Those Remedies are most rightfully and deservedly provided against such as are either terrified by Compulsion or inforc'd by Fear to do what is prejudicial to themselves But 't is otherwise If a guilty Conscience creates a Fear to it self out of an Expectation of a deserved Punishment to avoid which he assents to some certain Conditions This Fear carries with it no just Cause to rescind publick Acts for otherwise the wickeder a Person is so much the easier Retreat he might have to the Sanctuary of the Law and then the Remedies found out for the Relief of the Innocent would be transferred to indemnify the Nocent And the Laws themselves the Avengers of Wrongs would not be a Refuge to good Men when vex'd by the Improbity of the Bad but an unjust Shelter to the Evil when they fear deserv'd Punishment But that Fear let it be what it will wherein hath it made the Condition of the Queen the worse The Title of Kingly Dignity and the Power of Government was long since taken from Her by Parliament and being reduc'd to her Privacy she liv'd a precarious Life upon the account of the Peoples Mercy not her own Innocency When therefore she was put by the Kingdom what did she lose by her fear Her Dominion was ended before she only cast away the empty Name of Ruler and that which might lawfully have been extorted from her against her Will she parted with of her own accord and so redeem'd the residue of her Life the Sentiment of her Infamy the perpetual Fear of imminent Death which is worse than Death it self only by the laying down the Shadow of a mere Title and Name And therefore I wonder that on this Head no Body discovers the Prevarication of the Queen's Delegates and of her Embassadors For they who desire That what was done in Prison by the Queen may be undone ask this also That she may be restor'd to that Place from which she complains she was ejected through Fear And what is that Place to which they so earnestly desire she should be restor'd She was remov'd from governing the Kingdom before all publick Administration was taken away from her and she was left to the Punishment of the Law Now these goodly Advocates forsooth would have her restor'd to that Place as to plead for her self in a Cause which is as manifest as 't is foul and detestable or rather it being already prov'd that she should suffer just Punishment for the same And whereas now she injoys some ease in the Compassion of her Kindred and in so foul an Offence is not in any of the worst Cases they would again cast her into the tempestuous Hurry of a new Judgment She having no better hope of her Safety than she can gather from the Condemnation of so many former Kings who have been called before Judges to answer for themselves But because our Adversaries do seditiously boast to trouble the Minds of the simpler Sort That the Majesty of good Kings is impair'd and their Authority almost vilifi'd if Tyrants be punish'd let us see what Weight there is in this Pretence We may rather contrarily judge That there is nothing more honourable for the Societies and Assemblies of the Good than if they are freed from the Contagion of the Bad. Who ever thought that the Senate of Rome incurr'd any Guilt by the Punishment of Lentulus Cethegus or Catiline And Valerius Asiaticus when the Souldiers Mutined for the Slaughter of Caligula and cry'd out to know Who was the Author of so audacious a Fact He answer'd from an high and lofty Place where he stood I wish I could truely say I did it So much Majesty there was in that free Speech of one private Man That the wild common Souldiers were presently dissipated and quieted thereby When Iunius Brutus overthrew the Conspiracy made for bringing back Kings into the City he did not think that his Family was stained by a nefarious Slaughter but that by the Blood of his Children the stain was rather wiped away from the Roman Nobility Did the Imprisonment of Christiern of Denmark detract any thing from the Commendation of Christiern the next King What hindred but that he might have been accounted the best of Kings in his time For a noble Mind that is supported by his own Virtue doth neither increase by the Glory nor is lessened by the Infamy of another But to let these things pass let us return to the Proof of the Crime I think we have abundantly satisfi'd the Queen's Request her desire was That we should shew her such strengthning and convincing Proofs for what we have done that she might be satisfied in the justness of our Cause and also be able to inform Others who desir'd to hear what we could say for our Selves As for the King's Murder the Author the Method and the Causes thereof have been so fully declar'd by the Earl of Murray and his Fellows in that Embassy that they must needs be clear to the exact Judgments of the Queen and those Others delegated by her to hear that Affair As for what is objected to us as blame-worthy after that time we have shewn That 't is consentaneous to the Divine Law and also to the Law of Nature which too is in a sort Divine Moreover 't is consonant to our own Country-Laws and Customs Neither is it different from the Usage of other Nations who have the Face of any Good and just Government amongst them Seeing then that our Cause is justifi'd by all the Interpreters of Divine and Human Laws seeing the Examples of so many Ages the Judgments of so many People and the Punishments of Tyrants do confirm it we see no such Novelty not to say Injustice in our Cause but that the Queen her self might readily subscribe to it yea and persuade others that in this Matter they should be no otherwise opinionated of us but that we have carried our Selves like good Subjects and Christians too These were the Allegations which we thought fit to make to justify our Cause which we committed to writing and read them the last day of February before those grave and learned Persons whom the Queen had appointed to confer with us on this Subject and the next Day which was March the first We again went in the Morning to Court to learn how she relish'd our Answer and what Judgment she made of the whole Cause but because she that Day was going to her Country-House called Greenwich about three Miles below London we had no Opportunity to speak with her What was Next to that we went to the Chief of the Council who at first were appointed to hear and transact with us They told us That the Queen though she had very little spare time in regard of the Journy and other Business yet had read our Memorial But she was not yet so fully persuaded that our Cause was so just that She could approve it without Scruple and therefore she desired us
the whole Force of Nature and the everlasting Constitution of God himself Will you understand how these Flatterers do not speak what they cordially mean In a publick Assembly to give a Vote to be President in a Court of Law to enact or abrogate a Law These are Great Things in themselves yet they are but a small Portion of the Government Why do they not bring their Wives hither to us to consult Why do not these also preside in Judicatures Why do they not persuade or dissuade Laws Why do not they themselves look after their Domestick Affairs at home And Why do they not send their Wives abroad to the War But if they would impose Those Regents upon us whom they themselves dare scarcely trust in the Management of their own Houshold Affairs much less think them fit for the least Part of any Publick Business Consider I pray how they contradict themselves but if they themselves are conscious of their own Infirmity if they speak as they think and so are restrain'd by Modesty rather than Judgment yet let them hope well of others who both can and will perform their own i. e. the Services proper for Men But if as I rather judge They think by this kind of Complyance to gratify the Queen I advise and admonish them to lay aside that false Opinion of a Princess of so great Prudence as she is nor that they would believe her to be so ignorant of Things as to account That to be an Increase and Accession of Dignity to her which would be the foulest thing imaginable in other Women I enter upon this Part of my Discourse very unwillingly For seeing our Noble Princess hath so well deserved of the whole Kingdom that it is fit she should hear nothing which might justly offend her Ears and Spirit I will not mention those things which ill Men do commonly allege in contemning and undervaluing of that Sex I shall rather insist on those Virtues which are proper to the Queen And tho' these are Many and eminently Illustrious yet none of them have procur'd greater Praise and Commendation to her than her Modesty For That is esteemed so proper to her Sex that even in a private person it doth either cover or at least much extenuate other Faults But in our Princess none of whose Words or Deeds in regard of the Eminency of her Stock and Condition can be concealed it doth shine out so illustriously that her other Virtues come much more acceptable and commended upon the Account thereof And therefore I shall need to say but a few words in reference to her save only to warn and encourage her to persist in That way to Glory and Honour which she hath already entred upon and that she would not give Ear to the Flatteries of any so as to be forgetful of Her self but that she would rather tread the sure and experienced way to immortal Renown than by running on unsafe and craggy Precipices to hazard the Splendor of her former glorious Life But my great Business is with you My Lords who either out of Envy are afraid that your Betters should be preferr'd before you or else by wicked Ambition do lay the Foundation of your future Favour with a good Princess I will therefore most Noble Queen under the shelter of your Prudence speak and speak freely my Thoughts in this case Such Persons do not Accost or Court You but your Fortune And whilst they think upon the Queen they forget that the same Person is a Woman When I name the Word Woman I do not use it reproachfully but I mean a Person to whom Nature hath given many Blandishments and eminent Endowments but withal hath mingled them as She usually doth in the most beautiful and preciousest things with some allay of Infirmity and therefore would have her to be under the Guardianship of Another as not sufficiently able to protect Herself So that She is so far from having an Empire over others allotted to her That the Laws in Imitation of Nature do Command Women to be under the perpetual Tutelage of their Parents Brothers or Husbands Neither doth this tend to their Reproach but is a Relief to their Frailty For that it keeps them off from those Affairs for which they are unfit it is a Courtesie which consults or makes Provision for their Modesty not a Scandal detracting from their Honour I will not call to remembrance how difficultly they are restrained by the Diligence of Husbands and the Authority of Parents neither will I mention how far the Licentiousness of some Women hath proceeded when the Reins have been loosed on their Necks I shall confine my Speech only to what the present Case offers yea what it doth exact and require and which without Damage to the Publick cannot be concealed If there be any thing of private Inconvenience in the Sex let their Husbands and Kin lock to that I shall only briefly touch what may be Publickly prejudicial Greatness of Mind was never required in this Sex it is true Women have other proper Virtues but as for This it was always reckoned amongst Virile not Female Endowments besides by how much the more they are obnoxious to Commotions Passions and other efforts of Mind by reason of the Imbecillity of their Nature by so much doth their Extravagancy having once broke thro' the restraints of the Law straggle further away and is hardly ever reduced and brought back again within its due Bounds in regard Women are alike impatient both of Diseases and Remedies too But if any of them seem more valiant and couragious they are so much the more dangerous as being lyable to more impetuous and vehement Passions For they who out of tediousness of their Sex have put off the Woman are very willing to extend their Liberty even beyond the Precincts of Manly Cares too If you once exceed and pass over the Mound and Limits set by Nature whatsoever is beyond is infinite and there is no Boundary left either for Desire or Action Moreover there is a further Accession to this Infirmity of Nature by how much the less Confidence one hath in himself so much the more easily he interprets the Words and Actions of others to his own Reproach he is more vehemently Angry and more hardly appeased Such a Party doth also execute Revenge more immoderately and doth punish his Despisers with greater Hate Now that all those things are unfit for yea contrary to Magistracy there is none of you are ignorant of And if any Man think that I devise these things of my own Head let him consider What great Disturbances there were not long ago when Ioan of Naples Reigned Look over the Histories of Ancient Times I will not mention Semiramis of Assyria nor Laodice of Cappadocia Those were Monsters not Women I shall only mention That Zenobia Palmirena so much spoken of the subduer of the Parthians and Defender of the Roman Empire was at last Overcome Taken and
he then propound the Queen's Judgment concerning the Right of Succession but his Own and had brought Reasons to inforce it but as for the Confirmation of the League by her Husband 't was inforc'd from the Queen of Scots without the consent of Those whom the ratifying or disanulling thereof did much concern neither was it a thing of such Consequence as therefore to exclude Her and her Posterity from the Inheritance of England I do not inquire said he by Whom When How by What Authority and for What Reason that League was made seeing I had no Command to speak of any such Matter But this I dare affirm That though 't were confirm'd by Her in compliance with her Husband's desire yet so great a stress depending on it his Queen in time would find out some Reason or other why it should and ought to be dissolv'd I speak not this said he in the Name of the Queen but my intent is to shew that our Nobility have cause for what they do that so all Controversies being pluckt up by the Roots a firm and sure Peace may be establisht betwixt us After much discourse Pro and Con about the League the Queen was brought to this That Embassadors should be chosen on both sides to review it and to regulate it according to this Form That the Queen of Scots should abstain from using the Arms of England and from the Titles of England and Ireland as long as the Queen of England or any of her Children were alive On the other side the Queen of England was to do nothing neither by her Self nor her Posterity which might prejudice the Queen of Scots or impair her Right of Succession These were the Affairs transacted in this Embassy which while they were treated of abroad in order to settle Peace Sedition had almost broke out at home There was Mass allow'd to the Queen and her Family as I said before concerning which when the Edict was publish'd there was one of the Nobility which oppos'd it viz. the Earl of Arran the Queen being much offended thereat tho she dissembled her Anger The next offence was against the Edinburgers they use ordinarily to chuse their Magistrates September 29 at that time Archibald Douglas the Sheriff according to Custom Proclaim'd That no Adulterer Fornicator Drunkard Mass-Monger yea or obstinate Papists after the First of September should stay in the Town great Penalties being denounc'd against the Disobeyers thereof When the Queen was inform'd hereof she committed the Magistrates to Prison without hearing them and commanded the Citizens to chuse new Magistrates injoining them to set the Gates open to all her good Subjects not without the secret Indignation and Laughter of some that Flagitious Persons should be accounted such good Subjects and her most faithful Ministers and Servants The Queen finding that the Citizens took this Matter more patiently than she expected by degrees attempted greater Matters Her Mass was before but privately celebrated without any great Solemnity but on the 1 st of October she added all the gaudry of Popish Offices to it The Reform'd Ministers of the Gospel took this very grievously and complain'd much of it in their Pulpits putting the Nobility in mind of their Duty Hereupon a Dispute was agitated betwixt a Few in a private House Whether 't were lawful to restrain Idolatry which was likely to spread and ruin all or Whether they might by Force reduce the chief Magistrate to the Bounds of the Law who set no limits to his own Arbitrariness The Reform'd Ministers persisted constantly in their Opinion which had been approv'd in former times That a Magistrate might be compell'd by Force to do his Duty The Nobles were more unstedfast in their Resolutions either to curry favour with the Queen or out of hopes of Honour and Reward yet 't was decreed for Them being Superior in Number and Greatness In the mean time the Court was drown'd in Vice and loos'd the Reins to all Luxury neither was it awakened by the News of the Moss-Troops inhabiting the English Borders who as if by permission did freely plunder and kill'd all that oppos'd them Iames the Queen's Brother was sent with a delegated Power to suppress them not so much as many thought to honour him as to expose him to danger For as his Power was distasteful to the Queen so his innocent Carriage was more offensive in reproving her for her Faults and stopping her Carreer to Tyranny But God beyond all Mens hope prosper'd his just endeavours he hang'd 28 of the Robbers the rest he suppress'd either by the sole Terror of his Name or else by making them give Hostages for their good Behaviour The Queen seem'd to her Self to have got some Liberty by his Absence for she was not well pleas'd with the present state of Things partly by reason of the Controversies in Religion and partly because Matters were manag'd more strictly than a young Woman who had been educated in the corruptest of all Courts as interpreting lawful Domination to be unseemly for Princes as if the Slavery of others was their Liberty could well endure so that sometimes she was heard to speak some high discontented Words yea the Foundation of Tyranny seem'd to be laid for whereas all former Kings intrusted their Safety only to the Nobility she determin'd to have a Guard for her Body but could find no pretence to bring it about neither could she give any reasonable colour for her desire but only vain courtly Magnificence and the Usage of foreign Princes The Deportment of her Brother the more unblameable it was troubled her the more in regard it cut off any opportunity to feign Crimes or fasten Suspicions on him as also because she knew he would not endure her loose living besides the People were so affected that they would take a Guard for her Body as a manifest Omen of Tyranny whereupon her restless Mind determining by any means whatsoever to effect what she had once resolv'd upon devis'd this Stratagem She had a Brother nam'd Iohn an ambitious Man and not so strictly conversationed as Iames was he was easily persuaded to be obsequious to the Queen and thereupon was dearer to Her as a fitter Instrument to raise Tumults She communicates her Design to him in the absence of Iames about raising a Guard The Plot was laid thus There was a noise of a Tumult to be bruited abroad in the Night as if Iames Hamilton Earl of Arran would have surpriz'd the Queen who had but a few Men to guard Her and so have carried her to his Castle 14 Miles off This story they thought would take with the Vulgar both because the Queen was averse from him and he extreamly in Love with Her both which were publickly known This Tumult was made as the Plot was and Horsemen scouted about the Neighbour-fields a good part of the Night and in the Morning a Guard was set at the Court-gate some fretting others smiling thereat The
the Power of her Kinswoman by this condescending Marriage that it might not swell beyond what was safe and fit for Neighbours But when all was concluded on there fell out a Business which retarded all and turn'd every thing as it were upside down to make it plain I must fetch the Original Story a little higher There was one David Rize born at Turein in Savoy his Father being honest but poor got a mean Livelihood for himself and Family by teaching the Elements of Musick and having no other Patrimony to leave his Children he made them all of both Sexes skilful Musicians David was one of them who being in the prime of his Youth and having a sweet Voice was by his Skill in Musick erected to the hope of a better Fortune he went to Nice to the Court of the Duke of Savoy which Place that Duke had newly obtained but meeting with no Entertainment there answerable to his hopes contriving every way how to relieve himself in his Penury he light upon Morettius who by the Dukes Command was then preparing for a Voyage to Scotland him he followed into Scotland but Morettius being a Man of no great Estate and looking upon his Service as unnecessary and useless he resolved to stay in Scotland and try his Fortune there especially because he had heard that the Queen was delighted in Musick and was not ignorant of the Grounds of it her self Whereupon to make way to her Presence he first dealt with her Musicians of which many were French to admit him into their Society which they did and having plaid his part once or twice was lik'd very well whereupon he was made one of their Set and Company and he so complied with the Queen's Humour that partly by flattering her and partly by undermining others he grew into high Favour with her and into the extream Hate of his Fellows neither was he content with this favourable blast of Fortune but he despised his Equals too and by sundry Criminations worm'd them out of their Places then he rose higher and began to treat about Matters of State and by degrees was made Secretary and by that means had opportunity of private Converse with the Queen apart from others The sudden advance of this Man from a low and almost beggerly Estate to such a Power Wealth and Dignity afforded Matter of Discourse to the People His Fortune was above his Virtue and his Arrogance Contempt of his Equals and Contention with his Superiours were above his Fortune This Vanity and Madness of the Man was much increas'd and nourish'd by the Flattery of the Nobility who sought his Friendship courted him admir'd his Judgment walk'd before his Lodgings observing his Ingress and Egress But Murray alone who had no Dissimulation in his Heart was so far from fauning on him that he gave him many a sour look which troubled the Queen as much as David himself But he on the other side to uphold himself in his Station against the Hatred of the Nobles did apply himself with great Adulation to the young Gentleman who was to be the Queen's Husband so that he came to be so familiar with him as to be admitted to his Chamber and Bed-side and to secret Conference with him where he persuaded him out of his unwary Credulity and Forwardness to compass his Desires that he was the chief occasion to make the Queen to cast her Eye upon him Besides he cast in Seeds of Discord betwixt him and Murray every day as knowing that if he were removed he should pass the residue of his Life without Affront or Disturbance There was now much talk abroad not only of the Queen's Marriage with Henry and his secret recourse to her but also of the too great Familiarity betwixt her and David Rize Murray who by his plain downright advice to his Sister got nothing but her Hatred resolved to leave the Court that so he might not be thought the Author of what was acted there And the Queen was willing enough that so severe a Supervisor of her Actions should withdraw especially in a Season whilst she was strengthning the contrary Faction For she recall'd those which were banish'd Bothwel from France George Gordon Earl of Sutherland from Flanders the other George Gordon Son to the Earl of Huntly she delivered out of Prison and restored to his former Place and Dignity When Bothwel was return'd from France Murray accuses him of the Treasonable Practices he had lately committed against him Some of those Noble-Men and Gentlemen who were his Familiars in France were Witnesses against him The Matter was clear foul and heinous A Day was appointed for the Trial but the Queen first dealt earnestly with her Brother to desist from the Prosecution which he refused judging his Credit to be much at stake which way soever the balance did incline in the Case What did the Queen do next but wrote Letters to many of the Nobility not to appear at the time appointed and as Alexander Earl of Glencarn Murrays intimate Friend was passing by Sterlin she sent for him out of the way to her yet all good Men were so well agreed in the Case that Bothwel being precondemn'd in his own Conscience and moved with the general detestation of the wicked Attempt durst not abide the Trial. This favour of the People to Murray did so inrage the Queen's Mind against him that she hastned his long before design'd End and the Manner to accomplish it was This Murray was to be sent for to Perth where the Queen was with a few Attendants there Darnly was to discourse him and in the Conference they all knew he would speak his mind freely and then a Quarrel would arise upon which David Rize was to give him the first blow then the rest were to Wound him to Death Murray was made acquainted with this Conspiracy by his Friends at Court yet come what would he resolved to go but as he was on his Journy being again advis'd by Patrick Ruven he turned aside to his Mother's house near Loch Levin and being troubled with a Lask excused himself and staid there Thither some of his Friends came to visit him upon which a Report was presently spread that he staid there to intercept the Queen and Darnly in their Return to Edinburgh whereupon Horsemen were sent out but they discovered no Men in Arms or sign of any Force yet the Queen made such haste and was so fearful in this Journy as if some great Danger had been at hand The Marriage was now at hand and a great part of the Nobility call'd together at Sterlin That so the Queen might countenance her Will and Pleasure with some pretence of Publick Consent Most of those they sent for were such as they knew would easily give their Assent or else that durst not oppose Many of those so congregated assented to the Motion Provided always that no Alteration should be made in the then establish'd Religion but
out Horse several ways to forbid the Execution The second Squadron of the Royalists stood so long till they saw the Enemy scattering and flying in a disorderly manner then they also brake their Ranks and pursued The Queen stood about a Mile from the Place to behold the Fight and after the Discomfiture fled with some Horsemen of her Party who had escap'd out of the Battel toward England the rest ran away as they could each to his own home There were but few slain in the Field but more fell in the Pursuit being wearied and wounded all along the High-ways and Fields The Number of the Slain was about 300 but there were more taken Prisoners Of the King's Forces there were not many wounded of the chief Commanders none but Alexander Hume and Andrew Stuart only one Man was slain the rest of the Army besides a few Horse-men who followed the Pursuit very far returned joyfully into the Town where after giving Thanks to Almighty God for prospering their just Cause against a double Number of their Enemies and for giving them in a manner an unbloody Victory mutually gratulating one another they went to Dinner This Battel was fought May the 13 th eleven Days after the Queen's Escape out of Prison The French Embassador expected the Event of the Fight and promis'd himself a sure Victory on the Queen's side but being thus disappointed of his Hope he put off his Vizard and without taking his Leave of the Regent to whom he pretended he was sent got a Party of Horse to guide him and with what Speed he could made for England In the way he was robb'd by Moss-Troopers but Iames Douglas Laird of Drumlanerick though he knew he was of the Enemies Party yet deferr'd so much to the Honour and Name of an Embassador that he caus'd his Goods to be restored to him The Regent spent the rest of the Day of Battel in taking a List of the Prisoners some he discharged gratis others upon Sureties the chief Commanders were retained especially of the Hamilton's Family and sent to Prison The Day after knowing how much that Sept was envied in the Neighbourhood he took only 500 Horse commanding the rest of the Army to abide in their Quarters and went into the Vale of Clydisdale where he found all Places naked and desolate the Inhabitants being run away as rather conscious to themselves what they had deserved than confiding in the Regents Clemency of which yet they had Experience before he took in the Castles of Hamilton and Draffin which were naked Places only in Hamilton-Castle some of the Houshold-Stuff of King Iames the 5 th was found The same Fear and Terror drove the Queen into England too either because she thought no Place in that Part of Scotland safe enough for her or else because she durst not trust Iohn Maxwel of Herreis When the Regent had setled all things as well as he could at present he summon'd an Assembly of the Estates to be held at Edinburgh in the Month of ..... The adverse Party plotted many Ways to hinder it Rumors were spread abroad of Aid from France neither were they altogether without Ground For some Troops were drawn down to the Sea-side under the Command of the Earl of Martigues a stout Man of the Luxemburgh's Family to be transported with all Speed into Scotland and they had been so unless the Civil Wars had on a sudden broke forth in France But that Assistance would not have been so prejudicial to the Regent as his Enemies thought for it would have alienated England from them and engaged It to him Moreover Argyle with 600 of his Clanship came to Glasgow there he had a Conference with the Hamiltonians and other Leaders of the Faction to hinder the Convention but finding no way to do it they went every Man severally home Huntly also had gathered together a thousand Foot against the Day of the Parliaments Sitting he came as far as Perth and there perceiving that the Fords of the River Tay were guarded by William Ruven and the Neighbouring Nobility who remained Loyal to the King he retired without doing any thing to Purpose About the same time there came also Letters from the Queen of England obtained by the Intercession of the adverse Party to the Regent to put off the Parliament she desired that Judgment might not be hastned concerning the Rebels till she were made acquainted with the whole Cause for she could not well bear the Injury and Affront which the Queen her Neighbour and near Kinswoman did pretend she had received from her Subjects Tho the Request was but small in it self yet if it should have been granted at the Instance of the Rebels they might have thought to have carried all either because such a Trifling and Delay seem'd to hearten them and weaken their Enemy especially seeing it might argue a Fear in the Royalists and also that they in the mean time resolv'd to Indict a Convention in the Name of the Queen But the Regent being sensible of what great Consequence it was to have the Parliament to sit yea though all the Force of the Enemy had combin'd against it resolved to keep his Day In that Parliament there was a great Debate Whether all those who had took Arms against the King and afterward had not obtained their Pardon should be condemn'd as Traitors and have their Goods confiscate But William Maitland who favoured the Rebels but covertly obtained that only a few of them should be condemn'd at present as a Terror to the rest and a Door of Clemency should be opened to others if they repented That Procedure did wonderfully incourage the Conspirators and increas'd their Obstinacy in regard they saw their Punishment was deferr'd and they were verily persuaded that the Queen of England being their Queen's Neighbour and Kinswoman nor the Guises who then were very powerful in the French Court nor the French King himself would suffer such an Encroachment to be made on the Royal Authority yea if they should be deserted by them yet they were not so weak of themselves as not to be able to maintain their Cause without foreign Aid as being superior in Number and Power so that nothing was wanting to the Victory but the empty Shadow of the Royal Name which was said they usurped by Force In the mean time the Regent minded only the publick Peace some of the Neighbouring Offenders he fined in small Sums and so took them into Favour the Earl of Rothes by his Friends Intercession was banish'd for three Years as for the rest he daily by Correspondents solicited them to repent and come in but perceiving That many of them were obstinate and inclined to Revenge he levied an Army and march'd into Annandale Niddisdale and lower Galway where he took some Castles and put Garisons into them others whose Owners were more refractary he demolish'd and in a short time he would have ran over the whole Country unless
Letters from the Queen of England had interrupted the course of his Victories She was persuaded by the Exiles That the Queen of Scots had receiv'd much Wrong That her ill-affected Subjects had laid unjust Imputations on her and That she would not suffer the Royal Name to grow so cheap or Majesty to be so contumeliously used as to be exposed to the Wills of seditious Persons That the Wrong of this great Wickedness redounded only to One but the Example to All and therefore she desired they would apply some speedy Remedy that the Contagion of dethroning Princes might not spread further Having made a great Harangue in her Letters to this purpose against the Avengers of the King's Murder she desired of the Regent That he would send Commissioners to her to inform her in the State of the whole Matter and to make Answer to those either Crimes or Reproaches which were cast upon and alleged against himself This Demand seemed very grievous and offensive That things already judg'd should be called again in Question to a new and hazardous Trial and that before foreign Princes who are oft-times emulous if not Enemies and their Minds already prepossess'd by Adversaries yea for a Man as it were to plead for his own Life before a foreign Judicature though the Case was dangerous and hard yet many Arguments induc'd him to accept of the Proposal though never so unequal Abroad the Cardinal of Lorrain the Queen's Uncle rulâ—d all in France and at home a great part of the Nobility conspired in behalf of the Queen and if the Queen of England were disobliged too then he should have no Force to withstand so great Difficulties Being thus resolved to send Embassadors he could not tell Whom to pitch upon The chief Nobles declining the Employment At last the Regent himself resolved to go and chuse Companions to accompany him amongst whom was William Maitland though much against his Will but the Regent knowing him to be a factious Man and inclinable to the Queen's Party did not think it safe to leave him behind whilst things were in such a doubtful Posture at home and therefore he persuaded him by great Promises and Rewards to accompany him not doubting but to overcome his avaritious Mind with Largesses and Gifts the rest went willingly along The chief were Iames Douglas and Patrick Lindsy of the Nobles of the Clergy the Bishop of the Orcades and the Abbat of Dumfermlin of Lawyers Iames Macgil and Henry Balnavey to whom he added a Ninth viz. George Buchanan Though these difficult Circumstances did attend him yet Two things relieved his Thoughts One was the Equity of his Cause the Other the last Letters he received from the Queen of England gave him Assurance that if the Crimes objected against the Queen of Scots were true she held her unworthy to hold that Scepter any longer The Regent was a little heartned by those Letters and with above a 100 Horse in his Company he began his Journy though he had certain Intelligence brought him that the Earl of Westmorland at the Command of the Duke of Norfolk watch'd to intercept him before he got to York yet October 4. he came to York the Place appointed for the Conference and the same Day and almost hour Thomas Howard Duke of Norfolk entred the City also The reason why an Ambush was laid for the Regent was because the Duke by secret Correspondents was dealing with the Queen of Scots to marry her and therefore that the Suspicion of the King's Murder might be more easily taken away she resolved if the Regent were slain to return home and also to take and suppress the Letters she had wrote to Bothwel containing a manifest Discovery of the Plot but because the Duke was so near she could not so accomplish it as that he also might not be aspersed with the Infamy of so cruel a Murder and therefore the Plot was deferr'd till another time Besides Norfolk there were appointed Two other Commissioners by the Queen of England to determine the Controversies of the Scots the Earl of Sussex who inclined to Howard's Party as 't was commonly reported and Sir Ralph Sadler an indifferent and equal Person Within a few days there came Messengers from the Queen of Scots to complain of her disobedient Subjects and also to desire leave of the Queen of England to return home without Delay they had their Hearing apart from the Regent and his Attendants First they Protested that they came not before them as Judges that had a lawful Superiority over them then they made a long Harangue What Wrong the Queen had received from her Subjects and after desired of the Queen of England that either she would persuade her ungrateful Subjects to admit their Prince or if they refused then she would supply her with an Army to force them so to do After some few Hours the Regent was heard He stood upon the Equity of his Cause before indifferent Judges He pleaded that the Royalists had done nothing but according to the ancient Laws and Customs of their Nation and that in full Parliament ratified and approved and that he being a single Person with those few with him could not abrogate any thing which had been enacted by common Consent of all the Estates in Parliament But when the English Commissioners told them they could not be satisfied with those Statutes made at their Parliaments at home and now produced unless withal they produced the Reasons which moved the Nobles to such a severe Judgment against the Queen The Regent was unwilling as much avoiding to divulge the foul Offences of the Queen being his Sister also and that amongst Foreigners who were forward enough to hear them and therefore denied to do it unless upon these Terms That if he made good the Charge against the Queen that she killed her Husband then the Queen of England should stipulate and promise to defend the young King's Cause and take him as 't were into her Protection But when the English Embassadors told them that they had only a Commission to hear the Demands of both Sides and so to lay the whole Matter before the Queen The Regent again urg'd them to obtain such a Promise from their Queen or else that they themselves should get a Commission fully to decide the Controversy if they would do That he promised that unless he did evidently make it appear that the King was slain by his Wives Means he would not deprecate the Punishment due to the most heinous Offence The Commissioners wrote to the Queen to know her Mind herein who returned Answer That the Scots of the Royal Party should send one or more of their Number to her Court who might fully acquaint her with the Merits of their Cause and then she would consult what was fit for her to do Whereupon the Regent sent William Maitland on whom many sinister Opinions did daily arise and Iames Macgil not so much to be
the adverse Party urg'd That they saw no new Cause of such great haste 60 days was but a lawful time for Bothwel who was out of the Kingdom to appear within which time a new Commission might be sent Neither ought that Delay to seem long especially to her who had past over so great a Matter in Silence now two Years and now also she had sent Letters which were of themselves an Hindrance why those who were willing to gratify her could not comply with them but if she desired a Divorce 't was easy to be obtained let her but write to the King of Denmark desiring him to punish the Murderer of her former Husband if he were dead though they all were unwilling yet she might marry where and whom she pleased but if she refused This then 't was plain she spake not sincerely and from her Heart but made a counterfeit Pretence of Divorce that if she married again she might also live in a disputable and uncertain Matrimony even with her next Husband too And hereof there was a shrewd Suspicion because she desired such Judges to determine of the Divorce who had no Power in the Case For what Power could the Regent have over Exiles with whom he had nothing at all to do who unless they themselves pleased might refuse to stand to his Judgment or how should they submit to anothers Judgment who were under the Power and Dominion of other Princes but seeing that there seem'd to be some hidden Fraud in the Case a Decision was not to be hastily made but the Queen of England was to be acquainted therewith in whose Power it was either to promote or hinder it Hereupon a Young Nobleman of the Regent's Friends was sent to the Queen of England to acquaint her with the Acts of the Convention Some may perhaps wonder That seeing greater Matters were transacted with less Dispute there should be such ado made about the Divorce But this was the cause of it Howard had privately transacted by his Friends concerning his marrying the Queen of Scots and the Conspiracy was so strong both at home and abroad That 't was bruited among the Vulgar the Design was to take away both of the lawful Princes and so to seize on the two Kingdoms for themselves the Place Time and the Whole of the Design was so ordered that all things seem'd to be secure against any Force whatsoever The Conspirators did most insist on This To remove what might hinder the Marriage If that were done they seemed secure that all the rest should fall in of it self On the contrary They which were for the King made it their chief Business to cast in Rubbs to delay it for in the Interim many secret Designs might in time be discovered and the Conspiracy prevented by the Care of both Princes In this Posture of Affairs the Decree of the Scots Council was brought to the Queen of England but she alleging she was not satisfied with that Answer and the Messenger did not seem to her a fit Person with whom she might confer in so dangerous a time and about such weighty Matters desired to be better inform'd by the Scots of those Matters Whereupon there was another Assembly of the Nobility Indicted at Sterlin where they drew up this Answer That as for the last of her Requests it might admit a Consultation in order to an Agreement but the second was of that kind that no Consultation at all could be admitted on that Head without manifest Impiety in regard it would not only diminish but even extirpate the Royal Authority For besides that all Partnership in Supream Magistracy is dangerous how can Two be equally join'd in Government whereof One was a Youth scarce out of his Infancy the Other a Woman in the prime of her Age of a crafty Disposition having past through Variety of Fortunes who as soon as ever she can creep into Part of the Government will by the Strength of that Faction which though she was removed by a publick Decree from the Administration thereof do yet labour to introduce her not by Entreaties but Threats or else by corrupting the King's Enemies or lastly by foreign Souldiers whom she is now busy to procure soon derive the whole Authority to her self How will she indure that an Infant should be equall'd with her who would not be match'd even with her Husband Besides if she should marry some potent Man such a Matter being now on Foot her Strength would be doubled and her Husband as of Necessity he must be admitted into Part of the Government perhaps he would not willingly suffer that his Children should be prevented in the Succession by a Son-in-Law and then in what a Case would the Child be What if his Friends as all Men are inconstant should prefer a present Largess before their future Hope and so side with the strongest What can attend the Child being now thrust down into the second and anon into the third Place but utter Ruin As for other things they had rather leave them to her private Thoughts to meditate upon than to make a previous Conjecture What an angry Woman having Power in her Hands prompted by the Imperious Counsels of her Uncles having evidenc'd her Cruelty towards her Husband being also exasperated by her Banishment would attempt against a Child especially when stript of all Aid of Nature and Providence and exposed as a Sacrifice to her Rage And what Life would his Friends live by whom she thought she was so grievously wrong'd Besides what would the State of Religion be when she could vent that Rage which in former time her Fear had concealed especially if an Husband of known Arrogance should further excite her innate Cruelty How easily might his Friends be destroyed when the young King was slain or else how soon might the King be subverted when he had lost his Friends For these Reasons the Queen could not be assumed into a Part of the Government without evident Destruction to the King's Affairs Matters standing thus there was no need to speak any thing to the first Head of her Demands Robert Petcarn was sent to carry this Answer into England a Man of no less Prudence than Loyalty and he came to that Court in the very nick of time when the Conspiracy to kill the Queen and to seize on both Kingdoms was discovered and made known The Plot was so strongly laid That the Queen of England began to be afraid of her self and after she had imprisoned Howard in the Tower of London she durst not proceed to punish the Queen of Scots but was consulting to send her by Sea to the Regent of Scotland but when the Storm was a little over that Design did not hold In the mean time the Regent in regard the Power of the adverse Faction did mightily increase sends for William Maitland who was a great Incendiary to the Conspiracy from Perth to Sterlin he being conscious of his Guilt though he had
to revenge the Cardinal's Death 101 Lewis Isle 30 Many Whales taken there 32 Lewis XI espouses Margarite the King of Scots's Daughter 340 He lays the Foundation of Tyranny 434 Lewis de Galais Embassador from France to the Queen's Party 254 Liddisdale so called from the River Lidal 13 140 Liguria 11 Lilborn worsted by the Scots 306 Linga Isle 30 37 Lingaia Isle 39 Lindil Isle 29 Linlithgo 30 Lindsay's and Ogilby's Fight 373 The Lindsays prevail 374 Lismore Isle 25 Loch-Abyr 19 20 Loch-Aw 17 Loch-Brien 31 Loch-Earn ibid. Loch-Fin 17 Loch-Ger ibid. Loch-Long ibid. Loch-Lomund ibid. Loch-Loubrun 21 Loch-Louch 20 Loch-Maban 300 The Castle in it taken by the Scots 309 Loch-Ness 20 Whose Water never freezeth ibid. Loch-Ryan 14 Loch-Spey 140 Loch-Tee 20 Lochindores Castle 296 Locrine Son of Brute 42 Loegria an old Name for England ibid. Lollius Urbicus in Britain 113 London anciently called Augusta 89 Longay Isle 25 Lords of the Articles who 305 Lorn County 17 Lothian so called from Lothus King of the Picts 13 Lothus King of the Picts 13 He joins with the Scots against the Saxons 148 Complains that his Sons were deprived of the Kingdom of Britain ibid. He is commended ibid. Lox or Lossy River 20 Luctacus King of Scots a flagitious Person 111 He is slain ibid. Lud or Lloyd allows that by Prudania is meant Britain 2 He is refuted 71 72 73 77 78 79 80 Luing Isle 25 Lunga Isle 25 27 Luparia or Wolf Isle 25 Lupicianus in Britain 88 89 Luss River 14 Lusitania why Portugal so called as some say 47 Lust a Punishment to it self 186 Lutherans persecuted 63 67 91 Mackbeth's Son slain by Malcolm 215 Luxury accompanies Peace 143 M MAalmori Isle 26 Macalpine Laws 70 Macdonald rises in Arms but is overthrown and kils himself 207 208 Mackbeth King of Scots his Character 208 His Dream 210 211 He flies 214 Macdonald his cruel Fact to a Woman retaliated on himself 343 344 Macduff ill resents Mackbeth 212 He stirs up Malcolm against him ibid. Three Priviledges granted him by Malcolm 215 The first Earl of Fife 214 He complains against Baliol to Edward of England 250 Macklan executed by Douglas 384 Maenavia Isle 24 See Man Magistrates have Power over Mens Bodies but not over their Consciences 127 Magna or Megala Isle 29 Magnus his carousing Goblet â—4 Magnus King of Norwey seizes on the Islands 221 Makes Peace with the Scots 242 Magus Towns so ending 68 69 Maiatae who 26 Mainland see Pomona Main an English Commander against the Scots slain in Fight 3â—9 Main Son of Fergus 97 King of Scots 98 Makul a Criminal abstains from Food 236 Maldon not in Scotland 16 Maldwin King of Scots 160 A Plague in his Time over Europe ibid. He is strangled by his Wife 1â—â— Malgo a Britain ibid. Malcolm Fleming executed by the Douglasses 37â— Malcolm I. 18â— Sits in Courts of Iudgment himself ibid. He is slain ibid. Malcolm II. Competitor with Constantino for the Crown 197 Confirms the Law for Succession 2â—â— Overthrown by the Danes 2â—1 Afterwards overthrows them in several Battels 202 His Murderers drowned 2â—4 Malcolm III. brings in foreign Titles of Honour into Scotland 214 He recovers the Kingdom from Mackbeth ib. Quâ—ls Conspiracies made against him 215 217 His Vow to St. Andrew 218 He erects new Bishopricks and makes wholesome suâ—pâ—uary Laws ibid. Builds the Cathedrals of Durham and Dunfermling 219 Is slain by the English with his Son Edward ibid. His Queen and other Female Relations very pious 218 Malcolm IV. takes a Feâ—datary Oath to Henry of England 227 He accompanies him into France 229 Is despoiled by him of Part of his Patrimony in Englâ—nd ibid. Is persuaded by the Scots to marry but gives them a negative Answer 231 Man Isle its several Names 24 Marcelâ—inâ—â— quoted and corrected 56 Marble Stone on which the Scots Kings were crowned 171 Maâ—ble white Mountains of it in Sutherland 21 Marchetâ— Mulierum what the Scots call so 219 Margaritâ—â— or St. Margarite's Port 35 Margarite Creighton who 428 Margarite Queen of England delivers her Husband Edward by Force of Arms 397 She flies into Scotland and thence into France ibid. Margarite Sister to Edward of England Wife to Charles of Burgundy endeavours to raise Commotions in England 6 Margarite Daughter of Henry VII marries James IV. 14 The first Female Regent in Scotland 29 After her Husband's Death she marries Archibald Dougâ—as ibid. She flies with her Husband into England 34 But returns 37 Displeased with her Husband ibid. Persuades the Scots to break with the French 42 But opposed therein by the French Faction 43 Marianus Scotus 180 Mariners to offend them dangerous to Passengers 286 Marr and Mâ—arn Counties whence so called 19 170 Martha Countess of Carick falls in Love with Robert Bruce and marries him 247 Martiqâ—â—â— the Earl of it comes â—â—to Scotland with his 〈◊〉 148 Mary Wife of 〈◊〉 II. her manly Spirit 394 Mary of Guise Widow of the Duke of Longuevil marries James IV. 67 By degrees she dispossesseth the Regent 112 113 Takes upon her the Ensigns of the Government 113 114 Imposes new Taxes 117 Changes ancient Affability into Arrogance 127 Persecutes the Reformed and is perfidious 130 1â—1 Makâ—s a Truce with the Reformed 134 The Administration of the Government taken from her by Proclamation 139 She dies in the Castle of Edinburgh 146 Her Disposition and Character 147 Mary Queen of Scots born 71 Begins her Reign ibid. Henry of England desires her for his Son's Wife 75 She is sent into France 107 From whence that Kingâ— sends Letters desiring her a Wife for his Son 120 Embassadors sent thither for that purpose of which some die there 121 122 She marries the Dolphin 121 When Mary of England died she carried her self as the next Heir and assumed the Royal Arms of that Kingdom 127 When her Husband died she resolves to return into Scotland 151 Her subtil Answer to a cunning Cardinal 153 She lays the Foundation of Tyranny 196 Designs a Guard for her Body ibid. Her unbecoming Familiarity with David Rize 172 She marries Henry Stuart 175 She punishes David's Homicides 183 Her strange Proclamation about Rize's Death ibid. She brings forth James VI. ibid. She is willing by all means to be rid of her Husband 183 184 185 A joculary Process against her Husband's Murderers 193 She marries Bothwel 199 The French Embassador and the Scotish Nobles dislike her Marriage ibid. She frames an Association against the Nobles 204 And they Another against her 205 Earl of Murray leaves Scotland in Discontent ibid. Besieged with Bothwel at Borthwick and escapes in Man's Apparel 206 Surrenders her self Prisoner 209 210 Proved guilty of her Husband's Death by Letters 211 Hamilton designs her Deliverance 216 She escapes 218 Is overthrown by the Nobles and 〈◊〉 for England 221 She endeavours by Balfure to raise Tumults in Scotland 226 Designs to marry Howard of England 233 23â— Continued in the Lord Scroop's House 239