to us so likewise not dangerous And as for Brittaine if his weakenesse disable him to our ayde I am confident it will continue him a neutrall Neither is it to be forgot how securely now we may leave England rather then heretofore Considering our so entire friendship with the Scots whose hostilitie was alwayes sharpe upon us at home when wee attempted victorie abroad But I detaine you by my speech too longe from action I see the clouds of due revenge gatherd in your brow and the lightning of furie break from your eyes Which abodes thunder against our enemy Let us therefore loose no time but suddenly and severely scourge this perjured coward to a too late repentance and regaine honour to our Nation and his Kingdome to our Crovvne The Lords resented the affront with an indignation high as the Kings and desired that instant preparations might be made for the warre But above all the Duke of Glocester appeard zealous in the quarrell expressing aloud his desire that all his estate might be spent and all his veines emptied in revenge of this injury All the Court was presently for the designe and the whole Kingdom with a fierce appetite desired to arme So that no language was heard but martiall and all the gallantry in new armour or other conveniences for service The King most passionatly pursued his determination and that very spring resolved to begin the warre But he was diverted on the sudden from calling King Lewys to a reckoning for this crime and summond by death to give a strict account of all his owne Death arrested him and in the respect of not many houres instracted him in more then all the oratory from pulpits had done for fortie yeares For soone as he found himselfe mortally sicke he began to consider the vanitie of all his victories which with the expence of so much blood he had purchac'd and to the heart repented his too hard bargaine He looked backe upon the beautie of his sensuall pleasures and now discernd it was onely faire in the outside inwardly rotten and deform'd He cast up the accounts of his tribute both at home and abroad and all those treasures gather'd either by proscription of his enemies or exacting from his subjects and found himselfe a banckerout For till now hee wanted leasure to search into that which most concernd him and delighted too much in the pompe pleasure of the Inne where he was not to stay forgot he had a journey and unawares was overtaken by night an endlesse night which no day succeedes Perceiving his doome inevitable and no hope of the least reprive he began to order businesse as fully as the shortnesse of the time would licence The great affaire of his soule indeede the onely that is necessary he committed to the mercy of his redeemer and by the Sacraments then in use with the Church in England and a reall contrition hee labord a full expiation of the crimes and errours of his life And as his death is described to us by an excellent author who lived neere his time Almightie God seemes to have strucke water even from the Rocke as by Moses Wand hee did for the Israelites in touching this Prince to the heart and forcing a most religious penetence from a soule obdurate in sinne as wee may conjecture by his life The revenge of the injury hee receiv'd from King Lewys he refer'd to the judgement of heaven whose worke it is to punish perjury And Lewys suffered for it according to his demerit for that sonne in marrying whom hee so busied his imaginations and slighted all faith and religion lived but a short space and died issulesse Not one branch remaining of that great tree whose roote was in perjurie and dissimulation The protection of the King and Kingdome he left to the Lords nearest in kindred to his children advising them to amitie and concord By which the nation would flourish in greatnesse abroad and safetie at home The young King bee secured from flattery and instructed in the best discipline for government And they themselves live is much honour and felicitie i◠united to advance the Commonwealth and oppose all forraine danger Whereas discord would beget civill warre and that endanger ruine So that this Christian King like Christ himselfe when he departed bequeathd peace to the world And had this doctrine beene as zealously followed as it was uttered the succeeding time had not beene guiltie of so many sad confusions But for the present a perfect reconciliation appear'd both sides lovingly imbracing and protesting all amitie in the future So that with comfort hee forsooke the world and may well be said to have deserved a generall applause in this last sceane of his life Among his words of farewell at his death it is worthy observation that he solemnly protested his repentance for obtaining the Crowne with so much blood as the necessitie of the quarrell spilt Which certainly showes a most singular pietie considering the indubitable justice of his title And withall teacheth Princes a new lesson that the power of sway great men so superstitiously adore is but the Idoll of folly and ambition Whose oracles delude the living but on our death-beds we discerne the truth and hate the irreligion of our former errour Concerning the occasion of his death there is much varietie in opinion for by severall authors it is severally imputed to poison griefe and surfeit They who ascribe it to poyson are the passionate enemies of Richard Duke of Glocesters memory Who permit not nature at that time to have beene obnoxious to decay but make thè death of every Prince an act of violence or practise And in regard this cruell Lord was guiltie of much blood without any other argument condemne him for those crimes from which he was however actually most innocent The French affirme it to have proceeded from griefe conceiv'd upon repudiation of his daughter and detention of the tribute But they looking on our affaires a farre off mistake the shadow for the substance desirous perhaps that King Lewys should kill a King of England by a new weapon And certainly Lewys did perswade himselfe that King Edward was slaine this way and congratulated his wit much in the accident But this carries not the least apparence of probabilitie Great sorrowes kill for the most part suddenly else by a languishing decay of nature whereas King Edward dyed not presently upon the report nor yet drew melancholly from this injurie but a brave anger fierce to seeke revenge Moreover griefe hath the◠bin observed most powerfull over life when the disconsolate hath no eare to which hee may expresse himselfe and no hope left for remedy whereas King Edward breath'd forth passions to his Councell and found in them a simpathy both in the sorrow and the rage And as for revenge certainly the state of England was never better prepar'd to exact it The King being a valiant and fortunate leader the people inured heretofore to the exercise
present ingagements he would declare the naturall affection he owed a brother This weake hope the late victory and seeâ—ling baâ—ishment of his enemies looseâ—â—ed King Edward to his accustomed wantonnesse and riâ—â— For certainly never liv'd Prince whom adversitie did more harden to action and prosperitie more soften to voluptâ—ousnesse So that by the judgement on his life we may say like a stone cast into the ayre hee was by necessitie forst up to glory while his center remain'd beneath in the sence of pleasure And so improvident was his memory that he forgot the greatest injuries and resâ—â—â—ed the Archbishop of Yorke into favour not hearing so much as a watchfull eye over a reconcil'd enemy By which his counâ—â—iles were betray'd and he perswaded to a false and most dangerous securitie But the Duke of Buâ—gundy whose recreation was businesse and whose delight extent of dominion who by having long â—â—astled with Lewis the Eleventh had leaâ—â—t all the slights of warre and peace labor'd â—o disperâ—e the storme before it fell upon England Whelâ—â—â—on hee daily advertiz'd King Edward of all passages in the Court of France his intelligence holding good there and who knew how neare danger came to him should our King be overthrowne Hee advis'd him by vast promises which no way oblieg'd performance to winne some and â—owing the poysonous â—eede of aemulation to recall others As likewise to send over some great Lord into France who pretending discontent shall adhere to the faction and under hand discover all their counsailes But above all he sollicited him to rigge up and set forth his Navie whereby to prevent their landing Affirming it to bee a most ridiculous madnesse in a King unlesse urged by inevitable necessitie to stake his Crowne at a battaile against the desperation of a rebell The King contrary to this sober counsaile never endeavour'd to hinder the returne of Warwick but building on the protestations of the Marquesse Mâ—ncatute and the Archbishop of Yorke securely gave himselfe over to licenciousnesse In which interim the Earle with his retinue conducted by the Bastard of Burbâ—â— Admirall of France saild backe into England King Leâ—yâ— having furnisht him with a full supply of mâ—nies and for shouldiers hee needed no â—oâ—taine levies his name and faction was so great at home For though the Countrey by â—ivill warre was much dispeopled yet the commonalty being for the most borne and bred up in tumults were naturally addicted to armes and prone upon any innovations to take the field Neither could the Duke of Burgundy though most passionately hee labor'd it hinder the Earles landing by giving him battaile at Sea for the winds fought for Warwick and disperst the Burgâ—nian fleete the best in that age commanded upon the Seâ— casting some ships upon the coast of Scotland others upon the reâ—otest parts of Holland Neither did the King any way repent his error when hee understood the Earle was landed but presently dispatcht a messenger to the Duke intreating him to continue his Army at Sea to impeach Warwicks flight backe into France as if hee were ascertained fortune would never deny him victory So secure was he growne by an overbold presumption the bastard daughter of a long prosperitie But they whom experience had instructed to more caution pittied his mistake and foresaw the ruine And he himselfe not long after understanding how mightily the Earle increast in power began to thinke his safetie brought into hazard Which he much more beleeved when he found the Nobilitie whom he summon'd to his aide to excuse themselves and the common streame of people to ebbe wholly from his devotion And indeed even in the Citie the adverse faction was growne so strong that Doctor Gooddiard Chaplaine to the Earle at Pauls Crosse in his Sermon dared even to act the Herald and conclude Edward an usurper And thereupon to commend the most religious intentions of the Earle and to exhort the Audience to joyne with him in restoring their imprison'd Soveraigne King Henry to his Scepter and the Common wealth to libertie The credulous multitude tooke this heresie for true doctrine and with some of the zealous ignorant it so farre prevailed that in pure devotion they committed high treason But would to God the Pulpit might onely speake things sacred matters of State having roome enough to bee discust in Councell Chambers and other places erected for publike assemblies For certainly how erronious soever the tenet bee if utter'd there by a Priest with apparence of Religion it gets two much authority in the eare and too much ground upon the conscience As this opinion did which no sooner received but all began to incline to revolt and with the first retired away the late reconcild Archbishop and the Matquesse Montacute his brother both having so often and so ceremoniously vowed never to forsake the title of King Edward and both now perfidiously breaking those vowes and with the lowdest crying out Long live King Henry The trechery of Mountacute who having raisd in King Edwards name six thousand men turnd now with them to Warwicke and the generall defection of the Land threw the King downe into extreame despaire For those few Lords who constantly adheard to his declining fortune commanded over so small a number that to resolve upon a battaile were to betray themselves to slaughter And when misfortune drove their thoughts upon safetie by flight they knew not whether to resolve No Land being willing to receive that Prince who is forc'd to flie his owne But while his imaginations remaind thus confused he had hardly escapt a surprize in the night had not his former misfortune served him now for instruction And finding his stay onely begot disreputation to his quarrell and danger to his person he began his flight towards Lincolneshire But the Earlesent after him his Light Horse following with the whole body of his Army and so close did the Light Horse pursue him that with much difficultie and with losse of all his carriages in his passage thorough the Washes hee reacht Linne The Lord Hastings faithfull to the King in all fortunes and who had yet three thousand Horse under his command stayd some short time behind and now when he imagin'd the King past the reach of imminent danger he dismist his Forces and followed after At parting he commended the faith of the Souldiers to their Prince which neverthelesse for the present hee advised them to dissemble No present securitie nor hope of doing after service but by submission to the prevailing faction Ere long he promis'd to returne when a better fortune would invite them to show the loyaltie of their affections the violence of the storme being too mightie to continue and King Edward in faction at home and abroad too potent so easily to quit a kingdome however for the present he withdrew himselfe a while Having exhorted thus his Souldiers he obeyed necessity and by speedy flight went after the King Who having hired three shippes one of England and
relation of his present calamitie he perswaded them to compassion So that whom they refused to serve as King which had beene an act of loyalty they condescended to aide as Duke of Yorke which was absolute rebellion It being high treason in a Subject though never so apparently injured to seeke his remedy by armes And by the sence of his owne misfortunes he made his Oratory so powerfull that all began to exclaime against the injustice of the last Parlament in conferring the Dutchy of Yorke which by right of primogeniture belong'd to Edward upon his second Brother George Duke of Clarence Which Act could not be imagined freely granted by the Parliment but extorted by the overgreat sway of Warwicke And had Edward by usurpation of the Crowne deserv'd so heavy an attainder He might yet quit himselfe from the crime having beene incenc'd thereunto not by his owne ambitious desire of raigne but by the instigation of Warwicke Who no longer would suffer the government of his King then the King knew how to obey his insolent direction And who had thus planted and supplanted Princes not out of love to Iustice but onely thereby to transplant the Soveraignety into his owne Family Thus the Commonalty argued for Edward and made him yet partake in the fortune of a Prince by not permitting him to beare the burthen of his own faults and that he might recover the â—â—â—tchy belonging to his family many persons of power and name resorted to him be solemnely swearing never to attempt hereafter the re-obtaining of the kingdome The same oath swore Henry of Bullingbrooke when pretending to the Dutchy of Lancaster he landed in the North arm'd against King Richard which he brok as Edward after did upon the like advantage So that with humilitie we ought to wonder at the judgements of the Almightie who permitted perjurie now to unbuild the great nesse of Lancaster which at first was built by perjury Leaving therefore a Garrison in Yorke a safe retreat upon the worst occasion hee marcht toward â—â—â—doâ—â— about which place he had ever found his fortune most benigne And confidently led on his Forces which could not deserve the name of Army although the Marqueâ—â—e Mountague with a farre superior power lay then â—â— Poâ—â—fret to impeach his journey Nigh which when King Edward came expecting battaile Mountague who had both abilitie and opportunitie to have destroyd him let him quietly passe not permitting any act of hostilitie to be showed or advantage taken This grosse oversight in so absolute a command received severall interpretations according to the complexion of the men discourst it The more Religious who favord King Edwards title thought Almighty God intending to set the Crowne upon the right head had infatuated the counsells of his enemies The more vulgar judged it cowardize in the Marquesse which durst not fight against that Majestie for which hee had so often â—ought and against a Prince who haâ— never beene in â—aâ—taile but victoriouâ—li But the â—â—â—â—â— in different esteemed it a peece of over cunning which in the event iâ— ever folly to let his forces passe whereby after hee might inclose him â—â—â—â—â—â—â—â—â—â—â—â—â— and his brothers army and so without â—â—â—â—â—â—â— destroy him or else sonâ—e intelligence which â—â—â—ore â—â—â—â—â— held with King Edwardâ—o â—o whoâ—â— love and beâ—efâ—â—â—â—â— owed so much Whence this â—â—â—stake proceeded I will not dispute but certainly it served well to the Kings purpose had safetie and received â—omdâ— the Earle of Warwicke and his faction no other name then of falshood and treaâ—â—on King Edward was no sooner past this danger but at any of the Nobility with mightie 〈◊〉 reâ—â—â—â—â—â— to him â—â—her desâ—oâ—â—â— of another 〈◊〉 on of â—thro◠〈◊〉 having found their expectation driâ—â—â—â—â—â—â—â—◠〈◊〉 â—â— directed by their better Aâ—gâ—ll to 〈◊〉 to that side which ever â—â— as â—oâ—â—â— just and suddenly more likely to be 〈◊〉 â—ortoâ—â—â—e But before they would solemnely declare themselves they intreated and soone prewail'd with him to cast off the poore intention to a Dutchy and lay his challenge to what was his inheritance the kingdome For it would lessen even to contempt the great reputation of his birth and 〈◊〉 victories to let the people perceive that a short ecclipse of fortune had made him fall so low as to depose himselfe from the Royâ—loie Neither could they justifie their taking armes to settled subject in his inheritance Since the Law is open to and such controversies and if he would subject himselfe to the Law the last Parliament â—â—â—â— forever disabled him from any such claime Weaker arguments would have beene of power enough to have perswaded his great Spirit but by these he was confirm'd in his owne thoughts and with the title of King and a â—â—â— Arm â—archt directly to Coventry fierâ—e in his desire to give Warwicke battâ—ile who lay there â—ncampâ— But no provocation could bring him from his â—renches knowing his Army divided and those forces he had there undeo his command unequall to maintaine fight with the King For the Marquesse Mountagae was not yet return'd from the North and the Duke of Clarence though often and earnestly sollicited excused himselfe and kept his power apart So reservd way in them made Warwicke begin to hold both in suspition but most of all Clarence whose Forces were so neare and in so good order that there could bee no excuse but in the unpreparednesse of his mind The King therefore perceiving no thing could force Warwicke upon uneven termes to fight marcht against Clarence and soone as hee drew neare both Armies prepared for the incounter But as a plot in a well contrived Comedy is so cunningly wrought that it discovers not it selfe till the last Scene and then expectation acknowledged her selfe deluded by invention So this reconciliation betweene the brothers agreed on long before on the sudden now broke forth when all outward apparences threatned hostilitie For the Duke of Glocester and other Lords seeming to abhorre the inhumane nature of the prepared battaile past often formally betweene the brothers and urged them by all respects both religious and polliticke to prevent a quarrell so ruinous and so scandalous to both wherein the triumph could not be but almost destruction to the Conquâ—ror After much mediation and much seeming relectation that was in the end concluded which had long before beene resolved on And the Duke of Clarence submitting himselfe to King Edward brought with him all those forces which upon Warwicks reputation much more then upon his owne he had raisd But that in this agreement he might not appeare to forget the office of a sonne in Law and a friend he joyntly with the King sent to intreat the Earle to enter league with them for confirmation of that title which himselfe had first defended and to avoid the effusion of so much blood as this quarrell must necessarily draw For conditions he himselfe should set downe his owne knowing hee would be so rationall in his demands as to require
the direction of their Generall Both Armies therefore had equall justice which made them with equall fiercenesse begin and continue the fight Six houres the victory was doubtfull advantages and disadvantages indifferent on both sides â—ill at length errour brought disorder to Warwicks Army and that a finall overthrow For the Earle of Oxford giving his men a star with streames for his device begot in the Army a mistake that they were part of the enemy whose badge was the Sunne and which mistake might easily happen by the thicke mist that morning wherefore being in the right wing and pressing forward they were thought King Edwards men flying which made their owne maine battaile fall fiercely on them in the backe Whereupon Oxford suspecting treason in Warwicke whose haughtie and reserved wayes were ever lyable to suspition fled away with eight hundred men and King Edward with certaine fresh troopes of Rutters for some such purpose reserv'd perceiving disorder in the enemy violently assaulted them and soone forc'd them to shrinke backe Warwicke opposed against their feare both with language and example but when nothing could prevaile hee rusht into the thickest of the enemies hoping either his whole Army would bravely follow or otherwise by death to prevent the misery of seeâ—ng himselfe overthrowne Mountague perceiving how farre into danger his brother was engaged ran violently after to his rescue and both presently opprest with number fell and with them the spirit of the Army In their deaths they both cleard those calumnies with which they were blemisht Warwicke of having still a swift horse in readines by flight to escape from any apparent danger in battaile Mountague of holding intelligence with King Edward or betraying at Pomfret the quarrell of his great brother For it is to be rejected as a fable forged by malice that history which reports the Marquesse having put on King Edwards livery slaine by one of Warwicks men and the Earle labouring to escape at a Woods side where was no passage kild and spoild to the naked skin by two of King Edwards souldiers Yet both of them in their deaths partaking with the common condition of men the poore being ever esteemed as vicious the overthrowne as cowards By which judgement wee impiously subject the Almighty disposer of humane bussinesse to our depraved affections as if felicity or in felicity were the touchstone by which we might discerne the true value of the inward man King Edward soone as he saw the discomfiture of the enemy and certainly understood the death of the two brothers that himselfe might bee the first reporter of his owne fortune with King Henry in his company poasted up to London He came into Saint Pauls Church at even Song and there offered up his owne banner and the standard of the Earle of Warwicke the trophies of his morning service where waited on him an universall acclamation the flattering shadow which never forsakes victory To the Duke of Clarence and the Duke of Glocester was left the care to quarter the Souldiers whose enquiry soone found that on both sides that day were slaine foure thousand six hundred and odâ—e On the Kings side of eminency onely the Lords Burcher and Barnes hee sonne and heire to the Earle of Essex this to the Lord Say On the other side were kild the Earle of Warwicke and the Marquesse Mountague attended with three and twenty Knights The Duke of Exeter who by his many wounds was reported dead recoverd life but was never more seene in action his body after some length of time being cast upon the shore of Kent as if he had perisht by shipwracke the manner of his after life and death left uncertaine in story To this violent end came the Earle of Warwick the greatest and busiest subject our later age hath brought forth And indeed how was it possible such a stormie life could expect a calmer death In his Spirit birth marriage and revenue he was mighty which raised his thoughts above proportion For all these benefits of nature and fortune serv'd him onely as instruments to execute his rage into which every small displeasure taken or mistaken from his Prince threw him head-long His bounty extended it selfe most in hospitality which was dangerous to the guest for his meate was infected with the poyson of Faction The open ayme of all his actions was at the Publicke good which made his power still recover strength though so often weakend by evill Fortune but his secret intention was to advance his owne greatnesse which he resolv'd to purchase though with sale of the publicke safety He was questionlesse valiant for a coward durst not have thought those dangers into which he entred upon the slightest quarrels His soule was never quiet distasted still with the present and his pride like a foolish builder so delighted to pull downe and set up that at length part of the â—rame himselfe had raised fell upon him and crusht him to death He was a passionate extoller of continencie in a Prince which proceeded rather from spleene than zeale because in that he tacitely made the King contemptible for his volupâ—uous life Being bred up from a child in Armes the worst schoole to learne Religion in hee had certainely no tender sence of justice and his varying so in approving contrary titles shewed either a strange levity in judgement or else that ambition not conscience ruled his actions The pretences of his revolt from King Edward were neither to the world politicke nor to himselfe honest For what greater hopes could he conceive by restoring a family himselfe had ruind since injuries make so deepe an impression that no after curtesie can take it away Or how could any violence offer'd to his Daughters honour by the King for that was then by him pretended licence him to war since no injustice in a Soveraigne can authorize the subject to Rebellion But who will give a true account of his latter attempts must looke backe upon his first familiarity with Lewis the eleventh For never had France such a Merchant to vent discord in forraigne Kingdomes and buy up the faith of all the greatest Officers to neighboring Princes But when by the most powerfull engins of pollicie and warre he had screwed up his intentions to the highest by making himselfe King in Authority though not in title the Crown being entailed upon the two Princes who had married his Daughters Almighty God in one overthrow ruin'd him and permitted his Sonnes in Law with their wives not long after to end by strange deathes none of them answering his hope but the younger Daughter and that preposterously to his designe For she indeede by marrying Richard Duke of Glocester the butcher of her husband Prince Edward became Queene to an Vsurper and soone after by poyson as it was justly suspected made resignation of her Crown His Grand-children by Clarence who arriv'd to any age dyed by the Axe upon a Scaffold and all that greatnesse he so violently labor'd to confirme in
preserve the English in amitie was to keepe them at home Whereupon he frequently entertaind the King with Embassies full of curtesie such as might appeare rather the arguments of a sincere friendship then the forc'd expressions of ceremonie And ever communicated with him his private counsailes requiring his faithfull advice when indeed hee reserv'd his resolutions of any high nature wholly to himselfe all in the conduction of affaires though hee would listen to the opinion of King Edward he still obeyed his owne But this with his other Arts continued his reputation good with the English and purchast that quiet he suspected might by our armes be interrupted And what renderd his securitie the more troubles began betweene us and Scotland which wee may well beleeve hee underhand increast The occasion of them was the evill inclination and ungovernd spirit of James the third who disdaining to listen to the temperate counsailes of sober men obeyed onely his owne judgement which passion threw headlong into rash attempts The freedome of advice by the Lords of that countrey used toward their Princes renderd the speaker hatefull and frequently was rewarded with imprisonment or exile if not with death Among the multitude of them disfavour'd by him Alexander Duke of Albanie the King of Scotlands brother banisht into France resented the injury and endeavor'd revenge So that as hee past through England towards his exile being admitted to the King by all arguments he incenc'd him to a warre Which could not but prove most successefull the hatred of the Commons consider'd against so violent an oppressor And he protested that he knew the King falne into so low esteeme even with those he cherisht and into such hatred with all mankind that if assaulted by the English he would be constrain'd by submission of his Crowne to intreate for safetie This importunitie of the Duke of Albanie soone prevail'd with the King who by many injuries had beene exasperated and had onely waited opportunitie to warre upon Scotland For the boders on the English side had beene often infested and upon complaint no redresse nor reparation of damage Moreover the King having heretofore condiscended upon a motion from King James that his second daughter the Lady Cicilie should marry James Prince of Scotland and upon the agreement paid in a large part of the portion had receiv'd no satisfaction to his expectation The Articles of marriage neither being performed nor yet the money lent upon the bonds of the Provost and Merchants of Edenborough according to covenants repayd Hee was therefore the sooner wonne to undertake the businesse which he committed to the order of the Duke of Glocester who now had no competitor in greatnesse both of judgement and power No Prince of the house of Yorke remaining but such whom the want of yeares or love of ease indisposed to action For the King willing to decline labour waved the expedition and Glocester ambitious to gaine opinion especially with the Souldier most forwardly undertooke it The King desired to live to the best advantage of his pleasure Glocester of his honour And indeed Glocester began now like a cunning Phisition to examine the state of the Kings body which though he found strong and healthfull and by the ordinary reckoning of men likely to continue many yeares yet withall he observed evill symptomes of death in him being overgrowne with fat and both in his diet and lust subject to disorder Disorder a greater enemie to mankind and which hath destroyd more then age the sword or pestilence This Glocester perceiv'd and hence drew poyson which sweld his ambition higher He therefore with much alacritie prepared for the warre and with the title of Lievetenant Generall soone after set forward toward Scotland The Armie consisted of two and twentie thousand five hundred all commanded by men of great authority or experience Of the nobilitie in his retinue went Henry Earle of Northumberland Thomas Lord Stanley Lord Steward of the Kings house the Lords Levell Graistock Fitzhugh Nevill and Scroope of Bolton Of Knights Sir Edward Woodvile brother to the Queene Sir William Par Sir John Elrington Treasurer of the Kings house Sir James Harrington Sir John Middleton Sir John Dichfield and others The particular names of whom I mention onely to show how great a shadow Glocester began to cast toward the Sunset both of the Kings glory and life The Vantguard was led by the Earle of Northumberland the Rereward by the Lord Stanley the Maine battell by the Duke himselfe In whose company was the Duke of Albany Glocester willing perhaps to have him still in sight least if apart with sale of the Army he might purchase his owne peace Their first attempt was upon Barwicke surrendred heretofore by Queene Margaret to gaine a sanctuary for King Henry when expelled England into which partly by terrour of their Forces partly by the suddennesse of their approach they enterd without opposition The towne was soone at their discretion but the Castle the strongest Fort then in the North by the Earle Bothwell was made good against all battery Glocester foreseeing by the strength both of the place and the Commanders resolution that this siege would spend much time committed the charge to the Lord Stanley Sir John Elrington and Sir William Par with foure thousand Souldiers while he with the body of the Army marcht higher into Scotland perswaded as indeed it happend that they might force the King of Scotland either to an inglorious flight or else for safety to locke himselfe up in some strong hold By which they might so imprison him that his release should not bee without a full discharge for all injuries both against England and the Duke of Albany And according to expectation it happend the King upon the first rumour of an enemy inclosing himselfe in the Castle of Edenborough For in his governement having not studyed the safety of his people which is the supreame Law given to Kings he found himselfe now forsaken by them So farre that in opposition to the English against whom the Scots ever shewed a faire resolution no Army now tooke the field the Countrey lying open to the mercy of the invader Glocester therefore burning many townes by the way to strike a terror in the inhabitants marcht directly to Edenborough into which hee entred receiving such presents as the Citizens offerd to him for at the intreatie of the Duke of Albanie he spared the towne from spoile His entry was onely a spectacle of glory the people applauding the mercy of an enemy who presented them with a triumph not a battaile and welcom'd him as a Prince who tooke armes not for pecy or malice but for the safetie of a neighbouring kingdome disorderd and laid waste more by the licence of a tyrant in peace then it could have beene by the hand of war The Lords of Scotland considering the danger of their state and desirous to prevent ruin sent from Hadington to the Duke of Glocester to intreate
somewhat cleare Either conscience reforming him or by continuall sacietie growne to a loathing of it for the abstinence could not be imputed to age hee at his death not exceeding two and fortie But what endeard him so much to the affection of the people and especially to the Citizens of London was his being rich by his tribute from France and therefore not likely to lye heavy on them as likewise the so famed bountie of his hospitalitie Two thousand persons being daily served in his Court at Eltham where most solemnly hee celebrated the feast of the Nativitie And to recompence the great love which in both fortunes the Londoners had showed him to his last houre he used towards them a particular kindnesse Even so much that he invited the Lord Major and Aldermen and some of the principall Citizens to the Forrest of Waltham to give them a friendly not a pompous entertainement Where in a pleasant Lodge they were feasted the King himselfe seeing their dinner served in and by thus stooping downe to a loving familiarity sunke deepe into their hearts ordinary slight curtesies ordered thus to the best advantage taking more often even with sound judgements then churlish benefits And that the sex he alwayes affected might not bee unremembred he caused great plentie of Venison to bee sent to the Lady Majoresse and the Aldermens wives Thus was the outward face of the Court full of the beautie of delight and Majestie while the inward was all rotten with discord and envie For the Queene by how much shee considerd her selfe more unworthy the fortune shee enjoyed by so much she endeavord in the exterior height of carriage to raise her selfe foolishly imagining pride could set off the humilitie of her birth Shee was likewise according to the nature of women factious as if her greatnesse could not appeare cleare enough without opposition And they she opposed were the chiefest both in blood and power the weaker shee disdayning to wrastle with and they fearefull to contest with her But what subjected her to an universall malice was the rapine the necessary provision of her kindred engaged her to For they being many and great in title could not bee supplyed according to their ambition but by so common an injury as made her name odious through the kingdome Moreover the Lords of her blood by reason of their nearenesse to the Kings children being insolent and in regard of their youth indiscreet frequently ran into those errours which betraid them to the publicke scorne or hatred Against the Queene for through her kindred they aym'd at her opposed the Duke of Glocester the Duke of Buckingham the Lord Hastings and others of the most ancient nobilitie And to render odious her and hers Glocester laid the death of the Duke of Clarence which fratricide himselfe most barbarously contrived altogether upon their envie pretending a more then ordinary causion for his owne safetie least his person might by the same practise be brought in danger By which calumnie he both cleared his owne reputation and clouded the fame of a faction hee endeavord so much to ruine But this side had much the start in opinion and pollicie over the other who were young and unexperienc'd and president of whose Councell was a woman To compose these quarrells begot the King much trouble neither could he without extreame anxietie heare the continual complaints of persons so considerable both in power in the kingdome and kindred to his children not knowing to how dangerous a height this discord in time might grow But to increase his discontent everyday his jealousie increast concerning King Lewys his faith who now began to unmaske his intention and show how much hee had deluded the English For having ever since Maximilians marriage with Mary Dutchesse of Burgundie beene upon unkinde termes with him sometimes at open warre other times in an unfaithfull truce hee was now growing to an absolute peace And the conditions were whisper'd contrary to the treatie Piquignie which made the King suspicious they two might enter into some league prejudicall to the honour of the English For Maximilian having kept Lewys all the life time of his Lady from any further incroach upon her territory and by his fortune won into opinion with the French grew to bee must desired in the nearest friendship by them And he having buried his Dutchesse who owed her death to her modestie in respect that having broke her Thigh by a fall from a Horse she denied to expose it to the sight of Chirurgeons was willing to stand upon good termes with France Knowing how slender and how unfaithfull an obedience those Countries would yeeld to a Prince who was to rule by curtesie since to their naturall Lords they had ever shewed themselves insolent and rebellious These considerations prepared both sides to peace the conclusion of it to beget a more perfect amitie was that the Lady Margaret a child of two yeares old daughter â—o Maximilian and the Dutchesse of Burgundie should be affianced to the Dolphin then upon the age of twelve So that King Lewys in the marriage of his sonne was ever most disproportionable the daughter of England as much too old as this Lady too young but indeed his end was the same with Charles Duke of Burgundy and many other worldly fathers to match his sonne for the best advantage of his profit and convenience To confirme the uncertaine rumours of this perjurie in King Lewys the Lord Howard return'd out of France and made relation how hee saw the Lady Margaret brought with all pompe and ceremony to Ambois and there married to Charles the Dolphin And to heape yet more injuries not long after the tribute hitherto so carefully payd was denied The French now disclosing the innated malice they bore the English and with how little scruple they could dispence with the most solemne oath when no apparent danger threatned the crime For though the Dolphin when hee had attaind to the age of consent might have broke off this marriage and it could have beene onely term'd an act of discourtesie yet King Lewys who had sworne to this Article with so much ceremony cannot bee excused from a most foule impietie But what reason of state prevaild with him who heretofore awed by his feares had condescended in a manner to compound for his kingdome thus now to slight the English is not delivered in history And it may appeare difficult considering King Edward was now if possibly more absolute in his command at home his people better disciplin'd and no apparence of an enemy from abroad Adde to that his Coffers full increast every yeare by the tribute from France and his reputation high by the victory lately purchast against the Scots A nation though inferior to the French in the riches and extent of territory yet in martiall courage equall and in warring with whom we have found more sweat and danger It is therefore hard to know the cause of King Lewys his
of Armes and never so forward to any quarrell as against the French from whom they ever reaped victory and treasure And concerning money the strength of an Army the Exchequer was full enough without any burdensome imposition to beginne the warre It was therefore questionlesse a surfet brought this great Prince so suddainly to his end For who observes well the scope of his pleasure findes it to have beene placed much in wantonnesse and riot the two mightie destroyers of nature And commonly those excesses with which wee solace life we ruine it Hee dyed upon the ninth of April 1483. at his Palace of Westminster and was interred at Windsor Sixtus the fourth being Pope Fredericke the third Emperour Fardinand and Isobella King and Queene of Arragon and Castile Iohn the second King of Portugall Iames the third of Scotland and Lewys the eleventh of France Betweene whom and King Edward as there was much intercourse in businesse so was there great concurrence in fortune Both began and ended their raignes in the same yeares both were held in jealousie by the precedent Kings Edward by King Henry Lewys by his father Charles the seventh both had titles disputable to the Crowne The house of Lancaster usurpiug against Edward the house of England clayming against Lewys Both were perplext with civill warre and both successefull Lewys infested by an insolent Nobilitie Edward by a Saint-like Competitor Lewys victorious by act Edward by courage Both were rebeld against by their owne brothers Lewes by Charles Duke of Berry Edward by George Duke of Clarence And both tooke a severe revenge Lewys freeing himselfe from so bosome an enemie by poysoning Charles Edward by drowning Clarence Both ended this life with apparence of much zeale Edward religiously Lewys something superstiously Both left their sonnes yet children to inherit who dyed issulesse and left the Crowne to their greatest enemies Edward the fift to his Vncle Richard Duke of Glocester Charles the eight to his kinsman Lewys Duke of Orleans But who lookes upon the lives of these two Princes on the other side may as in a table which presents severall faces perceive as great disparitie But I am onely to give you the picture of King Edward without flattery or detraction which is rare in history considering authors fashion for the most part Idaeas in their mindes and according to them not to the truth of action forme a Pince which though happily iâ— winne applause to the writer is a high abuse to the reader BUt this King was if we compare his with the lives of Princes in generall worthy to be â—â—â—berd among the best And whom though not an extraordinary vertue yet a singular fortune made conspicuous He was borne at Roane in Normandy his father at that time Regent in France The â—o satall division betweene the houses of Yorke and Lancaster with him in a manner having both their birth and growth For as he the faction of his family gatherd strength His education was according to to the best provision for his honour and safetie in armes A strict and religious discipline in all probabilitie likely to have softned him too much to mercy and a love of quiet He had a great extent of wit which certainly bee owed to nature That age bettering men little by learning which howsoever he had wanted leisure to have receiv'd The Trumpet sounding still too loud in his eare to have admitted the sober counsailes of Philosophy And his wit lay not in the slights of cunning and deceit but in a sharpe apprehensition yet not too much whetted by suspition In counsaile he was judicious with little difficultie dispatching much His understanding open to cleare doubts not darke and cloudie and apt to create new His wisedome look'd still directly upon truth which appeares by the manage of his affaires both in peace and warre In neither of which as farre as concernd the pollitique part he committed any maine errour T is true he was over-reacht in peace by King Lewys abused concerning the marriage of his daughter In warre by the Earle of Warwicke when upon confidence of a finall accord he was surpriz'd But both these misfortunes I impute to want of faith in his enemies not of iudgement in him Though to speake impartially his too great presumption on the oath of a dissembling Prince and want of circumspection a reconciliation being but in treatie cannot scape without reprehension His nature certainly was both noble and honest which if rectified by the strait rule of vertue had rendred him sit for example whereas he is onely now for observation For prosperitie raisd him but to a complacencie in his fortune not to a disdaine of others losses or a pride of his owne acquisitions And when he had most securitie in his Kingdome and consequently most allurements to tyrannie then showed he himselfe most familiar and indulgent An admirable temperance in a Prince who so well knew his owne strength and whom the love of riot necessitated to a love of treasure which commonly is supplyed by oppression of the Subject The heavie fine upon Sr. Thomas Cooke and displacing the chiefe justice blemisheth him with violence and a vorice But that severitie and the other when hee began to looke into the Poenall Lawes were but short tempests or rather small overcastings during the glorious calme of his government And what soever injurie the subject endured was not imputed to the King But to Tipâ—oft Earle of Worcester and some under informers Or else to the Queene and her necessitous kindred The world either judiciously or else favourably diverting all envie from his memory Great judgement in leading his armies and courage in fighting personally speakes him both a daring Souldier and an expert Commander And the many battailes hee fought in all which he triumpht delivers him as much to be â—â—mired for his militarie discipline as his happy successe Fortune not deserving to have all his mightie victories ascribed to her gift Valour and good conduct share at the least with her in the fate of warre But as in armes he appeares most glorious to posteritie so likewise most unhappy For all those bloody conquests hee obtaind were against his owne nation And the greatest adversaries he over came neere in consanguinitie to him so that he may more properly be sayd to have let himselfe blood then his enemies or rather for preservation of his owne body to have cut off his principall and most necessary limmes For beside those many Princes of the house of Sommerset Buckingham Excester Oxford Devonshire Northumberland Westmerland Shrewsbury and finally the tree it selfe and the onely branch Henry the sixt and his Sonne Prince Edward He slew even the Earle of Warwicke and the Marquesse Mountague Two brothers who having lost their father in his quarrell hazarded their lives and those mightie possessions and honours which peaceably they might have enjoyed onely to advance his title But this was rather his fate then his fault and into this Sea