the King strove to please the People and they were willing to gratifie him by conniving at his Faults But besides all this the Law of Nature is to be considered and this Law cannot be extinguished by any other Laws whatsoever And this I never heard any man deny The Law of Nature commands Self-preservation and then I would ask whether I am to obey him that will destroy me If we shall have a Prince that plainly declares either by his Words or Actions that he will change our Government and Religion or that he will give us up to a Foreigner or else that he will govern by a standing Army and take away our Properties must I obey him must I not endeavour to rescue my Self and Country from Ruine for in the Saxons time Treason did not relate to any thing but the Government and the general Concern of the Nation and not to the single Person of the King and now though it be Treason to kill the King yet it is only in order to the Publick Good and therefore with the Saxons all Indictments against Legience concluded Feloniae Proditoriae but against the Person of the King only Feloniae But in our days we find things are crept in that is difficult to tell how or when they came in And you shall find in all our ancient Laws that whatever was decreed or enacted was for the Common Good and the King was not concerned otherwise than so far as related to the Common-wealth though I know in our days another Opinion is asserted which I am sure cannot be maintained That all things must give place to the King 's particular Interest For my own part I will obey the King but I think my Obedience is obliged no further than what he commands is for the Common Good Our Government ever since the Conquest has proceeded upon the Saxon Principles and they were grounded upon Self-preservation which I do not find to be repeated by any Act of Parliament for all our Lawyers do agree That it is Treason to subvert the Government and if so without doubt our Allegiance the Laws of God and of Nature command us to defend them I will detain you no longer but only to consider this one thing Whenever we have a Popish King we must expect an alteration at least in our Religion for though he take all the Oaths and Declarations that can be devised yet it ever stands in the way to oppose the Interest of Rome they must all give place and it is meritorious to break those Engagements for that purpose or at worst hand be certainly pardoned if he presume to do it without a Dispensation and it is no more in his power to preserve our Religion than it is for him to work an Impossibility And therefore whether it is better to oppose a Popish Successor seeing we have the practice of our Forefathers to justifie us in it and besides he cannot if he would defend us or else to suffer him to rest in the Throne to destroy all we have and bring in a Religion that will damn Millions of Souls from Generation to Generation And if we may not defend our Religion then we must absolutely depend upon Providence in every thing and not put out our Hand to help our selves up when we are fallen into a Ditch This is the Case and here is an end of all Human Policy but without doubt it is our Duty to do our Endeavours and leave the Success to God Almighty and his Will be done THE CASE OF WILLIAM EARL Of Devonshire ON Sunday the 24th of April 1687. the said Earl meeting on Collonel Culpepper in the Drawing Room in White-hall who had formerly affronted the said Earl in the said King's Palace for which he had not received any satisfaction he spake to the said Collonel to go with him into the next Room who went with him accordingly and when they were there the said Earl required of him to go down Stairs that he might have Satisfaction for the Affront done him as aforesaid which the Collonel refusing to do the said Earl struck him with his Stick as is suppos'd This being made known to the King the said Earl was required by the-Lord Chief Justice Wright by Warrant to appear before him with Sureties accordingly April 27. he did appear and gave Bail in 30000 l. to appear the next day at the King's Bench himself in 10000 l. and his four Suretles in 5000 l. a piece who were the Duke of Somerset Lord Clifford the Earl of Burlington's Son Lord De-la-mere and Tho. Wharton Esq eldest Son to Lord Wharton The Earl appeared accordingly next morning and then the Court told him that his Appearance was recorded and so he had Leave to de part for that time but upon the sixth of May he appear'd there again and being then requir'd to plead to an Information of Misdemeanour for striking the said Collonel in the King's Palace he insisted upon his Priviledge That as he was a Peer of England he could not be tryed for any Misdemeanour during the Priviledge of Parliament and it being then within time of Priviledge he refused to plead the Court took time to consider of it till Monday which was the last day of the Term and the Earl then appeared and delivered in his former Plea in Parchment the Judgment given by the House of Lords in the Case of the Earl of Arundale 3 Car. was urged on the behalf of the Earl viz. That no Lord of Parliament the Parliament then sitting or within the usual times of priviledge of Parliament is to be imprison'd or restrain'd without sentence or order of the House unless it be for Treason or Felony or for refusing to give Surety for the Peace And also that the like Priviledge was about two years before allow'd in the Case of my Lord Lovelace The Court over-rul'd the Earl's Plea and requir'd him to plead to the Information the first day of the next Term and to be a Plea as of this Term and so he had Leave to depart but his Sureties were not called for to see if they would continue as his Bail The next Term he appeared and pleaded guilty to the Information and so the last day of the Term the Court did award That he should pay a Fine of 30000 l. be committed to the King's Bench till it be paid and to find Sureties for the Peace for a year To all which Proceeding and Judgment three notorious Errors may be assign'd I. The over-ruling of the Earl's plea of Priviledge II. The Excessiveness of the Fine III. The Commitment till it be paid 1. The over-ruling the Earl's plea of Priviledge is a thing of that vast consequence that it requires a great deal of time to comprehend it aright and is of so great an extent that more may be said of it than any one man can say The Judgment seems to be very unnatural because an inferiour Court has taken upon it to reverse a Judgment
yet if the King think good to question it the party must yield it up without insisting upon his Right for the Reason given by the learned Judge for the same Reason every Peer if denied his Writ must not demand it nay he must surrender his Patent and renounce his Title as far as in him lies if the King require it And for the same reason when any man is called to an account for his life he must make no defence but submit himself to the King's Mercy for all we have is from the King and nothing must be disputed when it is his pleasure to question it This is indeed to make the King as absolute as any thing on Earth can be yet is withal to make him the most unjust Prince that ever sate on the English Throne This sort of Justice is learnt from Children whose Gifts continue good no longer than the Donor remains in that kind mood Surely nothing can more reflect Dishonour upon the King for it makes him as unjust and uncertain as any thing can be both which should not be in the Temper much less in the Actings of a Prince Another Reason was given I think by the Chief Justice or else by Mr. Justice Holloway because it was absolutely necessary for the securing of the Peace it was urg'd so far as if the Peace could not be secured without it Surely all this must be but gratis dictura for my Lord Devonshire by finding Sureties had done all that the Law does require for securing the Peace unless they had clapt him up a close Prisoner which they could not justifie if he tender'd Sureties and therefore either my Lord Devonshire is different from all Mankind and a different method must be made use of to secure the Peace or else this Argument of theirs savours not so much of Reason as of something else that ought to be no Ingredient when they give Judgment in any Case and it surpasses common sence to understand how the over-ruling my Lord's Plea could tend to the securing of the Peace either the Security which he had given must awe him to keep the Peace or the other could not for he had broke the Peace again and repeated it several times before he came to his Trial yet that could not effect the Merits of the Cause neither could it be given in evidence at the Trial so as to alter the state of the Fact neither could the Judges by reason of it enhaunce his Punishment if he were found guilty but they must look upon it as a distinct Offence and so might require the greater Security for the Peace and for a longer time Indeed it is an effectual way to prevent a man from breaking the Peace to lay such a Fine upon him as is impossible to be paid immediately and to commit him till payment It is too probable that the Judges being concious how liable they have made themselves to be called in question for this Sawciness and trampling upon the Law would debase and bring under the Credit and Authority of this Court because no other can take cognizance of their proceedings so as to correct their Errors and Mistakes it is only here that they can be called to an account for what they do amiss no Court can punish them but this so that if they can once top your Lordships there is nothing that they need stand in awe of nothing to restrain them but they may act ad libitum not per legem for let this Court be deprest and they may say Of whom then need we be afraid By what they have done already they have sufficiently shewn to what Extravagances they will proceed when they think themselves to be out of the reach of this Court If once the King's Bench can set it self as high as the Judges have attempted by this proceeding against my Lord Devonshire then must the whole Nation your Lordships not excepted stoop to all the Extravagances and monstrous Judgments that every corrupt and ignorant fellow shall give who shall chance to get up to the Bench and not only this present Age shall feel and undergo the Mischief but it will be entail'd upon all succeeding Generations Well then did the Judges attempt that which would bring your Lordships so low and raise their Court so high to set it above all reach or controul especially if they did promise to themselves Impunity if not Reward which they might have expected had it been in the Reign of an arbitrary Prince who would be a great gainer by the fall of this Court because then the Skreen betwixt the King and People is taken away This is the first time that an inferiour Court did take upon it to invalid the Priviledges of a superiour Superiour Courts do sometimes set aside the Orders and Proceedings of Inferiour Courts and yet in that case they proceed with that caution that it is never done but when there is manifest Error and the Law not duly pursued and observed but in no case was it known that they ever meddled with their priviledges If what the Judges have done is good I cannot tell what Power and Jurisdiction they may not pretend to for no bounds nor limits can be set to the King's Bench it may assume as great a power in Civil Affairs as the High Commission does in Ecclesiastical in their Actings not to be tyed up to any Rules or Method but to vary and alter them as well as the Law when occasion or humor serves the proceedings shall be as summary or as delatory as they think fit and your Lordships shall no more than other people be exempted from the exercise of that power Therefore if your Lordships will not prevent the Mischief from spreading it self over the whole Nation yet I hope you will take notice of the Injury you have suffer'd in the Case of my Lord Devonshire and to do your selves Right The Law has for the most part left Fines to the Discretion of the Judges yet it is to be such a Discretion as is defin'd by my Lord Coke fol. 56. Discretio est discernere per legem quid sit Justans not to proceed according to their own Will and private Affection for Talis discretio discretionem confundit as Wing at says fol. 201. So that the Question is not Whether the Judges could fine my Lord Devonshire but Whether they have kept themselves within the bounds and limits which the Law has set them It is so very evident as not to be made a Question whether in those things which are left to the Discretion of the Judges that the Law has set them bounds and limits which as God says to the Waves of the Sea Hitherto shalt thou go and no farther for either they are so restrained or else the Law does suppose them to be exempted from those Frailties and Passions which do attend the rest of Mankind But as they cannot be suppos'd to be void of Passions and Infirmities no less than other
dependance by the hand he 'll quickly find himself alone with them For all Men of worth and honour will of their own accord be as forward to quit their Imployments as he is willing to put them out because the tenderness that they have for their reputations will not allow them to mingle with worser men than themselves and the rather because it would give countenance to the irregular and disobliging Methods which may be advised to by the other sort of men And for this they will not be the worse thought on by their Country but like Gold ten times purified they return home with all the advantage that can be and those who honoured them before will then fall down and worship them no Man ever has lost the esteem he had got with the People for being turn'd out at Court it being a great mistake that any Man will be lessen'd in the Opinion of the Nation by being turn'd out of his Imployment either because he gave bold Advice or would not comply against his Judgment or else by quitting of his place rather than by staying to give a countenance to other Mens proceedings for in such Cases the King suffers more in the good Opinion of the People than the Person whom he dismiss'd from his Service and in what a miserable condition is that King who has lost the hearts of his People for nothing on Earth can repair it or be an equivalent and how shall he recover their affections when honest Men are fled from him and none are left near him but such as whose interest it is to keep him at a distance from his People And though he may return to a right mind and pretend and promise never so fair yet the Nation and every honest and wise Man will be Jealous that every advance he makes is only a Masque or Disguise that he puts on and not that his heart is right in the matter Now when ill Men are imploy'd and advanced as well as others The pretence is either because of their great abilities or usefulness or else that in point of Policy it is convenient to make use of all men without distinction for this indulgence will allay heats and put an end to differences and unite all into the same interest whereas if any are left out they are thereby cut off from the Common Interest and only those sort of Men can be depended on who are thus favoured and imploy'd This will not bear so much weight as at first sight it seems to carry Ability or fitness is the first step to preferment and that is a happy Government that considers it in Persons before they are imploy'd but let Men be never so able yet if they are defective in integrity the unum necessarium is wanting for a Man of Ability without Honesty is like a Ship without ballast he cannot move steddily every little wind of advantage carries him to and fro backwards and forwards and he never sticks at any point longer than he can serve himself by it If there can ever be a necessity of making use of an ill Man it must be because his knowledge transcends the rest of Mankind or else because another wise Man cannot be found but England was never yet so barren of able men that there was a necessity of imploying Knaves or Men obnoxious when ever the Nation falls under such Circumstances it is then visited with a sore Judgment To make use of Knaves is ever a remedy worse than the Disease seldom any good but frequently a great deal of mischief ensues upon it and the Ability of any Person if he be a Knave is rather an Argument to avoid than imploy him because by how much the more able he is by so much is he capable of doing the greater mischief To allay heats and animosities to put an end to future differences and to unite all Parties is an excellent design and a great happyness if it could be effected But withall care is to be taken that whilest one storm is laying a greater is not thereby raised and whilest in the conjuring down of one Devil it does not raise two and in the making up of Divisions worser are created thereby and by gaining one Enemy Twenty Friends are lost and nothing seems to lead so directly to it as equally and without distinction to imploy men of all sorts and Opinions and there is another Method that will give less cause of discontent to any Party For it will be agreed That to pardon a Criminal is as great an act of goodness as to reward the good Service of another Person If all have equal Right and speedy Justice impartially be done to every Man this must be confessed to be a Righteous Government and if it be not too extream to mark what is done amiss nor too strickt to measure every Offender a Peck out of his own Sack nor too rigidly to judge every Man according to his own Law this must be allow'd to be a merciful Government and if at the same time the King bestows his favours and imployments only on such as best deserve them where is the injustice or partiality of this proceeding or who can justly take offence at any part of it And therefore when a King does equally and without distinction bestow his Favours and Imployments on all Interests and Parties there ought to be three things in the case First That all Parties are equal Secondly That he cannot depend upon one more than another Thirdly That his Obligations to all Parties are equal Every one of which is very strange when it is so but much more wonderful will it be when they all happen together For as to the first It is not easie to imagine that all Parties will ever be so equal so as that no one will be bigger than any of the rest no more than it can be supposed that all Men will ever have an equal measure of understanding uninterrupted experience proves that it never was so and there is nothing to induce us to believe that it ever will be so For so long as there are either Fools or Knaves there will be difference in the size and strength of Parties and there will be Fools and Knaves till Christs Kingdom comes â—â—s to the second it may be said That it will be a very extraordinary juncture whenever it happens that the King cannot depend upon one Party more than upon another since the reason of it will be this because the Principles of every party will be equally dangerous or advantagious to the King or equally different or agreeable to his this is a remote supposition and cannot be expected on this side the Grave and therefore it will follow that he cannot have a like confidence of all Parties but must depend upon some more than upon others and this dependance will naturally fix it self either on them whose Principle it is to support the common good or else on such as are more disposed to comply with
into Order and frâ— maintaining the Laws and supporting the Government Arbitary Doctrine never did any King good but has ruined many it shook King Charles the seconds Throne and tumbled down his next Successour and tho' such Kings are left without excuse when ruined yet I may say they only are not in fault for their Overthrow is in a great part occasioned by those who Preach up and advise the King to Arbitrary Power Did not other People cocker up and cherish Arbitrary Notions in the Peoples mind tho' such conceptions might sometimes get into his head yet they would never Fructify and come to Perfection if they were not Cultivated by Parasites who make their Court that way in hopes to make themselves great tho' with the hazard of their Masters Crown As it befell K. James whose Male-Administration rendred him unmeet to sway the Scepter and I am very well satisfyed that his Judgment was just for unless a People are decreed to be miserable which God Almighty will never do except thereto provoked by their Sins certainly he will never so tye up their hands that they shall not be allow'd to use them when they have no other way to help themselves Several Artifices were made use of in the two late Reigns for the introducing Arbitrary Power One of which was to insinuate into the minds of the People That the Succession of the Crown was the chief Pillar of the Government and that the breaking into it upon any pretence whatsoever was no less than a Dissolution of the whole Constitution and nothing but Disorder and Confusion would ensue This Doctrine prevailed with many and obtained no less than if the Crown had been settled in that Family by an Ordinance or Decree dropt from Heaven and that every one of that Line or Race had been distinguisht from the rest of mankind by more than ordinary Virtues and Indowments of Mind and Body But we know not of any such Divine Revelation and happy had it been if that Family had been so signal for its Justice and Piety we might then have prayed that there might not want one of them to sit upon the Throne to all Ages How much this Nation is obliged to that Family we very well Remember for the Wounds they gave us are not yet healed Election was certainly the Original of Succession for as the Living more safely and with the freer enjoyment of their Goods was the Original Cause that people Associated themselves into a Nation or Kingdom so for the better attaining that End did they set over themselves the best and Wisest of their Brethren to be their Rulers and Governours and this Administration was trusted in one or more hands according to the temper and Disposition of the People in which Authority they continued either for their Lives or for one Year or some other stated Period of time Where the Government was under a King he usually held it for Life and then upon his decease the People proceeded to a new Election till at last it fell into the hand of some very excellent Person who having more than Ordinarily deserved of his Country they as well in Gratitude to him as believing they could not expect a better Choice than in the Branches that would grow out of so excellent a Stock entailed that Dignity upon him and his Posterity This seems to be the most natural and Lawful rise of Succession I don't deny but some Successions have arisen from force but that was never lasting for that could not subsist or seem lawful longer than there was a force to support it Now those that come to the Crown by the first way of Succession I mean by the consent and approbations of the People does it not plainly imply that they ought to use that power for the good and advantage of their Subjects and not to their hurt and enjoy their Crown only upon that condition no man would ever suffer a Monster to inherit his Estate and Kings are no more exempted from the Accidents of Nature than their meanest Subjects and it is every days practice in private Families to exclude those that will waste their Estate and ruine the Family and if the Reason will there hold good then it is so much stronger in the descent of the Crown by how much the good of a whole Kingdom is to be preferred to that of one private Family Succession is not so very ancient in England as some People may apprehend till the time of William Primus commonly called the Conqueror it was lookt upon as a very precarious Title The next in Succession could reckon very little upon the Crown further than his good Inclinations and Sufficiency to Sway the Scepter did recommend him it being then very common not only to break into the Succession but even to set aside all that Family and Line when ever it was found that the Publick might suffer by their being at the head of the Government the Publick Good being the only Rule and Consideration that Govern'd that point William Primus upon his Death-bed declared that he did not possess the Crown by an Hereditary Right Heary Primus in his Charter acknowleged to hold his Crown by the Mercy of God and the Common Council K. Stephen Henry 2d Rich. Primus and King John all came in by Election so that till Henry 3d. there is scarcely to be found any Precedent of Succession since his time the Succession has been broke into several times and the Crown shifted from one Family to another by Act of Parliament and being so transferred by that Authority is the greatest Proof that can be that Succession is a very feeble Title without something else to support it and I think I may say Defective For says one of great Authority Never did any take pains to obtain an Act of Parliament to settle his Inheritance on his Heirs except he were an Alien or Illegitimate and therefore considering That by vertue of an Intail of the Crown by Act of Parliament in Henry the Sevenths time it is that the four last Kings have swayed this Scepter I could never understand that Divine Right that was by some stampt upon their Title to the Crown or that the Succession was preferrable to the Publick Good I have endeavoured to explain this point the more by reason that some object against the sufficiency of This Kings Title to the Crown because the Succession was broke through to let him into the Throne as if nothing could give a King a good Title to the Crown but Succession For my part I never saw any reason to be of that Opinion and if there be nothing but the Interruption of the Succession to object to this Kings Right if he continue to govern according to the Principle upon which the Crown was given him and according to the laudable Customs of the Realm I think that every man that wishes well to the Interest of his Country ought to bless God for this Revolution