Lord rather to be commended as preparing against all danger of Innovation COUNS. It should be so but call your observation to accompt and you shall find it as I say for indeed such a jealousie hath been held ever since the time of the Civill wars over the Military greatness of our Nobles as made them have little will to bend their studies that wayes wherefore let every man provide according as he is rated in the Muster Book you understand me IUST Very well my Lord as what might be replyed in the perceiving so much I have ever to deal plainly and freely with your Lordship more fear'd at home popular violence then all the forreine that can be made for it can never be in the power of any forraigne Prince without a Papisticall party rather to disorder or endanger his Majesties Estate COUNS. By this it seems it is no lesse dangerous for a King to leave the power in the people then in the Nobility IUST My good Lord the wisdome of our own age is the foolishnesse of another the time present ought not to be preferr'd to the policy that was but the policy that was to the time present so that the power of the Nobility being now withered and the power of the people in the flower the care to content them would not be neglected the way to win them often practized or at least to defend them from oppression The motive of all dangers that ever this Monarchy hath undergone should be carefully heeded for this Maxime hath no posterne Potestas humana radicatur in voluntatibus hominum And now my Lord for King Edward it is true though he were not subject to force yet was he subject to necessity which because it was violent he gave way unto it Potestas saith Pithagoras juxta necessitatem habitat And it is true that at the request of the house he discharged and put from him those before named which done he had the greatest gift but one that ever he received in all his dayes to wit from every person man and woman above the age of fourteen years 4d of old mony which made many Millions of Groats worth 61. of our mony This he had in generall besides he had of every benificed Priest 12d And of the Nobility and Gentry I know not how much for it is not set down Now my good Lord what lost the King by satisfying the desires of the Parliament house for assoon as he had the money in purse he recalled the Lords and restored them and who durst call the King to accompt when the Assembly were dissolued Where the word of a King is there is power saith Ecclesiasticus who shall say unto him what doest thou saith the same Author for every purpose there is a time and judgement the King gave way to the time and his judgement perswaded him to yeeld to necessity Consularius nemo melior est quam tempus COUNS. But yet you see the king was forc'd to yeeld to their demaunds JUST Doth your Lordship remember the saying of Monsier de Lange that he that hath the profit of the war hath also the honour of the war whether it be by battaile or retreate the King you see had the profit of the Parliament and therefore the honour also what other end had the King then to supply his wants A wise man hath evermore respect unto his ends and the King also knew that it was the love that the people bare him that they urged the removing of those Lords there was no man among them that sought himself in that desire but they all sought the king as by the successe it appeared My good Lord hath it not been ordinary in England and in France to yeeld to the demaunds of rebels did not King Richard the second graunt pardon to the outragious rogues and murtherers that followed Iack Straw and Wat Tâ—ler after they had murthered his Chancellor his Treasurer Chief Iustice and others brake open his Exchequer and committed all manner of outrages and villanies and why did he do it but to avoid a greater danger I say the Kings have then yeelded to those that hated them and their estates to wit to pernicious rebels And yet without dishonour shall it be called dishonour for the King to yeeld to honest desires of his subjects No my Lord those that tell the King those tales fear their own dishonour and not the Kings for the honour of the King is supreame and being guarded by Iustice and piety it cannot receive neither wound nor stain COUNS. But Sir what cause have any about our King to fear a Parliament IUST The same cause that the Earle of Suffolke had in Richard the seconds time and the Treasurer Fartham with others for these great Officers being generally hated for abusing both the King and the Subject at the request of the States were discharged and others put in their roomes COUN And was not this a dishonour to the King IUST Certainly no for King Richard knew that his Grandfather had done the like and though the King was in his heart utterly against it yet had he the profit of this exchange for Suffolke was fined at 20000 markes and 1000l lands COUNS. Well Sir we will speak of those that fear the Parliament some other time but I pray you go on with that that happened in the troublesome raigne of Richard the second who succeeded the Grandfather being dead IUST That King my good Lord was one of the most unfortunate Princes that ever England had he was cruell extreame prodigall and wholly carryed away with his two Minions Suffolk and the Duke of Ireland by whose ill advice and others he was in danger to have lost his estate which in the end being led by men of the like temper he miserably lost But for his subsedies he had given him in his first year being under age two tenths and two fifteenes In which Parliament Alice Peirce who was removed in King Edwards time with Lancaster Latimer and Sturry were confiscate and banished in his second year at the Parliament at Glocester the King had a marke upon every sack of Wooll and 6d the pound upon wards In his third year at the Parliament at Winchester the Commons were spared and a subsedy given by the better sort the Dukes gave 20 markes and Earles 6 markes Bishoppes and Abbots with myters six markes every marke 35. 4d and every Knight Iustice Esquire Shrieve Person Vicar Chaplaine paid proportionably according to their estates COUNS. This me thinks was no great matter IUST It is true my Lord but a little mony went far in those dayes I my self once moved it in Parliament in the time of Queen Elizabeth who desired much to spare the Common people I did it by her Commandement but when we cast up the subsedy Books we found the summe but small when the 30l men were left out In the beginning of his fourth year a tenth with a fifteen were granted upon
condition that for one whole year no subsedies should be demanded but this promise was as suddenly forgotten as made for in the end of that year the great subsedy of Poll mony was granted in the Parliament at Northampton COUNS. Yea but there followed the terrible Rebellion of Baker Straw and others Leister Wrais and others IUST That was not the fault of the Parliament my Lord it is manifest that the subsedy given was not the cause for it is plain that the bondmen of England began it because the were girevously prest by their Lords in their tenure of Villenage as also for the hatred they bate to the Lawyers and Atturneyes for the story of those times say that they destroyed the houses and Mannors of men of Law such Lawyers as they caught slew them and beheaded the Lord chief Iustice which commotion being once begun the head mony was by other Rebels pretended A fire is often kindled with a little straw which oftentimes takes hold of greater timber consumes the whole building And that this Rebellion was begun by the discontented slaves whereof there have been many in Elder times the like is manifest by the Charter of Manumission which the King granted in hec verba Rich. Dei gratid c. Sciatis quod de gratiâ nostrâ spirituali manumissimus c. to which seeing the King was constrained by force of armes he revoked the letters Pattents and made them voide the same revocation being strengthened by the Parliament ensuing in which the King had given him a subsedy upon Woolls called a Maletot In the same fourth year was the Lord Treasurer discharged of his Office and Hales Lord of St. Iohns chosen in his place in his fift year was the Treasurer again changed and the Staffe given to Segrave and the Lord Chancellour was also changed and the staffe given to the Lord Scroope Which Lord Scroope was again in the beginning of his sixt year turned off and the King after that he had for a while kept the Seal in his own hand gave it to the Bishop of London from whom it was soon after taken and bestowed on the Earle of Suffolke who they say had abused the King and converted the Kings Treasure to his own use To this the King condiscended and though saith Walsingham he deserved to loose his life and goods yet he had the favour to go at liberty upon good sureties and because the King was but young that the reliefe granted was committed to the trust of the Earle of Arundell for the furnishing of the Kings Navy against the French COUNS. Yet you see it was a dishonour to the King to have his beloved Chancellour removed IUST Truly no for the King had both his fine 1000l lands and asubsedy to boot And though for the present it pleased the King to fancy a man all the world hated the Kings passion overcomming his judgement yet it cannot be call'd a dishonour for the King is to believe the generall counsell of the Kingdome and to preser it before his affection especially when Suffolke was proved to be false even to the King for were it otherwise love and affection might be called a frenzie and a madnesse for it is the nature of humane passions that the love bred by fidelity doth change it self into hatred when the fidelity is first changed into falshood COUNS. But you see there were thirteen Lords chosen in the Parliament to have the oversight of the government under the King IUST No my Lord it was to have the oversight of those Officers which saith the story had imbezeled lewdly wasted and prodigally spent the Kings Treasure for to the Commission to those Lords or to any six of them joyn'd with the Kings Counsell was one of the most royall and most profitable that ever he did if he had bin constant to himself But my good Lord man is the cause of his own misery for I will repeat the substance of the commission granted by the King and confirmed by Parliament which whether it had bin profitable for the King to have prosecured your Lordship may judge The preamble hath these words Whereas our Sovereigne Lord the King perceiveth by the grievous complaints of the Lords and Commons of this Realme that the rents profits and revenues of this Realme by the singular and insufficient Councell and evill government as well of some his late great Officers and others c. are so much withdrawen wasted given granted alienated destroyed and evill dispended that he is so much impoverished and void of treasure and goods and the substance of the Crown so much diminished and destroyed that his estate may not honorably be sustained as appertaineth The King of his free will at the request of the Lords and Commons hath ordained William Archbishop of Canterbury and others with his Chancellour Treasurer keeper of his privy seal to survey and examine as well the estate and governance of his house c. as of all the rents and profits and revenues that to him appertaineth and to be due or ought to appertain and be due c. And all manner of gifts grants alienations and confirmations made by him of lands tenements rents c. bargained and sold to the prejudice of him and his Crown c. And of his jewels goods which were his Grandfathers at the time of his death c. and where they be become This is in effect the substance of the commission which your Lordship may read at large in the book of Statutes this commission being enacted in the tenth year of the Kings reigne Now if such a commission were in these dayes granted to the faithfull men that have no interest in the sales gifts nor purchases nor in the keeping of the jewells at the Queens death nor in the obtaining grants of the Kings best lands I cannot say what may be recovered and justly recovered and what say your Lordship was not this a noble act for the King if it had been followed to effect COUNS. I cannot tell whether it were or no for it gave power to the Commissiouers to examine all the grants IUST Why my Lord doth the King grant any thing that shames at the examination are not the Kings grants on record COUNS. But by your leave it is some dishonour to a King to have his judgement called in question IUST That is true my Lord but in this or whensoever the like shall be granted in the future the Kings judgement is not examined but their knavery that abused the King Nay by your favour the contrary is true that when a King will suffer himself to be eaten up by a company of petty fellows by himself raised therein both the judgement and courage is disputed And if your Lordship will disdain it at your own servants hands much more ought the great heart of a King to disdain it And surely my Lord it is a greater treason though it undercreep the law to tear from the
calm to ly idlely at the road burning so seasonable weather And when the Ship leaketh the Pylot sick the Marriners faint the Storms boysterous and the Seas a turmoyl of outragious Surges then to launch forth hoise up sail and set out for a long voyage into a far Countrey Yet such is the skill of these evening Repenters who though in the soundness of their health and perfect use of their reason they cannot resolve to cut the Cables and weigh the Anchour that with-holds them from God Neverthelesse they feed themselves with a strong perswasion that when they are astonied their wits distracted the understanding dusked and the bodies and souls wracked and tormented with the throbs and gripes of a mortall sicknesse then forsooth they will begin to think of their weightiest matters and become sudden Saints when they are scarce able to behave themselves like reasonable creatures No no if neither the Canon Civil nor the Common Law will allow that man perished in judgement should make any Testament of his temporall substance how can he that is animated with inward garboyls of an unsetled conscience distrained with the wringing fits of his dying flesh maimed in all his ability and circled in on every side with many and strange incumberances be thought of due discretion to dispose or his chiefest Jewell which is his Soul and to dispatch the whole manage of all eternity and of the treasures of Heaven in so short of spurt No no they that will loyter in seed-time and begin to sow when others reap they that will riot out their health and begâ—n to cast their accounts when they are scarce able to speak they that will slumber out the day and enter their journey when the light doth fail them let them blame their own folly if they die in debt and be eternall beggers and fall head-long into the lap of endlesse perdition Let such listen to S. Cyprian's lesson Let saith he the grievousnesse of our sore be the measure of our sorrow let a deep wound hive a deep and diligent cure Let no mans Contrition be lesse than his Crime FINIS Sir Raleigh's SCEPTICK The SCEPTICK doth neither affirm neither deny any Position but doubteth of it and opposeth his Reasons against that which is affirmed or denied to justifie his not-consenting HIs first Reason ariseth from the consideration of the great difference amongst living Creatures both in the matter and manner of their Generations and the several Constitutions of their bodies Some living Creatures are by copulation and some without it that either by Fire as Crickets in fornaces or corrupt water as Gnats or slime as Frogs or dirt as Worms or herbs as Canker-worms some of ashes as Beetles some of trees as the Worms Psenâ—â— bred in the wild Fig-tree some of living creatures putrified as Bees of Bulls and Wasps of Horses By Copulation many creatures are brought forth alive as Man some in the egg as Birds some in an unshapen piece of flesh as Bears These great differences cannot but cause a divers and contrary temperament and qualitie in those creatures and consequently a great diversity in their phantasie and conceit so that they apprehend one and the same object yet they must do it after a divers manner for is it not absurd to affirm That creatures differ so much in temperature and yet agree in conceit concerning one and the same object But this will more plainly appear if the instruments of Sense in the body be observed for we shall find that as these Instruments are affected and disposed so doth the Imagination conceit that which by them is connexed unto it That very object which seemeth unto us White unto them which have the Iaundise seemeth Pale and Red unto those whose Eyes are bloud-shot Forsomuch then as living creatures have some white some pale some red eyes why should not one and the same object seem to some white to some red to some pale If a man rub his 〈◊〉 the figure of that which he beholdeth seemeth long or narrow is it then not likely that those creatures which have a long and slanting Pupill of the eye as Goats Foxes Cats c. do convey the fashion of that which they behold under another form to the imagination than those that have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Pupils do Who knoweth not that a Glasse presenteth the outward 〈…〉 or greater according to the making of the glasse If it be hollow the object seemeth smaller than it is If the glasse be crooked then the object seemeth long and narrow And glasses there be which present the head of him that looketh in them downwards and the heels upwards Now then seeing the eye which is the instrument of Sight in some living creatures is more outward in some more hollow in some plain in some greater in some lesse it is very probable that Fishes Man Lions and Dogs whose eyes so much differ do not conceive the self same object after the same manner but diversly according to the diversitie of the eye which offereth it unto the phantasie The same reason holdeth in Touching for seemeth it not absurd to think that those creatures which are covered with Shels those which are covered with Scales those which are covered with Hairs and those which are Smooth should all be alike sensible in Touching and every one of them conveigh the image or qâ—aliâ—ie of the same object which they touch in the very same degree of heat or cold of driness or moisture roughness or smoothness unto the imagination So might 't be shewed in Hearing for how can we think that the Ear which hath a narrow passage the Ear which hath an open wide passage do receive the same sound in the same degree or that the Ear whose inside is full of hair doth hear in the same just measure that the Ear doth whose inside is smooth Since experience sheweth that if we stop or half stop our Ears the sound cometh not to us in the same manner degree that it doth if our ears be open The like may be thought of Smelling for man himself abounding with Fleagm is otherwise affected in smelling than he is if the puâ—s about the head be fâ—ll of bloud and many things afford a delightfull smell to some living creatures which smel to other living creatures seemeth not to be so In the Tast the same reason appeareth for to a rough and dri-tongue that everything seemeth bitter as in an Aga which to the moister tongue seemeth not to be so â—ivers creatures then having tongues drier or moister according to their severall temperatures when they tast the same thing must needs conceit it to be according as the instrument of their tast is affected either bitter or sweet c. For even as the hand in the striking of the Harp though the stroak be one yet causeth a found sometimes high sometimes base according to the quality of the string that is strucken Even so one and
a Palmer fit To tread those blest Paths which before I writ Of Death Iudgement Heaven Hell Who oft doth think must needs Die wel Sir Raleigh's VERSES Found in his Bible in the Gate-house at Westminster EVen such is Time which takes in trust Our Youth our Ioye and all we have And pays us nought but Age and Dust When in the dark and silent Grave When we have wandred all our ways Shuts up the storie oâ— our days And from which Grave Earth Dust The Lord shall raise me up I trust Sir W. RALEIGH On the Snuff of a Candle The night before he died Cowards fear to Die but Courage stout Rather than Live in Snuff wil be put out Sir WALTER RALEIGH'S SPEECH Immediately before he was beheaded UPon Simon and Judes day the Lieutenant of the Tower had a Warrant to bring his Prisoner to the Kings-Bench W 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 where the Attorney Generall demanded Execution according to the Iudgement pronouâ—ced against him at W 〈…〉 the Lord Chief Iustice caused the Indictment Verdict and Iudgement to be read and after asked him what he could say Why he should not die according to the Law his answer was That this fifteen years he had lived by the meer mercy of the King and did now wonder how his Mercy was turned into Iustice he not knowing any thing wherein he had provoked his Majesties displeasure and did hope that he was clear from that Iudgement by the Kings Commission in making him Generall of the Voyage to Guiana for as he conceived the words To his trusty and well beloved subject c. Did in themselves imply a Pardon But Master Attorney told him these words were not sufficient for that purpose Whereupon he desired the opinion of the Court to which the Lord Chief Iustice replied it was no Pardon in Law Then began Sir Walter Raleigh to make a long description of the events and ends of his Voyage but he was interrupted by the Chief Iustice who told him that it was not for any offence committed there but for his first fact that he was now called in question and thereupon told him That seeing he must prepare to die he would not add affliction to affliction nor aggravate his fault knowing him to be a man full of misery but with the good Samaritane administer oyl and wine for the comfort of his distressed Soul You have been a Generall and a great Commander imitate therefore that noble Captain who thrusting himself into the middest of a Battell cried aloud Mors me Expectâ—t ego Mortem Expectabo as you should not contemn so to do nor should you fear death the one sheweth too much boldnesse the other no lesse cowardize so with some other few instructions the Court arose and Sir Walter was committed into the hands of the Sheriff of Middlesex who presently conveyed him to the Gate house in Westminster Upon Thursday morning this Couragious although Committed Knight was brought before the Parliament-house where there was a Scaffold erected for his Beheading yet it was doubted over-night that he should be hanged but it fell out otherwise He had no sooner mounted the scaffold but with a chearfull Countenance and andaunted Look he saluted the Companie His Attire was a wrought Night-cap a Ruff band a hair-coloured Sattin Doublet with a black wrought Waste-coat under it a pair of black cut Taffery Breeches a pair of ash-coloured Silk Stockings a wrought black Velvet Night gown putting off his Hat he directed his Speech to the Lords present as followeth My honourable Lords and the rest of my good friends that come to see me die Know that I much rejoyce that it hath pleased God to bring me from darknesse to night and in freeing me from the Tower wherein I might have died in disgrace by letting me love to come to this place where though I lose my life yet I shall clear some false accusations unjustly laid to my charge and leave behind me a testimony of a true heart both to my King and Country Two things there are which have exceedingly possest and provoked his Majesties indignation against me viz. A Confederacie or Combination with France and disloyall and disobedient words of my Prince For the first his Majestie had some cause hâ—â—â—gh groundes upon a weak foundation to suspect mine inclination to the French action for not long before my departure from England the French Agent took occasion passing by my house to visit me had some conference during the time of his abode onely concerning my voyage and nothing else I take God to witnesse Another suspition is had of me because I did labour to make an escape from Plymouth to France I cannot deny but that willingly when I heard a rumour That there was no hope of my Life upon my return to London I would have escaped so the safeguard of my Life and not for any ill intent or conspiracie against the State The like reason of suspition arose in that I perswaded Sir Lewis Steakly my Guardian to flee with me from London to France but my answer to this is as to the other That onely for my safeguard and thought else was my intent as I shall answer before the Almightie It is alleadged That I seigned my self sick and in art made my body full of blisters when I was at Salisbury True it is I did to the reason was because I hoped therebâ— to defer my coming before the King and Councell and so by delaying might have gaine time to have got my Pardon I have an Example out of Scripture for my warrant that in case of necessity and for the safeguard of my life David seigned himself foolish and mad yet it was not imputed to him for sin Concerning the second Imputation laid to my charge that I should speak scandalous and reprochfull words of my Prince there is no witnesse against me but onely one and he a Chimicall French man whom I entertained rather for his Iests than his Iudgement this man to incroach himself into the favour of the Lords and gaping after some great reward hath falsely accused me of Seditions speeches against his Majestie against whom if I did either speak or think a thought hurtfull or prejudiciall the Lord blot me out of the book of Life It is not a time to flatter or fear Princes for I am a subject to none but Death therefore have a charitable conceit of me That I know to swear is an offence to swear falsly at any time is a great sin but to swear false before the presence of Almightie God before whom I am forthwith to appear were an offence unpardonable therefore think me not now rashly or untruly to confirm or protest any thing As for other objections in that I was brought perforce into England that I carried sixteen thousand pounds in money out of England with me more than I I made known that I should receive Letters from the French King and such like with many
relief the one half of the Woolls throughout England and of the Clergy all their Woolls after which in the end of the year he had granted in his Parliament at Westminster forty shillings upon every sack of Wooll and for every 30 wooll fels forty shillings for every last of leatherne as much and for all other merchandizes after the same rate The King promising that this years gathering ended he would thenceforth content himself with the old custome he had over and above this great aide the eight part of all goods of all Citizens and Burgesses and of other as of forreigne Merchants and such as lived not of the gain of breeding of sheep and cattell the fifteenth of their goods Nay my Lord this was not all though more then ever was granted to any King for the same Parliament bestowed on the King the ninth sheaf of all the corn within the Land the ninth fleece and the ninth lambe for two years next following now what think your Lordship of this Parliament COUNS. I say they were honest men IUST And I say the people are as loving to their King now as ever they were if they be honestly and wisely dealt withall and so his Majesty hath found them in his last two Parliaments if his Majestie had not been betrayed by those whom he most trusted COUNS. But I pray you Sir who shall a King trust if he may not rust those whom he hath so greatly advanced JUST I will tell your Lordship whom the King may trust COUNS. Who are they IUST His own reason and his own excellent Iudgement which have not deceived him in any thing wherein his Majesty hath been pleased to exercise them Take Councell of thine heart saith the book of Wisedome for there is none more faithfull unto thee then it COUNS. It is true but his Majesty found that those wanted no judgement whom he trusted and how could his Majestie divine of their honesties JUST Will you pardon me if I speak freely for if I speak out of love which as Solomon saith covereth all trespasses The truth is that his Majestie would never beleeve any man that spake against them and they knew it well enough which gave them boldnesse to do what they did COUNS. What was that JUST Even my good Lord to ruine the Kings estate so far as the state of so great a King may be ruin'd by men ambitious and greedy without proportion It had been a brave increase of revenue my Lord to have raysed 50000l land of the Kings to 20000l revenue and to raise the revenue of wards to 20000l more 40000l added to the rest of his Majesties estate had so enabled his Majestie as he could never have wanted And my good Lord it had been an honest service to the King to have added 7000l lands of the Lord Cobhams Woods and goods being worth 30000l more COUNS. I know not the reason why it was not done JUST Neither doth your Lordship perchance know the reason why the 10000l offer'd by Swinnerton for a fine of the French wines was by the then Lord Treasurer conferr'd on Devonshire and his Mistris COUNS. What moved the Treasurer to reject and crosse that raising of the Kings lands JUST The reason my good Lord is manifest for had the land been raised then had the King known when he had given or exchanged land what he had given or exchanged COUNS. What hurt had been to the Treasurer whose Office is truely to informe the King of the value of all that he giveth JUST So he did when it did not concerne himself nor his particular for he could never admit any one peece of a good Manour to passe in my Lord Aubignes book of 1000l and till he himself had bought and then all the remaining flowers of the Crowne were called out Now had the Treasurer suffer'd the Kings lands to have been raised how could his Lordship have made choice of the old â—ents as well in that book of my Lord Aubigne as in exchange of Theobalds or which he took Hatfield in it which the greatest subject or favorite Queen Elizabeth had never durst have named unto her by way of gift or exchange Nay my Lord so many other goodly Mannors have passed from his Majestie as the very heart of the Kingdome mourneth to remember it and the eyes of the Kingdome shedde teares continually at the beholding it yea the soul of the Kingdome is heavy unto death with the consideration thereof that so magnanimous a Prince should suffer himself to be so abused COUNS. But Sir you know that Cobhams lands were entayled upon his Cofens JUST Yea my Lord but during the lives and races of George Prook his children it had been the Kings that is to say for ever in effect but to wrest the King and to draw the inheritance upon himself he perswaded his Majestie to relinquish his interest for a pretty summe of mony and that there might be no counterworking he sent Prook 6000 l. to make friends whereof Lord Hume had 2000l back again Buckhurst and Barwick had the other 4000 l. and the Treasurer and his heires the masse of land forever COUNS. What then I pray you came to the King by this great consiscation IUST My Lord the Kings Majestie by all those goodly possessions Woods and goods looseth 500l by the year which he giveth in pension to Cobham to maintain him in prison COUNS. Certainly even in conscience they should have reserved so much of the land in the Crown as to have given Cobham meat and apparell and not made themselves so great gainers and the King 500l per annum looser by the bargain but it 's past Consilium non est eorum quae fieri nequeunt JUST Take the rest of the Sentence my Lord Sed consilium versatur in iis quae sunt in nostra potestate It is yet my good Lord in potestate Regis to right himself But this is not all my Lord And I fear me knowing your Lordships love to the King it would put you in a feaver to hear all I will therefore go on with my Parliaments COUNS. I pray do so and amongst the rest I pray you what say you to the Parliament holden at Iondon in the fifteenth year of King Edward the third IUST I say there was nothing concluded therein to the prejudice of the king It is true that a little before the sitting of the house the King displaced his Chancellour and his Treasurer and most of all his Iudges and Officers of the Exchequer and committed many of them to prison because they did not supply him with money being beyond the Seas for the rest the States assembled besought the King that the Lawes of the two Charters might be observed and that the great Officers of the Crowne might be chosen by Parliament COUNS But what successe had these petitions IUST The Charters were observed as before and so they will be ever and the other petition was rejected the King being
pleas'd notwithstanding that the great Officers should take an oath in Parliament to do Iustice. Now for the Parliament of Westminster in the 17th year of the King the King had three markes and a half for every sack of Wooll transported and in his 18th he had a 10th of the Clergie and a 15th of the Laity for one year His Majestie forbare after this to charge his Subjects with any more payments untill the 29th of his reigne when there was given the King by Parliament 50 for every sack of Wool transported for six yeares by which grant the King received a thousand markes a day a greater matter then a thousand pounds in these dayes and a 1000l a day amounts to 365000l a year which was one of the greatest presents that ever was given to a King of this land For besides the cheapenesse of all things in that age the Kings souldiers had but 3d. a day wages a man at armes 6d a Knight but 2s In the Parliament at Westminster in the 33th year he had 26s 8d for every sack of Wooll transported in the 42th year 3 dismes and 3 fifteens In his 45th year he had â—0000l of the Laity and because the Spiritualty disputed it and did not pay so much the King chang'd his Chancellour Treasurer Privy Seal being Bishops and placed Lay men in their roome COUNS. It seems that in those dayes the Kings were no longer in love with their great Chancellors then when they deserved well of them JUST No my Lord they were not and that was the reason they were well served and it was the custome then and in many ages after to change the Treasurer the Chancellour every 3 years and withall to hear all mens complaints against them COUNS. But by this often change the saying is verified that there is no inheritance in the favour of Kings He that keepeth the figge-tree saith Solomon shall eate the fruit thereof for reason it is that the servant live by the Master JUST My Lord you say well in both but had the subject an inheritance in the Princes favour where the Prince hath no inheritance in the Subjects fidelity then were Kings in more unhappy estate then common persons for the rest Solomon meaneth not that he that keepeth the figge tree should surfet though he meant he should eat he meant not he should break the branches in gathering the figs or eat the ripe and leave the rotten for the owner of the tree for what saith he in the following chapter he saith that he that maketh hast to be â—ich cannot be innocent And before that he saith that the end of an inheritance hastily gotten cannot be blessed Your Lordship hath heard of few or none great with Kings that have not used their power to oppresse that have not growne insolent and hatefull to the people yea insolent towards those Princes that advanced them COUNS. Yet you see that Princes can change their fancies IUST Yea my Lord when favorites change their faith when they forget that how familiar soever Kings make themselves with their Vassals yet they are Kings He that provoketh a King to anger saith Solomon sinneth against his own soul. And he further saith that pride goeth before distruction and a high mind before afall I say therefore that in discharging those Lucifers how dear soever they have been Kings make the world know that they have more of Iudgement then of passion yea they thereby offer a satisfactory sacrifice to all their people too great benefits of subjects to their king where the mind is blown up with their own deservings and to great benefits of Kings conferr'd upon their Subjects where the mind is not qualified with a great deal of modesty are equally dangerous Of this later and insolenter had King Richard the second delivered up to Iustice but three or four he had still held the love of the people and thereby his life and estate COUNS. Well I pray you go on with your Parliaments IUST The life of this great King Edward drawes to an end so do the Parliaments of this time wherein 50 years raigne he never received any affront for in his 49th year he had a disme and a fifteen granted him freely COUNS. But Sir it is an old saying that all is well that ends well Iudge you whether that in his 50th year in Parliament at Westminster he received not an affront when the house urged the King to remove and discharge from his presence the Duke of Lancaster the Lord Latimer his Chamberlaine Sir Richard Sturry and others whom the King favoured and trusted Nay they pressed the King to thrust a certain Lady out of Court which at that time bare the greatest sway therein IUST I will with patience answer your Lordship to the full and first your Lordship may remember by that which I even now said that never King had so many gifts as this King had from his subjects and it hath never grieved the subjects of England to give to their King but when they knew there was a devouring Lady that had her share in all things that passed and the Duke of Lancaster was as scraping as shee that the Chancellour did eat up the people as fast as either of them both It grieved the subjects to feed these Cormorants But my Lord there are two things by which the Kings of England have been prest to wit by their subjects and by their own necessities The Lords in former times were farre stronger more warlike better followed living in their Countries then now they are Your Lordship may remember in your reading that there were many Earles could bring into the field a thousand Barbed horses many a Baron 5. or 600. Barbed horses whereas now very few of them can furnish twenty fit to serve the King But to say the truth my Lord the Iustices of peace in England have oppos'd the injusticers of war in England the Kings writ runs over all and the great Seal of England with that of the next Constables will serve the turn to affront the greatest Lords in England that shall move against the King The force therefore by which our Kings in former times were troubled is vanisht away But the necessities remain The people therefore in these later ages are no lesse to be pleased then the Peeres for as the later are become lesse so by reason of the trayning through England the Commons have all the weapons in their hand COUNS. And was it not so ever IUST No my good Lord for the Noblemen had in their Armories to furnish some them a thousand some two thousand some three thousand men whereas now there are not many that can arme fifty COUNS. Can you blame them But I will onely answer for my self between you and me be it spoken I hold it not safe to mantain so great an Armory or Stable it might cause me or any other Nobleman to be suspected as the preparing of some Innovation IUST Why so my
Crown the ornaments thereof And it is an infalliable maxime that he that loves not his Majesties estate loves not his person COUNS. How came it then that the act was not executed IUST Because these against whom it was granted perswaded the King to the contrary as the Duke of Ireland Suffolk the chief Iustice Tresilian and others yea that which was lawfully done by the King and the great Councell of the kingdome was by the mastery which Ireland Suffolk and Tresilian had over the Kings affections broken and disavowed Those that devised to relieve the King not by any private invention but by generall Councell were by a private and partiall assembly adjudged traitors and the most honest Iudges of the land enforced to subscribe to that judgement In so much that Iudge Belknap plainly told the Duke of Ireland and the Earl of Suffolk when he was constrained to set his hand plainly told these Lords that he wanted but a rope that he might therewith receive a reward for his subscription And in this Councell of Nottingham was hatched the ruine of those which governed the King of the Iudges by them constrained of the Lords that loved the King and sought a reformation and of the King himself for though the King found by all the Shrieves of the shires that the people would not fight against the Lords whom they thought to bee most faithfull unto the King when the Citizens of London made the same answer being at that time able to arme 50000. men and told the Major that they would never fight against the Kings friends and defenders of the Realme when the Lord Ralph Passet who was near the King told the King boldly that he would not adventure to have his head broken for the Duke of Irelands pleasure when the Lord of London told the Earle of Suffolk in the Kings presence that he was not worthy to live c. yet would the King in the defence of the destroyers of his estate lay ambushes to intrap the Lords when they came upon his faith yea when all was pacified and that the King by his Proclamation had clear'd the Lords and promised to produce Ireland Suffolk and the Archbishop of Yorke Tresiltan and Bramber to answer at the next Parliament these men confest that they durst not appear and when Suffolk fled to Callice and the Duke of Ireland to Chester the King caused an army to be leavied in Lancashire for the safe conduct of the Duke of Ireland to his presence when as the Duke being encountered by the Lords ranne like a coward from his company and fled into Holland After this was holden a Parliament which was called that wrought wonders In the Eleventh year of this King wherein the fornamed Lords the Duke of Ireland and the rest were condemned and confiscate the Chief Iustice hanged with many others the rest of the Iudges condemned and banisht and a 10. and a 15. given to the King COUNS. But good Sir the King was first besieged in the Tower of London and the Lords came to the Parliament and no man durst contradict them IUST Certainly in raising an army they committed treason and though it appear that they all loved the King for they did him no harm having him in their power yet our law doth construe all leavying of war without the Kings commission and all force raised to be intended for the death and destruction of the King not attending the sequell And it is so judged upon good reason for every unlawfull and ill action is supposed to be accompanied with an ill intent And besides those Lords used too great cruelty in procuring the sentence of death against divers of the Kings servants who were bound to follow and obey their Master and Soveraigne Lord in that he commanded COUNS. It is true and they were also greatly to blame to cause then so many seconds to be put to death seeing the principalls Ireland Suffolk and York had escaped them And what reason had they to seek to enform the State by strong hand was not the Kings estate as dear to himself as to them He that maketh a King know his errour mannerly and private and gives him the best advice he is discharged before God and his own conscience The Lords might have â—â—tired themselves when they saw they could not prevail and have left the King to his own wayes who had more to lose then they had IUST My Lord the taking of Arms cannot be excused in respect of the law but this might be said for the Lords that the King being under yeares and being wholly governed by their enemies and the enemies of the kingdome and because by those evil mens perswasions it was advised how the Lords should have been murthered at a feast in London they were excusable during the kings minority to stand upon their guard against their particular enemies But we will passe it over go on with our parliaments that followed whereof that of Cambridge in the Kings 12th year was the next therein the King had given him a 10th and a 15th after which being 20. yeares of age rechanged saith H. Kinghton his Treasurer his Chancellour the Iustices of either bench the Clerk of the privy seal and others and took the government into his own hands He also took the Admirals place from the Earl of Arundell and in his room he placed the Earl of Huntingdon in the yeare following which was the 13th year of the K. in the Parliament at Westminster there was given to the King upon every sack of wooll 14s and 6d in the gound upon other Merchandise COUNS. But by your leave the King was restrained this parliament that he might not dispose of but a third part of the money gathered IUST No my Lord by your favour But true it is that part of this mony was by the Kings consent assigned towards the wars but yet left in the Lord Treasurers hands and my Lord it would be a great ease and a great saving to his Majesty our Lord and Master if it pleased him to make his assignations upon some part of his revenewes by which he might have 1000l upon every 10000l and save himself a great deale of clamour For seeing of necessity the Navy must be maintained and that those poor men as well Carpenters as ship-keepers must be paid it were better for his Majesty to give an assignation to the Treasurer of his Navy for the receiving of so much as is called ordinary then to discontent those poor men who being made desperate beggars may perchance be corrupted by them that lye in wait to destroy the Kings estate And if his Majesty did the like in all other payements especially where the necessity of such as are to receive cannot possible give dayes his Majesty might then in a little rowle behold his receipts and expences he might quiet his heart when all necessaries were provided for and then dispose the rest at his pleasure And my good Lord