would have done to others It s true we give law to Hares and Deeres because they be beasts of Chase It was never accounted either cruelty or foul play to knock Foxes and Wolves on the head as they can be found because these be beasts of prey The Warrener sets traps for Powlcats and other Vermine for preservation of the Warren Further my Lords most dangerous diseases if not taken in time they kill Errors in great things as Warre and Marriage they allow no time for repentance it would have been too late to make a law when there had been no law My Lords for further answer to this objection he hath offended a law a law within the endeavouring to subvert the lawes and politie of the state wherein he lived which had so long and with such faithfulnesse protected his Ancestry himself and his whole family it was not malum quia prohibitum it was malum in se against the dictates of the dullest conscience against the light of nature they not having the law were a law to themselves Besides this he knew a law without That the Parliament in cases of this nature had potestatem vitae necis Nay he well knew that he offended the promulged and ordinary rules of law Crimes against law have been proved have been confessed so that the question is not de culpa sed de poena what degree of punishment those faults deserve we must differ from him in opinion that twenty felonies cannot make a treason if it be meant of equality in the use of the Legislative power for he that deserves death for one of these felonies alone deserves a death more painful and more ignominious for all together Every felony is punished with losse of life lands and goods a felony may bee aggravated with those circumstances as that the Parliament with good reason may adde to the circumstances of punishment as was done in the case of John Hall in the Parliament of 1. H. 4. who for a barbarous murder committed upon the Duke of Glocester stifling him between two feather-beds at Calice was adjudged to be hanged drawn and quartered Batteries by Law are punishable only by fine and single dammages to the party wounded In the Parliament held in 1. H. 4. cap. 6. one Savadge committed a Battery upon one Chedder fervant to Sir John Brooke a knight of the Parliament for Sommersetshire It s there enacted that he shall pay double dammages and stand convicted if he render not himselfe by such a time The manner of proceedings quickned the penalty doubled the circumstances were considered it concerned the Common-wealth it was Battery with breach of priviledge of Parliament This made a perpetuall Act no warning to the first offendor And in the Kings Bench as appears by the booke case of 9. H. 4. the first leafe double dammages were recovered My Lords in this of the Bill the offence is high and generall against the King and the Common-wealth against all and the best of all If every Felony be losse of life lands and goods what is misuser of the Legislative power by addition of Ignominie in the death and disposall of the lands to the Crowne the publicke patrimony of the kingdome But it was hoped that your Lordships had no more skill in the Art of killing of men then your worthy Ancestors My Lords this appeale from your selves to your Ancestors we admit of although we do not admit of that from your Lordships to the Peers of Ireland He hath appealed to them your Lordships will be pleased to heare what Judgement they have already given in the Case that is the severall attainders of treason in Parliament after the Statute of 25. E. 3. for treasons not mentioned nor within that Statute and those upon the first offendors without warning given By the Statute of 25. E. 3. its treason to levy war against the King Gomines and Weston afterwards in Parliament in 1. R. 2. num 38. 39. adjudged traitors for surrendring two severall Castles in France onely out of feare without any compliance with the Enemy this not within the Statute of 25. E. 3. My Lords in 3. R. 2. John Imperiall that came into England upon letters of safe conduct as an Agent for the state of Genoah sitting in the Evening before his doore in Breadstreete as the words of the Records are paulo ante ignitegium John Kirby and another Citizen comming that way casually Kirby trode upon his Toe it being twilight this grew to a quarrell and the Embassadour was slaine Kirby was indicted of high treason the inditement findes all this and that it was onely done se defendendo and without malice The Judges it being out of the Statute of 25. E. 3. could not proceede the Parliament declared it treason and judgement afterwards of high treason there 's nothing can bring this within the Statute of 25. E. 3. but it concernes the honour of the Nation that the publicke faith should be strictly kept It might endanger the trafficke of the Kingdome they made not a Law first they made the first man an example This is in the Parliament roll 3. R. 2. num 18. and Hilary Terme 3. R. 2. Rot. 31. in the Kings Bench where judgment is given against him In 11. R. 2. Tresilian and some others attainted of treason for delivering opinions in the subversion of the Law and some others for plotting the like My Lords the case hath upon another occasion beene opened to your Lordships only this is observable That in the Parliament of the first yeare of Henry the third where all treasons are again reduced to the Statute of 25. E. 3. these Attainders were by a particular Act confirmed and made good that the memory thereof might bee transmitted to succeeding ages They stand good unto this day the Offences there as here were the endeavouring the subversion of the lawes My Lords after 1. H. 4. Sir John Mortimer being committed to the Tower upon suspicion of treason brake prison and made an escape This no way within any Statute or any former Judgment at common Law for this that is for breaking the prison only and no other cause in the Parliament held the second yeer of Henry the sixth hee was attainted of high treason by Bill My Lords Poysoning is only murder yet one Richard Coke having put poyson into a pot of pottage in the kitchin of the Bish of Rochester whereof two persons died hee 's attainted of treason and it was enacted that he should bee boyled to death by the Statute of 22. H. 8. cap. 9. By the Statute of 25. H. 8. Elizabeth Barton the holy maid of Kent for pretending revelations from God that God was highly displeased with the King for being divorced from the Lady Katherine and that in case he persisted in the separation and should marry another that he would not continue King above one moneth after because this tended to the depriving of the lawfull succession to the Crowne shee is attainted of treason In the Parliament 2. 3. H. 6. cap. 16. the Lord Admirall of England was attainted of treason for procuring the Kings Letters to both Houses of Parliament to be good to the said Earle in such matters as hee should declare unto them for saying that hee would make the Parliament the blackest Parliament that ever was in England endevouring to marry the Lady Elizabeth the Kings sister taking a bribe of Sherrington accused of treason and thereupon consulting with Councell for him and some other crimes none of them treason so cleerely within the Statute of 25. E. 3. or any other Statute as is the case in question My Lords All these Attainders for ought I know are in force at this day the Statutes of the first yeere of Henry the fourth and the first of Qu. Mary although they were willing to make the Statute of the five and twentieth yeere of Edward the third the rule to the inferiour Courts yet they left the Attainders in Parliament precedent to themselves untoucht wherein the Legislative power had been exercised There 's nothing in them whence it can be gathered but that they intended to leave it as free for the future My Lords In all these Attainders there were crimes and offences against the Law they thought it not unjust circumstances considered to heighten and add to the degrees of punishment and that upon the first offender My Lords We receive as just the other Lawes and Statutes made by these our Ancestors they are the rules wee goe by in other cases why should we differ from them in this alone These My Lords are in part those things which have satisfied the Commons in passing of the Bill It is now left to the Judgement and Justice of your Lordships FINIS
was full of horror and malignity yet it is past many years since The murder of that Magnanimous and glorious King Henry the fourth of France was a great and horrid Treason And so were those manifold attempts against Qu. Elizabeth of blessed memory but they are long since past the Detestation of them only remains in Histories and in the minds of men and will ever remain But this Treason if it had taken effect was to be a standing perpetuall Treason which would have been in continuall act not determined within one time or age but transmitted to Posterity even from generation to generation The tenth Consideration is this That as it is a Crime odious in the nature of it so it is odious in the judgement and estimation of the Law To alter the setled frame and constitution of Government is Treason in any estate The Laws whereby all other parts of a Kingdome are preserved should be very vain and defective if they had not a power to secure and preserve themselves The forfeitures inflicted for Treason by our Law are of Life Honour and Estate even all that can be forfeited and this Prisoner having committed so many Treasons although he should pay all these forfeitures will be still a Debtor to the Common-wealth Nothing can be more equall then that he should perish by the Justice of that Law which he would have subverted Neither wil this be a new way of bloud There are marks enough to trace this Law to the very originall of this Kingdome And if it hath not been put in execution as he alledgeth this 240. years it was not for want of Law but that all that time hath not bred a man bold enough to commit such Crimes as these which is a circumstance much aggravating his offence and making him no whit lesse liable to punishment because he is the onely man that in so long a time hath ventured upon such a Treason as this It belongs to the charge of another to make it appear to your Lordships that the Crimes and Offences proved against the Earle of Strafford are High Treason by the Lawes and Statutes of this Realm whose learning and other abilities are much better for that service But for the time and manner of performing this we are to resort to the Direction of the House of Commons having in this which is already done dispatched all those instructions which wee have received and concerning further proceedings for clearing all Questions and Objections in Law your Lordships will hear from the House of Commons in convenient time FINIS AN ARGVMENT of Law concerning the Bill of ATTAINDER of HIGH-TREASON of THOMAS Earle of Strafford At a Conference in a Committe of both Houses of Parliament By Mr. St. JOHN his Majesties Solicitor GENERALL Published by order of the Commons House LONDON Printed by G. M. for John Bartlet at the signe of the gilt Cup neare S. Austins-gate in Pauls Church-yard 1641. Mr. St. IOHN's Argument My Lords THE Knights Citizens and Burgesses of the Commons House of Parliament have passed a Bill for the attainting of Thomas Earle of Strafford of High-Treason The Bill hath been transmitted from them to your Lordships It concernes not him alone but your Lordships and the Commons too though in different Respects It is to make him as miserable a man as man or Law can make him Not losse of life alone but with that of honour name posterity and estate Of all that 's deare to all To use his owne expression an eradication of him both root and branch as an Achan a troubler of the State as an execrable as an accursed thing This Bill as it concernes his Lordship the highest that can be in the penall part so doth it on the other side as highly concerne your Lorships and the Commons in that which ought to be the tendrest the Judicatory within that that judge not them who judge him And in that which is most sacred amongst men the publike Justice of the Kingdome The Kingdome is to be accounted unto for the losse of the meanest member much more for one so neare the head The Commons are concerned in their Account for what is done your Lordships in that which is to be done The Businesse therefore of the present Conference is to acquaint your Lordships with those things that satisfied the Commons in passing of this Bill such of them as have come within my capacity and that I can remember I am Commanded from the Commons at this time to present unto your Lordships My Lords in Judgements of greatest moment there are but two waies for satisfying those that are to give them Either the Lex lata the Law already established Or els the use of the same power for making new Lawes whereby the old at first received life In the first consideration of the setled Lawes In the degrees of punishment the positive Law received by generall consent and for the common good is sufficient to satisfie the Conscience of the Judge in giving Judgement according to them In severall Countries there is not the same measure of punishment for one and the same offence Wilfull murder in Ireland is Treason and so is the wilfull burning of a house or stacke of Corne. In the Isle of Man it 's fellony to steale a Hen but not to steale a Horse and yet the Judge in Ireland hath as just a ground to give Judgement of high Treason in those Cases there as here to give Judgement onely of Fellony and in the Isle of Man of Felony for the Hen as heere of pettie Larceny My Lords in the other consideration of using the Supreame power the same Law gives power to the Parliament to make new Lawes that enables the inferiour Court to judge according to the old The rule that guides the conscience of the Inferior Court is from without the prescripts of the Parliament and of the Common Law in the other the rule is from within That salus populi be concerned That therebe no wilfull oppression of any the fellow members that no more blood be taken then what is necessary for the Cure the Lawes and Customes of the Realme as well enable the exercise of this as of the ordinary and Judiciall power My Lords what hath beene said is because that this proceeding of the Commons by way of Bill implies the use of the meere Legis-Lative power in respect new Lawes are for the most part past by Bill This my Lords though just and Legall and therefore not wholy excluded yet it was not the only ground that put the Commons upon the Bill they did not intend to make a new Treason and to condemne my Lord of Strafford for it they had in it other Considerations likewise which were to this effect First the Commons knew that in all former ages if doubts of Law arose upon cases of great and generall Concernement the Parliament was usually consulted withall for resolution which is the reason that many Acts of
to intend the levying of warre this Case was adjudged before the Parliament The Case was adjudged in Hillary Terme the Parliament began not untill the Aprill following This my Lords is a Case adjudged in point That the practising to levy warre though nothing be done in execution of it is Treason Object It may be objected that in these Cases the conspiring being against the whole Kingdome included the Queene and was a compassing her destruction as wel as of the Kingdomes heere the advise was to the King Answ 1 The Answer is first that the warrant was unknowne to his Majesty that was a machination of warre against the people and Lawes wherein his Majesties person was engaged for protection That the advice was to his Majesty aggravates the offence it was an Attempt not only upon the Kingdome but upon the Sacred Person and his office too himselfe was host is patriae he would have made the Father of it so too nothing more unnaturall more dangerous To offer the King poyson to drink telling him that it is a Cordiall is a compassing of his death The poyson was repelled there was an antidote within the malice of the giver beyond expression The perswading of Forreiners to invade the kingdome holds no proportion with this Machination of warre against the Lawes or kingdome is against the King they cannot be severed My Lords if no actuall warre within the The 3. Generall Head Statute if the counselling of a warre if neither of these single Acts be Treason within the Statute The Commons in the next place have taken it into their consideration what the addition of his other words Counsells and Actions do operate in the Case and have conceived That with this addition all being put together that he is brought within the Statute of 25. Edward 3. The words of the Statute are if any man shall compasse or imagine the death of the King the words are not if any man shall plot or consult the death of the King no my Lords they go further then to such things as are intended immediately directly and determinatively against the life and person of the King they are of a larger extent to compasse is to doe by Circuit to consult or practice another thing directly which being done may necessarily produce this effect However it be in the other Treasons within this Statute yet in this by the very words there is roome left for constructions for necessary Inferences and Consequences What hath beene the judgement and practice of former times concerning these words of compassing the Kings death will appeare to your Lorships by some Cases of attainders upon these words One Owen in King James his time in the 13. yeare of his raigne at Sandwich in Kent spake these words That King James being excommunicated by the Pope may be killed by any man which killing is no murther being asked by those he spake too how he durst maintaine so bloudy an assertion hee answered that the matter was not so heynous as was supposed for the King who is the lesser is concluded by the Pope who is the greater and as a Malefactor being condemned before a Temporall Judge may be delivered over to be Executed so the King standing convicted by the Popes sentence of excommunication may justly be slaughtered without fault for the killing of the King is the execution of the Popes supreame sentence as the other is the execution of the Law for this judgement of high-High-Treason was given against him and execution done My Lords here is no cleere intent appearing that Owen desired the thing should bee done onely Arguments that it might bee done This is a Compassing there is a cleare Endeavour to corrupt the judgement to take off the bonds of Conscience the greatest security of the Kings life God forbid saith one of better judgement then he That I should stretch out my hand against the Lords annointed no saith he the Lord doth not forbid it you may for these reasons lawfully kill the King He that denies the Title to the Crowne and plots the meanes of setting it upon another head may doe this without any direct or immediate desiring the death of him that then weares it yet this is Treason as was adjudged in 10. Henry 7. in the case of Burton and in the Duke of Norfolkes case 13. Elizabeth This is a compassing of his death for there can no more be two Kings in one Kingdome then two sunnes in the Firmament he that conceives a title counts it worth ventring for though it cost him his life hee that is in possession thinkes it as well worth the keeping John Sparhauke in King Henry the fourths time meeting two men upon the way amongst other talke said that the King was not rightfull King but the Earle of March and that the Pope would grant indulgencies to all that would assist the Earles title and that within halfe a yeare there would be no Liveries nor Conizances of the King that the King had not kept promise with the people but had layed taxes upon them In Easter Tearme in the third yeare of Henry the fourth in the Kings Bench Rot. 12. this adjudged Treason This denying the title with motives though but implyedly of Action against it adjudged Treason this is a compassing the Kings death How this was a compassing the Kings death is declared in the reasons of the judgement That the words were spoken with an intent to withdraw the affections of the people from the King and to excite them against the King that in the end they might rise up against him in mortem destructionem of the King My Lords in this Judgement and others which I shall cite to your Lordships It appeares that it is a compassing the Kings death by words to indeavour to draw the peoples hearts from the King to set discord between the King and them wherby the people should leave the King should rise up against him to the death and destruction of the King The cases that I shall cite prove not onely that this is Treason but what is sufficient evidence to make this good Upon a Commission held the 18. yeare of Ed. 4. in Kent before the Marquesse of Dorset others an Inditement was preferred against Iohn Awater of High-Treason in the forme before mentioned for words which are entred in the enditment sub hâc formâ That he had been servant to the Earle of Warwick that though he were dead the Earle of Oxford was alive and should have the government of part of the Country That Edward whom you call King of England was a false man and had by art and subtilty slain the Earle of Warwick and the Duke of Clarence his brother without any cause who before had beene both of them attainted of High-Treason My Lords this Inditement was returned into the Kings Bench in Trinity Tearme in the eighteenth yeare of Edward the fourth and in Easter Tearme in the two and twentieth yeare of Edward
the fourth he was outlawed by the stay of the outlawry so long it seemes the Judges had well advised before whether it were Treason or not At the same Session Thomas Heber was indited of Treason for these words That the last Parliament was the most simple and insufficient Parliament that ever had beene in England That the King was gone to live in Kent because that for the present hee had not the love of the Citizens of London nor should hee have it for the future That if the Bishop of Bath and Wells were dead the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury being Cardinall of England would immediately loose his head This Inditement was returned into the Kings Bench in Trinity Tearme in the eighteenth yeare of Edward the fourth Afterwards there came a Privy Scale to the Iudges to respit the proceedings which as it should seeme was to the intent the Iudges might advise of the Case for afterwards he is outlawed of high-Treason upon this inditement These words were thought sufficient evidence to prove these severall Inditements That they were spoken to with draw the peoples affection from the King to excite them against him to cause risings against him by the people in morē destructions of the King Your Lordships are pleased to consider that in all these Cases the Treason was for words only words by private persons and in amore private manner but once spoken and no more only amongst the people to excite them against the King My Lords here are words Counsells more then words and actions too not only to disaffect the people to the King but the King likewise towards the people not once but often not in private but in places most publique not by a private person but by a Counsellor of State a Lord Leivetenant a Lord President a Lord Deputie of Ireland 1. To his Majesty That the Parliament had denied to supply him a slander upon all the Commons of England in their affections to the King and Kingdome in refusing to yeeld timely supply for the necessities of the King and Kingdome 2. From thence that the King was loose and absolved from rules of governement and was to doe every thing that power would admit My Lords more cannot be said they cannot be aggravated whatever I should say would be in diminution Thence You have an Army in Ireland you may imploy to reduce this Kingdome To counsell a King not to love his people is very unnaturall it goes higher to hate them to malice them in his heart the highest expressions of malice to destroy them by war These coales they were cast upon his Majesty they were blowne they could not kindle in that brest Thence my Lords having done the utmost to the King he goes to the people At York the Country being met together for Justice at the open Assizes upon the Bench he tells them speaking of the Justices of the Peace that they were all for Law nothing but Law but they should find that the Kings little finger should be heavier then the loines of the Law They shall find my Lords who speaks this to the people a Privie Counsellor this must be either to traduce his Majesty to the people as spoken from him or from himselfe who was Lord Leivetenant of the County and President intrusted with the forces and Justice of those parts that he would imploy both this way add my Lords to his words there the exercising of an arbitrary and vast Jurisdiction before he had so much as Instructions or colour of warrant Thence we carry him into Ireland there he represented by his place the sacred person of his Majesty 1. There at Dublyn the principall Citty of that Kingdome whether the Subjects of that Country came for Justice in an Assembly of Peeres and others of greatest ranke upon occasion of a Speech of the Recorder of that Citty touching their Franchises and Legall Rights he tells them that Ireland was a Conquered Nation and that the King might do with them what he pleased 2. Not long after in the Parliament 10. Car. in the Chaire of State in full Parliament againe That they were a conquered Nation and that they were to expect Lawes as from a Conqueror before the King might do with them what he would now They were to expect it that he would put this power of a Conqueror in execution The Circumstances are very considerable in full Parliament from himselfe in Cathedrâ to the representative body of the whole Kingdome The occasion adds much when they desire the benefit of the Lawes and that their Causes and Suites might be determined according to Law and not by himselfe at his will and pleasure upon paper Petitions 3. Upon like occasion of pressing the Lawes and Statutes That he would make an Act of counsell board in that Kingdome as binding as an Act of Parliament 4. He made his words good by his actions assumed and exercised a boundlesse and lawlesse Jurisdiction over the lives persons and estates of his Majesties Subjects procured judgement of death against a Peere of that Realme commanded another to be hanged this was accordingly executed both in times of high Peace without any processe or colour of Law 5. By force for a long time he seised the yarne and flax of the Subjects to the starving and undoing of many thousands besides the Tobacco businesse and many Monopolies and unlawfull Taxes forced a new Oath not to dispute his Majesties royall commands determined mens estates at his owne will and pleasure upon paper Petititions to himselfe forced Obedience to these not only by Fines and Imprisonment but likewise by the Army sessed Souldiers upon the refusers in a hostile manner 6. Was an Incendiary of the warre between the two Kingdomes of England and Scotland My Lords we shall leave it to your Lordships Judgements whether these words Counsells and Actions would not have been a sufficient Evidence to have proved an Inditement drawne up against him as those before mentioned and many others are That they were spoken and done to the intent to withdraw the Kings heart from the people and the affections of the people from the King that they might leave the King and afterwards rise up against him to the destruction of the King if so here is a compassing of the Kings death within the words of the Statute of the five and twentieth yeare of Edward the third and that warranted by many former judgements My Lords I have now done with the three The 4. Generall Head Treasons within the Statute of the five and twentieth of Edward the third I proceed to the fourth upon the Statute of the eighteenth yeare of Henry the sixt Chapter the third in Ireland I shall make bold to read the words to your Lordships That no Lord nor any other of what condition soever he be shall bring or lead hoblers kerves or hooded men nor any other people nor horses to lie on horseback or on foot upon the Kings Subjects without their good
here in the Kings bench that was in Trinity tearme in the three-and-thirtie yeare of Henry the eight this was before the making of that Statute Obj. To this againe will bee said that it was for treason by the Lawes and Statutes of England but this is not for anything that 's treason by the Law of England but by an Irish Statute So that the question is onely whether your Lordships in Parliament heere have cognizance of an offence made treason by an Irish Statute in the ordinary way of judicature without bill for so is the present question For the clearing of this I shall propound two things to your Lordships consideration Whether the rule for expounding the Irish Statutes and customes bee one and the same in England as in Ireland That being admitted whether the Parliaments in England have cognizance or jurisdiction of things there done in respect of the place because the Kings writ runnes not there For the first if in respect of the place the Parliament here hath cognizance there And secondly if the rules for expounding the Irish Statutes and Customes bee the same here as there this exception as I humbly conceive must fall away In England there is the common law the Statutes the acts of Parliament and customes peculiar to certaine places differing from the common law if any question arise concerning either a custome or an act of Parliament the common law of England the first the primative and the generall law that 's the rule and expositour of them and of their severall extents it is so heere it is so in Ireland the common law of England is the common law of Ireland likewise the same here and there in all the parts of it It was introduced into Ireland by King John and afterwards by King Harry the third by act of Parliament held in England as appeares by the pattent Rolls of the 30. yeare of King Henry the third the first membrana The words are Quia pro communi utilitate terrae Hiberniae unitate terrarum Regis Rex vult de communi consilio Regis provisum est quod omnes leges consuetudines quae in regno Angliae tenentur in Hibernia teneantur eadem terra eisdem legibus subjaceat per easdem regatur sicut Dominus Johannes Rex cum ultimo esset in Hibernia statuit fierimandavit Quia c. Rex vult quod omnia brevia de communi Jure quae currunt in Anglia similiter currant in Hibernia sub novo sigillo Regis mandatum est Archiepiscopis c. quod pro pace tranquillitate ejusdem terrae per casdem leges eos regi deduci permittant ea 〈◊〉 omnibus sequantur In cujus c. Teste Rege apud Woodstock decimo none die Septembris Here 's an union of both Kingdomes and that by act of Parliament and the same Lawes to bee used here as there in omnibus My Lords That nothing might bee left here for an exception that is that in treasons felonies and other capitall offences concerning life the Irish lawes are not the same as here Therefore it is enacted in a Parliament held in England in the fourteenth yeere of Edward the second it is not in print neither but is in the Parliament book That the Laws concerning life and member shall be the same in Ireland as in England And that no exception might yet remaine in a Parliament held in England the fifth yeere of Edward the third It is enacted quod una eadem Lex fiat tam Hibernicis quam Anglicis This Act is enrolled in the Patent rolls of the fifth yeere of Edward the third part 1. memb 35. The Irish therefore receiving their Lawes from hence they send their Students at Law to the Innes of Courts in England where they receive their degree and of them and of the common Lawyers of this Kingdome are the Judges made My Lords The petitions have been many from Ireland to send from hence some Judges more learned in the Lawes then those they had there It hath been frequent in cases of difficulty there to send sometimes to the Parliament here sometimes to the King by advice from the Judges here to send them resolutions of their doubts Amongst many I 'll cite your Lordships onely one because it is in a case of Treason upon an Irish Statute and therefore full to this point By a Statute there made in the fifth yeere of Edward the fourth there is provision made for such as upon suggestions are committed to prison for Treason that the party committed if he can procure 24. Compurgators shall be bailed and let out of prison Two Citizens of Dublin were by a grand Jury presented to have committed Treason They desired the benefit of this Statute that they might bee let out of prison upon tender of their Compurgators The words of the Statute of the fifth yeere of Edward the fourth in Ireland being obscure the Judges there not being satisfied what to doe sent the case over to the Queene desired the opinion of the Judges here which was done accordingly The Judges here sent over their opinion which I have out of the Booke of Justice Anderson one of the Judges consulted withall The Judges here delivered opinion upon an Irish Statute in case of Treason If it bee objected That in this case the Judges here did not judge upon the party their opinions were onely ad informandum conscientiam of the Judges in Ireland that the judgement belonged to the Judges there My Lords with submission this and the other Authorities prove that for which they were cited that is That no absurdity no failer of Justice would ensue if this great Judicatory should judge of Treason so made by an Irish Statute The common Law the rule of Judging upon an Irish Statute the pleas of the Crowne for things of life and death are the same here and there This is all that hath yet been offered For the second point That England hath no power of Judicature for things done in Ireland My Lords the constant practice of all ages proves the contrary Writs of errour in Pleas of the Crowne as well as in civill causes have in all Kings reignes beene brought here even in the inferiour Courts of Westminster Hall upon judgements given in the Courts of Ireland The practice is so frequent so well known as that I shall cite none of them to your Lordships no president will I beleeve bee produced to your Lordships that ever the case was remanded back againe into Ireland because the question rose upon an Irish Statute or custome But it will be said That writs of errour are only upon a failer of justice in Ireland and that suits cannot originally be commenced here for things done in Ireland because the Kings writ runs not in Ireland This might bee a good plea in the Kings Bench and inferiour Courts at Westminster Hall the question is whether it bee so in Parliament
The Kings writ runs not within the County Palatine of Chester and Durham nor within the five Ports neither did it in Wales before the union in Henry the eighth's time after the Lawes of England were brought into Wales in King Edward the first 's time suits were not originally commenced in Westminst Hall for things done in them yet this never excluded the Parliament suits for life lands and goods within those jurisdictions are determinable in Parliament as well as in any other parts of the Realme Ireland as appeares by the Statute of the thirtieth yeer of Henry the third before mentioned is united to the Crowne of England By the Statute of the eight and twentieth yeere of Henry the sixth in Ireland it is declared in these words That Ireland is the proper Dominion of England and united to the Crowne of England which Crowne of England is of it selfe and by it selfe fully wholly and entirely endowed with all power and authority sufficient to yeeld to the subjects of the same full and plenary remedy in all debates and suits whatsoever By the Statute of the three and thirtieth yeer of Henry the eighth the first Chapter when the Kings of England first assumed the title of King of Ireland it is there enacted That Ireland still is to bee held as a Crown annexed and united to the Crown of England So that by the same reason from this that the Kings writ runs not in Ireland it might aswell bee held that the Parliament cannot originally hold plea of things done within the County Palatine of Chester Durham nor within the five Ports Wales Ireland is part of the Realme of England as appears by those Statutes aswell as any of them This is made good by constant practice In all the Parliament rolls from the first to the last there are receivers and tryers of petitions appointed for Ireland For the Irish to come so farre with their petitions for justice and the Parliament not to have cognizance when from time to time they had in the beginning of the Parliament appointed receivers and tryers of them is a thing not to bee presumed An appeale in Ireland brought by William Lord Vescye against John Fitz Thomas for treasonable words there spoken before any Judgement given in the case there was removed into the Parliament in England and there the defendant acquitted as appeares in the Parliament pleas of the two and twentieth yeere of Edward the first The suits for lands offices and goods originally begun here are many and if question grew upon matter in fact a Jury usually ordered to try it and the verdict returned into Parliament as in the case of one Balliben in the Parliament of the five and thirtieth yeere of Edward the first If doubt arose upon a matter triable by Record a writ went to the Officers in whose custody the Record remained to certifie the Record as was in the case of Robert Bagot the same Parliament of the five and thirtieth yeere of Edward the first where the writs went to the Treasurer and Barons of the Exchequer Sometimes they gave judgement here in Parliament and commanded the Judges there in Ireland to doe execution as in the great case of petition between the coparceners of the Earle Marshall in the Parliament of the three and thirtieth yeere of Edward the first where the writ was awarded to the Treasurer of Ireland My Lords The Lawes of Ireland were introduced by the Parliaments of England as appeares by three Acts of Parliament before cited It is of higher jurisdiction dare Leges then to judge by them The Parliaments of England doe binde in Ireland if Ireland bee particularly mentioned as is resolved in the Book case of the first yeere of Henry the seventh Cokes seventh Report Calvins case and by the Judges in Trinity Terme in the three and thirtieth yeere of Queene Elizabeth The Statute of the eighth yeere of Edward the fourth the first Chapter in Ireland recites that it was doubted amongst the Judges whether all the English Statutes though not naming Ireland were in force there if named no doubt From King Henry the third his time downward to the eighth yeere of Queene Elizabeth by which Statute it is made felony to carry sheepe from Ireland beyond seas in almost all these Kings reignes there be Statutes made concerning Ireland The exercising of the Legislative power there over their lives and estates is higher then of the Judiciall in question Untill the nine and twentieth yeere of Edward the third erroneous judgements given in Ireland were determinable no where but in England no not in the Parliaments of Ireland as it appeares in the close rolls in the Tower in the nine and twentieth yeere of Edward the third membr 12. Power to examine and reverse erroneous judgements in the Parliaments of Ireland is granted from hence Writs of errour lie in the Parliament hereupon erroneous judgements after that time given in the Parliaments of Ireland as appears in the Parliament rolls of the eighth yeere of Henry the sixth no. 70. in the case of the Prior of Lenthan It is true the case is not determined there for it 's the last thing that came into the Parliament and could not be determined for want of time but no exception at all is taken to the jurisdiction The Acts of Parliament made in Ireland have bin confirmed in the Parliaments of England as appears by the close rolls in the Tower in the two and fortieth yeere of Edward the third memb 20. dorso where the Parliament in Ireland for the preservation of the Countrey from the Irish who had almost destroyed it made an Act that all the land owners that were English should reside upon their lands or else they were to bee forfeited This was here confirmed In the Parliament of the fourth yeer of Henry the fifth chap. 6. Acts of Parliament in Ireland are confirmed and some priviledges of the Peeres in the Parliaments there are regulated Power to repeale Irish Statutes power to confirme them cannot be by the Parliament here if it hath not cognizance of their Parliaments unlesse it be said That the Parliament may doe it knowes not what Garnesey and Jersey are under the Kings subjection but are not parcels of the Crowne of England but of the Duchy of Normandy they are not governed by the Lawes of England as Ireland is and yet Parliaments in England have usually held plea of and determined all causes concerning lands or goods In the Parliament of 33. H. iâ— there be plactia de Insula Jernesey and so in the Parliament 14. E. 2. and so for Normandy and Gascoyne and alwaies as long as any part of France was in subjection to the Crown of England there were at the beginning of the Parliaments receivers and tryers of petitions for those parts appointed I beleeve your Lordships will have no cases shewed of any plea to the jurisdiction of the Parliaments of England in any things done in any
parts wheresoever in subjection to the Crowne of England The last thing I shall offer to your Lordships is the case of 19. El. in my Lord Dyer 306. and Judge Cromptons book of the jurisdiction of Courts fol. 23. The opinion of both these Books is That an Irish Peer is not triable here It 's true a Scotish or French Nobleman is triable here as a common person the Law takes no notice of their Nobility because those Countries are not governed by the Lawes of England but Ireland being governed by the same Laws the Peers there are triable according to the Law of England onely per pares By the same reason the Earle of Strafford not being a Peere of Ireland is not triable by the Peers of Ireland so that if hee bee not triable here hee is triable no where My Lords In case there be a Treason and a Traitor within the Statute and that he be not triable here for it in the ordinary way of judicature if that jurisdiction failes this by way of Bill doth not Attainders of Treason in Parliament are as legall as usuall by Act of Parliament as by Judgement I have now done with the Statutes of 25. E. 3. and 18. H. 6. My Lord of Strafford hath offended against both the Kingdomes and is guilty of high Treason by the Lawes of both 5 My Lords In the fifth place I am come to the Treasons at the common Law The endevouring to subvert the fundamentall Lawes and government of the Kingdome and to introduce an arbitrary and tyrannicall government In this I shall not at all labour to prove that the endevouring by words counsels and actions to subvert the Lawes is treason at the common Law if there be any common Law treasons at all left nothing treason if this not to make a Kingdome no Kingdome take the politic and government away England's but a piece of earth wherein so many men have their commorancy abode without ranks or distinction of men without propertie in anything further then possession no Law to punish the murdering or robbing one another That of 33. H. 8. of introducing the Imperiall Law sticks not with your Lordships It was in case of an appeal to Rome these appeals in cases of marriages other causes counted Ecclesiasticall had been frequent had in most Kings reigns been tolerated some in times of Popery put a conscience upon them the Statutes had limited the penalty to a Premunire only Neither was that a totall subversion only an Appeale from the Ecclesiasticall Court here in a single cause to the Court at Rome and it treason or not that case proves not a treason may be punished as a felony a felony as a trespasse if his Majesty so please the greater includes the lesser In the case of Premunire in the Irish reports that which is there declared to be treason proceeded upon only as a Premunire The thing most considerable in this is whether the treasons at common Law be taken away by the Stat. of 25. E. 3. 1. H. 4. or 1. Q. M. or any of them My Lords To say they bee taken away by the Stat. of 25. E. 3. is to speak against both the direct words and scope of that Statute In it there 's this clause That because many other like cases of treason might fall out which are not there declared therefore it is enacted That if any such case come before the Judges they shall not proceed to judgement till the case bee declared in Parliament whether it ought to be adjudged treason or not These words and the whole scope of that Statute showes That it was not the meaning to take away any treasons that were so before but onely to regulate the jurisdiction and manner of tryall Those that were single certain Acts as Conspiring the Kings death Levying warre Counterfeiting the money or great Seal Killing a Judge these are left to the ordidinary Courts of Justice The others not depending upon single Acts but upon constructions and necessary inferences they thought it not fit to give the inferiour Courts so great a latitude here as too dangerous to the subject those they strained to the Parliament This Statute was the great security of the subject made with such wisdome as all the succeeding ages have approved it It hath often passed through the fornace but like gold hath lost little or nothing The Statute of 1. H. 4. cap. 10. is in these words Whereas in the Parliament held the 21. yeere of Richard the second divers paines of treasons were ordained insomuch that no man did know how to behave himselfe to doe say or speake It is accorded that in no time to come any treason be adjudged otherwise then it was ordained by the Statute of 25. E. 3. It hath bin said To what end is this Statute made if it takes not away the common Law treasons remaining after the Statute of 25. E. 3. There be two maine things which this Statute doth First it takes away for the future all the Treasons made by any Statute since 25. Ed. 3. to 1. Hen. 4. even to that time For in respect that by another Act in that Parliament the Statute of 21. E. 2. was repealed it will not bee denyed but that this Statute repeales more treasons then these of 21. E. 2. it repeals all Statute treasons but those in 25. E. 3. Secondly It not only takes away the Statute treasons but likewise the declared treasons in Parliament after 25. E. 3. as to the future After declaration in Parliament the inferiour Courts might judge these treasons for the declaration of a treason in Parliament after it was made was sent to the inferiour Courts that toties quoties the like case fell out they might proceed therein the subject for the future was secured against these so that this Statute was of great use By the very words of it it still referrs all treasons to the provision of 25. E. 3. it leaves that entire and upon his old bottome The Statute of 1. Q. M. cap. 1. saith That no offences made treason by any Act of Parliament shall thenceforth be taken or adjudged to bee treason but onely such as be declared and expressed to bee treason by the Statute of 25. E. 3. concerning treason or the declaration of treason and no others And further provides that no pains of death penaltie or forfeiture in any wise shall ensue for committing any treason other then such as be in the Statute of 25. E. 3. ordained and provided any Acts of Parliament or any declaration or matter to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding By the first part of this Statute onely offences made Treason by Act of Parliament are taken away the Common Law Treasons are no way touched The words and no others refer still to offences made treason by Act of Parliament they restraine not to the treasons onely particularly mentioned in the Statute of 25. E. 3. but leave that Statute entire as
THE DECLARATION OF JOHN PYM Esquire VPON THE VVHOLE MATTER of the Charge of High Treason against THOMAS EARLE OF STRAFFORD APRIL 12. 1641. WITH An ARGUMENT of Law concerning the Bill of Attainder of High Treason of the said EARLE of STRAFFORD Before a Committee of both Houses of Parliament in WESTMINSTER Hall BY Mr St-Iohn his Majesties Solicitor Generall on Thursday April 29. 1641. Both Published by Order of the Commons House Printed at London for Iohn Bartlet and are to be sold at the gilt Cup near S. Austins Gate in Pauls Church-yard 1641. THE SPEECH OR DECLARATION OF JOHN PYM Esquire After the Recapitulation or summing up of the Charge of High-Treason AGAINST THOMAS EARLE OF STRAFFORD 12. APRIL 1641. Published by Order of the COMMONS HOUSE LONDON Printed for JOHN BARTLET 1641. THE SPEECH OR DECLARATION OF JOHN PYM Esq c. MY LORDS MAny dayes have been spent in maintenance of the Impeachment of the Earle of Strafford by the House of Commons whereby he stands charged with High Treason And your Lordships have heard his Defence with Patience and with as much favour as Iustice would allow We have passed through our Evidence and the Result of all this is that it remaines clearly proved That the Earle of Strafford hath indeavoured by his words actions and counsels to subvert the Fundamentall Lawes of England and Ireland and to introduce an Arbitrary and Tyrannicall Government This is the envenomed Arrow for which he inquired in the beginning of his Replication this day which hath infected all his Bloud This is that Intoxicating Cup to use his owne Metaphor which hath tainted his Iudgement and poisoned his Heart From hence was infused that Specificall Difference which turned his Speeches his Actions his Counsels into Treason Not Cumulative as he exprest it as if many Misdemeanours could make one Treason but Formally and Essentially It is the End that doth informe Actions and doth specificate the nature of them making not onely criminall but even indifferent words and actions to be Treason being done and spoken with a Treasonable intention That which is given me in charge is to shew the quality of the offence how hainous it is in the nature how mischievous in the effect of it which will best appeare if it be examined by that Law to which he himselfe appealed that universall that supreme Law Salus populi This is the Element of all Laws out of which they are derived the End of all Laws to which they are designed and in which they are perfected How far it stands in opposition to this Law I shall endeavour to shew in some Considerations which I shal present to your Lordships all arising out of the Evidence which hath been opened The first is this It is an offence comprehending all other offences here you shall finde severall Treasons Murders Rapines Oppressions Perjuries The Earth hath a Seminarie vertue whereby it doth produce all Hearbs and Plants and other Vegetables There is in this Crime a Seminarie of all evils hurtfull to a State and if you consider the reasons of it it must needs be so The Law is that which puts a difference betwixt good and evill betwixt just and unjust If you take away the Law all things will fall into a confusion every man will become a Law to himselfe which in the depraved condition of humane nature must needs produce many great enormities Lust will become a Law and Envie will become a Law Covetousnesse and Ambition will become Lawes and what dictates what decisions such Laws will produce may easily be discerned in the late Government of Ireland The Law hath a power to prevent to restraine to repaire evils without this all kind of mischiefs and distempers will break in upon a State It is the Law that doth intitle the King to the Allegeance and service of his people it intitles the people to the protection and justice of the King It is God alone who subsists by himselfe all other things subsist in a mutuall dependence and relation He was a wise man that said that the King subsisted by the field that is tilled It is the labour of the people that supports the Crowne If you take away the protection of the King the vigour and cheerfulness of Allegeance will be taken away though the Obligation remaine The Law is the Boundarie the Measure betwixt the Kings Prerogative and the Peoples Liberty Whiles these move in their owne Orbe they are a support and security to one another The Prerogative a cover and defence to the Liberty of the people and the people by their liberty are enabled to be a foundation to the Prerogative but if these bounds be so removed that they enter into contestation and conflict one of these mischiefes must needs ensue If the Prerogative of the King overwhelm the liberty of the people it will be turned into Tyrannie if liberty undermine the Prerogative it will grow into Anarchie The Law is the safeguard the custody of all private interest Your Honours your Lives your Liberties and Estates are all in the keeping of the Law without this every man hath a like right to any thing and this is the condition into which the Irish were brought by the E. of Strafford And the reason which he gave for it hath more mischiefe in it then the thing it selfe They were a Conquered Nation There cannot be a word more pregnant and fruitfull in Treason then that word is There are few Nations in the world that have not been conquered and no doubt but the Conquerour may give what Lawes he please to those that are conquered But if the succeeding Pacts and Agreements doe not limit and restraine that Right what people can be secure England hath been conquered and Wales hath been conquered and by this reason will be in little better case then Ireland If the King by the Right of a Conquerour gives Lawes to his People shall not the people by the same reason be restored to the Right of the conquered to recover their liberty if they can What can be more hurtfull more pernicious to both then such Propositions as these And in these particulars is determined the first Consideration The second Consideration is this This Arbitrary power is dangerous to the Kings Person and dangerous to his Crown It is apt to cherish Ambition usurpation and oppression in great men and to beget sedition and discontent in the People and both these have beene and in reason must ever be causes of great trouble and alteration to Princes and States If the Histories of those Easterne Countries be perused where Princes order their affaires according to the mischievous principles of the E. of Strafford loose and absolved from all Rules of Government they will be found to be frequent in combustions full of Massacres and of the tragicall ends of Princes If any man shall look into our owne Stories in the times when the Laws were most neglected he shall find them full of
and Prerogative many dangerous practises against the peace and safety of this Kingdome have been undertaken and promoted The increase of Popery and the favours and incouragement of Papists have been and still are a great grievance and danger to the Kingdome The Innovations in matters of Religion the usurpations of the Clergie the manifold burdens and taxations upon the people have been a great cause of our present distempers and disorders and yet those who have been chiefe Furtherers and Actors of such Mischiefes have had their Credit and Authority from this That they were forward to maintain this Power The E. of Strafford had the first rise of his greatnesse from this and in his Apologie and Defence as your Lordships have heard this hath had a maine part The Royall Power and Majesty of Kings is most glorious in the prosperity and happinesse of the people The perfection of all things consists in the end for which they were ordained God onely is his own end all other things have a further end beyond themselves in attaining whereof their own happinesse consists If the means and the end be set in opposition to one another it must needs cause an impotency and defect of both The eight Consideration is The vanity and absurdity of those excuses and justifications which he made for himself whereof divers particulars have been mentioned in the course of his Defence 1. That he is a Counsellor and might not be questioned for any thing which he advised according to his conscience The ground is true there is a liberty belongs to Counsellors and nothing corrupts Counsels more then fear He that will have the priviledge of a Counsellor must keep within the just bounds of a Counsellor those matters are the proper subjects of Counsell which in their times and occasions may be good or beneficiall to the King or Common-wealth But such Treasons as these the subversion of the Laws violation of Liberties they can never be good or justifiable by any circumstance or occasion and therefore his being a Counsellor makes his fault much more hainous as being committed against a greater Trust and in a way of much mischiefe and danger lest his Majesties conscience and judgement upon which the whole course and frame of his Government do much depend should be poysoned and infected with such wicked principles and designes And this he hath endeavoured to doe which by all Lawes and in all times hath in this Kingdome beene reckoned a Crime of an high Nature 2. He labours to interest your Lordships in his cause by alledging It may be dangerous to your selves and your Posterity who by your birth are fittest to be near his Majesty in places of Trust and Authority if you should be subject to be questioned for matters delivered in Counsell To this was answered that it was hoped their Lordships would rather labour to secure themselves and their posterity in the exercise of their vertues then of their vices that so they might together with their own honour and greatnesse preserve the honour and greatnesse both of the King and Kingdome 3. Another excuse was this that whatsoever he hath spoken was out of a good intention Sometimes good and evill truth and falshood lie so near together that they are hardly to be distinguished Matters hurtfull and dangerous may be accompanied with such circumstances as may make it appeare usefull and convenient and in all such cases good intentions will justifie evill Counsell But where the matters propounded are evill in their own nature such as the matters are wherewith the E. of Strafford is charged to break a publique faith to subvert Laws and Government they can never be justified by any intentions how specious or good soever they be pretended 4. He alledgeth it was a time of great necessity and danger when such counsels were necessary for preservation of the State Necessity hath been spoken of before as it relates to the Cause now it is considered as it relates to the Person if there were any necessity it was of his own making he by his evil counsell had brought the King into a necessity and by no Rules of Iustice can be allowed to gain this advantage by his own fault as to make that a ground of his justification which is a great part of his offence 5. He hath often insinuated this That it was for his Majesties service in maintenance of that Soveraign Power with which he is intrusted by God for the good of his people The Answer is this No doubt but that Soveraign Power wherewith his Majesty is intrusted for the publique good hath many glorious effects the better to inable him thereunto But without doubt this is none of them That by his own will he may lay any Taxe or Imposition upon his people without their consent in Parliament This hath now been five times adjudged by both Houses In the Case of the Loanes In condemning the Commission of Excise In the Resolution upon the Saving offered to be added to the Petition of Right In the sentence against Manwaring and now lately In condemning the Ship-money And if the Soveraigne Power of the King can produce no such effect as this the Allegation of it is an Aggravation and no Diminution of his offence because thereby he doth labour to interest the King against the just grievance and complaint of the People 6. This Counsell was propounded with divers limitations and Provisions for securing and repairing the liberty of the people This implies a contradiction to maintain an Arbitrary absolute Power and yet to restrain it with limitations and provisions for even those limitations and provisions will be subject to the same absolute Power and to be dispensed in such manner and at such time as it self shall determine let the grievances and oppressions be never so heavy the Subject is left without all remedy but at his Majesties own pleasure 7. He alledgeth they were but words and no effect followed This needs no answer but that the miserable distempers into which he hath brought all the three Kingdomes will be evidence sufficient that his wicked Counsels have had such mischievous effects within these two or three last years that many years peace will hardly repaire those losses and other great mischiefes which the Common-wealth hath sustained These excuses have been collected out of the severall parts of his Defence perchance some others are omitted which I doubt not have been answered by some of my Collegues and are of no importance either to perplex or to hinder your Lordships judgement touching the hainousnesse of this Crime The ninth Consideration is this That if this be Treason in the nature of it it doth exceed all other Treasons in this That in the Design and endeavour of the Author it was to be a constant and a permanent Treason other Treasons are transient as being confinde within those particular actions and proportions wherein they did consist and those being past the Treason ceaseth The Powder-Treason
wills and consent but upon their own costs and without hurt doing to the Commons and if any so do he shall be judged as Traitor 1. The Argument that hath been made concerning the Person That it extends not to the King and therefore not to him weighs nothing with your Lordships Rex non habet in regno parem from the greatnesse of his office to argue himselfe into the same impossibility with his sacred Majesty of being uncapable of High-Treason it 's an Offence no reason The words in the Statute No Lord nor any other of what condition soever he be includes every Subject In Trinity Terme in the three and thirtieth yeare of Henry the eight in the Kings Bench Leonard Lord Gray having immediately before been Lord Deputy of Ireland is attainted of High-Treason and Judgement given against him for letting diverse Rebels out of the Castle of Dublin and discharging Irish hostages and pledges that had been given for securing the Peace for not punishing one that said the King was an Heretique I have read the whole Record ther 's not one thing laid to his charge but was done by him as Lord Leivetenant He had the same Plea with my Lord of Strafford That these things were no adhering to the Kings Enemies but were done for reasons of State That he was not within those words of the Satute of the five and twentieth yeare of Edward the third himselfe being Lord Lieutenant there they cost his life Object 2 It hath been said That the Souldiers sessed upon the Subjects by him were not such persons as are intended by that Statute Hoblers Kerves and hooded men these rascall people Answ My Lords they were the names given to the Souldiary of those times Hoblers horsemen the other the foot but the words of the Statute goe further Nor any other people neither horse nor foot his Lordship sessed upon them both horse and foot Object 3 The Statute extends only to them that leade or bring Savill led them my Lord only gave the warrant Answ To that I shall say only thus plus peccat author quam actor by the rule of Law agentes consentientes pari plectuntur paenâ if consent much more a command to doe it makes the commandor a Traitor If there be any Treason within this Statute my Lord of Strafford is guilty It hath been therfore said That this Statute like Goliab's sword hath beene wrapt up in a cloth and laid behind the doore that it hath never been put in execution Answ My Lords if the Cleark of the Crowne in Ireland had certified your Lordships that upon search of the Judgements of Attainders in Ireland he could not finde that any man had bin attainted upon this Statute your Lordships had had some ground to beleeve it yet its onely my Lord of Straffords affirmation Besides your Lordships know that an Act of Parliament binds untill it bee repealed It hath bin therefore said that this Statute is repealed by the Statutes of the eight yeere of Edward the fourth the first Chapter and of the tenth yeere of Henry the seventh the two and twentieth Chapter because by these two Statutes the English Statutes are brought into Ireland The Argument if I mistook it not stood thus That the Statute of the first of Henry the fourth the 10. Chapter saith that in no time to come Treason shall be adjudged otherwise then it was ordained by the Statute of the 25. yeare of Edward the third That the Treason mentioned in the 18 yeere of Henry the sixt in the Irish Statute is not contained in the Stat. of the 25 yeere of Ed. the 3. and therfore being contrary to the Statute of the first of Henry the fourth it must needs be void My Lords the difference of the times wherin the Statute of the first yeere of Henry the fourth and that of the 18 yeere of Henry the sixt were made cleares the Point as is humbly conceived that of Henry the sixt was made 40 yeares after the other The Statute of the eighth yeare of Edward the fourth and the tenth of Henry the seventh bringing in the English Statutes in order and series of time as they were made one after another as afterwards is prooved they did it cannot be that the Statute of the first yeere of Henery the fourth made fourty yeere before should repeale or make void the Statute of the 18. H. 6. made so long after The rule of Law is that Leges posteriores priores abrogant that latter lawes repeale former but by this construction a former Lawe should repeale and make voide a Non ens a Statute that then was not If this were Lawe then all the Statutes that made any new Treason after the first yeere of Henery the fourth were voide in the very fabricke and at the time when they were made hence likewise it would follow that the Parliament now upon what occasion soever hath noe power to make any thing Treason not declared to bee so in the Statute of the five and twentieth yeere of Edward the third This your Lordshippes easily see would make much for my Lord of Straffords advantage but why the Law should bee so your Lordshippes as yet have onely heard an affirmation of it no reason But some touch was given that this Statute of the tenth yeere of Henery the seventh in words makes all the Irish Statutes voide which are contrary to the English The Answer to this is a deniall that there are any such wordes in the Statute This Statute declares that the English Statutes shall bee effectuall and confirmed in Ireland and that all Statutes before time made to the contrary shall bee revoked this repeales onely the Irish Statutes of the tenth yeere of Henerie the fourth and the nine and twentieth yeere of Henerie the sixt which say that the English Statutes shall not bee in force in Ireland unlesse particularly received in Parliament It makes all the Irish Statutes voide which say that the English Statutes shall not bee in force there It is usuall when a Statute saith that such a thing shall bee done or not done to adde further that all Statutes to the contrary shall be voide No likeli-hood that this Statute intended to take away any Statute of Treason When but in the Chapter next before this Murder there is made Treason as if done upon the Kinges Person That this Statute of the eighteenth yeare of Harry the sixt remaines on foote and not repealed either by the Statute of the eighth yeere of Edward the fourth or this of the tenth yeere of Henerie the seventh appeares expressely by two severall Acts of Parliament made at the same Parliament of the tenth yeere of Henry the seventh By an Acte of Parliament in Henry the sixt time in Ireland it was made Treason for any man to procure a privie Seale or any other Command whatsoever for apprehending any person in Ireland for Treason done without that Kingdome and to put any such Command
to the common Law treason as appears by the words immediatly foregoing By the second part for the paines and forfeitures of treasons if it intend only the punishment of treason or if it intend both treason and punishment yet all is referred to the provision and ordinance of 25. E. 3. any Act of Parliament or other declaration or thing notwithstanding It saith not other then such penalties or treasons as are expressed and declared in the Statute of 25. E. 3 that might perhaps have restrained it to those that are particularly mentioned No it referrs all treasons to the generall ordination and provision of that Statute wherein the common-Law-treasons are expresly kept on foot If it bee askt what good this Statute doth if it take not away the common-Law-treasons 1. It takes away all the treasons made by Act of Parliament not onely since the first of H. 4. which weremany but all before 1. H. 4. even untill 25. E. 3. by expresse words 2. By expresse words it takes away all declared treasons if any such had been made in Parliament these for the future are likewise taken away so that whereas it might have been doubted whether the Statute of 1. H. 4. took away any treasons but those of 21. Richard 2. this clears it both for treasons made by Parliament or declared in Parliament even to the time of making the Statute This is of great use of great security to the subject so that as to what shall be treason and what not the Statute of 25. E. 3. remaines entire and so by consequence the treasons at the common Law Onely my Lords it may be doubted whether the manner of the parliamentary proceedings bee not altered by the Statute of 1. H. 4. the 17. chapter and more fully in the Parliament roll number 144. that is whether since that Statute the parliamentary power of declaration of treasons whereby the inferiour Courts received jurisdiction be not taken away and restrained onely to Bill that so it might operate no further then to that particular contained in the Bill that so the parliamentary declarations for after times should be kept within the Parliament it selfe and be extended no further Since 1. H. 4. we have not found any such declarations made but all Attainders of treason have bin by Bill If this be so yet the common Law treasons still remaining there is one and the same ground of reason and equity since 1. H. 4. for passing of a Bill of treason as was before for declaring of it without Bill Herein the Legislative power is not used against my Lord of Strafford in the Bill it s onely the jurisdiction of the Parliament But my Lords because that either through my mistaking of the true grounds and reasons of the Commons or my not pressing of them with apt arguments and presidents of former times or that perchance your Lordships from some other reasons and authorities more swaying with your Lordships judgements then these from them may possibly bee of a contrary or dubious opinion concerning these treasons either upon the Statutes of 25. E. 3. 18. H. 6. or at the common Law If all these five should faile they have therefore given me further in command to declare to your Lordships some of their reasons why they conceive that in this case the meer Legislative power may be exercised Their reasons are taken from these three grounds 1 From the nature and quality of the offence 2 From the frame and constitution of the Parliament wherein this Law is made 3 From practises and usages of former times The horridnesse of the offence in endevouring the overthrowing the Lawes and present governement hath beene fully opened to your Lordships heretofore The Parliament is the representation of the whole Kingdome wherein the King as Head your Lordships as the more noble and the Commons the other members are knit together into one Body politick This dissolves the arteries and ligaments that hold the Body together the Lawes Hee that takes away the Laws takes not away the allegeance of one subject alone but of the whole Kingdome It was made treason by the Statute of 13. El. for her time to affirme That the Lawes of the Realme doe not binde the descent of the Crowne no Law no descent at all No Lawes no Peerage no ranks or degrees of men the same condition to all It 's treason to kill a Judge upon the Bench this kils not Iudicem sed Iudicium Hee that borrowed Apelles and gave bond to returne again Apelles the Painter sent him home after he had cut off his right hand his bond was broken Apelles was sent but not the Painter There bee twelve men but no law there 's never a Judge amongst them It s felony to embezill any one of the judiciall Records of the Kingdome this at once sweeps them all away and from all It s treason to counterfeit a twenty shill-piece here 's a counterfeiting of the Law we can call neither the counterfeit nor true coine our owne It s treason to counterfeit the great Seale for an acre of land no property hereby is left to any land at all Nothing treason now either against King or Kingdome no law to punish it My Lords if the question were asked in Westminster Hall whether this were a crime punishable in Starre-chamber or in the Kings Bench by fine or imprisonment they would say It went higher If whether felony they would say That 's for an offence onely against the life or goods of some one or few persons It would I beleeve be answered by the Judges as it was by the chiefe Justice Thirning in 21. R. 2. That though he could not judge the case treason there before him yet if he were a Peere in Parliament hee would so adjudge it My Lords if it bee too bigge for those Courts we hope it s in the right way here 2. The second consideration is from the frame and constitution of the Parliament the Parliament is the great body politicke it comprehends all from the King to the Beggar if so my Lords as the naturall so this body it hath power over it selfe and every one of the members for the preservation of the whole It s both the Physician and the patient if the body bee distempered it hath power to open a veine to let out the corrupt bloud for curing of it selfe if one member be poysoned or gangrened it hath power to cut it off for the preservation of the rest But my Lords it hath bin often inculcated that Law-makers should imitate the supreme Law-giver who commonly warnes before he strikes the Law was promulged before the jugdement of death for gathering the stickes no law no transgression My Lords to this the rule of Law is Frustra legis auxilium invocat qui in legem committit from the lex Talionis he that would not have had others to have law why should he have any himselfe why should not that be done to him that himselfe