall have an Action of Account against the other die legem mercatoriam saith the Register fol. 135. and F. N. 117. D. and yet by the rule of the Common Law if two men be joyntly possessed of other goods which are not Merchandizes the one shall not call the other to account for the same Again if two Merchants have a joynt Interest in Merchandizes if the own die the Survivor shall not have all but the Executor of the party deceased shall by the Law Merchant call the Survivour to an account for the moytie F. N. 117. D. whereas if there be two Joynts of other goods which are not Merchandizes the Survivor shall have all per jus accrescendi even by rule of the Common Law Again in an Action of Debt upon a simple Contract which is without Deed in writing the Defendant by the Common Law may wage his Law that is he may bar the Plantiff of his Action by taking an Oath that he doth not ow the Debt nor any part thereof and yet in Itin. Derby 2 Edw. 3. Iohn Crompton Merchant upon a Contract without Deed the Defendant would have waged his Law but was not permitted so to do and so Judgement was given against the said Defendant Again the goods of Ecclesiastical persons are discharged of Toll by the Common Law si non exerceat Marchandizas de eisdem saith the Register 259. a. for then their goods are charged being now become goods of another nature when the same are turned into Merchandizes so are the goods of the French Nobility discharged by Gabels and Impositions if they traffique not but if they traffique saith Bodin their goods are charged like other Merchandizes Again for goods wrongfully taken within the Land the Common Law giveth remedy against the Trespasser or the wrongfull Taker onely but if an English Merchant be spoiled of his Merchandizes upon the Sea or beyond the Sea by the Subject of another King the Register doth give him a Writ of Reprisall against all the Subjects of that Nation Regist. 122. 6. and 46 Hen. 3.
and stoned to death for blasphemy and then he took it for a lawfull Escheat but when the King doth lay an Imposition upon Merchandizes without the consent of the Merchants and doth cause the Officers of his Customes to take and levie the same it seems say they they take away the goods of the Subject without his consent and without cause of forfeiture which is not warranted either by Law of Nations which brought in property nor by the Law of the Land which doth maintain property CHAP. XXIII The Answer to the first Objection TO this Objection we answer That the King doth not take the Land or Goods of any without his consent but here we must distinguish there is a particular and expresse consent and there is an implicit and general consent when a man doth give his Goods or surrender his Lands to the King by deed enrolled or when in Parliament which representeth the body of the whole Realm and wherein every man doth give his consent either by himself or his Deputy A subsidy is granted to the King there is an expresse consent but when subjects who live under a Royall Monarchy do submit themselves to the obedience of that Law of that Monarchy whatsoever the Law doth give to that Monarch the subjects who take the benefit of the Law in other things and doe live under the protection of the Law doe agree to that which the Law gives by an implicit and general consent and therefore there are many cases where the King doth lawfully take the goods of a Subject without his particular expresse consent though the same be not forfeited for any crime or contempt of the Owner If a Theef do steal my goods and waive them the King may lawfully take those goods without my particular consent and without any fault or forfeiture of mine but in regard I live under the Law which giveth such wayves unto the King he taketh not the same without my implicit consent so if my Horse kill a man the King may lawfully take my Horse a Deodand without my fault or consent in particular but in that I have consented to the obedience of the Law which giveth all Deodands to the King he taketh not my Horse without the implicit or generall consent of mine In the time of War the King doth take my House to build a Fort or doth build a Bulwark upon my Land he doth me no wrong though he doth it without my consent for my implicit consent doth concur with it for that I being a member of the Common-weal cannot but consent to all Acts of necessity tending to the preservation of the Common-wealth So if the King doth grant me a Fair or Market with a power to take a reasonable Toll If a man will buy any thing in my Fair or Market I may take Toll of him though I give no particular consent to the grant because the Law whereunto every Subject doth give consent and obedience doth warrant the taking of Toll in every Market and Fair granted by the King So it is in case of Impositions the Law doth warrant the Kings Prerogative to impose upon Merchandizes as is before declared and therefore though the Merchants give not their particular consents to the laying of these Impositions yet in regard they live under the protection and obedience of the Law which submits it self to this Prerogative and allow and approve the same it cannot be said that the King doth take these Impositions of them without their implicit and generall consent CHAP. XXIV Of the second Objection touching the uncertainty and unbounded largenesse of this Prerogative THe second Objection is against the uncertainty and unlimited largenesse of this Prerogative for in other cases they say where the King taketh the goods of a Subject by his Prerogative there is a certainty what he may take as in the case of wayvs he may take onely the goods wayved and no more In case of Deodand he may take only the thing that causeth the death of a man and no more In case of wreck he may take only the goods that are wreckt and no more In case of Wardship of Land holden in Capite the King may take the profits of the Land till the Heir sues his Livery and no longer In case where the King hath Annum Diem vastum hee may retain of the Lands of the Felon attainted which are holden of other Lords for a year and a day and no longer In all these cases there is a certainty what the King shall have and how long he shall have it but in case of Imposition the quantity or rate thereof high or low is left to the Kings own will or pleasure so as if he should be mis-led as many Princes have been with evill Counsell he might with his Prerogative doe hurt the Cōmon-wealth by laying too heavy burthens upon his Subjects for though hetherto his Majesty hath imposed upon Merchandizes only twelve pence on the pound over and above the ancient Custome and the Subsidies granted by Parliament yet this Prerogative being unlimitted he may hereafter say they set five shillings or ten shillings upon the pound if it please him and so undoe the Merchants or discontinue and overthrow all Trade and Comerce CHAP. XXV The Answer to the second Objection TO this Objection the fittest answer is That it is an undutifull Objection and withall too busie too bold and too presumptuous for it is an Objection against the wisdome of the King in point of Government and against the bounty and goodnesse of the King towards his people the Text of the Civil Law cited before doth call it a kind of Sacrilege to dispute of Princes Judgments or Actions and for the Law of England sure I am that it trusteth the Wisdome and Judgement of the King alone in matter of greater importance than in laying of Impositions or setting of rates upon Merchandizes Is not the Kings wisdome only trusted with the absolute power of making War and Peace with forein Nations whereby hee may when hee pleaseth interrupt all Trade of Merchandizing Is not the King alone trusted with the like power of making and decrying of monies which is the onely Medium of all Traffique and Comerce Is not he solely and without limitation trusted with the nomination and creation of all Judges and Magistrates who are to give Judgement in cases concerning the Liberties Lands and Lives of all his Subjects hath not he a sole and unlimited power to pardon all Malefactors to dispence with all penal Laws to distribute all Honours to grant to whom he pleaseth Protections Denizations Exemptions not only from Juries but from all other Services of the Common-wealth and yet these Prerogatives if the same be not used with judgement and moderation may prove prejudicial to the Common-wealth as well as the laying of Impositions upon Merchandizes Shall therefore any undutifull Subject make these conclusions The King may have a continuall Warre
and hath as many Prerogatives incident to his Crown whence then proceedeth it to what profitable cause may we ascribe it certainly to divers causes profitable and principally to these causes following First our King of England hath alwayes gone before and beyond all other Kings in Christendome in many points of Magnificency and especially in this That they have alwayes had a more Rich and Royall Demean belonging to the Crown I mean more large and Royall Patrimony in Lands and Rents than ever any Christian King had before or now hath at this day for it is certain that the Revenues of other Princes and States do principally consist in such Gabells Impositions and Exactions as are before remembred and not in terra firma not in such a Reall and Royall Patrimony as hath ever belonged to the Crown of England and therefore other Kings being lesse able to maintain their Estates or more covetous in their own Nature have laid heavier Burthens upon their Subjects than ever the King of England hath layd or will do or hereafter hath need to do God be blessed for it the Kings of England have had the Princes Portion spoken of before in 45 of Ezekiel and therefore they had no need so to oppresse the people Again we may ascribe this difference to the bounty and noble nature of our Kings that they would never descend to those poor and sordid Exactions which other Princes States do take of their Subjects Sordidum putandum est aurum quod ex lachrimis oritur as a good Counseller told Vespasian Again we may ascribe it to the wisdom and policy of our Kings who would never follow the Counsell of Rehoboams younger Counsellers boni pastoris est oves tondere non diglubere as Tiberius the Emperor was wont to say Odi hortulanum saith Alexander qui ab radice olera excindit qui nimis emergit elicit sanguinem saith Solomon they well considered that the money levied by Taxes and Impositions is the blood of the people which is not to bee let out in any great quantity but to save the life as it were of the Common-wealth when she is sick indebted and in great danger Again it may be ascribed to their Piety and Religion which moved them to follow the counsell of the Divine Rule Deut. 17 where the King is warned not to multiply upon him much Gold and Silver for that indeed there doth seldome come good by great Treasure heapt up by a great Prince for it doth but nourish Pride and Ambition in him and stir him up many times to make an unjust Warre upon his Neighbours or if he leave it unto his Successers it makes them luxurious and vitious which draweth with it sometimes the ruin of the kingdome sed optimus certissimus thesaurus Principis est in loculis subditorum saith the learned Buterus in his Book against Machiavill let the King saith he have a care to maintain Religion and Justice and Peace in his Kingdom this will soon bring plenty with a continuall increase and make a rich and wealthy people then shall the King never want money to serve his just and necessary and honourable occasions for it is impossible the Soveraign should be poor when the Subjects are rich and untill occasions do arise the Coffers of his Subjects will be his best Exchequer they will be his Treasurers they will be his Receivers his Tellers without fees or wages no bad Accomptant shall deceive him nor no Bankrupt Officer shall deceive him they will keep the Treasure of the Kingdom so frugally as no Importunate Courtier shall be able to withdraw the same from a Prince but that it shall still remain in store to supply the necessities of the Common wealth Lastly our Kings of England in their wisdoms well understood the natures and dispositions of their people and knowing them to be a free generous and noble Nation held them not fit to be beaten with Rehoboams Rod esteemed them too good to be whipt with Scorpions and therefore God be blessed we have not in England the Gabeller standing at every Towns end we have not a Publican in every Market we pay not a Gabell for every Bunch of Reddish or Branch of Rosemary sold in Cheap-side we have none of those Harpies which do swarm in other Countries we have no complaining in the streets as is said in the 144. Psalm and therefore I may well conclude with the conclusion of that Psalm Happy are the people that are in such a case blessed is the people that have the Lord for their God above in Heaven and King Iames for their King here upon Earth FINIS These Books following are printed for Henry Twyford and Partners and are to be sold at his Shop in Vine-Court Middle Temple THe Compleat Attorney or the Practick par● of the Law A Learned Treatise of Wards and Liveries by Sir Iames Ley Knight The Life of the Apostle St. Paul Soliloquies Meditations and Prayers of St. Bonaventure The discontented Collonel by Sir Iohn Sucklin The European Mercury The humble Remonstrance of Sir Iohn Stawell Hebdomada Magna or the great Week of Christ's Passion Sir Robert Brooks Reading on the Statute of Limitations Kitchens Jurisdictions of Courts Leet Courts Baron c. Rich. Brownlow Esq Prothonotary to the Court of Common Pleas Reports the first and second Part. His Declarations and Pleadings English Judiciall Writs Plowdens Abridgment Abridgment of Lord Cook's Littleton Abridgement of Pulton's Statutes at large by Edmund Wingate Esq The Books of the drawing up of all manner of Judgments The Body of Law by Edmund Wingate Esq The Marrow of Law or the second part of the Faithfull Counsellor Office and duty of Executors in 8. Lay-mans Lawyer or the second part of the Practick part of the Law A Commentary on the Original Writs by William Hughes Esq Stevenson's Poems The Anabaptists Anatomised in a Dispute between Mr. Crag and Mr. Tombes● Caesars Commentaries with Sir Clement Edmunds Observations The Compleat Clark and Scriveners guide being the exact Forms of all manner of Conveyances and Instruments now in use as they were Penned by Learned Counsel both Ancient and Modern The Counesse of Arundells Secrets in Physick and Chirurgery c. The History of the Troubles of Swethland and Poland Iustinian Doct. Stud. 1. lib. cap. 2. Baldus Baldus Strabo Iustinian halicar. lib. 3. Bracton stampford pràrogat Regis fol. 37. 6. 19 E. 4. 6. 37 E. 6. 20 11 H. 4. Com. 316 7 E. 4.19 3. R. 3. 2. Magna Charta cap. 30. Vlpian 13 Edw. 4. 9 10. Reg. fol. 135. F. N. 117. D. F. N. 117. D. 2 E. 3. Regist. 259. a. Bodin Register 122 6. 46. Hen. 3 Rot. Pa. 3. E 1. m. 19. in Archis turris London 3 Edw. 1. 27 E. 3. Cap. 2. Cicero 13 E. 4. 9. Lex Civilis Cicero offic. li 2. Bodin de repub. li 2 cap. 8. Bodin Stephen King of Spain Pope Eluther 1● R. 2. Chopinns Rhodians The Canon Law Decret. causae 24 Quaest. 3. Canonists Poll-money St. Paul Fortescue 1 H. 7. fol. 23. 3 Edw. 1 pat m 21 F. N. 170 D. Register of Writs fol. 107. Custome and Toll Strabo 38 H. 8. Dyer 43. Edw. 1. Edw. 2. Edw. 3. Bates case de Currans in Sccio per Flem●ing chief Baron 3 Edw. 1. 3 Edw. 1. Rot. fin memb. 24. Statute 25 E. 1. Dyer 29. 30 H. 8. 43. 31 Ed 3. 60. 27 E. 3. Prizage and Butlerage 52 H. 3. 31 Ed. 1. Gauger Alneger 14 Ed. 2. Customer Comtroller Searcher 25 E. 1. 3 Ed. 2. 11 E. 2. The Writ to his Collecttors of his Customs Collectors of his Customs Raimundus Lullius 1 Ed. 1. Rot. fin m. 30. in Archivis Turris Le Records 17 Ed 3. Rot. 308. in Sccio Angliae c 12 Ed. 3. Rot. Almaniae pars 1. numb. 3. 31 Ed. 3. Rot. Parl. numb. 24. 13 Ed. 1. 14 Ed. 3. Staple at Callis E. 3. R. 2. H. 4. H. 5. Dyer 165 12 Eliz. 12 Eliz. Letters Patents 28. Iuly 6. Iac. Bodin lib. 6 de repub. ca. 2. Caligula Appian Cicero 12 Ed. 4. cap. 5. Virgil Plin. lib. 19. cap. 4. Tempore Edw. 3. 2 Edw. 1. 2 Edw. 3. 10 Ed. 3. 17 Hen. 4 Matthew Paris Histor. Magna p. 568. 10 Hen. 7. Stow. Fitz Avowry 192. 6 Rich. 2. protection 46 Rot. Scotiae nu 16 in Arch Turris Gen. 1. Baldus Strabo stampford 19. Ass. p. 6. 22. Ass. p 93. 22 Ed. 4. 4 Edw. 3. 21 Ed. 3. 16 Ri. 2. 17 H● 6. Tempore Henry 8. The K. of Spain's Imposition in An. 1614. Magna Charta cap. 30. 46 Ed. 3. 1 Edw. 3. Anno 40. Elizabeth Object 1. The Answer to the 1. Object Object 2. The Answer to the 2. Object Solomon Henry 7. Poeta Object 3. 3 Edw. 2 5 Edw. 2. 13 Ed. 3. 14 Ed. 3. 12 Ed. 3. 18 Ed. 3. 22 Ed. 3. 13 Ed. 3. Lord Latimer Richard Lions I. Peachy 50 Ed. 3. Rot. Parl. numb. 33. 50 Ed. 3. Rot. Parl. num 191. in Arch. Turris Dyer 1 Eliz. fol. 165. The Answer to Object 3. 5 Edw. 2. Senatus Rome Solomon Iulius Caesar Augustus Caesar Edw. 1. Edw. 3. Nero Edw. 2. Rich. 2. Petitions are of divers kinds have divers Answers Mayle 〈…〉 3 Kings cap. 12. 14 Ed. 3. cap. 12. Anno 29 Ed. 3. 6 Edw. 3. Rot. Parl. nu 4. 13 Edw. 3. Rot. Parl. numb. 5. 18 Ed. 3. Rot. Parl. nu 10. 26 in Arch. Turris 28 Ed. 3. Rot. Parl. numb. 27. 38 Ed. 3. Rot. Parl. numb. 26. 6 Edw. 3. Rot. Parl. numb. 4. Lions case 50 Ed. 3. Rot. Parl. nu 17 18. Lord Latimers ease Peachies Case 1 Eliz. Dyer fol. 165. Object 4. The Answer to the forth Object Dyer 44. Statute of Northampton 2 Edw. 3. Object 5. The Answer to the 5. Object Ed. 4. Iulius Caesars Impositions Tiberius the Roman Emperor Caligula Vespasian The Imposition of France The Spanish Impositions Gutturis degabellis Quaest. 174 The D. of Tuskanies Impositions The Impositions by the Pope Sixtus Quintus The Impositions of the Seigniory of Venice Baltholus Baldus The Impositions of the Low countries The Impositions of the Grand Seignior of Turkie The Impositions of Denmark Ezek. 45. Solomon Deut. 17. Buterus contra Machiavill Psa. 144