inhabited in a riuer by thâ—m called the riuer of May and standing in thirty degrees and better In ranging this coast along the captaine found it to be all an Island and therefore it is all lowe land and very scant of fresh water but the countrey was maruellously sweet with both marish and medow ground and goodly woods among There they found sorell to grow as abundantly as grasse and where their houses were great store of maiz and mill and grapes of great bignesse but of taste much like our English grapes Also Deere great plentie which came vpon the sands before them Their houses are not many together â—or in one house an hundred of them do lodge they being made much like a great barne and in strength not inferiour to ours for they haue stanchions and rafters of whole trees and are couered with palmito-leaues hauing no place diuided but one small roome for their king and queene In the middest of this house is a hearth where they make great fires all night and they sleepe vpon certeine pieces of wood hewâ—n in for the bowing of their backs and another place made high for their heads which they put one by another all along the walles on both sides In their houses they remaine onely in the nights and in the day they desire the fields where they dresse their meat and make prouision for victuals which they prouide onely for a meale from hand to mouth There is one thing to be maruellâ—d at for the making of their fire and not onely they but also the Negros doe the same which is made onely by two stickes rubbing them one against another and this they may doe in any place they come where they finde sticks sufficient for the purpose In their apparell the men onely vse deere skinnes wherewith some onely couer their priuy members othersome vse the same as garments to couer them before and behind which skinnes are painted some yellow and red some blacke russet and euery man according to his owne fancy They do not omit to paint their bodies also with curious knots or antike worke as euery man in his owne fancy deuiseth which painting to make it continue the better they vse with a thorne to pricke their flesh and dent in the same whereby the painting may haue better hold In their warres they vse a sleighter colour of painting their faces thereby to make themselues shew the more fierce which after their warres ended they wash away againe In their warres they vse bowes and arrowes whereof their bowes are made of a kind of Yew but blacker then ours and for the most part passing the strength of the Negros or Indians for it is not greatly inferior to ours their arrowes are also of a great length but yet of reeds like other Indians but varying in two points both in length and and also for nocks and feathers which the other lacke whereby they shoot very stedy the heads of the same are vipers teeth bones of fishes flint stones piked points of kniues which they hauing gotten of the French men broke the same put the points of them in their arrowes heads some of them haue their heads of siluer othersome that haue want of these put in a kinde of hard wood notched which pierceth as farre as any of the rest In their fight being in the woods they vse a maruellous pollicie for their owne safegard which is by clasping a tree in their armes and yet shooting notwithstanding this policy they vsed with the French men in their fight whereby it appeareth that they are people of some policy and although they are called by the Spanyards Gente triste that is to say Bad people meaning thereby that they are not men of capacity yet haue the French men found them so witty in their answeres that by the captaines owne report a counseller with vs could not giue a more profound reason The women also for their apparell vse printed skinnes but most of them gownes of mosse somewhat longer then our mosse which they sowe together artificially and make the same surplesse wise wearing their haire downe to their shoulders like the Indians In this riuer of May aforesayd the captaine entring with his pinnesse found a French ship of fourescore tun and two pinnesses of fifteene tun a piece by her and speaking with the keepers thereof they tolde him of a fort two leagues vp which they had built in which their captaine Monsieur Laudonniere was with certeine souldiers therein To whom our captaine sending to vnderstand of a watering-place where he might conueniently take it in and to haue licence for the same he straight because there was no conuenient place but vp the riuer fiue leagues where the water was fresh did send him a pilot for the more expedition thereof to bring in one of hiâ— barks which going in with other boats prouided for the same purpose ankered before the fort into the which our captaine went where hee was by the Generall with other captaines and souldiers very gently enterteined who declared vnto him the time of their being there which was fourteene moneths with the extremity they were driuen to for want of victuals hauing brought very little with them in which place they being two hundred men at their first comming had in short space eaten all the maiz they could buy of the inhabitants about them and therefore were driuen certaine of them to serue a king of the Floridians against other his enemies for mill and other victuals which hauing gotten could not serue them being so many so long a time but want came vpon them in such sort that they were faine to gather acorns which being stamped small and often washed to take away the bitternesse of them they did vse for bread eating withall sundry times roots whereof they found many good and holesome and such as serue rather for medecines then for meates alone But this hardnesse no contenting some of them who would not take the paines so much as to fish in the riuer before their doores but would haue all things put in their mouthes they did rebell against the captaine taking away first his armour and afterward imprisoning him and so to the number of fourescore of them departed with a barke and a pinnesse spoiling their store victuall and taking away a great part thereof with them and so went to the Islands of Hispaniola and Iamaica a rouing where they spoiled and pilled the Spanyards and hauing taken two carauels laden with wine and casaui which is a bread made of roots and much other victuals and treasure had not the grace to depart therewith but were of such haughty stomacks that they thought their force to be such that no man durst meddle with them and so kept harborow in Iamaica going dayly ashore at their pleasure But God which would not suffer such euill doers vnpunished did indurate their hearts in such sort that
vpon paine of one hundred bastonadoes wee were then also cruelly manackled in such sort that we could not put our handes the length of one foote asunder the one from the other and euery night they searched our chaines three times to see if they were fast riueted Wee continued fight with the Carmosell three houres and then wee tooke it and lost but two of our men in that fight but there were slaine of the Greekes fiue and foureteene were cruelly hurt and they that were sound were presently made slaues and chained to the oares and within fifteene dayes after we returned againe into Tripolis and then wee were put to all maner of slauerie I was put to hewe stones and other to cary stones and some to draw the Cart with earth and some to make morter and some to draw stones for at that time the Turkes builded a church And thus we were put to all kinde of slauerie that was to be done And in the time of our being there the Moores that are the husbandmen of the countrey rebelled against the king because he would haue constrained them to pay greater tribute then heretofore they had done so that the Souldiours of Tripolis marched foorth of the towne to haue ioyned battell against the Moores for their rebellion and the King sent with them foure pieces of Ordinance which were drawen by the captiues twentie miles into the Countrey after them and at the sight thereof the Moores fled and then the Captaines returned backe againe Then I and certaine Christians more were sent twelue miles into the countrey with a Cart to lode timber and we returned againe the same day Nowe the king had 18. captiues which three times a weeke went to fetch wood thirtie miles from the towne and on a time he appointed me for one of the 18. and wee departed at eight of the clocke in the night and vpon the way as wee rode vpon the camels I demaunded of one of our company who did direct vs the way he sayd that there was a Moore in our company which was our guide and I demaunded of them how Tripolis and the wood bare one off the other and hee said East Northeast and West Southwest And at midnight or neere thereabouts as I was riding vpon my camel I fell asleepe and the guide and all the rest rode away from me not thinking but I had bene among them When I awooke and finding my selfe alone durst not call nor hallow for feare least the wilde Moores should heare me because they holde this opinion that in killing a Christian they do God good seruice and musing with my selfe what were best for me to do if I should doe foorth and the wilde Moores should hap to meete with mee they would kill mee and on the other side if I should returne backe to Tripolis without any wood or company I should be most miserably vsed therefore of two euils rather I had to goe foorth to the loosing of my life then to turne backe and trust to their mercie fearing to bee vsed as before I had seene others for vnderstanding by some of my company before howe Tripolis and the saide wood did lie one off another by the North starre I went forth at aduenture and as God would haue it I came right to the place where they were euen about an houre before day there altogether wee rested and gaue our camels prouender and assoone as the day appeared we rode all into the wood and I seeing no wood there but a sticke here and a sticke there about the bignesse of a mans arme growing in the sand it caused mee to marueile how so many camels should be loden in that place The wood was Iuniper we needed no axe nor edge toole to cut it but pluckt it vp by strength of hands rootes and all which a man might easily do and so gathered it together a little at one place and so at another and laded our camels and came home about seuen of the clocke that night folowing because I fell lame and my camel was tired I left my wood in the way There was in Tripolis that time a Venetian whose name was Benedetto Venetiano and seuenteene captiues more of his company which ranne away from Tripolis in a boate and came in sight of an Island called Malta which lieth fourtie leagues from Tripolis right North and being within a mile of the shoare very faire weather one of their company said In dispetto de dio adesso venio a pilliar terra which is as much to say In the despite of God I shall now fetch the shoare and presently there arose a mighty storme with thunder and raine and the wind at North their boate being very small so that they were inforced to beare vp roome and to sheare right afore the winde ouer against the coast of Barbarie from whence they came and rowing vp and downe the coast their victuals being spent the 21. day after their departure they were inforced through the want of food to come ashoare thinking to haue stolne some sheepe but the Moores of the countrey very craftily perceiuing their intent gathered togethâ—r a threescore horsemen and hid themselues behinde a sandie hill and when the Christians were come all a shoare and past vp halfe a mile into the countrey the Moores rode betwixt them and their boate and some of them pursued the Christians and so they were all taken and brought to Tripolis from whence they had before escaped and presently the king commaunded that the foresaide Benedetto with one more of his company should lose their eares and the rest should be most cruelly beaten which was presently done This king had a sonne which was a ruler in an Island called Gerbi whereunto arriued an English shippe called the Greene Dragon of the which was Master one M. Blonket who hauing a very vnhappy boy in that shippe and vnderstanding that whosoeuer would turne Turke should be well enterteined of the kings sonne this boy did runne a shoare and voluntarily turned Turke Shortly after the kings sonne came to Tripolis to visite his father and seeing our company hee greatly fancied Richard Burges our Purser and Iames Smith they were both yong men therefore he was very desirous to haue them to turne Turkes but they would not yeeld to his desire saying We are your fathers slaues and as slaues wee will serue him Then his father the king sent for them and asked them if they would turne Turkes And they saide If it please your highnesse Christians we were borne and so we will remaine and beseeched the king that they might not bee inforced thereunto The king had there before in his house a sonne of a yeoman of our Queenes guard whom the kings sonne had inforced to turne Turke his name was Iohn Nelson him the king caused to be brought to these yong men and then said vnto them Wil not you beare this your countreyman company and be
that he had promised me in the name of the king but he would not let me depart before the comming of the king which was greatly to my hinderance because I was twenty and one moneths sequestred that I could not buy nor sell any kinde of marchandize Those commodities that I brought thither were peper sandols and Porcellan of China so when the king was come home I made my supplication vnto him and I was licenced to depart when I would From Martauan I departed to goe to the chiefest Citie in the kingdome of Pegu which is also called after the name of the kingdome which voyage is made by sea in three or foure daies they may goe also by lande but it is better for him that hath marchandize to goe by sea and lesser charge And in this voyage you shall haue a Macareo which is one of the most marueilous things in the world that nature hath wrought and I neuer saw any thing so hard to be beleeued as this to wit the great increasing diminishng of the water there at one push or instant and the horrible earthquake and great noyse that the said Macareo maketh where it commeth We departed from Martauan in barkes which are like to our Pylot boates with the increase of the water and they goe as swift as an arrowe out of a bow so long as the tide runneth with them and when the water is at the highest then they drawe themselues out of the Chanell towardes some banke and there they come to anker and when the water is diminished then they rest on dry land and when the barkes rest dry they are as high from the bottome of the Chanell as any house top is high from the ground They let their barkes lie so high for this respect that if there should any shippe rest or ride in the Chanell with such force commeth in the water that it would ouerthrowe shippe or barke yet for all this that the barkes be so farre out of the Channell and though the water hath lost her greatest strength and furie before it come so high yet they make fast their prowe to the streme and oftentimes it maketh them very fearefull and if the anker did not holde her prow vp by strength shee would be ouerthrowen and lost with men and goods When the water beginneth to increase it maketh such a noyse and so great that you would thinke it an earthquake and presently at the first it maketh three waues So that the first washeth ouer the barke from stemme to sterne the second is not so furious as the first and the thirde rayseth the Anker and then for the space of sixe houres while the water encreaseth they rowe with such swiftnesse that you would thinke they did fly in these tydes there must be lost no iot of time for if you arriue not at the stagious before the tyde be spent you must turne backe from whence you came For there is no staying at any place but at these stagions and there is more daunger at one of these places then at another as they be higher and lower one then another When as you returne from Pegu to Martauan they goe but halfe the tide at a time because they will lay their barkes vp aloft on the bankes for the reason aforesayd I could neuer gather any reason of the noyse that this water maketh in the increase of the tide and in deminishing of the water There is another Macareo in Cambaya but that is nothing in comparison of this By the helpe of God we came safe to Pegu which are two cities the olde and the newe in the olde citie are the Marchant strangers and marchantes of the Countrey for there are the greatest doings and the greatest trade This citie is not very great but it hath very great suburbes Their houses be made with canes and couered with leaues or with strawe but the marchants haue all one house or Magason which house they call Godon which is made of brickes and there they put all their goods of any valure to saue them from the often mischances that there happen to houses made of such stuffe In the new citie is the pallace of the king and his abiding place with all his barons and nobles and other gentlemen and in the time that I was there they finished the building of the new citie it is a great citie very plaine and flat and foure square walled round about and with ditches that compasse the wals about with water in which diches are many crocodils it hath no drawe bridges yet it hath twentie gates fiue for euery square on the walles there are many places made for centinels to watch made of wood and couered or guilt with gold the streetes thereof are the fayrest that I haue seene they are as streight as a line from one gate to another and standing at the one gate you may discouer to the other and they are as broad as 10 or 12 men may ride a breast in them and those streetes that be thwart are faire and large these streetes both on the one side and on the other are planted at the doores of the houses with nut trees of India which make a very commodious shadowe the houses be made of wood and couered with a kind of tiles in forme of cups very necessary for their vse the kings palace is in the middle of the citie made in forme of a walled castle with ditches full of water round aboue it the lodgings within are made of wood all ouer gilded with fine pinacles and very costly worke couered with plates of golde Truely it may be a kings house within the gate there is a faire large court from the one side to the other wherein there are made places for the strongest and stoutest Eliphants appointed for the seruice of the kings person and amongst all other Eliphants he hath foure that be white a thing so rare that a man shall hardly finde another king that hath any such and if this king knowe any other that hath white Eliphantes he sendeth for them as for a gift The time that I was there there were two brought out of a farre Countrey and that cost me something the sigth of them for that they commaund the marchants to goe to see them and then they must giue somewhat to the men that bring them the brokers of the marchants giue for euery man halfe a duckat which they call a Tansa which amounteth to a great summe for the number of merchants that are in that citie and when they haue payde the aforesayde Tansa they may chuse whether they will see them at that time or no because that when they are in the kings stall euery man may see them that will but at that time they must goe and see them for it is the kings pleasure it should be so This King amongst all other his titles is called the King of the white
they go vp to them with long ladders for feare of the Tygers which be very many The countrey is very fruitful of all things Here are very great Figs Orenges Cocoes and other fruits The land is very high that we fall withall but after we be entred the barre it is very lowe and full of riuers for they goe all too and fro in boates which they call paroes and keepe their houses with wife and children in them From the barre of Nigrais to the citie of Pegu is ten dayes iourney by the riuers Wee went from Cosmin to Pegu in Paroes or boates and passing vp the riuers wee came to Medon which is a prety towne where there be a wonderfull number of Paroes for they keepe their houses and their markets in them all vpon the water They rowe too and fro and haue all their marchandizes in their boates with a great Sombrero or shadow ouer their heads to keepe the sunne from them which is as broad as a great cart wheele made of the leaues of the Coco trees and fig trees and is very light From Medon we went to Dela which is a very faire towne and hath a faire port into the sea from whence go many ships to Malacca Mecca and many other places Here are 18. or 20. very great and long houses where they tame and keep many elephants of the kings for there about in the wildernesse they catch the wilde elephants It is a very fruitfull countrey From Dela we went to Cirion which is a good towne and hath a faire porte into the sea whither come many ships from Mecca Malacca Sumatra and from diuers other places And there the ships staie and discharge send vp their goods in Paroes to Pegu. From Cirion we went to Macao which is a pretie towne where we left our boats or Paroes in the morning taking Delingeges which are a kind of Coches made of cords cloth quilted caried vpon a stang betweene 3. or 4. men we came to Pegu the same day Pegu is a citie very great strong and very faire with walles of stone and great ditches round about it There are two townes the old towne and the newe In the olde towne are all the marchants strangers and very many marchants of the countrey All the goods are sold in the olde towne which is very great and hath many suburbes round about it and all the houses are made of Canes which they call Bambos and bee couered with strawe In your house you haue a Warehouse which they call Godon which is made of bricke to put your goods in for oftentimes they take fire and burne in an houre foure or fiue hundred houses so that if the Godon were not you should bee in danger to haue all burned if any winde should rise at a trice In the newe towne is the king and all his Nobilitie and Gentrie It is a citie very great and populous and is made square and with very faire walles and a great ditch round about it full of water with many crocodiles in it it hath twenty gates and they bee made of stone for euery square fiue gates There are also many Turrets for Centinels to watch made of wood and gilded with golde very faire The streets are the fairest that euer I saw as straight as a line from one gate to the other and so broad that tenne or twelue men may ride a front thorow them On both sides of them at euery mans doore is set a palmer tree which is the nut tree which make a very faire shew and a very commodious shadow so that a man may walke in the shade all day The houses be made of wood and couered with tiles The kings house is in the middle of the city and is walled and ditched round about and the buildings within are made of wood very sumptuously gilded and great workemanship is vpon the forefront which is likewise very costly gilded And the house wherein his Pagode or idole standeth is couered with tiles of siluer and all the walles are gilded with golde Within the first gate of the kings house is a great large roome on both sides whereof are houses made for the kings elephants which be maruellous great and faire and are brought vp to warres and in seruice of the king And among the rest he hath foure white elephants which are very strange and rare for there is none other king which hath them but he if any other king hath one hee will send vnto him for it When any of these white elephants is brought vnto the king all the merchants in the city are commanded to see them and to giue him a present of halfe a ducat which doth come to a great summe for that there are many merchants in the city After that you haue giuen your present you may come and see them at your pleasure although they stand in the kings house This king in his title is called the king of the white elephants If any other king haue one and will not send it him he will make warre with him for it for he had rather lose a great part of his kingdome then not to conquere him They do very great seruice vnto these white elephants euery one of them standeth in an house gilded with golde and they doe feede in vessels of siluer and gilt One of them when he doth go to the riuer to be washed as euery day they do goeth vnder a canopy of cloth of golde or of silke carried ouer him by sixe or eight men and eight or ten men goe before him playing on drummes shawmes or other instruments and when he is washed and commeth out of the riuer there is a gentleman which doth wash his feet in a siluer basin which is his office giuen him by the king There is no such account made of any blacke elephant be he neuer so great And surely there be woonderfull faire and great and some be nine cubites in height And they do report that the king hath aboue fiue thousand elephants of warre besides many other which be not taught to fight This king hath a very large place wherein he taketh the wilde elephants It standeth about a mile from Pegu builded with a faire court within and is in a great groue or wood and there be many huntsmen which go into the wildernesse with she elephants for without the she they are not to be taken And they be taught for that purpose and euery hunter hath fiue or sixe of them and they say that they anoint the she elephants with a certaine ointment which when the wild elephant doth smell he will not leaue her When they haue brought the wilde elephant neere vnto the place they send word vnto the towne and many horsemen and footmen come out and cause the she elephant to enter into a strait way which doeth goe to the palace and the she and he do runne in for it is
weare both men and women and it serueth for shirts smocks and all other kind of garments which they weare vpon their bodies and the Spanyards vse it to all such purposes especialâ—y such as cannot buy other And if it were not for this kind of cloth all maner of cloth that goeth out of Spaine I say linnen cloth would be solde out of all measure The wilde people go naked without any thing vpon them The women weare the skinne of a deere before their priuities and nothing els vpon all their bodies They haue no care for any thing but onely from day to day for that which they haue need to cat They are big men and likewise the women They shoot in bowes which they make of a cherry tree and their arrowes are of cane with a sharpe flint stone in the end of the same they will pierce any coat of maile and they kill deere and cranes and wilde geese ducks and other fowle and wormes and snakes and diuers other vermio which they eat They liue very long for I haue seene men that haue beene an hundred yeres of age They haue but very litle haire in their face nor on their bodies The Indians haue the friers in great reuerence the occasion is that by them and by their meanes they are free and out of bondage which was so ordeined by Charles the emperor which is the occasion that now there is not so much gold and siluer comming into Europe as there was while the Indians were slaues For when they were in bondage they could not chuse but doe their taske euery day and bring their masters so much metall out of their mines but now they must be well payed and much intreated to haue them worke So it hath bene and is a great hinderance to the owners of the mines and to the kings quinto or custome There are many mines of copper in great quantity whereof they spend in the countrey as much as serueth their turnes There is some golde in it but not so much as will pay the costs of the fining The quantity of it is such and the mines are so farre from the sea that it will not be worth the fraight to cary it into Spaine On the other side the kings officers will giue no licence to make ordinance thereof whereupon the mines lie vnlaboured and of no valuation There is much lead in the countrey so that with it they couer churches and other religious houses wherefore they shall not need any of our lead as they haue had need thereof in times past The pompe and liberalitie of the owners of the mines is maruellous to beholde the apparell both of them and of their wiues is more to be compared to the apparell of noble persons then otherwise If their wiues goe out of their houses as vnto the church or any other place they goe out with great maiesty and with as many men and maids as though she were the wife of some noble man I will assure you I haue seene a miners wife goe to the church with an hundred men and twenty gentlewomen and maids They keepe open house who will may come to eat their meat They call men with a bell to come to dinner and supper They are princes in keeping of their houses and bountifull in all maner of things A good owner of mines must haue at the least an hundred slaues to cary and to stampe his metals he must haue many mules and men to keepe the mines he must haue milles to stampe his metals he must haue many waines and oxen to bring home wood to fine the oare he must haue much quicke-siluer and a maruellous quantity of salt-brine for the metals and he must be at many other charges And as for this charge of quicke-siluer it is a new inuention which they finde more profitable then to fine their oare with lead Howbeit the same is very costly for there is neuer a hundred of quick-siluer but costeth at the least threescore pounds sterling And the mines fall dayly in decay and of lesse value and the occasion is the few Indians that men haue to labour their mines There is in New Spaine a maruellous increase of cattel which dayly do increase and they are of a greater growth then ours are You may haue a great steere that hath an hundred weight of tallow in his belly for sixteene shillings and some one man hath 20000 head of cattel of his owne They sell the hides vnto the merchants who lade into Spaine as many as may be well spared They spend many in the countrey in shooes and boots and in the mines and as the countrey is great so is the increase of the cattell woonderfull In the Island of Santo Domingo they commonly kill the beasts for their hides and tallow and the fowles eat the carkâ—ises and so they do in Cuba and Porto Rico whereas there is much sugar and cana fistula which dayly they send into Spaine They haue great increase of sheepe in like maner and dayly do intend to increase them They haue much wooll and as good as the wooll of Spaine They make cloth as much as serueth the countrey for the common people and send much cloth into Peru. I haue seene cloth made in the city of Mexico which hath beene solde for tenne pezos a vare which is almost foure pounds English and the vare is lesse then our yard They haue woad growing in the countrey and alum and brasill and diuers other things to die withall so that they make all colours In Peru they make no cloth but heereafter our cloth will be little set by in these parts vnlesse it be some fine cloth The wools are commonly foure shillings euery roue which is fiue twenty pounds and in some places of the countrey that are farre from the places where as they make cloth it is woorth nothing and doth serue but onely to make beds for men to lie on They make hats as many as doe serue the Countrey very fine and good and sell them better cheape then they can be brought out of Spaine and in like maner send them into Peru. Many people are set on worke both in the one and in the other they spin their wooll as we doe and in steed of oyle they haue hogs grease they twist not their threed so much as wee doe neither worke so fine a threed They make no kersies but they make much cloth which is course and sell it for lesse then 12. pence the vare It is called Sayall They haue much silke and make all maner of sorts thereof as Taffataes Sattins Ueluets of all colours and they are as good as the silkes of Spaine sauing that the colours are not so perfect but the blackes are better then the blackes that come out of Spaine They haue many horses and mares and mules which the Spaniards brought thither They haue
Dulce mare inter Nouam Zemblam Tabin suspicatur A great gulfe is beyond Vaigats whereinto mighty riuers descend The best course to be taken in discoueries The mouthes of Bautisus and Oechardus 300. leagues from Cambalu Upon the obseruations of the tides depend great speculations May. Iune Kene an Island of Norway The North cape doubled Wardhouse Iuly Willoughbies land â—0 leagues from Kegor A sight of perfect land 70. deg 3. min. An Island The maine land Bearebay 70. deg 26. min. The supposed maine of Noua Zembla Many ouerfals The bay of Pechora They had sight of Vaygatz In Island hauing store of wood water â— faire islands An Island to the East of Vaigatz 4. or 5. leagues The William and the George meete againe Their returâ—e The currant runneth with the winde August A whole land of yce 70. degr 4. min. Frost The appearing of the starres signe of Winter Much snow Great store of snowe 69 degrees 49 minutes Then are thwart against Vaigats The Islands Shoales off Colgoyeue They lost the William here The land of Hugry The bay of Morezouets The towne of Hungon They double the North Cape in their returne Fowlenesse Lowfoote The sound of Romesal October Moore soundâ— Berozoua Vstia The Russian fleet best to be set forth in the beginning of May. 1582 Doctor Iacob Pheodor Andreuich Phisemsky the Emperors â—mbassadour The Hollanders intrude into our trade ‖ M. Coâ—e The great friendship of L. Boris Pheodorouich ‖ The Emperours house of recreation Anno 1553. M. William Burrough was then yong and with his brother in this first voyage Newnox is froÌ„ the road of S. Nicholas Westward 35 miles Note Anno 1554. Anno 1555. The King and Queenes letters M. Killingworths beard of a marueâ—lous length Anno 1556. Anno 1557. Loghar voyage 1560. The first trade to the Narue 1560. Alcock slaine in Persia. Edwards died at Astracanâ— Bannister died in Media ‖ Or Theodor. The death of Iuan Vasiliwich 1584. Apr. 18. â— Boris adopted as the Emperors third sonne The old Empresse her father and her yong sonne sent to Ouglets The day of Pheodor his coronation Iohn de Wale Chare Siberskâ— prince of Siberia taken prisoner and brought to Mosco Sopher Keri Alli king of the Crimmes arriual at Mosco The new Emperor Pheodore Iuanoâ—ich his letters and requests to the Queene M. Horseis voiage froÌ„ Mosco to England ouerland 1586 * It is rosting to death Strabo in his 7. booke of Geogr. Gen. 10. Ioseph l. 1 ca,14 The borders of Russia The Shires of Russia The Prouinces or Countries got by conquest The breadth and length of the Countrey Pechinga The colde of Russia The chiefe Riuers of Russia The fruits and graine of Russia The chiefe commodities of the Countrey 1 Furres These Rats are in Canada Momgosorskoy perhaps Molgomzaiâ— 2 Waxe 3 Hony 4 Tallow 5 Hide 6 Trane oyle The maner of hunting the Seale fish 7 Ickary 8 Hempe and Flaxe 9 Salt Nonocks 10 Tarre 11 Ribazuba 12 Slude 13 Saltpeter and brimstone 14 Iron The strange beasâ—es fish foule c. that breed in Russia Mosco Nouograd Iaruslaue Saxo Grammaticus lib. 11. pag. â—87 The maner of Russe building Souldiers by birth and inheritance Degrees of horsemen 1. â—raetoriani or such as attend the Emperors person 15000. Two other troupes to the number of 65000. Horsemen in continuall pay 80000. Footmen in continual pay 12000. StraÌ„gers mercenaries in pay 4300. The chief captains or leaders 1. The Voiauod or General 2. Lieutenant general 3. Marshals of the field foure Foure marshals deputies right Fiue Coronels vnder Captains Sixe Masters of the Artillery The walking Captaine Their order of mustering The horsemaÌ„s furniture The footmans furniture Prouision of victual Horsemens drummes The horsâ—mans maner of charging The footmans charge The walking Castle 1580. Reward for valure 1580. Lituania Narue Siberia and Ob. Conquest of a 1000 miles Permia and Pechora Means of holding chiefe townes Meanes of holding the countries of Pechora Permia and Siberia Siberia The kings brother of Siberia 1588. The PoloniaÌ„s called Laches by the Russe The Chrim Tartar The firing of Mosco by the Chrim Tartar in the yeare 1571. Homage done bâ— the Russe to the Chrim Tartar The maner of the Tartars fight and armour The subtiltiâ— of the Tartar The Tartar religion The Tartar nobilitie The Tartar diet 1588. The Tartars dwelling Pachymerius Laonicus Calcocondylas 1400 The Nagay Tartar the cruellest The Chircasce the câ—uâ—llest Tartar The Cheremissen Tartar of two sorts the Lugauoy and the Nagornay The Mordwit Tartar y e most barbarous of the rest The reuiuing of silkwormes Chrinisin a kind of silkworme Liberty to trade downe the Caspian sea No stranger without pasport admitted The Permians The Samoits The Samoits religion Slata Baba or the goldeÌ„ Hag. A fable The Sea Fishing oâ— sea The Samoits habit and behauiour The people of Meta Incognita such The â—appes The mart at Cola. Sleds drawen with Deere The dominion of the Duke of Moscouia Vologda Verst Vstiug Suchana Iug. So called of his swift and pleasant streame Pienega Nicholai Kuluio The regions by the North sea Pieza Piescoia Rubicho Czircho Czilma Petzora Pustosero Vssa * Cingulus mundâ— Stzuchogora Potzscheriema Camenipoias Samoged Foules and beasts Wilde people Poiassa Camen Artawischa Sibut Lepin Sossa Obi. Kitaisko Vuogolici Irtische Ierom. Tumen Grustina Kitai Blacke men without speech Serponow Lucomoria Men that yerely die and reuiue Obi. Calami Riuers Aureâ— Anus Obdora Cossin Cassima Tachnin a great riuer People of moÌ„strous shape A fish like a man Plinie writeth of the like fish The end of the iournall Mountaines The great Can of Cathay Moria is the sea Lucomoria Tumen Petzora Papin High mountaines supposed to be Hyperborei and Khipphet Cathay The fâ—uitâ—ull prouince of Rezan Iâ—â—oslaue Hony La regione della Cine. Confini delli vâ—rimi Tartariâ— Alcune Terre Incognite Confini Settentrionall della Russia The Countrey of China The coasts of the vttermost Tartaâ—s Certaine vnknowne Countrees The Northern coasts oâ— Russia The Northwest Master of the Horse The L. Steward The â— Treasurer Controller Chamberlaine Tasters Harbengers Gentlemen of the chamber The Gard. Groomes Constitution of their bodies Their diet An admirable induring of extreme heat and colde at one and the same time The Noble mans attire The Gentlemans apparel The Noble womans attire The Mousickâ— or common mans attire The Emperors stile increased The English Marchants complaints English Marchants in great fauour with the Emperor Halfe the debt of Aâ—tony Marsh remitted Ann. Dom. 1590. 1590 1585 The Emperor seised our merâ—â—ants goods 1591 This is a new poâ—t The English merchants 3 weeks restrained from their Mart. 1591 1592 The Emperors â—â—ile lately enlarged This is a damty meat made of the roâ—d of sturgeons M. Thomas Lind. 1592 The Empresse Irene deliuered of a daughter M. Francis Cherie Anno Domini 1592. After our accompt 1596. 10. Febr. 1597. Prince Boris Pheodorowich by
or fountaines the water of which so soone as it entereth into the lake becommeth hard salte like vnto ice And out of those salte pittes Baatu and Sartach haue great reuenues for they repayre thither out of all Russia for salte and for each carte loade they giue two webbes of cotton amounting to the value of half an Yperpera There come by sea also many ships for salt which pay tribute euery one of them according to their burden The third day after wee were departed out of the precincts of Soldaia we found the Tartars Amongst whome being entered me thought I was come into a new world Whose liâ—e and maners I wil describe vnto your Highnes aswell as I can Of the Tartars and of their houses Chap. 2. THey haue in no place any setled citie to abide in neither knowe they of the celestiall citie to come They haue diuided all Scythia among themselues which stretcheth from the riuer Danubius euen vnto the rising of the sunne And euery of their captaines according to the great or or small number of his people knoweth the bounds of his pastures and where he ought to feed his cattel winter and summer Spring and autumne For in the winter they descend vnto the warme regions southward And in the summer they ascend vnto the colde regions northward In winter when snowe lyeth vpon the ground they feede their cattell vpon pastures without water because then they vse snow in stead of water Their houses wherein they sleepe they ground vpon a round foundation of wickers artificially wrought and compacted together the roofe whereof consisteth in like sorte of wickers meeting aboue into one little roundell out of which roundell ascendeth vpward a necke like vnto a chimney which they couer with white felte and oftentimes they lay morter or white earth vpon the sayd felt with the powder of bones that it may shine white And sometimes also they couer it with blacke felte The sayd felte on the necke of their house they doe garnish ouer with beautifull varietie of pictures Before the doore likewise they hang a felt curiously painted ouer For they spend all their coloured felt in painting vines trees birds and beastes thereupon The sayd houses they make so large that they conteine thirtie foote in breadth For measuring once the breadth betweene the wheele-ruts of one of their cartes I found it to be 20 feete ouer and when the house was vpon the carte it stretched ouer the wheeles on each side fiue feete at the least I told 22. oxen in one teame drawing an house vpon a cart eleuen in one order according to the breadth of the carte and eleuen more before them the axletree of the carte was of an huge bignes like vnto the mast of a ship And a fellow stood in the doore of the house vpon the forestall of the carte driuing forth the oxen Moreouer they make certaine fouresquare baskets of small slender wickers as big as great chestes and afterward from one side to another they frame an hollow lidde or couer of such like wickers and make a doore in the fore side thereof And then they couer the sayd chest or little house with black felt rubbed ouer with tallow or sheeps milke to keepe the raine from soaking through which they decke likewise with painting or with feathers And in such chests they put their whole houshold stuffe treasure Also the same chests they do strongly bind vpon other carts which are drawen with camels to y e end they may wade through riuers Neither do they at any time take down the sayd chests from off their carts When they take down their dwelling houses they turne the doores alwayes to the South next of all they place the carts laden with their chests here there within half a stones cast of y e house insomuch that the house standeth between two ranks of carts as it were between two wals The matrons make for theÌ„selues most beautiful carts which I am not able to describe vnto your maiestie but by pictures onlie for I would right willingly haue painted al things for you had my skill bin ought in that art One rich Moal or Taâ—tar hath 200. or 100. such cartes with chests Duke Baatu hath sixteene wiues euery one of which hath one great house besides other little houses which they place behind the great one being as it were chambers for their maidens to dwel in And vnto euery of the said houses do belong 200. cartes When they take their houses from off the cartes the principal wife placeth her court on the West frontier and so all the rest in their order so that the last wife dwelleth vpon the East frontier and one of the said ladies courts is distant from another about a stones cast Whereupon the court of one rich Moal or Tartar will appeare like vnto a great village very few men abiding in the same One woman will guide 20. or 30. cartes at once for their countries are very plaine and they binde the cartes with camels or oxen one behind another And there sittes a wench in the foremost carte driuing the oxen and al the residue follow on a like pace When they chance to come at any bad passage they let them loose and guide them ouer one by one for they goe a slowe pace as fast as a lambe or an oxe can walke Of their beds and of their drinking pots Chap. 3. HAuing taken downe their houses from off their cartes and turning the doores Southward they place the bed of the master of the house at the North part thereof The womens place is alwaies on the East side namely on the left hand of the good man of the house sitting vpon his bed with his face Southwards but the mens place is vpon y e West side namely at the right hand of their master Men when they enter into the house wil not in any case hang their quiuers on the womens side Ouer the masters head there is alwayes an image like a puppet made of felte which they call the masters brother and another ouer the head of the good wife or mistresse which they call her brother being fastened to the wall and aboue betweene both of them there is a little leane one which is as it were the keeper of the whole houâ—e The good wife or mistresse of the house placeth aloft at her beds feete on the right haâ—d the skinâ—e of a Kidde stuffed with wooll or some other matter and neare vnto that a litle image or puppet looking towards the maidens and women Next vnto the doore also on the womens side there is another image with a cowes vdder for the women that milke the kine For it is the duety of their women to milke kine On the other side of the doore next vnto the men there is another image with the vdder of a mare for the men which milke mares And when they come together to drinke and make merie they sprinckle parte
taste like the taste of almon milke and goeth downe very pleasantly intoxicating weake braines also it causeth vrine to be auoided in great measure Likewise Caracosmos that is to say black Cosmos for great lords to drink they make on this maner First they beat the said milke so long till the thickest part thereof descend right downe to the bottome like the lees of white wine and that which is thin and pure remaineth aboue being like vnto whay or white must The said lees or dregs being very white are giuen to seruants aâ—d will cause them to sleepe exceedingly That which is thinne and cleare their masters drinke â— and in very deed it is marueilous sweete and holesome liquor Duke Baatu hath thirty cottages or granges within a daies iourney of his abiding place euery one of which serueth him dayly with the Caracosmos of an hundreth mares milk and so all of them together euery day with the milke of 3000. mares besides white milke which other of his subiects bring For euen as the husbandmen of Syria bestow the third part of their fruicts and carie it vnto the courts of their lords euen so doe they their mares milke euery third day Out of their cowes milke they first churne butter boyling the which butter vnto a perfect decoction they put it into rams skinnes which they reserue for the same purpose Neither doe they salte their butter and yet by reason of the long seething it putrifieth not and they keepe it in store for winter The churnmilke which remaineth of the butter they let alone till it be as sowre as possibly it may be then they boile it and in boiling it is turned all into curdes which curds they drie in the sun making them as hard as the drosse of iron and this kind of food also they store vp in sachels against winter In the winter season when milke faileth them they put the foresaid curds which they cal Gry-vt into a bladder and powring hot water thereinto they beat it lustily till they haue resolued it into the said water which is thereby made exceedingly sowre and that they drinke in stead of milke They are very scrupulous and take diligent heed that they drinke not fayre water by it selfe Of the beastes which they eat of their garments and of their maner of hunting Chap. 7. GReat lords haue cottages or granges towards the South from whence their tenants bring them Millet and meale against winter The poorer sort prouide themselues of such necessaries for y e exchange of rams of other beasts skins The Tartars slaues fil their bellies with thick water are therewithall contented They wil neither eaâ—e mise with long tailes nor any kinde of mise with short tailes They haue also certaine litle beasts called by theÌ„ Sogur which lie in a caue twenty or thirty of them together al the whole winter â—â—eeping there for the space of sixe moneths and these they take in great abundance There are also a kind of conies hauing long tayles like vnto cats on the outside of their tailes grow blacke white haires They haue many other small beasts good to eat which they know and discerne right well I saw no Decre there but a fewe hares but a great nuÌ„ber of Roes I saw wild asses in great abundance which be like vnto Mules Also I saw another kind of beast called Artak hauing in al resemblance the body of a ram crooked hornes which are of such bignes that I could scarce lift vp a paire of them with one hand of these hornes they make great drinking cups They haue Falcons Girfalcons other haukes in great plenty all which they cary vpon their right hands they put alwaies about their Falcons necks a string of leather which hangeth down to y e midst of their gorges by the which string wheÌ„ they cast them off the fist at their game with their left hand they bow downe the heads breasts of the sayd haukes least they should be tossed vp downe beaten with the wind or least they should soare too high Wherefore they get a great part of their victuals by hunting hauking Concerning their garments and attire be it knowen vnto your Maiestie that out of Cataya other regions of the East out of Persia also and other countries of the South there are brought vnto them stuffes of silke cloth of gold cotton cloth which they weare in time of summer But out of Russia Moxel Bulgaria the greater Pascatâ—r that is Hungaria the greater and out of Kersis all which are Northerne regions full of woods also out of many other countries of the North which are subiect vnto them the inhabitants bring them rich and costly skins of diuers sortes which I neuer saw in our countries where withal they are clad in winter And alwaies against winter they make themselues two gownes one with the fur inward to their skin another with the furre outward to defend them from wind snow which for the most part are made of woolues skins or Fox skins or els of Papions And wheÌ„ they sit within the house they haue a finer gowne to weare The poorer sort make their vpper gowne of dogs or of goats skins When they goe to hunt for wild beasts there meets a great company of them together inuironing the place round about where they are sure to find some game by litle litle they approch on al sides til they haue gotten the wild beasts into the midst as it were into a circle then they discharge their arrowes at them Also they make theÌ„selues breeches of skins The rich Tartars somtimes fur their gowns with pelluce or silke shag which is exceeding soft light warme The poorer sort do line their clothes with cottoÌ„ cloth which is made of the finest wooll they can pick out of the courser part of the said wool they make felt to couer their houses and their chests and for their bedding also Of the same wool being mixed with one third part of horse haire they make all their cordage They make also of the said felt couerings for their stooles and caps to defende their heads from the weather for all which purposes they spend a great quantity of their wooll And thus much concerning the attyre of the men Of the fashion which the Tartars vse in cutting their haire and of the attire of their women Chap. 8. THe men shaue a plot foure square vpon the crownes of their heads and from the two formost corners they shaue as it were two seames downe to their temples they shaue also their temples and the hinder part of their head euen vnto the nape of the necke likewise they shaue the forepart of their scalp downe to their foreheads vpon their foreheads they leaue a locke of hayre reaching downe vnto their eye browes vpon the two hindermost corners of of their heads they haue two lockes also
which they twine and braid into knots and so bind and knit them vnder each eare one Moreouer their womens garments differ not from their mens sauing that they are somwhat longer But on the morrowe after one of their women is maried shee shaues her scalpe from the middest of her head down to her forehead weares a wide garment like vnto the hood of a Nunne yea larger and longer in all parts then a Nuns hood being open before and girt vâ—to them vnder the right side For herein doe the Tartars differ from the Turkes because the Turkes fasten their garments to their bodies on the left side but the Tartars alwaies on the right side They haue also an ornament for their heads which they call Botta being made of the barke of a trée or of some such other lighter matter as they can find which by reason of the thicknes roundnes therof cannot be holden but in both hands together it hath a square sharp spire rising froÌ„ the top therof being more then a cubite in length fashioned like vnto a pinacle The said Botta they couer al ouer with a piece of rich silke it is hollow within vpon the midst of the sayd spire or square toppe they put a bunch of quils or of slender canes a cubite long and more the sayd bunch on the top thereof they beautifie with Peacocks feathers round about al y e length therof with the feathers of a Malards taile with precious stones also Great ladies weare this kind of ornament vpon their heads binding it strongly with a certain hat or coyfe which hath an hole in the crowne fit for the spire to come through it vnder the foresaid ornament they couer the haires of their heads which they gather vp round together froÌ„ the hinder part therof to the crowne so lap them vp in a knot of bundel within the said Botta which afterward they bind strongly vnder their throtes Hereupon when a great company of such gentlewomen ride together and are beheld a far off they seem to be souldiers with helmets on their heads carrying their launces vpright for the said Botta appeareth like an helmet with a launce ouer it Al their women sit on horsebacke bestriding their horses like men they bind their hoods or gownes about their wastes with a skie coloured silke skarfe with another skarfe they girde it aboue their breasts they bind also a piece of white silke like a mufler or maske vnder their eyeâ— reaching down vnto their breast These gentlewomen are exceeding fat the lesser their noses be the fairer are they esteemed they daube ouer their sweet faces with grease too shamefully and they neuer lie in bed for their trauel of childbirth Of the dueties inioined vnto the Tartarian women and of their labours and also of their mariages Chap. 9. THe duties of women are to driue carts to lay their houses vpon carts to take them downe again to milke kine to make butter Gry-vt to dresse skins to sow them which they vsually sowe with thread made of sinewes for they diuide sinewes into slender threads then twine theÌ„ into one long thread They make sandals socks other garments Howbeit they never wash any apparel for they say that God is then angry that dreadful thunder wil ensue if washed garmeÌ„ts be hanged forth to drie yea they beat such as wash take their garments froÌ„ them They are wonderfully afraid of thunder for in the time of thunder they thrust all strangers out of their houses then wrapping theÌ„selues in black felt they lie hidden therein til the thunder be ouerpast They neuer wash their dishes or bowles yea when their flesh is sodden they wash the platter wherein it must be put with scalding hot broth out of the pot then powre the said broth into the pot againe They make felte also couer their houses therewith The duties of the men are to make bowes arrowes stirrops bridles and saddles to build houses carts to keepe horses to milke mares to churne Cosmos and mares milke to make bags wherein to put it they keepe camels also lay burthens vpon them As for sheepe goates they tend and milke them aswell the men as the women With sheeps milke thicked salted they dresse and tan their hides When they wil wash their hands or their heads they fil their mouthes full of water spouting it into their hands by little and little they sprinckle their haire wash their heades therwith As touching mariages your Highnes is to vnderstand that no man can haue a wife among them till he hath bought her whereupon somtimes their maids are very stale before they be maried for their parents alwaies keepe theÌ„ till they can sel them They keepe the first and second degrees of consanguinitie inuiolable as we do but they haue no regard of the degrees of affinity for they wil marrie together or by succession two sisters Their widowes marie not at al for this reason because they beleeue that al who haue serued them in this life shall do them seruice in the life to come also Whereupon they are perswaded that euery widow after death shal returne vnto her own husband And herehence ariseth an abominable filthy custome among them namely that the sonne marieth somtimes all his fathers wiues except his own mother For the court or house of the father or mother falleth by inheritance alwaies to the yonger son Wherupon he is to prouide for all his fathers wiues because they are part of his inheritance aswel as his fathers possessions And then if he will he vseth them for his owne wiues for he thinks it no iniurie or disparagement vnto himselfe although they returne vnto his father after death Therfore wheÌ„ any man hath bargained with another for a maid the father of the said damosel makes him a feast in the meane while she fleeth vnto some of her kinsfolks to hide her selfe Then saith her father vnto the bridegrome Loe my daughter is yours take her wheresoeuer you can find her Then he and his friends seek for her till they can find her and hauing found her hee must take her by force and cary her as it were violently vnto his owne house Of their execution of iustice and iudgement and of their deaths and burials Chap. 10. COncerning their lawes or their execution of iustice your Maiesty is to be aduertised that when two men fight no third man dare intrude himself to part them Yea the father dare not help his owne sonne But he that goes by the worst must appeale vnto the court of his lord And whosoeuer els offereth him any violence after appeale is put to death But he must go presâ—ntly without all delay and he that hath suffered the iniury carieth him as it were captiue They punish no man with sentence of death vnles hee bee taken in the deede doing
streightly neither doe they eate any thing besides hearbes and salt fish as long as those fasting dayes doe endure but vpon euery Wednesday and Friday in euery weeke throughout the yeere they fast There are very many Monasteries of the order of S. Benedict amongst them to which many great liuings for their maintenance doe belong for the Friers and the Monkes doe at the least possesse the third part of the liuings throughout the whole Moscouite Empire To those Monkes that are of this order there is amongst them a perpetuall prohibition that they may eate no flesh and therefore their meate is onely salt fish milke and butter neither is it permitted them by the lawes and customes of their religion to eate any fresh fish at all and at those foure fasting times whereof we spake before they eate no fish at all onely they liue with hearbes and cucumbers which they doe continually for that purpose cause and take order to grow and spring for their vse and diet As for their drinke it is very weake and small For the discharge of their office they do euery day say seruice and that early in the mornings before day and they doe in such sort and with such obseruation begin their seruice that they will be sure to make an ende of it before day and about nine of the clocke in the morning they celebrate the Communion When they haue so done they goe to dinner and after dinner they goe againe to seruice and the like also after supper and in the meane time while they are at dinner there is some exposition or interpretation of the Gospel vsed Whensoeuer any Abbot of any monasterie dieth the Emperour taketh all his housholde stuffe beastes flockes of sheepe golde siluer and all that he hath or els hee that is to succeede him in his place and dignitie doth redeeme all those things and buyeth them of the Emperour for money Their churches are built of timber and the towers of their churches for the most part are couered with shingle boordes At the doores of their churches they vsually build some entrance or porch as we doe and in their churchyardes they erect a certaine house of wood wherein they set vp their bels wherein sometimes they haue but one in some two and in some also three There is one vse and custome amongst them which is strange and rare but yet it is very ridiculous and that is this when any man dyeth amongst them they take the dead body and put it in a coffine or chest and in the hand of the corps they put a litle scroule in the some there are these wordes written that the same man died a Rusle of Russes hauing receiued the faith and died in the same This writing or letter they say they send to S. Peter who receiuing it as they affirme reades it and by and by admits him into heauen and that his glory and place is higher and greater then the glory of the Christians of the Latine church reputing themselues to be followers of a more sincere faith and religion then they they hold opinion that we are but halfe Christians and themselues onely to be the true and perfect church these are the foolish and childish dotages of such ignorant Babarians Of the Moscouites that are Idolaters dwelling neere to Tartaria THere is a certaine part of Moscouie bordering vpon the countreys of the Tartars wherin those Moscouites that dwell are very great idolaters they haue one famous idole amongst them which they call the Golden old wife they haue a custome that whensoeuer any plague or any calamitie doth afflict the countrey as hunger warre or such like then they goe to consult with their idol which they do after this maner they fall down prostrate before the idol pray vnto it put in the presence of the same a cymbal about the same certaine persons stand which are chosen amongst them by lotâ— vpon their cymball they place a siluer tode and sound the cymball and to whomsoeuer of those lotted persons that tode goeth he is taken and by and by slaine and immediately I know not by what illusions of the deuill or idole he is againe restored to life theâ— doth reueale and deliuer the causes of the present calamitie And by this meanes knowing how to pacifie the idole they are deliuered from the imminent danger Of the forme of their priuate houses and of the apparell of the people THe common houses of the countrey are euery where built of beames of Firre tree the lower beames doe so receiue the round holownesse of the vppermost that by the meanes of the building thereupon they resist and expell all winds that blow and where the timber is ioined together there they stop the chinks with mosse The forme fashion of their houses in al places is foure square with streit and narrow windowes whereby with a transparent casement made or couered with skinne like to parchment they receiue the light The roofes of their houses are made of boords couered without with y e barke of trees within their houses they haue benches or griezes hard by their wals which commonly they sleepe vpon for the common people knowe not the vse of beds they haue stooues wherein in the morning they make a fire and the same fire doth either moderately warme or make very hote the whole house The apparell of the people for the most part is made of wooll their caps are picked like vnto a rike or diamond broad beneath and sharpe vpward In the maner of making whereof there is a signe and representation of nobilitie for the loftier or higher their caps are the greater is their birth supposed to be and the greater reuerence is giuen them by the common people The Conclusion to Queene Marie THese are the things most excellent Queene which your Subiects newly returned from Russia haue brought home concerning the state of that countrey wherfore if your maiestie shall be fauourable and grant a continuance of the trauell there is no doubt but that the honour and renowme of your name will be spred amongst those nations whereunto three onely noble personages from the verie creation haue had accesse to whom no man hath bene comparable The copie of the Duke of Moscouie and Emperour of Russia his letters sent to King Edward the sixt by the hands of Richard Chancelour THe Almighty power of God and the imcomprehensible holy Trinitie rightfull Christian beliefe c. We great Duke Iuan Vasiliuich by the grace of God great lord and Emperor of all Russia great Duke of Volodemer Mosco and Nouograd King of Kazan King of Astracan lord of Plesko and great duke of Smolensko of Twerria Ioughoria Permia Vadska Bulghoria and others lord and great duke of Nouograd in the Low countrey of Chernigo Rezan Polotskoy Rostoue Yaruslaueley Bealozera Liefland Oudoria Obdoria and Condensa Commander of all Siberia and of the North parts and lord of many other
shall be misordered by negligence the burden whereof shall light vpon the negligent offending person especially vpon such as of their owne heads or temeritie will take vpon him or them to doe or to attempt any thing whereby preiudice may arise without the commission of the Agents as aboue is mentioned whereunto relation must be had 23 Forasmuch as it is not possible to write and indite such prescribed orders rules and commissions to the Agents and factours but that occasion time and place and the pleasures of the princes together with the operation or successe of fortune shall change or shift the same although not in the whole yet in part therefore the said company doe commit to you their deare and intire beloued Agents and factors to doe in this behalfe for the commodity and wealth of this company as by your discretions vpon good aduised deliberations shal be thought good and beneficiall Prouided alwayes that the honour good name fame credite and estimaâ—ion of the same companie be conserued and preserued which to confirme we beseech the liuing Lord to his glory the publike benefite of this realme our common profits and your praises Finally for the seruice and due accomplishment of all â—he premisses euery Agent and minister of and for this voyage hath not onely giuen a corporall othe vpon the Euangelists to obserue and cause to be obserued this commission and euery part clause and sentence of the same as much as in him lyeth as well for his owne part as for any other person but also haue bounde themselues and their friendes to the companie in seuerall suâ—mes of money expressed in the actes and records of this societie for the trueth and fidelities of them for the better and also manifester testification of the trueth and of their othes promises and â—ands aforesaid they haue to this Commission subscribed particularly their seuerall hands and the company also in confirmation of the same haue set their seale Yeuen the day moneth and yeeres first aboue mentioned The othé ministred to the seruants of the fellowship YE sweare by the holy contents of that booke that ye shal wel faithfully and truely and vprightly and with all your indeuour serue this right worshipfull company in that order which by this fellowships Agent or Agents in the dominions of the Emperours of Russia c. shall bee vnto you committed by commission commandement or other his direction And that you shall bee obedient and faithfull to the same our Agent or Agents and that well and truely and vprightly according to the commission charge commaÌ„dement or other direction of the said Agent or Agents to you from time to time giuen and to be giuen you shall prosecute and doe all that which in you lieth for the good renowme commoditie benefite and profite of the said fellowship and you shall not directly or indirectly openly or couertly doe exercise or vse any trade or feate of marchandizes for your owne priuate account commodity gaine or profite or for the account of or for any other person or persons without consent or licence of this said fellowship first obtained in writing And if you shall know or vnderstand any other person or persons to vse exercise or doe any trade traffike or feat of marchandise to or for his or their own account or accounts at any time or times hereafter that then ye shall truely and plainly disclose open vtter and reueale and shew the same vnto this said fellowship without fraude colour couâ—n or delay So helpe you God c. The letter of M. George Killingworth the companies first Agent in Moscouie touching their interteinement in their second voyage Anno 1555. the 27. of Nouember in Mosco RIght worshipfull my duetie considered c. It may please your worship to vnderstand that at the making hereof we all be in good health thanks be to God saue onely William our cooke as we came from Colmogro fell into the riuer out of the boate and was drowned And the 11. day of September wee came to Vologda and there we laide all our wares vp and sold very litle but one marchant would haue giuen vs 12. robles for a broad cloth he said he would haue had them all and 4. altines for a pound of sugar but we did refuse it because he was the first and the marchants were not come thither nor would not come before Winter trusting to haue more but I feare it will not be much better Yet notwistanding we did for the best And the house that our wares lie in costs from that day vntil Easter ten robles And the 28. day of September we did determine with our selues that it was good for M. Gray Arthur Edwards Thomas Hautory Christopher Hudson Iohn Segewicke Richard Iohnson and Richard Iudde to tarie at Vologda and M. Chancelor Henry Lane Edward Prise Robert Best and I should goe to Mosco And we did lade the Emperours suger with part of all sorts of wares to haue had to the Mosco with vs but the way was so deepe that we were faine to turne back and leaue it stil at Vologda till the frost And we went forth with poste horse the charge of euery horse being stil ten in number comes to 10. â— 7. d. halfe penie besides the guides And wee came to the Mosco the 4. day of October and were lodged that night in a simple house but the next day we were sent for to the Emperour his secretarie and he bade vs welcome with a cheerefull counteâ—ance and cheerefull wordes and wee shewed him that we had a letter from our Queenes grace to the Emperour his grace and then he desired to see them all and that they might remain with him to haue them perfect that the true meaning might be declared to the Emperour and so we did and then we were appointed to a better house and the seuenth day the secretary sent for vs againe then he shewed vs that we should haue a better house for it was the Emperour his will that we should haue all things that we did lacke and did send vs meade of two sorts and two hens our house free and euery two dayes to receiue eight hens seuen altines and two pence in money and meade a certaine and a poore fellow to make cleane our house to doe that wherunto we would set him And wee had giuen many rewards before which you shal perceiue by other and so we gaue the messengers a reward with thanks and the ninth day we were sent to make vs readie to speak with the Emperour on the morow And the letters were sent vs that wee might deliuer them our selues we came before him the tenth day and before we came to his presence we went thorow a great chamber where stood many small tunnes pailes bowles and pots of siluer I meane like washing bowles all parsel gilt and within that another chamber wherein sate I thinke neere a hundred in cloth of gold and
riuer found about the mouth of S. Nicholas Bay that hath thirteen foot vpon the barre at a lowe water and is as neere Colmogro as S. Nicholas which will bee a great pleasure vnto vs. We will that Steuen Burrowe doe proceed on his voiage to discouer Also we haue sent you one Anthonie Ienkinson Gentleman a man well trauelled whom we mind to vse in further trauelling according to a Commission deliuered him subscribed by master Anthonie Huse and others Wherefore we will you deliuer him one or more of such painfull young men as he shal thinke meetest for his purpose and likewise such money and wares as he shal think best to take with him He must haue fourty pounds a yeere for foure yeeres to be paid him by the halfe yeere or as he wil demaund it of you so let him haue it from Easter last Also the prices of wares here at this present are bale fâ—axe twenty pound the packe and better towe flaxe twentie eight pound the hundred traine oyle at nine pound the tunne waxe at foure pound the hundred tallow at sixteene shillings the hundred cables and ropes very deare as yet there are no shippes come out of Danske Kept vntill the tenth day of this present As this day came the goods out of Scotland that were recouered out of the Edward Bonauenture and nowe we doe perceiue that the caske that the trayne oyle came in is verie good and much better then ours Therefore our minde is that you shall lade it all in such barrels of the bigger sort as you laded in the Edward and no long barrels nor small And that caske that wee haue sent may serue for the Tallowe or anie other ware that is not leakage Neuerthelesse this voyage you must take such as you can get Also if the Emperour bee minded to deliuer you any summe of money or good Waxe at as reasonable a price as you may buye for readie money wee will that you shall take it and lade it for our accomptes and to come at our aduenture and hee to bee payed at the returne of the shippes in Ueluets Sattens or any other kinde of silke or cloth of golde cloth of tissue or according as his Commission shall bee that hee shall sende vs in the shippes and according to such paternes as hee shall send Wee doe not finde the Ambassadour nowe at the laâ—t so conformable to reason as wee had thought wee shoulde Hee is very mistrustfull and thinketh euerie man will beguile him Therefore you had neede to take heede howe you haue to doe with him or with any such and to make your bargaines plaine and to set them downe in writing For they bee subtill people and doe not alwaies speake the trueth and thinke other men to bee like themselues Therefore we would haue none of them to send any goods in our shippes at any time nor none to come for passengers vnlesse the Emperour doe make a bargaine with you as is aforesaid for his owne person Also we charge you not to suffer any of our nation to send any wares to their wiues or friends in any of our ships but to take their money there to be paied heere by the companie and not otherwise and to haue consideration how you doe take the roble For although we doe rate it after sixteene shillings eight pence of our money yet it is not worth past 12. or 13. shillings sterling Moreouer you had neede to sende newe accomptes for them that came in the Edward bee marred and torne so that we can make no reckoning by them and likewise to write vs a perfect note of all the goodes which you receiued the last voyage out of the Edward and heerein not to faile Andrew Iudde George Barne Anthonie Huse William Garrard William Chester A Letter of Master Thomas Hawtrey to the worshipfull Master Henrie Lane Agent at Colmogro written in Vologda the 31. of Ianuarie 1557. VVOrshipfull Sir heartie commendations premised These may bee to aduertise you that yesterday the thirtieth of this present came hither Robert Best and brought with him two hundred robles that is one hundred for this place and one hundred for you at Colmogro As for hempe which is here at two robles and a halfe the bercouite master Gray hath written to buy no more at that price for Iohn Sedgewicke hath bought for sixe or seuen hundred robles worth at Nouogrode for one roble and a halfe the bercouite and better cheape and white Nouogrode flaxe is there at three robles the bercouite I trust hee will doe much good by his going thither As I doe vnderstand Richard Iohnson is gone to Nouogrode with money to him I doubt not but Master Gray hath aduertised you of all their doings both at the Mosco and at Nouogrod And touching our doings heere you shall perceiue that wee haue solde wares of this fourth voyage for one hundred and fourtie robles besides fiftie robles of the second and third voyage since the giuing vp of my last account and for wares of the Countrey you shall vnderstand that I haue bought tried and vntried for 77. robles foure hundred podes of tried tallowe besides foure hundred podes that I haue giuen out money for whereof God graunt good receipt when the time commeth which is in Lent And in browne flaxe and hempe I haue bought seuenteene bercouites sixe podes and sixteene pound which cost 28. robles eleuen altines two pence And as for other kindes of wares I haue bought none as yet And for mastes to bee prouided you shall vnderstand that I wrote a letter to Totma the 28. of this present for fiftie mastes to wit for 25. of fifteene fathoms and 25. of foureteene fathoms to be an arshine and a halfe at the small ende And more I haue written for 30. great trees to be two arshines and a halfe at the small end and for the other that were prouided the last yeere I trust they shall be sent downe in the spring of the yeere And as concerning the Ropemakers you shall vnderstand that their abiding place shall bee with you at Colmogro as I doe thinke Master Gray hath aduertised you For as Roger Bontinge Master of the woorkes doeth say there is no place more meete for their purpose then with you and there it will be made with lesser cost considering that the pale is the one halfe of it which is to set one pale more to that and so for to couer it ouer which as they say will be but little cost They doe pray that it may bee made sixeteene foote broade and one hundred and eightie fathoms long and that in the midde way twentie foote from the pale towarde the water side there may be a house made to tarre in standing alone by it selfe for danger of fire The Tarre house that they woulde haue made is to bee fifteene fathoms long and ten fathoms broade and they would that house should be made first for I
which by report haue lien there since Noes flood And thus proceeding forward the nineteenth day in the morning I came into a town called Yemps an hundred verstes from Colmogro All this way along they make much tarre pitch and ashes of Aspen trees From thence I came to a place called Vstiug an ancient citie the last day of August At this citie meete two riuers the one called Iug and the other Sucana both which fall into the aforesaid riuer of Dwina The riuer Iug hath his spring in the land of the Tartars called Cheremizzi ioining to the countrey of Permia and Succana hath his head from a lake not farre from the citie of Vologda Thus departing from Vstiug and passing by the riuer Succana we came to a towne called Totma About this place the water is verie shallow and stonie and troublesome for Barkes and boats of that countrey which they call Nassades and Dosneckes to passe that way wherein marchandise are transported from the aforesayd Colmogro to the citie of Vologhda These vessels called Nassades are very long builded broade made and close aboue flatte bottomed and draw not aboue foure foote water and will carrie two hundred tunnes they haue none iron appertaining to them but all of timber and when the winde serueth they are made to sayle Otherwise they haue many men some to hale and drawe by the neckes with long small ropes made fast to the sayd boats and some set with long poles There are many of thâ—se barks vpon the riuer of Dwina And the most part of them belongeth vnto the citie of Vologhda for there dwell many marchants and they occupie the said boates with carying of salte from the sea side vnto the sayd Vologhda The twentieth of September I came vnto Vologhda which is a great citie and the riuer passeth through the midst of the same The houses are builded with wood of Firretrees ioyned one with another and round without the houses are foure square without any iron or stone worke couered with birch barkes and wood ouer the same Their Churches are all of wood two for euery parish one to be heated for Winter and the other for Summer On the toppes of their houses they laye much earth for feare of burning for they are sore plagued with fire This Vologhda is in 59 degrees eleuen minutes and is from Colmogro 1000 verstes All the way I neuer came in house but lodged in the wildernesse by the riuers side and caried prouision for the way And he that will trauell those wayes must carie with him an hatchet a tinder bore and a kettle to make fire and seethe meate when he hath it for there is small succour in those parts vnlesse it be in townes The first day of December I departed from Vologhda in posse in a sled as the maner is in Winter And the way to Moscua is as followeth From Vologhda to Commelski 27 verstes so to Olmor 25 verstes so to Teloytske 20 verstes so to Vre 30 verstes so to Voshansko 30 verstes then to Yeraslaue 30 verstes which standeth vpon the great riuer Volga so to Rostoue 50 verstes then to Rogarin 30 verstes so to Peraslaue 10 verstes which is a great towne standing hard by a faire lake From thence to Dowbnay 30 versâ—es so to Godoroke 30 verstes so to Owchay 30 verstes and last to the Mosco 25 verstes where I arriued the sixt day of December There are 14 postes called Yannes betweene Vologhda and Mosco which are accompted 500 verstes asunder The 10 day of December I was sent for to the Emperors Castle by the sayd Emperour and deliuered my letters vnto the Secretary who talked with me of diuers matters by the commandement of the Emperour And after that my letters were translated I was answered that I was welcome and that the Emperour would giue me that I desired The 25 day being the day of the natiuitie I came into the Emperors presence and kissed his hand who sate aloft in a goodly chaire of estate hauing on his heade a crowne most richly decked and a staffe of gold in his hand all apparelled with golde and garnished with precious stones There sate distant from him about two yardes his brother and next vnto him a boy of twelue yeares of age who was inheritor to y e Emperor of Casan conquered by this Emperor 8 yeares past Then sate his nobilitie round about him richly apparelled with gold and stone And after I had done obeisance to the Emperour he with his own mouth calling me by my name bade me to dinner and so I departed to my lodging till dinner time which was at sixe of the clocke by candle light The Emperour dined in a fayre great hall in the midst whereof was a pillar foure square very artificially made about which were diuers tables set and at the vppermost part of the hall sate the Emperour himselfe at his table sate his brother his Uncles sonne the Metropolitane the young Emperour of Casan and diuers of his noble men all of one side There were diuers Ambassadors other strangers as well Christians as heathens diuersly apparelled to the number of 600 men which dined in the sayd hall besides 2000 Tartars men of warre which were newly come to render themselues to the Emperour were appointed to serue him in his wars against the Lieflanders but they dined in other hals I was set at a litle table hauing no stranger with me directly before the Emperors face Being thus set and placed the Emperour sent me diuers bowles of wine and meade many dishes of meat from his own hand which were brought me by a Duke and my table serued all in gold and siluer and so likewise on other tables there were set bowles of gold set with stone worth by estimation 400 pounds sterling one cup besides the plate which serued the tables There was also a Cupbord of plate most sumptuous and rich which was not vsed among the which was a piece of golde of two yardes long wrought in the toppe with towers and dragons heads also diuers barrels of gold and siluer with Castles on the bungs richly and artificially made The Emperour and all the hall throughout was serued with Dukes and when dinner was ended the Emperour called me by name gaue me drinke with his own hand so I departed to my lodging Note that when the Emperour drinketh all the company stand vp and at euery time he drinketh or tasteth of a dish of meate he blesseth himselfe Many other things I sawe that day not here noted The 4 of Ianuary which was Twelftide with them the Emperour with his brother and all his nobles all most richly apparelled with gold pearles precious stones and costly furres with a crowne vpon his head of the Tartarian fashion went to the Church in procession with the Metropolitan and diuers bishops and priests That day I was before the Emperour again
otherwise to Colmogro nor to the riuer Ob nor within Wardhouse nor to Peâ—zora nor Cola nor Mezen nor to the abbey of Petchingo nor to the Island of Shallawy nor to any mouth of the riuer of Dwina nor to any part of the North countrey of our coast And if any merchant out of what countrey soeuer it be doe come with ship or shippes busses or any other kinde of vessell to any of our harbours within all our North parts we will that then the people and goods ship or ships shal be confiscate and forfeited to vs the Emperour and great Duke Giuen in our kingdome and house of Mosco the yeere from the beginning of the world 7076 in the moneth of September and in the 34 yeere of our reigne and in our conquest of Cazan 16 and in our conquest of Astracan 15. Perused and allowed by vs Anthonie Ienkinson William Rowly Thomas Hawtry Thomas Sowtham Rafe Rutter translatour hereof out of the Russe tongue A letter of M. Henrie Lâ—nâ—e to M. Richard Hakluit concerning the first ambassage to our most gracious Queene Elizabeth from the Russian Emperour anno 1567 and other notable matters incident to those places and times WOrshipfull sir because I finde you haue the successe and proceedings of Osep Napea the first ambassadour of the Russian Emperour to the Maiesties of King Philip and Queene Marie at what time and at his returne I was remaining in Russia do not finde that the perfect knowledge of the first ambassage from thence to this our Souereigne Ladie Queene Elizabeth is come to your hands betweene whose Highnesse and the ambassadours I was interpretour I thinke good to expresse it In August Anno 1567 arriued at London with their retinue two especiall authorised messengers named Stephen Twerdico and Theodore Pogorella with letters and presents to her Maiesty at that time being at Oâ—elands where diuers of the chiefe merchants of the Russian company did associate them and I there doing my duetie and office of interpretour her Maiestie gaue them audience First they rehearsed the long stile and Maiesty of their Master with his most friendly and hearty commendations to her Highnesse and then they testified the singular great ioy and pleasure that he conceiued to heare of her most princely estate dignitie and health and lastly they deliuered their letters and presents The presents sent vnto her Maiesty were Sables both in paires for tippets and two timbars to wit two times fortie with Luserns and other rich furres For at that time that princely ancient ornament of furres was yet in vse And great pitie but that it might be renewed especiall in Court and among Magistrates not onely for the restoring of an olde worshipfull Art and Companie but also because they be for our climate wholesome delicate graue and comely expressing dignitie comforting age and of longer continuance and better with small cost to be preserued then these new silks shagges and ragges wherein a great part of the wealth of the land is hastily consumed These ambassadours were appointed lodging and enterteinement by the Mosconie company at their house then in Seething Lane and were sundrie times after permitted to be in presence And in May 1568 tooke their leaue at Greenwich where they vnderstood and had the Queenes Maiesties minde letters and reward At the latter part of her talke her Highnesse considering that our trade to Saint Nicholas since the beginning had bene offensiue to diuers princes states and merchants Eastward vsed these speeches or the like Who is or shall be more touched by detractours with flying tales and vntrue reports then Princes and Rulers to the breach of loue and vnitie your Master and I in things that passe by word and writing I doubt not will keepe and performe promises If he heare the contrary of me let him suspend his iudgement and not be light of credit and so will I. These words they termed her Maiesties golden speech and kneeling downe kissed her hand and departed The letters that these two messengers brought were deliuered to me by my Lord Treasurour being then Secretarie to be translated the copies whereof I had but now cannot finde The copie of the Queenes Maiesties letter I send inclosed here with vnto your worship I also haue sent you a copy of a letter written from the king of Polonia to the Queenes Maiestie with other letters from some of our nation and factours declaring the displeasure for our trafficke to the Russes from anno 1558 to the yere 1566 especially by the way of the Narue in which yere of 1566 hauing generall procuration and commission from the Company I was in the Low countrey at Antwerpe and Amsterdam and sometimes in company with Polacks Danskers and Easterlings and by reason I had bene a lidger in Russia I could the better reply and proue that their owne nations and the Italians were most guiltie of the accusations written by the king of Poland This king Sigismundus whose ambassadours very sumptuous I haue seene at Mosco was reported to be too milde in suffering the Moscouites Before our trafficke they ouerranne his great dukedome of Lituania and tooke Smolensco carrying the people captiues to Mosco And in the yere 1563 as appeareth by Thomas Alcocks letter they suffered the Russe likewise in that Duchy to take a principall city called Polotzko with the lord and people thereof Likewise the said Sigismundus and the king of Sweden did not looke to the protection of Liuonia but lost all except Rie and Reuel and the Russe made the Narue his port to trafficke not onely to vs but to Lubec and others generall And still from those parts the Moscouites were furnished out of Dutchland by enterlopers with all arts and artificers and had few or none by vs. The Italians also furnished them with engines of warre and taught them warrelike stratagemes anâ— the arte of fortification In the dayes of Sigismund the Russe would tant the Polacks that they loued their ease at home with their wiues and to drinke and were not at commandement of their king This Sigismund had to wife the daughter of Ferdinando Charles the fifts brother and he died without issue Since which time their late elected king Stephanus Batore kept the Russe in better order and recouered Polotzko againe in the yere 1579. Thus with my heartie farewell I take my leaue of your worship Your assured friend Henrie Lane A Letter of the most excellent Maiestie of Queene Elizabeth sent by Stephen Twerdico and Pheodata Pogorella messengers of the Emperour of Russia vnto their Master the ninth of May 1568. Imperatori Moscouitarum c. ELIZABETHA c. Literas vestrae Maiestatis superiori anno 1567 decimo die mensis Aprilis datas vestri mercatores Stephanus Twerdico Pheodata Pogorella qui has nostras perferunt nobis tradidêre Quos vestros mercatores in omni suo apud nos nostros obeundo negotio ita tractari libenti
twise a weeke yet leaue they a tuft of haire vpon their heads about 2. foote long I haue enquired why they leaue the tuft of haire vpon their heads They answer that thereby they may easâ—â—er be caried vp into heauen when they are dead For their religion they haue certaine priests who are apparelled like vnto other men They vse euery morning and afternoone to go vp to the tops of their churches and tell there a great tale of Mahumet and Mortus Ali and other preaching haue they none Their Lent is after Christmas not in abstinence from flesh onely but from all meats and drinks vntill the day be off the skie but then they eate somtimes the whole night And although it be against their religion to drinke wine yet at night they will take great excesse thereof and be drunken Their Lent beginneth at the new Moone and they do not enter into it vntill they haue seene the same neither yet doeth their Lent end vntill they haue seen the next new Moone although the same through close weather should not be seen in long time They haue among them certaine holy men whom they call Setes counted holy for that they or any of their ancestors haue bene on pilgrimage at Mecha in Arabia for whosoeuer goeth thither on pilgrimage to visite the sepulchre of Mahumet both he and all his posteritie are euer after called Setes and counted for holy men and haue no lesse opinion of themselues And if a man contrary one of these he will say that he is a Saint and therefore ought to be beleeued and that hee cannot lie although he lie neuer so shamefully Thus a man may be too holy and no pride is greater then spirituall pride of a mind puffed vp with his owne opinion of holinesse These Setes do vse to shaue their heads all ouer sauing on the sides a litle aboue the temples the which they leaue vnshauen and vse to braid the same as women do their haire and to weare it as long as it will grow Euery morning they vse to worship God Mahumet and Mortus Ali in praying turne themselues toward the South because Mecha lieth that way from them When they be in trauell on the way many of them will as soone as the Sunne riseth light from their horses turning themselues to the South and will lay their gownes before them with their swords and beads and so standing vpright worship to the South and many times in their prayers kneele downe and kisse their beads or somwhat els that lieth before them The men or women doe neuer goe to make water but they vse to take with them a pot with a spout and after they haue made water they flash some water vpon their priuy parts and thus doe the women as well as the men and this is a matter of great religion among them and in making of water the men do cowre downe as well as the women When they earnestly affirme a matter they will sweare by God Mahumet or Mortus Ali and sometimes by all at ones as thus in their owne language saying Olla Mahumet Ali. But if he will sweare by the Shaughs head in saying Shaugham basshe you may then beleeue him if you will The Shaugh keepeth a great magnificence in his court and although sometimes in a moneth or six weekes none of his nobilitie or counsaile can see him yet goe they daily to the court and tary there a certaine time vntill they haue knowen his pleasure whether hee will commaund them any thing or not Hee is watched euery night with a thousand of his men which are called his Curshes whâ— are they that hee vseth to send into the Countreis about his greatest affaires When he sendeth any of them if it be to the greatest of any of his nobilitie he will obey them although the messenger should beat any of them to death The Shaugh occupieth himselfe alwayes two dayes in the weeke in his Bathstoâ—e and when he is disposed to goe thither he taketh with him fiue or sixe of his concubines more or lesse and one day they consume in washing rubbing and bathing him and the other day in paring his nailes and other matters The greatest part of his life hee spendeth amongst his wiues and concubines Hee hath now reigned about fiftie and foure yeeres and is therefore counted a very holy man as they euer esteeme their kings if they haue reigned fiftie yeeres or more for they measure the fauour of God by a mans prosperitie or his displeasure by a mans misfortune or aduersitie The great Turke hath this Shaugh in great reuerence because he hath reigned king so long time I haue sayd before that hee hath foure wiues and as many concubines as him listeth and if he chance to haue any children by any of his concubines and be minded that any of those children shall inherite after him then when one of his wiues dieth the concubine whom hee so fauoureth hee maketh one of his wiues and the childe whom he so loueth best he ordaineth to bee king after him What I heard of the maner of their mariages for offending of honest consciences and chaste eares I may not commit to writing their fasting I haue declared before They vse circumcision vnto children of seuen yeeres of age as do the Turkes Their houses as I haue said are for the most part made of bricke not burned but only dried in the Sunne In their houses they haue but litle furniture of houshold stuffe except it be their carpets and some copper worke for all their kettles dishes wherein they eate are of copper They eate on the ground sitting on carpets crosse legged as do Tailors There is no man so simple but he sitteth on a carpet better or worse and the whole house or roume wherein he sitteth is wholy couered with carpets Their houses are all with flat roofes couered with earth and in the Sommer time they lie vpon them all night They haue many bond seruaunts both men and women Bondmen and bondwomen is one of the best kind of merchandise that any man may bring When they buy any maydes or yong women they vse to feele them in all partes as with vs men doe horses when one hath bought a yong woman if he like her he will keepe her for his owne vse as long as him listeth and then selleth her to an other who doeth the like with her So that one woman is sometimes sold in the space of foure or fiue yeeres twelue or twentie times If a man keepe a bondwoman for his owne vse and if hee find her to be false to him and giue her body to any other he may kill her if he will When a merchant or traueller commeth to any towne where he entendeth to tary any time he hireth a woman or somtimes 2. or 3. during his abode there And when he commeth to an
the Queenes most excellent Maiestie from the Lord Boris Pheodorouich Godonoua BY the grace of God great Lord and great Duke Theodore Iuanouich gouernour of Russia Volodimer Mosco and Nouogrod King of Cazan and Astracan Lord of Vobsko and great Duke of Smolensco Otuer Vghori Perme Viatsky Bulgary and other regions Lord and great Duke of Nouogrod in the low countrey of Chernigo of Rezan Polotsko Rostoue Ieroslaue Bealozera and of Lifland of Vdorsky Obdorsky Condinsky and all the countrey of Sibery and commander of all the North parts and Lord ouer the countrey of Iuersky and King of Grusinsky and of the countrey of Kabardinsky Cherchasky and duke of Igorsky Lord and ruler of many countreys more c. Most resplendent Queene Elizabeth of England France and Ireland c. his princely Maiesties seruant Lord and Master of his horses and high Steward of his house and President of the territories of Cazan and Astracan Boris Pheodorouich Godonoua vnto your most excellent Maiesty great Ladie Queene Elizabeth send my humble commendations It hath pleased your Maiestie to write vnto me your gracious and princely letter by your seruant Thomas Lind which letter I receiued with all humblenesse During the time of the abode of your Messenger Thomas Lind here in the Mosco it pleased God of his mercifulnesse and our Lady the mother of God and holy Saints by the prayers of our lord and king his Maiestie Theodore Iuanouich ouer all Russia gouernour the right beleeuer and louer of Christ to send our Queene and gracious Lady Irene a yoong Princesse to the great ioy and comfort of our kingdome named Pheodocine Wherefore we giue all honour and glory to the almightie God vnspeakeable whose giftes had beene manifolde with mercie vnto vs for which all wee Christians laud and praise God After all this your seruant was occasioned to stay vntill the comming of your merchants from the sea port Touching the letters which you haue receiued from your louing brother our Lord and Master by your ambassadour therein you perceiue sufficiently my good meaning in trauailing for the continuance of amitie and friendship betwixt you mighty great princes in the which I will continue mine endeuour Also your merchants I haue taken into my protection for to defend them for the loue I beare to your Maiestie As heeretofore I haue done it willingly and with great care of their good so I meane to continue so farre as God will giue me leaue to the end that brotherly loue be holden betweene you Princes without disturbance As I haue beene to your merchants in times past so now by the permission and commandement of our Lord and Master I will be their defendour in all causes and will cause all our authorised people to fauour them and to defend them and to giue them free liberty to buy and sell at their pleasure The merchants doe not certifie your princely Maiestie of all our friendship and fauour shewed vnto them from time to time And whereas your Maiestie hath now written to our Lord and Master for the debts which your merchants ought to haue of William Turnebull lately disceased I hauing perused your Maiesties letter whereby I am requested to be a meane for the recouerie and obtaining of their sayd debts I haue moued it to our Lord and King his Maiestie that order may be giuen therein and that his kinseman Rainold Kitchin with three persons more may be sent ouer together with the sayd Turnebulles stuffe and other things as billes books and writings All which shall be deliuered to your merchants Agent and his fellowes and in money 600 rubbles of the sayd Turnebulles And touching your merchants I will haue a great care ouer them and protect them whereby they shall suffer no damages in their trade and all kinde of trafficke in merchandise shall be at their libertie Written in our Lord and Kings Maiestie royall citie of Mosco in the yeere from the beginning of the world 7101 in the moneth of Ianuarie A letter from the Lord Boris Pheodorowich to the right honourable Lord William Burghley Lord high Treasurer of England BY the grace of God great Lord King and great Duke Theodor Iuanouich gouernour of Russia Volodimer Mosco and Nouogrod King of Cazan and Astracan Lord of Vobsco and great Duke of Smolensco Otuer Vghory Perme Viatsky Bulgary and other regions Lord and great Duke of all Nouogrod in the low countreys of Chernigo of Liffeland of Vdorsky Obdorsky Condinsky and all the countrey of Sibery and commaunder of all the North parts and Lord ouer the countrey of Iuersky and King of Grosinsky and of the countreys of Kabardinsky Cherchasky and Duke of Igorsky Lord and ruler of many Countreys more c. His princely Maiesties seruant Lord and Master of his horses and high Steward of his house President of the territories of Cazan and Astracan Boris Pheodorowich Godonoua to the most honourable Counseller of the most resplendent mightie great Lady Elizabeth Queene of England France and Ireland William Burghley Lord and Knight of the Garter high Treasurour of England sendeth greeting I perceiue by your letter that your merchants last shippes came home in sastie and that you haue receiued the letters sent by them by the hands of Francis Cherie one from our Lord and great King of all Russia his Maiesty vnto your Queenes most excellent Maiesty and one from me to her Highnesse and one from my selfe to you and the contents thereof you haue caused to be read and well vnderstood at large And whatsoeuer is therein written concerning Ierome Horsey you haue sought out the ground thereof and that he is in great displeasure And her Highnesse hath written in her letter concerning her Maiesties merchants that whereas I haue taken them into protection she taketh it very louingly and kindely that for her sake they haue receiued so great kindnesse And touching the damages and hinderances which your merchaunts haue sustained by meanes of the Emperours authorised people and officers and that they were not permitted to trafficke at libertie at the Sea port in the yeere 1589 for the space of three weekes it hath beene against the Emperours Maiesties will and pleasure as also against mine Where you desire and wish that betweene our Emperours Maiestie and your Queenes Maiestie their loue and amitie may not bee seperated at any time but to continue and you request mee that I should be good vnto the English merchants and to defend them from all such damages hereafter your honours louing letter I haue therein throughly considered and as I haue bene heretofore so I will still continue to be a meane betwixt our Lorde and kings Maiestie and your great Lady the Queene her highnesse for the mainteyning of brotherly loue and amitie most ioyfully and willingly as God knoweth aswel hereafter as I haue bene heretofore praying you to doe the like also Mine onely desire is for your most excellent Princesse sake to do all that lyeth in mâ—e
commodities 3 5 The commodities and wares that are most desired in Guinea betwixt Sierra Leona and the furthest place of the Mina 52 6 Certaine articles of remembrance deliuered to M. Iohn Lok touching a voyage to Guinea Anno 1561. 52 7 A letter of M. Iohn Lok to the worshipfull company of marchants aduenturers of Guinea Anno 1561. 53 8 The relation of one William Rutter concerning a voyage set out to Guinea Anno 1562. Described also in verse by Robert Baker 54 9 A meeting at Sir William Gerards house for the setting foorth of a voyage to Guinea with the Minion of the Queenes The Iohn Baptist of London and the Merline of M. Gorson Anno 1564. 55 10 A relation of the successe of the same voyage taken out of a voyage of Sir Iohn Haukins to the West Indies 56 11 Certaine reports of the mighty kingdome of China deliuered by Portugales which were there imprisoned 68 12 A discourse of the Isle of Iapan and of other Isles in the East Ocean c. 80 13 An excellent description of the kingdome of China and of the estate and gouernement thereof pag. 88 14 A briefe relation of the great magnificence and rich trafficke of the kingdom of Pegu beyond the East India 102 15 Certaine remembrances of a voyage intended to Brasil and to the riuer of Plate but miserably ouer throwen neere Rio grande in Guinea in the yeere 1583. 110,111 16 The escape of the Primrose a ship of London from before the towne of Bilbao in Biscay and the taking of the Corrigidor Anno 1585. 112 17 The king of Spaines Commission for the generall imbargment or arrest of the English c. Anno 1585. 114 18 The Letters patents granted by her Maiestie to certaine noblemen and merchants of London for a trade to Barbary Anno 1585. 114 19 An edict from the Emperour of Maâ—occo in fauour of all Englishmen trading throughout his dominions Anno 1587. 118 20 A letter of the sayd emperour written to the Erle of Leicester in the yeare 1587. 118 21 A letter of the Queenes Maiestie written to the emperour of Marocco in the yere 1587. 119 22 A patent graunted to certaine merchants of Exceter and others of the VVest parts and of London for a trade to the riuers of Senega and Gambra in Guinea Anno 1588. 123 23 A relation concerning a voyage set foorth by M. Iohn Newton and M. Iohn Bird merchants of London to the kingdome and citie of Benin written by Antony Ingram An. 1588. 129 24 An aduertisement to king Philip the 2. of Spaine from Angola touching the state of the same countrey An. 1591. 133 25 A particular note of the VVest Indian fleete expected to haue arriued in Spaine An. 1592 with the number of ships of the same fleete that perished and suffered shipshrack c. 175 26 A large testimony of Iohn Huighen van Linâ—choten concerning the worthy exploits atchieued by the right hon the erle of Cumberland by Sir Martin Frobisher Sir Richard Grinuile and diuers other English Captains about the Isles of the Açores and vpon the coastes of Spaine and Portugale in the yeares 1589,1590,1591 178 27 A relation concerning the estate of the Island and Castle of Arguin and touching the rich and secret trade from the inland of Africa thither written in the yere 1491. 188 28 Two briefe relations concerning the Cities and Prouinces of Tombuto and Gago and concerning the exceeding great riches of the sayd Prouinces and the conquest thereof by the king of Marocco and of the huge masse of gold which he yerely receiueth thence for tribute VVritten Anno 1594. 192 29 A briefe extract of a patent granted to M. Thomas Gregory of Tanton and others for traffick betweene the riuer of Nonnia and the riuers of Madrabumba and Sierra Leona on the coast of Guinea An. 1592. 193 30 A report of the casting away of the Tobie a ship of London neere Cape Espartel on the coast of Barbary without the Streight of Gibraltar in the yere of our Lord 1593. 201 31 The letters of the Queens Maiestie sent by Laurence Aldersey vnto the Emperour of Ethiopia Anno 1597. 203 THE SECOND VOLVME OF THE principall Nauigations Voyages Traffiques and Discoueries of the English nation made to the South and Southeast quarters of the world within the Straight of Gibraltar with the Directions Letters Priuiledges Discourses and Obseruations incident to the same That the Brittons were in Italie and Greece with the Cimbrians and Gaules before the incarnation of Christ. M. Wil. Camden pag. 33. BRitannos autem cum Cimbris Gallis permistos fuisse in expeditionibus illis in Italiam Graeciam videtur Nam praeter nomen commune in Britannico Triadum libro vetustissimo vbi tres maximi exercitus qui è Britannis conscripti erant memorantur proditum est exterum quendam ducem longè maximum exercitum hinc contraxisse qui populata magna Europae parte tandem ad Graecum mare forsitan Gallatiam innuit confederit Britomarum item ducem inter illos militarem cuius meminit Florus Appianus Britonem fuisse nomeÌ„ euincit quod Britonem magnum significat Nec torquebo illud Strabonis qui Brennum natione Praâ—sum fuisse scribit vt natione Britonem faciam The same in English IT is not vnlike that the Britons accompanied the Cimbrians and Gaules in those expeditions to Italy and Greece For besides the common name it is recorded in that most ancient British booke called Liber Triadum wherein also mention is made of three huge armies that were leuied out of Britaine that a certaine outlandish Captaine gathered from hence a mightie armie who hauing wasted a great part of Europe at length tooke vp his abode perhaps the Author meaneth in Gallatia neere vnto the sea of Greece Likewise that the warrelike captaine Britomarus of whom Florus and Appian doe make report was himselfe a Briton his very name doeth testifie which signiâ—ieth A great Briton Neither will I wrest that testimonie of Strabo who reporteth Brennus to haue bene a Prause by birth that I may prooue him also to haue bene a Briton borne ¶ The trauaile of Helena HElena Flauia Augusta serenissimi Coelâ— Britannici Regis Haeres vnica filia Magni Constantini Caesaris mater incomparabili decôre fide religione bonitate ac magnificentiâ piâ Eusebio etiam teste per totum resplenduit orbem Inter omnes aetatis suae soeminas nulla inueniebatur eà in liberalibus artibus doctior nulla in instrumentis musicis peritior aut in linguis nationum copiosior Innatam habebat ingenij clariâ—udinem oris facundiam ac morum ornatissimam compositionem Hebraicè Graecè Latinè erudita Caruerat pater alia sobole inquit Virumnius quae Regni solio potiretur Illam propterea his instrui fecit per optimos preceptores vt eò commodius Regni tractaret negotia Vnde ob incredibilem eius pulchritudinem atque alias eximias animi
and durst doe nothing which was to our cost Being come within sight of Ierusalem the maner is to kneele downe and giue God thankes that it hath pleased him to bring vs to that holy place where he himselfe had beene and there we leaue our horses and go on foote to the towne and being come to the gates there they tooke our names and our fathers names and so we were permitted to go to our lodgings The gouernor of the house met vs a mile out of the towne and very curteously bade vs all welcome and brought vs to the monasterie The gates of the citie are all couered with yron the entrance into the house of the Christians is a very low narrow doore barred or plated with yron and then come we into a very darke entry the place is a monastery there we lay dieted of free cost we fared reasonable well the bread and wine was excellent good the chambers cleane all the meat well serued in with cleane linnen We lay at the monasterie two dayes friday and saturday and then we went to Bethlem with two or three of the friers of the house with vs in the way thither we saw many monuments as The mountaine where the Angell tooke vp Abacuck by the haire and brought him to Daniel in the Lions denne The fountaine of the prophet Ieremie The place where the wise men met that went to Bethlem to worship Christ where is a fountaine of stone Being come to Bethlem we sawe the place where Christ was borne which is now a chappell with two altars whereupon they say masse the place is built with gray marble and hath bene beautifull but now it is partly decayed Neere thereto is the sepulchre of the innocents slaine by Herod the sepulchres of Paul of Ierome and of Eusebius Also a litle from this monasterie is a place vnder the ground where the virgine Mary abode with Christ when Herod sought him to destroy him We stayed at Bethlem that night and the next day we went from thence to the mountaines of Iudea which are about eight miles from Ierusalem where are the ruines of an olde monasterie In the mid way from the monasterie to Ierusalem is the place where Iohn Baptist was borne being now an olde monasterie and cattell kept in it Also a mile from Ierusalem is a place called Inuentio sanctae crucis where the wood was found that made the crosse In the citie of Ierusalem we saw the hall where Pilat sate in iudgement when Christ was condemned the staires whereof are at Rome as they told vs. A litle from thence is the house where the virgin Mary was borne There is also the piscina or fishpoole where the sicke folkes were healed which is by the wals of Ierusalem But the poole is now dry The mount of Caluaria is a great church and within the doore therof which is litle and barred with yron and fiue great holes in it to looke in like the holes of tauerne doores in London they sit that are appointed to receiue our money with a carpet vnder them vpon a banke of stone their legs a crosse like tailors hauing paid our money we are permitted to go into the church right against the church doore is the graue where Christ was buried with a great long stone of white marble ouer it and rayled about the outside of the sepulchre is very foule by meanes that euery man scrapes his name and marke vpon it and is ill kept Within the sepulchre is a partition in the further part thereof is a place like an altar where they say masse and at the doore thereof is the stone whereupon the Angell sate when he sayde to Marie He is risen which stone was also rowled to the doore of the sepulchre The altar stone within the sepulchre is of white marble the place able to conteine but foure persons right ouer the sepulchre is a deuise or lanterne for light and ouer that a great louer such as are in England in ancient houses There is also the chappell of the sepulchre and in the mids thereof is a canopie as it were of a bed with a great sort of Estridge egges hanging at it with tassels of silke and lampes Behinde the sepulchre is a litle chappell for the Chaldeans and Syrians Upon the right hand comming into the church is the tombe of Baldwine king of France and of his sonne and in the same place the tombe of Melchisedech There is a chappell also in the same church erected to S. Helen through which we go vp to the place where Christ was crucified the stayres are fiftie steps high there are two altars in it before the high altar is the place where the crosse stood the hole whereof is trimmed about with siluer and the depth of it is halfe a mans arme deepe the rent also of the mountaine is there to be seene in the creuis wherein a man may put his arme Upon the other side of the mount of Caluarie is the place where Abraham would haue sacrificed his sonne Where also is a chapell and the place paued with stones of diuers colours There is also the house of Annas the high Priest and the Oliue tree whereunto Christ was bound when he was whipt Also the house of Caiphas and by it the prison where Christ was kept which is but the roome of one man and hath no light but the opening of the doore Without Ierusalem in the vally of Iosaphat is a church vnder the ground like to the shrouds in Pauls where the sepulchre of the virgin Mary is the staires be very broad and vpon the staires going downe are two sepulchres vpon the left hand lieth Iosaphat and vpon the right hand lieth Ioachim and Anna the father and mother of the virgin Mary Going out of the valley of Iosaphat we came to mount Oliuet where Christ praied vnto his father before his death and there is to be seene as they tolde me the water blood that fell from the eyes of Christ. A litle higher vpon the same mount is the place where the Apostles â—ept and watched not At the foot of the mount is the place where Christ was imprisoned Upon the mountaine also is the place where Christ stood when he wept ouer Ierusalem and where he ascended into heauen Now hauing seene all these monuments I with my company set from Ierusalem the 20 day of August and came againe to Ioppa the 22 of the same moneth where wee tooke shipping presently for Tripolis and in foure dayes we came to Mecina the place where the ships lie that come for Tripolis The citie of Tripolis is a mile and a halfe within the land so that no ship can come further then Mecina so that night I came thither where I lay nine daies for passage and at last we imbarked our selues in a good ship of Venice called the new Naue Ragasona We entred the ship the second of September the
with him for the securitie of the Carouan foure hundred souldiers to wit two hundred Spachi or horsemen mounted on Dromedaries and two hundred Ianizaries riding vpon Camels The Chausi and the Spachi are at the charge of the Captaine but the Ianizaries not so for their prouision is made them from Cairo The Spachi weare caps or bonnets like to the caps of Sergeants but the Ianizaries after another sort with a lappe falling downe behinde like a French-hoode and hauing before a great piece of wrought siluer on their heads The charge of these is to cause the Carouan to march in good array when neede requireth these are not at the commaundement of any but of the Captaine of the Carouan Moreouer the Captaine hath for his guide eight pilots the office of whom is alwayes stable and firme from heire to heire and these goe before guiding the Carouan and shewing the way as being well experienced in the place and in the night they gouerne them as the mariners by the starre These also vse to sende before foure or fiue men carrying pieces of dry wood which giue light because they should not goe out of the way and if at any time through their ill hap they wander astray out of the way they are cast downe and beaten with so many bastonadoes vpon the soles of their feete as serue them for a perpetuall remembrance The Captaine of the Carouan hath his Lieutenant accompanied continually with fifteene Spachi and he hath the charge to set the Carouan in order and to cause them to depart on their iourney when neede requireth and during the voyage their office is some whiles to goe before with the forewarde sometimes to come behinde with the rereward sometimes to march on the one side and sometimes on the other to spy that the coast be cleare The Carouan carrieth with it sixe pieces of ordinance drawen by 12 camels which serue to terrifie the Arabians as also to make triumph at Mecca and other places The marchants which followe the Carouan some carry for marchandise cloth of silke some Corall some tinne others wheat rise and all sorts of graine Some sell by the way some at Mecca so that euery one bringeth something to gaine by because all marchandise that goeth by land payeth no custome but that which goeth by sea is bound to pay tenne in the hundred The beginning of the voyage THe feast before the Carouan setteth forth the Captaine with all his retinue and officers resort vnto the castle of Cairo before the Basha which giueth vnto euery man a garment and that of the Captaine is wrought with golde and the others are serued according to their degree Moreouer he deliuereth vnto him y e Chisua Talnabi which signifieth in the Arabian tongue The garment of the Prophet this vesture is of silke wrought in the midst with letters of gold which signifie La illa ill alla Mahumet Resullala that is to say There are no gods but God and his ambassadour Mahumet This garment is made of purpose to couer from top to botome a litle house in Mecca standing in the midst of the Mesquita the which house they say was builded by Abraham or by his sonne Ismael After this he deliuereth to him a gate made of purpose for the foresaid house of Abraham wrought all with fine golde and being of excellent workmanship and it is a thing of great value Besides he deliuereth vnto him a câ—uering of grâ—ene vâ—luâ—t made in maner of a pyramis about nine palmes high and artificially wrought with most fine golde and this is to couer the tombe of their prophet within Medina which tombe is built in manner of a pyramis and besides that couering there are brought many others of golde and silke for the ornament of the sayde tombe Which things being consigned the Basha departeth not from his place but the Captaine of the Carouan taketh his leaue with all his officers and souldiers and departeth accompanied with all the people of Cairo orderly in manner of a procession with singing shouting and a thousand other ceremonies too long to recite From the castle they goe to a gate of the citie called Bab-Nassera without the which standes a Mosquita and therâ—in they lay vp the sayd vestures very well kept and guarded And of this ceremony they make so great account that the world commeth to see this sight yea the women great with childe and oâ—hers with children in their armes neither is it lawfull for any man to forbid his wife the going to this feast for that in so doing the wife may separate her selfe from her husband and may lie with any other man in regard of so great a trespasse Now this procession proceeding from the castle towardes the Mosquita the Camels which bring the vestures are all adorned with cloth of golde with many little belles and passing along the strâ—ete you may see the multitude casting vpon the said vestures thousands of beautifull flowers of diuers colours sweete water others bringing towels fine cloth touch the same which euer afâ—er they keepe as reliâ—ues with great reuerence Afterward hauing left the vesture in the Mosquita as is aforesaid they returne againe into the citie where they remaine the space of 20 dayes and then the captaine departeth with his company and taking the vestures out of the Mosquita carieth the same to the foresaid place of Birca where the Captaine hauing pitched his tent with the standard of the grand Signior ouer the gate the other principall tents stanâ—ing about his stayeth there some tenne dayes and no more in which time all those resort thither that meane to follow the Carouan in this voyage to Mecca Where you shall see certaine women which intend to goe on this voiage accompanied with their parents and friends mounted vpon Camels adorned with so many tryfles cassels and knots that in beholding the same a man cannot refraine â—rom laughter The last night before their departure they make great feasting and triumph within the Carouan with castles and other infinite deuises of sireworke the Ianizaries alwayes standing round about the tent of the Captaine with such shouting and ioy that on euery side the earth resoundeth and this night they discharge all their ordinance foure or siâ—e times and after at the breake of the day vpon the sound of a trumpet they march forward on their way What times the Carouan trauelleth and when it resteth IT is to be noted that from Cairo to Mecca they make 40 dayes iourney or thereabout the same great dayes iourneies For the custome of the Carouan is to trauell much and rest little and ordinarily they iourney in this maner They trauell from two a clocke in the morning vntill the sunne rising then hauing rested till noone they set forward and so continue till night then also rest againe as is abouesaid till two of the clocke and this order they obserue vntill the end of the voiage neuer changing the same
and an halfe of men of warre in the fielde against his enemies The state of his kingdome and maintenance of his army is a thing incredible to consider the victuals that should maintaine such a number of people in the warres but he that knoweth the nature and qualitie of that people will easily beleeue it I haue seene with mine eyes that those people and souldiers haue eaten of all sorts of wild beasts that are on the earth whether it bee very filthie or otherwise all serueth for their mouthes yea I haue seene them eate Scorpions and Serpents also they feed of all kinde of herbes and grasse So that if such a great armie want not water and salt they wil maintaine themselues a long time in a bush with rootes flowers and leaues of trees they cary rice with them for their voyage that serueth them in stead of comâ—its it is so daintie vnto them This king of Pegu hath not any army or power by sea but in the land for people dominions golde and siluer he farre exceeds the power of the great Turke in treasure and strength This king hath diuers Magasons ful of treasure as gold siluer and euery day he encreaseth it more and more and it is neuer diminished Also hee is Lord of the Mines of Rubies Safires Spinels Neere vnto his royal pallace there is an inestimable treasure whereof hee maketh no accompt for that it standeth in such a place that euery one may see it and the place where this treasure is is a great Court walled round about with walls of stone with two gates which stand open euery day And within this place or Courâ— are foure gilded houses couered with lead in euery one of these are certaine heathenish idoles of a very great valure In the first house there is a stature of the image of a man of gold very great on his head a crowne of gold beset with most rare Rubies and Safires and round about him are 4. litle children of gold In the second house there is the stature of a man of siluer that is set as it were sitting on heapes of money whose stature in height as hee sitteth is so high that his highnesse exceedes the height of any one roofe of an house I measured his feete and found that they were as long as all my body was in height with a crowne on his head like to the first And in the thirde house there is a stature of brasse of the same bignesse with a like crowne on his head In the 4. and last house there is a stature of a man as big as the other which is made of Gansa which is the metall they make their money of this metall is made of copper leade mingled together This stature also hath a crowne on his head like the first this treasure being of such a value as it is standeth in an open place that euery man at his pleasure may go see it for the keepers therof neuer forbid any man the sight thereof I say as I haue said before that this king euery yere in his feastes triumpheth because it is worthy of the noting I thinke it meet to write therof which is as foloweth The king rideth on a triumphant cart or wagon all gilded which is drawen by 16. goodly horses and this cart is very high with a goodly canopy ouer it behind the cart goe 20. of his Lords nobles with euery one a rope in his hand made fast to the cart for to hold it vpright that it fal not The king sitteth in the middle of the cart vpon the same cart about the king stande 4. of his nobles most fauored of him and before this cart wherein the king is goeth all his army as aforesaid and in the middle of his army goeth all his nobilitie round about the cart that are in his dominions a marueilous thing it is to see so many people such riches such good order in a people so barbarous as they be This king of Pegu hath one principal wife which is kept in a Seralio he hath 300 concubines of whom it is reported that he hath 90. children This king sitteth euery day in person to heare the suites of his subiects but he nor they neuer speake one to another but by supplications made in this order The king sitteth vp aloft in a great hall on a tribunall seat and lower vnder him sit all his Barons round about then those that demaund audience enter into a great Court before the king and there set them downe on the ground 40. paces distant from the kings person and amongst those people there is no difference in matters of audience before the king but all alike and there they sit with their supplications in their hands which are made of long leaues of a tree these leaues are 3. quarters of a yard long two fingers broad which are written with a sharpe iron made for y t purpose in those leaues are their supplications written with their supplications they haue in their hands a present or gift according to the waightines of their matter Then come y e secretaries downe to read these supplications taking them reading them before the king if the king think it good to do to them that fauour or iustice that they demaund then he coÌ„mandeth to take the presents out of their hands but if he thinke their demand be not iust or acding to right he commandeth them away without taking of their gifts or presents In the Indies there is not any marchandise that is good to bring to Pegu vnlesse it bee at some times by chance to bring Opium of Cambaia and if he bring money he shall lose by it Now the commodities that come from S. Tome are the onely marchandize for that place which is the great quantity of cloth made there which they vse in Pegu which cloth is made of bombaâ—â— wouen and paâ—â—ted so that the more that kinde of cloth is washed the more liuelie they shewe their colours which is a rare thing and there is made such accompt of this kinde of cloth which is of so great importance that a small bale of it will cost a thousand or two thousand duckets Also from S. Tome they layd great store of red yarne of bombast died with a roote which they call Saia as aforesayd which colour will neuer out With which marchandise euery yeere there goeth a great shippe from S. Tome to Pegu of great importance and they vsually depart from S. Tome to Pegu the 11. or 12. of September if she stay vntil the twelfth it is a great hap if she returne not without making of her voiage Their vse was to depart the sixt of September and then they made sure voyages and now because there is a great labour about that kind of cloth to bring it to perfection and that it be well dried as
of his money but this is very seldom seene because the wife children and slaues of the debtor are bound to the creditor and when his time is expired and paiment not made the creditor may take the debtor and cary him home to his house and shut him vp in a Magasin whereby presently he hath his money and not being able to pay the creditor he may take the wife children and slaues of the debtor and sel them for so is the lawe of that kingdome The currant money that is in this city and throughout all this kingdom is called Gansa or Ganza which is made of Copper and leade It is not the money of the king but euery man may stamp it that wil because it hath his iust partition or value but they make many of them false by putting ouermuch lead into them and those will not passe neither will any take them With this money Ganza you may buy golde or siluer Rubies and Muske and other things For there is no other money currant amongst them And Golde siluer and other marchandize are at one time dearer then another as all other things be This Ganza goeth by weight of Byze this name of Byza goeth for y e accompt of the weight and commonly a Byza of a Ganza is worth after our accompt halfe a ducat litle more or lesse and albeit that Gold and siluer is more or lesse in price yet the Byza neuer changeth euery Byza maketh a hundreth Ganza of weight and so the number of the money is Byza He that goeth to Pegu to buy Iewels if he wil do well it behoueth him to be a whole yere there to do his businesse For if so be that he would return with the ship he came in he caÌ„not do any thing so coÌ„ueniently for the breuitie of the time because that when they custome their goods in Pegu that come from S. Tome in their ships it is as it were about Christmas and when they haue customed their goods then must they sell them for their credits sake for a moneth or two and then at the beginning of March the ships depart The Marchants that come from S. Tome take for the paiment of their goods gold and siluer which is neuer wanting there And 8. or 10. dayes before their departure they are all satisfied also they may haue Rubies in paiment but they make no accompt of them and they that will winter there for another yere it is needfull that they be aduertized that in the sale of their goods they specifie in their bargaine the terme of two or 3. moneths paiment that their paiment shal be in so many Ganza and neither golde nor siluer because that with the Ganza they may buy sel euery thing with great aduaÌ„tage And how needful is it to be aduertized when they wil recouer their paiments in what order they shal receiue their Ganza Because he that is not experienced may do himselfe great wrong in the weight of the Gansa as also in the falsenesse of them in the weight he may be greatly deceiued because that from place to place it doth rise and fall greatly and therefore when any wil receiue money or make paiment he must take a publique wayer of money a day or two before he go about his businesse and giue him in paiment for his labour two Byzaes a moneth and for this he is bound to make good all your money to maintaine it for good for that hee receiueth it and seales the bags with his seale and when hee hath receiued any store then hee causeth it to bee brought into the Magason of the Marchant that is the owner of it That money is very weightie for fourtie Byza is a strong Porters burden and also where the Marchant hath any payment to be made for those goods which he buyeth the Common wayer of money that receiueth his money must make the payment thereof So that by this meanes the Marchant with the charges of two Byzes a moneth receiueth and payeth out his money wiâ—hout losse or trouble The Marchandizes that goe out of Pegu are Gold Siluer Rubies Saphyres Spinelles great store of Beniamin long peper Leade Lacca rice wine some sugar yet there might be great store of sugar made in the Countrey for that they haue aboundance of Canes but they giue them to Eliphants to eate and the people consume great store of them for food and many more doe they consume in vaine things as these following In that kingdome they spend many of these Sugar canes in making of houses and tents which they call Varely for their idoles which they call Pagodes whereof there are great aboundance great and smal and these houses are made in forme of little hilles like to Sugar loaues or to Bells and some of these houses are as high as a reasonable steeple at the foote they are very large some of them be in circuit a quarter of a mile The saide houses within are full of earth and walled round about with brickes and dirt in steade of lime and without forme from the top to the foote they make a couering for them with Sugar canes and plaister it with lime all ouer for otherwise they would bee spoyled by the great aboundance of raine that falleth in those Countreys Also they consume about these Varely or idol houses great store of leafe-gold for that they ouerlay all the tops of the houses with gold and some of them are couered with golde from the top to the foote in couering whereof there is great store of gold spent for that euery 10. yeeres they new ouerlay them with gold from the top to the foote so that with this vanitie they spend great aboundance of golde For euery 10. yeres the raine doeth consume the gold from these houses And by this meanes they make golde dearer in Pegu then it would bee if they consumed not so much in this vanitie Also it is a thing to bee noted in the buying of iewels in Pegu that he that hath no knowledge shall haue as good iewels and as good cheap as he that hath bene practized there a long time which is a good order and it is in this wise There are in Pegu foure men of good reputation which are called Tareghe or brokers of Iewels These foure men haue all the Iewels or Rubies in their handes and the Marchant that wil buy commeth to one of these Tareghe and telleth him that he hath so much money to imploy in Rubies For through the hands of these foure men passe all the Rubies for they haue such quantitie that they knowe not what to doe with them but sell them at most vile and base prices When the Marchant hath broken his mind to one of these brokers or Tareghe they cary him home to one of their Shops although he hath no knowledge in Iewels and when the Iewellers perceiue that hee will employ a good round summe they will
brasen money doeth goe by a weight which they call a biza and commonly this biza aâ—ter our account is worth about halfe a crowne or somewhat lesse The marchandise which be in Pegu are golde siluer rubies saphires spinelles muske beniamim or franckincense long pepper tinne leade copper lacca whereof they make hard waxe rice and wine made of rice and some sugar The elephants doe eate the sugar canes or els they would make very much And they consume many canes likewise in making of their Uarellaes or Idole temples which are in great number both great and small They be made round like a sugar loafe some are as high as a Church very broad beneath some a quarter of a mile in compasse within they be all earth done about with stone They consume in these Uarellaes great quantity of golde for that they be all gilded aloft and many of them from the top to the bottome and euery ten or twelue yeeres they must bâ— new gilded because the raine consumeth off the golde for they stand open abroad If they did not consume their golde in these vanities it would be very plentifull and good cheape in Pegu About two dayes iourney from Pegu there is a Uarelle or Pagode which is the pilgrimage of the Pegues it is called Dogonne and is of a woonderfull bignesse and all gilded from the foot to the toppe And there is an house by it wherein the Tallipoies which are their Priests doe preach This house is fiue and fifty paces in length and hath three pawnes or walks in it and forty great pillars gilded which stand betweene the walks and it is open on all sides with a number of small pillars which be likewise gilded it is gilded with golde within and without There are houses very faire round about for the pilgrims to lie in and many goodly houses for the Tallipoies to preach in which are full of images both of men and women which are all gilded ouer with golde It is the fairest place as I suppose that is in the world it standeth very high and there are foure wayes to it which all along are set with trees of fruits in such wise that a man may goe in the shade aboue two miles in length And when their feast day is a man can hardly passe by water or by land for the great presse of people for they come from all places of the kingdome of Pegu thither at their feast In Pegu they haue many Tallipoies or priests which preach against all abuses Many men resort vnto them When they enter into their kiack that is to say their holy place or temple at the doore there is a great iarre of water with a cocke or a ladle in it and there they wash their feet and then they enter in and lift vp their hands to their heads first to their preacher and then to the Sunne and so sit downe The Tallipoies go very strangely apparelled with one camboline or thinne cloth next to their body of a browne colour another of yellow doubled many times vpon their shoulder and those two be girded to them with a broad girdle and they haue a skinne of leather hanging on a string about their neâ—ks whereupon they sit bare headed bare footed for none of them weareth shooes with their right armes bare and a great broad sombrero or shadow in their hands to defend them in the Summer from the Sunne and in the Winter from the raine When the Tallipoies or priests take their Orders first they go to schoole vntill they be twenty yeres olde or more and then they come before a Tallipoie appointed for that purpose whom they call Rowli he is of the chiefest and most learned and he opposeth them and afterward examineth them many times whether they will leaue their friends and the company of all women and take vpon them the habit of a Tallipoie If any be content then he rideth vpon an horse about the streets very richly apparelled with drummes and pipes to shew that he leaueth the riches of the world to be a Tallipoie In few dayes after he is caried vpon a thing like an horstliter which they call a serion vpon ten or twelue mens shoulders in the apparell of a Tallipoie with pipes and drummes and many Tallipoies with him and al his friends and so they go with him to his house which standeth without the towne and there they leaue him Euery one of them hath his house which is very little set vpon six or eight posts and they go vp to them with a ladder of twelue or foureteene slaues Their houses be for the most part by the hie wayes side and among the trees and in the woods And they go with a great pot made of wood or fine earth and couered tiâ—d with a broad girdle vpon their shoulder which commeth vnder their arme wherewith they go to begge their victuals which they eate which is rice fish and herbs They demand nothing but come to the doore and the people presently doe giue them some one thing and some another and they put all together in their potte for they say they must eate of their almes and therewith content themselues They keepe their feasts by the Moone and when it is new Moone they keepe their greatest feast and then the people send rice and other things to that kiack or church of which they be and there all the Tallipoies doe meete which be of that Church and eate the victuals which are sent them When the Tallipoies do preach many of the people cary them gifts into the pulpit where they sit and preach And there is one which sitteth by them to take that which the people bring It is diuided among them They haue none other ceremonies nor seruice that I could see but onely preaching I went from Pegu to Iamahey which is in the countrey of the Langeianâ—es whom we call Iangomes it is fiue and twenty dayes iourney Northeast from Pegu. In which iourney I passed many fruitfull and pleasant countreys The countrey is very lowe and hath many faire riuers The houses are very bad made of canes and couered with straw Heere are many wilde buffes and elephants Iamahey is a very faire and great towne with faire houses of stone well peopled the streets are very large the men very well set and strong with a cloth about them bare headed and bare footed for in all these countreys they weare no shooes The women be much fairer then those of Pegu. Heere in all these countreys they haue no wheat They make some cakes of rice Hither to Iamahey come many marchants out of China and bring great store of muske golde siluer and many other things of China worke Here is great store of victuals they haue such plenty that they will not milke the buffles as they doe in all other places Here is great store of copper and beniamin In these countreys when the people be sicke they make a
the two ship boates to be had out and they towed the ship till we were out of sight of the Castle of Malta The 9 day of Aprill we came to Zante and being before the towne William Aldridge seruant to Master Thomas Cordall of London came aboord vs with whom our Master and twelue more of our company thought to haue gone on shoare but they could not be permitted so we all came aboord againe and went to Patras where we arriued vpon good Friday and lay there with good entertainement at the English house where was the Consull Master Grimes Ralph Ashley and Iohn Doddington who very kindly went with vs and shewed vs the pleasures of the towne They brought vs to the house of the Cady who was made then to vnderstand of the 20 Turks that wee had aboord which were to goe to Constantinople being redeemed out of captiuitie by sir Francis Drake in the West Indies and brought with him into England and by order of the Queenes Maiestie sent now into their Countrey Whereupon the Cady commaunded them to be brought before him that he might see them and when he had talked with them and vnderstood howe strangely they were deliuered hee marueiled much and admired the Queenes Maiestie of England who being but a woman is notwithstanding of such power and renowne amongst all the princes of Christendome with many other honourable wordes of commending her Maiestie So he tooke the names of those 20. Turkes and recorded them in their great bookes to remaine in perpetuall mâ—mory After this our foresaid countreymen brought mee to the Chappel of S. Andrew where his tombe or sepulchre is and the boord vpon which hee was beheaded which boord is now so rotten that if any man offer to cut it it falleth to powder yet I brought some of it away with me Upon Tuesday in Easter weeke wee set out towards Zante againe and the 24. of April with much adoe wee were all permitted to come on shoare and I was caried to the English house in Zante where I was very well entertained The commodities of Zante are Currans and oyle the situation of the Towne is vnder a very great hill vpon which standeth a very strong Castle which commaundeth the Towne At Zante we tooke in a Captaine and 16. souldiers with other passengers Wee departed from Zante vpon Tuesday the 15. of April and the next day we ankered at a small Island called Striualia which is desolate of people sauing a fewe religious men who entertained vs well without taking any money but of courtesie we bestowed somewhat vpon them for their maintenance and then they gaue vs a couple of leane sheepe which we caried aboord The last day of Aprill wee arriued at Candie at a Castle called Sowday where wee set the Captaine Souldiers and Mariners ashoare which wee tooke in at Zante with all their carriage The second day of May wee set saile againe and the fourth day came to the Islands of Milo where we ankered and found the people there very courteous and tooke in such necessaries as we wanted The Islands are in my iudgement a hundred in number and all within the compasse of a hundred miles The 11. day the Chaus which is the greatest man there in authoritie for certaine offences done in a little Chappell by the water side which they saide one of our shippe had done and imputed it to mee because I was seene goe into it three dayes before came to vs and made much a doe so that we were faine to come out of our shippe armed but by three pieces of golde the brabling was ended and we came to our shippe This day wee also set saile and the next day passed by the Castle of Serpeto which is an old ruinated thing and standeth vnder a hils side The 13. day we passed by the Island of Paris and the Island of the bankes of Helicon and the Island called Ditter where are many boares and the women bee witches The same day also wee passed by the Castle of Tino standing vpon a very high mountaine and neere vnto it is the Island of Diana The 15. of May wee came to Sio where I stayed thirtie and three dayes In it is a very proper Towne after the building of that Countrey and the people are ciuil and while we were here there came in sixe Gaâ—lies which had bene at Alexandria and one of them which was the Admiral had a Prince of the Moores prisoner whom they tooke about Alexandria and they meant to present him to the Turke The towne standeth in a valley and a long the water side pleafantly There are about 26. winde-mils about it and the commodities of it are cotton wooll cotton yarne mastike and some other drugs As we remained at Sio there grew a great controuersie betweene the mariners of the Hercules and the Greekes of the Towne of Sio about the bringing home of the Turkes which the Greekes tooke in ill part and the boyes cried out Viue el Re Philippe whereupon our men beate the boyes and threwe stones and so a broile beganne and some of our men were hurt but the Greekes were fetcht out of their houses and manaâ—led together with yrons and threatned to the Gallies about fourtie of them were sent to the prison and what became of them when we were gone we know not for we went thence within two dayes after which was the 19. of Iune The 20. day wee passed by the Island of Singonina an Island risen by the casting of stones in that place the substance of the ground there is brimstone and burneth sometimes so much that it bloweth vp the rockes The 24. of Iune wee came to Cyprus and had sight in the way of the aforesaide sixe Gallies that came from Alexandria one whereof came vnto vs and required a present for himselfe and for two of the other Gallies which we for quietnesse sake gaue them The 27. of Iune wee came to Tripolie where I stayed till the fift of Iuly and then tooke passage in a smal barke called a Caramusalin which was a passage boat and was bound for Bichieri thirteene miles on this side Alexandria which boate was fraighted with Turkes Moores and Iewes The 20. day of Iuly this barke which I passed in ranne vpon a rocke and was in very great danger so that we all began some to be ready to swimme some to leape into the shippe boate but it pleased God to set vs quickly off the rocke and without much harme The 28. of Iuly I came to Bichieri where I was well entertained of a Iewe which was the Customer there giuing me Muskadine and drinking water himselfe hauing broken my fast with him he prouided mee a Camell for my carriage and a Mule for mee to ride vpon and a Moore to runne by me to the City of Alexandria who had charge to see mee safe in the English house whither I came but found
dayes of the weeke the grand Vizir with the other Vizirs the Cadi-lesker or lord chiefe Iustice the Mufti or high priest do sit to determine vpon such causes as be brought before them which place is vpon the left side of this great court whither the ambassador with his gentlemen came where hee found the Vizir thus accompanied as aforesayd who with great shew of kindnes receiued him and after receit of her maiesties letters conference had of the Present of her maiesties health of the state of England and such other matters as concerned our peaceable traffique in those parts dinner being prepared was by many of y e Courtiers brought into another inner roome next adioining which consisted of an hundred dishes or therabouts most boiled rosted where the ambassador accompanied w t the Vizirs went to dinner his gentlemen likewise with the rest of his men hauing a dinner with the like varietie prepared vpon y e same side of the court by theÌ„selues sate downe to their meat 40 or 50 Chauses standing at the vpper end attending vpon the gentlemeÌ„ to see them serued in good order their drinke was water mingled with rose water sugar brought in a Luthro that is a goates skinne which a man carieth at his backe and vnder his arme letteth it run out at a spout into cups as men wil call for it The dinner thus with good order brought in and for halfe an houre with great sobrietie and silence performed was not so orderly taken vp for certaine Moglans officers of the kitchin like her maiesties blacke guard came in disordered maner and tooke away the dishes and he whose hungry eie one dish could not satisfie turned two or three one into the other and thus of a sudden was a cleane riddance made of all The ambassador after dinner with his gentlemen by certaine officers were placed at the vpper ende vpon the left side of the court nere vnto a great gate which gaue entrance to a third court being but litle paâ—ed with stone In the midst whereof was a litle house built of marble as I take it within which sate the grand Signor according to whose commandement giuen there were gownes of cloth of gold brought out of the wardrope and put vpon the ambassador and 7 of his gentlemen the ambassador himselfe hauing 2 one of gold and the other of crimosin veluet all the rest one a piece Then certaine Cappagies had the Present which was in trunks there ready deliuered them by the ambassadors men it being 12 goodly pieces of gilt plate 36 garments of fine English cloth of al colors 20 garments of cloth of gold 10 garments of sattin 6 pieces of fine Holland and certaine other things of good value al which were caried round about the court each man taking a piece being in number very neere 100 parcels and so 2 and 2 going round that all might see it to the greater glory of the present and of him to whom it was giuen they went into the innermost court passing by the window of that roome where the grand Signior sate who as it went by to be laid vp in certaine roomes adioining tooke view of all Presently after the present followed the ambassador with his gentlemen at the gate of which court stoode 20 or 30 Agaus which be eunuchs Within the court yard were the Turkes Dwarfes and Dumbe men being most of them youths At the doore of his roome stood the Bustangi-bassa with another Bassa to lead the ambassador and his folowers to the grand Signior who sate in a chaire of estate apparelled in a gowne of cloth of siluer The floore vnder his feete which part was a foote higher then the rest was couered with a carpet of green sattin embrodered most richly with siluer orient perles great Turkeses y e other part of the house was couered with a carpet of Carnation sattin imbrodered w t gold none were in the roome with him but a Bassa who stood next the wall ouer against him hanging down his head looking submissely vpon the ground â—s all his subiects doe in his presence The ambassador thus betwixt two which stood at the doore being led in either of them taking on arme kissed his hand and so backward with his face to the Turke they brought him nigh the dore againe where he stood vntill they had likewise done so with all the rest of his gentlemen Which ended the ambassador according as it is the custome when any present is deliuered made his three demaunds such as he thought most expedient for her maiesties honor the peaceable traffique of our natioÌ„ into his dominions whereunto he answered in one word Nolo which is in Turkish as much as it shal be done for it is not the maner of the Turkish emperor familiarly to confer with any Christian ambassador but he appointeth his Uizir in his person to graunt their demaunds if they be to his liking as to our ambassador he granted all his demands gaue order that his daily allowance for his house of mony flesh wood haâ—e should be augmented with halfe as much more as it had bene before Hereupon the ambassador taking his leaue departed with his gentlemen the same way he came the whole court saluting him as they did at his comming in comming to the second court to take our horses after we were mounted we staied halfe an houre vntil the captain of the guard with 2000 horsmen at the least passed before after whom folowed 40 or 50 Chauses next before the ambassador to accompany him to his house And as before at his landing so now at his taking boat the ship discharged all her great ordinance where arriuing he likewise had a great banquet prepared to entertaine those which came to bring him home The pompe solemnitie of the Present with the day thus ended he shortly after presented the Sultana or empresse who by reason that she is mother to him which was heire to the crown Imperial is had in far greater reuerence then any of his other Queens or concubines The Present sent her in her maiesties name was a iewel of her maiesties picture set with some rubies and diamants 3 great pieces of gilt plate 10 garments of cloth of gold a very fine case of glasse bottles siluer gilt with 2 pieces of fine Holland which so gratefully she accepted as that she sent to know of the ambassador what present he thought she might return y t would most delight her maiestie who sent word that a sute of princely attire being after the Turkish fashion would for the rarenesse thereof he acceptable in England Whereupon she sent an vpper gowne of cloth of gold very rich an vnder gowne of cloth of siluer and a girdle of Turkie worke rich and faire with a letter of gratification which for the rarenesse of the stile because you may be acquainted with it I haue
their Townes which were like to twentie small houels all couered ouer with great leaues and baggage and all the sides open and a scaffolde vnder the house about a yard high where they worke many pretie things of the barkes of trees and there they lye also In some of their houses they worke yron and make faire dartes and diuers other things to worke their boates and other things withall and the women worke as well as the men But when wee were there diuers of the women to shew vs pleasure danced and sung after their maner full ill to our eares Their song was thus Sakere sakere ho ho. Sakere sakere ho ho. And with these words they leape and dance and clap their hands Beastes we could see none that they had but two goates small dogges and small hennes other beastes we saw none After that we had well marked all things we departed and went aboord our ships which thing the Captaine of the other towne perceiuing sent two of his seruants in a boat with a basket of Graines and made vs signes that if when we had slept wee would come againe into their riuer wee should haue store of Graines and so shewed vs his Graines and departed The 17. day in the morning because we thought that the Negroes would haue done something because the Captaine sent for vs I required the Master to goe on shoare and sent the rest of our Marchants with him and caried aboord my selfe by reason that the last day he estemed our things so litle so when the Master and the rest came into the riuer the captaine with diuers others came to them and brought Graines with them after that he saw that I was not there he made signes to know where I was and they made signes to him againe that I was in the ships and then hee made signes to know who was Captaine by the name of Diago for so they call their Captaine they pointed to the master of the ship then he began to shew his Graines but he held them so vnreasonably that there was no profit to be made of them which things the Master perceiuing and seeing that they had no store of Graines came away and tooke not aboue 50. pound waight of Graines Then he went a shoare to the litle Towne where we were the day before one of them plucked a Gourd wherewith the Negroes were offended came many of them to our men with their darts and great targets and made signes to them to depart which our men did hauing but one bow and two or three swords and went aboord the boate and came away from them and assoone as they were come aboord we wayed and set saile but the winde was off the Sea so that we could not get ouâ— cleare of certaine rocks and therefore we came to an ancre againe This riuer is called Riuer S. Vincent standing in 4. degrees and a halfe and it ebbeth and floweth there euery 12. houres but not much water when it ebbeth the most while wee were there it ebbed one fadome and a halfe water This countrey as farre as we could perceiue is altogether woody and as strange trees whereof wee knewe none and they were of many sorts with great leaues like great dockes which bee higher then any man is able to reach the top of them There are certaine peason by the Sea side which grow vpon great and very long stalkes one of the stalkes I measured and found it 27. paces long and they grow vpon the sand like to trees and that so neere the Sea that sometimes the Sea floweth into the woods as we might perceiue by the water markes The trees and all things in this place grow continually greene Diuers of the women haue such exceeding long breasts that some of them wil lay the same vpon the ground and lie downe by them but all the women haue not such breasts At this place all the day the winde bloweth off the Sea and all the night off the land but wee found it to differ sometimes which our Master marueâ—led at This night at 9. of the clocke the winde came vp at the East which ordinarily about that time was wont to come out of the North Northwest off the shoare yet we wayed and halled off South with that winde all night into the Sea but the next morning we halled in againe to the lande and tooke in 6. Tunnes of water for our ship and I thinke the Hinde tooke in as much I could not perceiue that here was any gold or any other good thing for the people be so wilde and idle that they giue themselues to seeke out nothing if they would take paines they might gather great store of graines but in this place I could not perceiue two Tunne There are many foules in the Countrey but the people wil not take the paines to take them I obserued some of their words of speach which I thought good here to set downe Bezow bezow Is their salutation Manegete afoye Graines ynough Crocow afoye Hennes ynough Zeramme afoye Haue you ynough Begge sacke Giue me a knife Begge come Giue me bread Borke Holde your peace Coutrecke Ye lye Veede Put foorth or emptieâ— Brekeke Rowe Diago Their Captaine and some call him Dabo These and other wordes they speake very thicke and oftentimes recite one word three times together and at the last time longer then at the two first The 18. day towards night as we were sailing along the coast we met with certaine boats in thè seaâ— the men shewed vs that there was a riuer thwart of vs where there were Graines to be sold but we thought it not good to cary there least the other ships should get before vs. This riuer hath lying before it three great rockes and 5. small rocks one great tree and a litle tree right by the riuer which in height exceeded all the rest we halled this night along the coast 10. leagues The 19. day as we coasted the shoare about twelue of the clocke there came out to vs 3. boates to tell vs that they had graines brought some with them for a shew but we could not tary there We proceeded along the coast ancred by the shore all the night and ran this day 10. leagues The 20. day the Hinde hauing ankered by vs amongst rockes and foule ground lost a small anker At noone as we passed along the coast there came forth a Negro to vs making signes that if we would goe a shoare wee should haue Graines and where wee ankered at night there came another to vs and brought Graines and shewed vs them and made signes that wee should tary and made a fire vpon the land in the night meaning thereby to tell vs where we should land and so they did in diuers other places vpon the coast where they saw vs to anker In al the places where we haue ancred since we came from our
we should prepare our selues to depart to Rio de Sestos and so we departed that day The 14 of May in the morning we fell with the land and when wee came to it we doubted what place it was and sent our boates on land to know the trueth and we found it to be Rio de Barbos which is to the Eastward of sant Andre and there remained in getting of water vntill the 21 where we lost the day before 5 of our men by meanes of ouerthrowing our blacke pinnasse The 22 we departed from thence to Rio de Sesto where we arriued the 2 of Iune and the 4 wee departed from Rio de Sesto and arriued God bee thanked the 6 of August within sight of the Stert in the West part of England our men being very sicke and weake We haue not at this present aboue 20 sound men that are able to labour and we haue of our men 21 dead and many more very sore hurt and sicke Master Burton hath bene sicke this 6 weekes and at this present God strengthen him is so weake that I feare he will hardly escape Herein inclosed your worship shall receiue a briefe of all the goods sold by vs also what commodities we haue receiued for the same Thus I leaue to trouble your worship reseruing all things els to our generall meeting aâ—d to the bringer hereof From aboord the Primerose the 6 of August 1563. Your obedient seruant William Rutter There are brought home this voiage An. 1563. Elephants teeth 166. weighing 1758 pounds Graines 22 buts full A meeting at Sir VVilliam Gerards house the 11 of Iuly 1564. for the setting foorth of a voyage to Guinea with the Minion of the Queens the Iohn Baptist of London and the Merline of M. Gonson AT this meeting were these chiefe aduenturers Sir William Gerard sir William Chester sir Thomas Lodge Anthonie Hickman and Edward Castelin Where it was agreed that Francis Ashbie should be sent to Deptford to M. Gonson for his letters to Peter Pet to goe about the rigging of the Minion vpon the Queenes maiesties charges and so the said Francis to repaire with the same letters to Gillingham with money to supplie our charge there Also that euery one of the fiue partners shall foorthwith call vpon their partners to supply towards this new rigging and victualling 29 li. 10 s. 6 d. for euery 100 li. value Also that euery one of the fiue partners shall foorthwith bring in 50 li. towards the furniture of the premisses Likewise it is agreed that if M. Gonson giue his consent that the Merline shall be brought about from Bristoll to Hampton that a letter be drawen whereunto his hand shall be before order be giuen for the same The successe of this Voiage in part appeareth by certaine briefe relations extracted out of the second voyage of Sir Iohn Hawkins to the West Indies made in the sayd yeere 1564. which I thought good to set downe for want of further instructions which hitherto I could not by any meanes come by albeit I haue vsed all possible indeuour for the obtaining of the same Take them therefore in the meane season as foloweth MAster Iohn Hawkins with the Iesus of Lubeck a ship of 700. tunnes and the Salomon a ship of 7 score the Tiger a barke of 50 and the Swalow of 30 tunnes being all well furnished with men to the number of one hundred threescore and ten as also with ordinance and victuall requisite for such a voiage departed out of Plimmouth the 18 day of October in the yeere of our Lord 1564. with a prosperous winde at which departing in cutting the foresaile a marueilous misfortune happened to one of the officers in the ship who by the pullie of the sheat was slaine out of hand being a sorowfull beginning to them all And after their setting out 10 leagues to the Sea hee met the same day with the Minion a ship of the Queens Maiesties whereof was captaine Dauid Carlet also her consort the Iohn Baptist of London being bound to Guinea likewise who hailed one the other after the custome of the sea with certaine pieces of ordinance for ioy of their meeting which done the Minion departed from him to seeke her other consort the Merline of London which was a sterne out of sight leauing in M. Hawkins companie the Iohn Baptist her other consort Thus sailing forwards on their way with a prosperous wind vntil the 21 of the same moneth at that time a great storme arose the wind being at Northeast about 9 of the clocke at night and continued so 23 houres together in which storme M. Hawkins lost the company of the Iohn Baptist aforesaid and of his pinnasse called the Swallow the other 3 ships being sore beaten with the storme The 23 day the Swalow to his no small reioicing came to him againe in the night 10 leagues to the Nothward of Cape Finister hauing put roomer and not being able to double the Cape in that there rose a contrary wind at Southwest The 25 the wind continuing contrary he put into a place in Galicia called Ferol where he remained 5 daies and appointed all the masters of his ships an order for the keeping of good company The 26 day the Minion came in also where he was for the reioycing whereof he gaue them certaine pieces of ordinance after the curtesie of the Sea for their welcome but the Minions men had no mirth because of their consort the Merline whoÌ„ at their departure from M. Hawkins vpon the coast of England they went to seeke and hauing met with her kept company two dayes together and at last by misfortune of fire through the negligence of one of the gunners the pouder in the gunners roome was set on fire which with the first blast stroke out her poope and therewithall lost 3 men besides many sore burned which escaped by the Brigandine being at her sterne and immediatly to the great losse of the owners and most horrible sight of the beholders she sunke before their eies The 30 day of the moneth M. Hawkins with his consorts and company of the Minion hauing now both the Brigandines at her sterne weighed anker and set saile on their voiage hauing a prosperous wind thereunto The 4 of Nouember they had sight of the Iland of Madera and the 6 day of Teneriffa which they thought to haue bene the Canarie in that they supposed themselues to haue bene to the Eastward of Teneriffa but were not but the Minion beyng 3 or 4 leagues a head of vs kept on her course to Teneriffa hauing better sight thereof then the other had and by that means they parted company The aforesaid Sir Iohn Hawkins passing on his voiage by Cauo Verde and Sierra Leona and afterward crossing ouer the maine Ocean comming to the towne of Burboroata vpon the coast of Terra firma in the West Indies had further information of the euill successe of this
in litters of Cedar artificially wrought and richly dressed In the second place marcheth a great company of footemen sumptuously apparelled Then afarre off commeth one of these Bonzii master of the ceremonies for that superstition brauely clad in silkes and gold in a large and high litter excellently well wrought accompanied with 30 other Bonzii or thereabout wearing hats linnen albes and fine blacke vpper garments Then attired in ashe colour for this colour also is mourning with a long torch of Pineaple he sheweth the dead body the way vnto the fire lest it either stumble or ignorantly go out of the way Well neere 200 Bonzii folow him singing the name of that deuill the which the partie deceassed chiefly did worship in his life time and there withall a very great bason is beaten euen to the place of fire in stead of a vell Then follow two great paper baskets hanged open at staues endes full of paper roses diuersly coloured such as beare them doe march but slowly shaking euer now and then their staues that the aforesayd flowers may fall downe by litle and litle as it were drops of raine and be whirled about with wind This shower say they is an argument that the soule of the dead man is gone to paradise After al this eight beardles Bonzii orderly two and two drag after them on the ground long speares the points backward with flags of one cubite a piece wherein the name also of that idole is written Then there be caried 10 lanterns trimmed with the former inscription ouercast with a fine vaile and candles burning in them Besides this two yoong men clothed in ashe colour beare pineaple torches not lighted of three foote length the which torches serue to kindle the fire wherein the dead corpes is to bee burnt In the same colour follow many other that weare on the crownes of their heads faire litle three square blacke lethren caps tied fast vnder their chinnes for that is honorable amongst them with papers on their heads wherein the name of the deuill I spake of is written And to make it the more solemne after commeth a man with a table one cubite long one foot broad courred with a very fine white vaile in both sides whereof is written in golden letters the aforesayd name At the length by foure men is brought foorth the corps sitting in a gorgeous litter clothed in white hanging downe his head and holding his hands together like one that prayed to the rest of his apparell may you adde an vpper gowne of paper written full of that booke the which his God is sayd to haue made when he liued in the world by whose helpe and merites commonly they doe thinke to be saued The dead man his children come next after him most gallantly set foorth the yongest wherof carieth likewise a pineaple torch to kindle the fire Last of all foloweth a great number of people in such caps as I erst spake of When they are al come to y e place appointed for the obsequie al the Bonzii w t the whole multitude for the space of one houre beating pannes and basons with great clamours call vpon the name of that deuill the which being ended the Obsequie is done in this maner In the midst of a great quadrangle railed about hanged with course linnen and agreeably vnto the foure partes of the world made with foure gates to goe in and out at is digged a hole in the hole is laied good store of wood whereon is raised gallantly a waued roofe before that stand two tables furnished with diuers kindes of meates especially drie Figs Pomegranates and Tartes good store but neither Fish nor Flesh vpon one of them standeth also a chafer with coales and in it sweete wood to make perfumes When all this is readie the corde wherewith the litter was caried is throwen by a long rope into the fire as many as are present striue to take the rope in their handes vsing their aforesayd clamours which done they goe in procession as it were round about the quadrangle thrise Then setting the litter on the wood built vp ready for the fire that Bonzius who then is master of the ceremonies saieth a verse that no bodie there vnderstandeth whirling thrise about ouer his head a torch lighted to signifie thereby that the soule of the dead man had neither any beginning nâ— shall haue at any time an ende and throweth away the torch Two of the dead man his children or of his neere kinne take it vp againe and standing one at the East side of the litter the other at the West doe for honour and reuerence reach it to each other thrise ouer the dead corps and so cast it into the pile of wood by and by they throw in oyle sweete wood and other perfumes accordingly as they haue plentie and so with a great flame bring the corpes to ashes his children in the meane while putting sweete wood into the chafer at the table with odours doe solemnly and religiously worship their father as a Saint which being done the Bonzii are paied each one in his degree The master of the ceremonies hath for his part fiue duckats sometimes tenne sometimes twentie the rest haue teene Iulâ—es a piece or els a certaine number of other presents called Caxae The meate that was ordained as soone as the dead corps friends and all the Bonzii are gone is left for such as serued at the obsequie for the poore and impotent lazars The next day returne to the place of obsequie the dead man his children his kinred and friends who gathering vp his ashes bones and teeth doe put them in a gilded pot and so carie them home to bee set vp in the same pot couered with cloth in the middest of their houses Many Bonzii returne likewise to these priuate funerals and so doe they againe the seuenth day then cary they out the ashes to bee buried in a place appointed laying thereupon a foure square stone wherein is written in great letters drawen all the length of the stone the name of that deuil the which the dead man worshipped in his life time Euery day afterward his children resort vnto the graue with roses and warme water that the dead corps thirst not Nor the seuenth day onely but the seuenth moneth and yeere within their owne houses they renue this obsequie to no small commodities and gaine of the Bonzii great rich men doe spend in these their funerals 3000 duckats or thereabout the meaner sort two or three hundred Such as for pouertie be not able to go to that charges are in the night time darke long without all pompe and ceremonies buried in a dunghill They haue another kinde of buriall especially neere the Sea side for them that bee not yet dead These fellowes are such as hauing religiously with much deuotion worshipped Amida now desirous to see him doe slay themselues And first they goe certaine dayes begging almes the which they thrust
and two with dogge-fish which two last we let driue in the sea making none account of them The other foure we sent for England the 30 of August At the taking of these Prizes were consorted with vs some other small men of warre as Maister Iohn Dauis with his shippe Pinnesse and Boate Captaine Markesburie with his ship whose owner was Sir Walter Ralegh the Barke of Lime which was also consorted with vs before The last of August in the morning we came in sight of Tercera being about some nine or ten leagues from shoare where we espied comming towards vs a small boat vnder saile which seemed somewhat-strange vnto vs being so farre from land and no shippe in sight to which they might belong but comming neere they put vs out of doubt shewing they were English men eight in number that had lately beene prisoners in Tercera and finding opportunitie to escape at that time with that small boat committed themselues to the sea vnder Gods prouidence hauing no other yard for their maine saile but two pipe staues tyed together by the endes and no more prouision of victuals then they could bring in their pockets and bosomes Hauing taken them all into the Victorie they gaue vs certaine intelligence that the Carackes were departed from thence about a weeke before Thus beeing without any further hope of those Caraks we resolued to returne for Fayall with intent to surprize the towne but vntill the ninth of September we had either the winde so contrary or the weather so calme that in all that time we made scarce nine or ten leagues way lingring vp and downe not farre from Pico The tenth of September being Wednesday in the afternoone wee came againe to Fayal roade Whereupon immediatly my Lord sent Captaine Lister with one of Graciola whom Captaine Munson had before taken and some others towards Fayal whom certaine of the Inhabitants met in a boat and came with Captaine Lister to my Lord to whom hee gaue this choice either to suffer him quietly to enter into the platforme there without resistance where he and his companie would remaine a space without offering any iniurie to them that they the Inhabitants might come vnto him and compound for the ransome of the Towne or else to stand to the hazard of warre With these words they returned to the towne but the keepers of the platforme answered that it was against their oath and allegeance to king Philip to giue ouer without fight Whereupon my Lord commanded the boates of euery ship to be presently manned and soone after landed his men on the sandie shoare vnder the side of an hill about halfe a league to the Northwards from the platforme vpon the toppe of which hill certaine horsemen and footmen shewed themselues and other two companies also appeared with ensignes displayed the one before the towne vpon the shore by the sea side which marched towards our landing place as though they would encounter vs the other in a valley to the Southwards of the platforme as if they would haue come to helpe the Townesmen during which time they in the platforme also played vpon vs with great Ordinance Notwithstanding my L. hauing set his men in order marched along the sea shore vpon the sands betwixt the sea the towne towards the platforme for the space of a mile or more then the shore growing rockie permitting no further progresse without much difficultie he entred into the towne passed through the street without resistance vnto the platforme for those companies before mentioned at my Lo. approching were soone dispersed and suddenly vanished Likewise they of the platforme being all fled at my Lordes comming thither left him and his company to scale the walles to enter and take possession without resistance In the meane time our shippes ceased not to batter the foresaid Towne and Platforme with great shotte till such time as we saw the Red-Crosse of England flourishing vpon the Forefront thereof This Fayal is the principall towne in all that is land is situate directly ouer against the high and mighty mountaine Pico lying towards the West Northwest from that mountaine being deuided therefrom by a narrow Sea which at that place is by estimation about some two or three leagues in bredth betweene the Isles of Fayal and Pico The towne conteyned some three hundred housholds their houses were faire and strongly builded of lime and stone and double couered with hollow tyles much like our roofe-tyles but that they are lesse at the one end then at the other Euery house almost had a cisterne or well in a garden on the backe side in which gardens grew vines with ripe clusters of grapes making pleasant shadowes and Tabacco nowe commonly knowen and vsed in England wherewith their women there dye their faces reddish to make them seeme fresh and young Pepper Indian and common figge-trees bearing both white and red figges Peach trees not growing very tall Orenges Limons Quinces Potato-roots c. Sweete wood Ceder I thinke is there very common euen for building and fixing My Lord hauing possessed himselfe of the towne and platforme and being carefull of the preseruation of the towne gaue commandement that no mariner or souldier should enter into any house to make any spoyle thereof But especially he was carefull that the Churches and houses of religion there should be kept inuiolate which was accordingly performed through his appointment of guarders and keepers for those places but the rest of the towne eyther for want of the former inhibition or for desire of spoyle prey was rifled ransacked by the souldiers mariners who scarcely left any house vnsearched out of which they tooke such things as liked them as chestes of sweete wood chaires cloth couerlets hangings bedding apparell and further ranged into the countrey where some of them also were hurt by the inhabitants The Friery there conteyning and maintayning thirtie Franciscan Friers among whom we could not finde any one able to speake true Latine was builded by a Fryer of Angra in Tercera of the same order about the yeare of our Lord one thousand fiue hundred and sixe The tables in the hall had seates for the one side onely and were alwayes couered as readie at all times for dinner or supper From Wednesday in the afternoone at which time we entred the towne til Saturday night we continued there vntill the Inhabitants had agreed and payed for the ransome of the towne two thousand duckats most part whereof was Church-place We found in the platforme eight and fiftie yron peeces of Ordinance whereof three and twentie as I remember or more were readie mounted vpon their carriages betweene Barricados vpon a platforme towardes the sea-side all which Ordinance wee tooke and set the platforme on fire and so departed My Lord hauing muited to dinner in the Victorie on the Sunday following so many of the Inhabitants as would willingly come saue onely Diego Gomes the Gouernour who
fauour towardes vs will we nill we in such haste as not any one of vs were able to keepe in company with other but were separated And if by chance any one Shippe did ouertake other by swiftnesse of sayle or meete as they often did yet was the rigour of the wind so hidious that they could not continue company together the space of one whole night Thus our iourney outward was not so pleasant but our comming thither entering the coasts and countrey by narrow Streights perillous yce and swift tides our times of aboade there in snowe and stormes and our departure from thence the 31. of August with dangerous blustering windes and tempests which that night arose was as vncomfortable separating vs so as wee sayled that not any of vs mette together vntill the 28. of September which day we fell on the English coastes betweene Sylley and the landes ende and passed the channell vntill our arriuall in the riuer of Thames The report of Thomas VViars passenger in the Emanuel otherwise called the Busse of Bridgewater wherein Iames Leech was Master one of the ships in the last Voyage of Master Martin Frobisher 1578. concerning the the discouerie of a great Island in their way homeward the 12. of September THe Busse of Bridgewater was left in Beares sound at Meta incognita the second day of September behinde the Fleete in some distresse through much winde ryding neere the Lee shoare and forced there to ride it out vpon the hazard of her cables and anchors which were all aground but two The third of September being fayre weather and the winde North northwest she set sayle and departed thence and fell with Frisland on the 8. day of September at sixe of the clocke at night and then they set off from the Southwest point of Frisland the wind being at East and East Southeast but that night the winde veared Southerly and shifted oftentimes that night but on the tenth day in the morning the wind at West northwest faire weather they steered Southeast and by south and continued that course vntil the 12. day of September when about 11. a clocke before noone they descryed a lande which was from them about fiue leagues and the Southermost part of it was Southeast by East from them and the Northermost next North Northeast or Northeast The Master accompted that the Southeast poynt of Frisland was from him at that instant when hee first descryed this new Islande Northwest by North 50. leagues They account this Island to be 25. leagues long and the longest way of it Southeast and Northwest The Southerne part of it is in the latitude of 57. degrees and 1. second part or there about They continued in sight of it from the 12. day at a 11. of the clocke till the 13. day three of the clocke in the after noone when they left it and the last part they saw of it bare from them Northwest by North. There appeared two Harboroughs vpon that coast the greatest of them seuen leagues to the Northwards of the Southermost poynt the other but foure leagues There was very much yce neere the same land and also twentie or thirty leagues from it for they were not cleare of yce till the 15. day of September after noone They plyed their Uoyage homewards and fell with the West part of Ireland about Galway and had first sight of it on the 25. day of September Notes framed by M. Richard Hakluyt of the middle Temple Esquire giuen to certaine Gentlemen that went with M. Frobisher in his North west discouerie for their directionsâ— And not vnfit to be committed to print considering the same may stirre vp considerations of these and of such other things not vnmeeâ—e in such new voyages as may be attempted hereafter THat the first Seate be chosen on the seaside so as if it may be you may haue your owne Nauie within Bay riuer or lake within your Seate safe from the enemie and so as the enemie shal be forced to lie in open rode abroade without to be dispersed with all windes and tempests that shall arise Thus seated you shall be least subiect to annoy of the enemie so may you by your Nauie within passe out to all parts of the world and so may the Shippes of England haue accesse to you to supply all wants so may your commodities be caryed away also This seat is to be chosen in a temperate Climat in sweete ayre where you may possesse alwayes sweete water wood seacoles or turfe with fish flesh graine fruites herbes and rootes or so many of those as may suffice very necessitie for the life of such as shall plant there And for the possessing of mines of golde of siluer copper quicksiluer or of any such precious thing the wants of those needfull things may be supplyed from some other place by sea c. Stone to make Lyme of are to be looked for as things without which no Citie may be made nor people in ciuil sort be kept together Slate stone to tyle withall or such clay as maketh tyle are to be looked for as things without which no Citie may be made nor people in ciuil sort be kept together Stone to wall withall if Brycke may not bee made are to be looked for as things without which no Citie may be made nor people in ciuil sort be kept together Timber for buylding easely to be conueied to the place are to be looked for as things without which no Citie may be made nor people in ciuil sort be kept together Reede to couer houses or such like if tyle or state be not are to be looked for as things without which no Citie may be made nor people in ciuil sort be kept together The people there to plant and to continue are eyther to liue without traffique or by traffique and by trade of marchandise If they shall liue without sea traffique at the first they become naked by want of linnen and woollen and very miserable by infinite wants that will otherwise ensue and so will they be forced of themselues to depart or else easely they will be consumed by the Spanyards by the Frenchmen or by the naturall inhabitants of the countrey and so the enterprize becomes reprochfull to our Nation and a let to many other good purposes that may be taken in hand And by trade of marchandise they can not liue except the Sea or the Land there may yeelde commoditie And therefore you ought to haue most speciall regard of that poynt and so to plant that the naturall commodities of the place and seate may draw to you accesse or Nauigation for the same or that by your owne Nauigation you may cary the same out and fetch home the supply of the wants of the seate Such Nauigation so to be employed shall besides the supply of wants be able to encounter with forreine force And for that in the ample vent of such things as are brought to you
found a very rich Myne as they supposed and got almost twentie tunnâ— of Ore together vpon the 28 of Iuly the yce came driuing into the sound where the Barkes rode in such sort that they were therewith greatly distressed And the Gabriell riding asterne the Michael had her Cable gauld asunder in the hawse with a peece of driuing yce and lost another ancker and hauing but one cable and ancker left for she had lost two before and the yce still driuing vpon her she was by Gods helpe well fenced frâ—m the danger of the rest by one great Iland of yce which came a ground hard a head of her which if it had not so chanced I thinke surely shee had beene cast vpon the rockes with the yce The Michael mored ancker vpon this great yce and roade vnder the lee thereof but about midnight by the weight of it selfe and the setting of the Tydes the yce brake within halfe the Barkes length and made vnto the companie within boord a sodaine and fearefull noyse The next flood toward the morning we weyed ancker and went further vp the straights and leauing our Ore behind vs which we had digged for hast left the place by the name of Beares sound after the Masters name of the Michaell and named the Iland Lecesters Iland In one of the small Ilands here we found a Tombe wherein the bones of a dead man lay together and our sauage Captiue being with vs being demanded by signes whether his countreymen had not slaine this man and eat his flesh so from the bones he made signes to the contrary and that he was slaine with Wolues and wild beasts Here also was found hid vnder stones good store of fish and sundry other things of the inhabitants as sleddes bridles kettels of fishskinnes kniues of bone and such other like And our Sauage declared vnto vs the vse of all those things And taking in his hand one of those countrey bridles he caught one of our dogges and hampred him handsomely therein as we doe our horses and with a whip in his hand he taught the dogge to drawe in a sled as we doe horses in a coach setting himselfe thereupon like a guide so that we might see they vse dogges for that purpose that we do our horses And we found since by experience that the lesser sort of dogges they feede fatte and keepe them as domesticall cattell in their tents for their eating and the greater sort serue for the vse of drawing their sleds The twentie ninth of Iuly about fiue leagues from Beares sound we discouered a Bay which being fenced on ech side with smal Ilands lying off the maine which breake the force of the tides and make the place free from any indrafts of yce did prooue a very fit harborow for our ships where we came to ancker vnder a small Ilande which now together with the sound is called by the name of that right Honourable and vertuous Ladie Anne Countesse of Warwicke And this is the furthest place that this yeere we haue entred vp within the streites and is rekoned from the Cape of the Queenes foreland which is the entrance of the streites not aboue 30 leagues Upon this Iland was found good store of the Ore which in the washing helde gold to our thinking plainly to be seene wherâ—upon it was thought best rather to load here where there was store and indifferent good then to seeke further for better and spend time with ieoperdie And therefore our Generall setting the Myners to worke and shewing first a good president of a painefull labourer and a good Captaine in himselfe gaue good examples for others to follow him whereupon euery man both better and worse with their best endeuours willingly layde to their helping hands And the next day being the thirtieth of Iuly the Michaell was sent ouer to Iackmans sound for the Ayde and the whole companie to come thither Upon the maine land ouer against the Counâ—esses Iland we discouered and behelde to our great maruell the poore caues and houses of those countrey people which serue them as it should seeme for their winter dwellings and are made two fadome vnder grounde in compasse round like to an Ouen being ioyned fast one by another hauing holes like to a Foxe or Conny berry to keepe and come togither They vndertrenched these places with gutters so that the water falling from the hilles aboue them may slide away without their annoyance and are seated commonly in the foote of a hill to shield them better from the cold windes hauing their doore and entrance euer open towards the South From the ground vpward they builde with whales bones for lacke of timber which bending one ouer another are handsomely compacted in the top together and are couered ouer with Seales skinnes which in stead of tiles fence them from the raine In which house they haue only one roome hauing the one halfe of the floure raised with broad stones a foot higher than y e other whereon strawing Mosse they make their nests to sleep in They defile these dennes most filthily with their beastly feeding dwell so long in a place as we thinke vntill their sluttishnes lothing them they are forced to seeke a sweeter ayre and a new seate and are no doubt a dispersed and wandring nation as the Tartarians and liue in hords and troupes without any certaine abode as may appeare by sundry circumstances of our experience Here our captiue being ashore with vs to declare the vse of such things as we saw stayd himselfe alone behind the company and did set vp fiue small stickes round in a circle one by another with one smal bone placed iust in the middest of all which thing when one of our men perceiued he called vs backe to behold the matter thinking that hee had meant some charme or witchcraft therein But the best coniecture we could make thereof was that hee would thereby his countreymen should vnderstand that for our fiue men which they betrayed the last yeere whom he signified by the fiue stickes he was taken and kept prisoner which he signified by the bone in the midst For afterwards when we shewed him the picture of his countreman which the last yeere was brought into England whose counterfeit we had drawen with boate and other furniture both as he was in his own also in English apparel he was vpon the sudden much amazed thereat and beholding aduisedly the same with silence a good while as though he would streine courtesie whethâ—r should begin the speech for he thought him no doubt a liuely creature at length began to question with him as with his companion and finding him dumb and mute seemed to suspect him as one disdeinfull and would with a little helpe haue growen into choller at the matter vntill at last by feeling and handling hee found him but a deceiuing picture And then with great noise and cryes ceased
should continue or prosecute the same The voyage of the Grace of Bristol of M. Rice Iones a Barke of thirty fiue sunnes vp into the Bay of Saint Laurence to the Northwest of Newefoundland as farre as the Isle of Assumption or Natiscotec for the barbes or â—ynnes of Whales and traine Oyle made by Siluester Wyet Shipmaster of Bristoll WEe departed with the aforesaid Barke manned with twelue men for the place aforesaid from Bristoll the 4 of Aprill 1594. and fell with Cape d'Espere on the coast of Newefoundland the nineteneth of May in the height of 47. We went thence for Cape Raz being distant from thence 18 or 19 leagues the very same day The 20. day we were thwart of Cape Raz Then we set our course Northwest for Cape S. Marie which is distant from Cape Raz 19 leagues and is on the Eastside of the great bay of Placentia almost at the entrie thereof From thence we shaped our course for the Islands of S. Pedro passing by the broken Islands of the Martyers and when we were thwart of the said Isles of the Martyers our course to the Isles of S. Pedro was West and by North. In these Isles of S. Pedro there is a faire harbour which we went into with our barke and found there 2 ships of Sibiburo fishing for Cod where we stayed 2 dayes and tooke in balest for our ship There are as faire and tall firre trees growing therein as in any other part of Newfoundland Then wee departed thence and as we came out of the harbours mouth we laid the ship vpon the lee and in 2 houres space we tooke with our hookes 3 or 4 hundred great Cods for our prouision of our ship Then we departed from the Isle of S. Pedro to enter into the gulffe of S. Laurence betwene Cape Briton and the said Isle and set our course West North West and fel with Cape de Rey which wee found to be distant from the Isles of S. Pedro 42 leagues From Cape de Rey to Cape de Angullie we set our course Northnorthwest being distant thence 12 or 13 leagues From the Cape de Angullie into the Bay of S. George we ran Northeast and by East some 18 or 19 leagues In this bay of Saint George we found the wrackes of 2 great Biskaine ships which had bene cast away three yeres before where we had some seuen or eight hundred Whale finnes and some yron bolts and chaines of their mayne shrouds fore shroudes al their traine was beaten out with the weather but the caske remained still Some part of the commodities were spoiled by tumbling downe of the clifts of the hils which couered part of the caske and the greater part of those Whale finnes which we vnderstood to be there by foure Spaniards which escaped were brought to S. Iohn de Luz Here we found the houses of the Sauages made of fiâ—re trees bound together â—â— the top and set round like a Doue-house and couered with the barkes of firre trees wee found also some part of their victuals which were Deeres flesh roasted vpon wooden spits at the fire a dish made of a ryne of a tree sowed together with the smowes of the Deere wherein was oâ—e of the Deere There were also foules called Cormorants which they had pulckt and made ready to haue dressed and there we found a wooden spoone of their making And we discerned the tracks of the feete of some fortie or fiftie men women and children When we had dispatched our businesse in this bay of S. George and stayed there ten dayes wee departed for the Northren point of the said bay which is nine or ten leagues broade Then being enformed that the Whales which are deadly wounded in the grand Bay and yet escape the fisher for a time are woont vsually to shoot themselues on shore on the Isle of Assumption or Natiscotec which lieth in the very mouth of the great riuer that runneth vp to Canada we shaped our course ouer to that long Isle of Natiscotec and wee found the distance of the way to the Estermost ende thereof to be about forty foure leagues and it standeth in the latitude of 49. Here we arriued about the middest of Iune at the East end and rode in eighteene fadome water in faire white sand and very good ankerage and for tryall heaued a lyne ouerboorde and found wonderfull faire and great Cod fish we went also seuen of vs on shore and found there exceeding fayre great woods of tall firre trees and heard and sawe store of land and sea foules and sawe the footing of diuers beastes in the sand when we were on shore From the Easter end we went to the Norther side of the Island which we perceiued to be but narrow in respect of the length thereof And after wee had searched two dayes and a night for the Whales which were wounded which we hoped to haue found there and missed of our purpose we returned backe to the Southwarde and were within one league of the Island of Penguin which lyeth South from the Eastermost part of Natiscotec some twelue leagues From the Isle of Penguin wee shaped our course for Cape de Rey and had sight of the Island of Cape Briton then returned wee by the Isles of Saint Pedro and so came into the Bay of Placencia and arriued in the Easterside thereof some ten leagues vp within the Bay among the fishermen of Saint Iohn de Luz and of Sibiburo and of Biskay which were to the number of threescore and odde sayles whereof eight shippes onely were Spaniardes of whom we were very well vsed and they wished heartily for peace betweene them and vs. There the man of Saint Iohn and Sibiburo men bestowed two pinnesses on vs to make vp our voyage with fish Then wee departed ouer to the other side of the Bay where we arriued in an harbour which is callâ—d Pesmarck and there made our stage and fished so long that in the ende the Sauages came and in the night when our men were at rest cut both our pinnesse and our shippes boate away to our great hinderance of our voyage yet it was our good fortune to finde out our pinnesses and get them againe Then for feare of a shrewder turne of the Sauages we departed for Cape Saint Marie and hauing passed Cape Raz we passed Northwaâ—de fourteene leagues and arriued in Farrillon and finding there two and twentie sayles of Englishmen wee made vp our fishing voyage to the full in that harborough the twentieth foure of August to our good content and departing thence we arriued first in Combe and staied there a seuen night and afterward in Hungrod in the riuer of Bristoll by the grace of God the 24 of Sâ—ptember 1594. The voyage of M. Charles Leigh and diuers others to Cape Briton and the Isle of Ramea THe Hopewell of London of the burthen of 120 tunnes whereof was M. William Crafton
and dauncing very merily sâ—ill crying Agâ—iâ—ze which in their tongue signifieth Miâ—â—h and Safetie How our Captaine with fiue Gentlemen and twentie armed men all well in order went to see the towne of Hochelaga and the situation of it Chap. 7. OUr Captaine the next day very earely in the morning hauing very gorgeously attired himselfe caused all his company to be set in order to go to see the towne and haâ—itacion of those people and a certaine mountaine that is somewhat neere the citie with whom went also fiue Gentlemen and twentie Mariners leauing the rest to keepe and loâ—ke to our boates we tooke with vs three men of Hochelaga to bring vs to the place All along as we went we found the way as well beaten and frequented as can be the faireâ—t and best countrey that possibly can be seene full of as goodly great Okes as are in any wood in Frâ—â—ce vnder which the ground was all couered ouer with faire Aâ—ornes After we had gone about foure or fiue miles we met by the way one of the chiefest Lords of the citie accompanied with many mâ—â— who so soâ—ne as he sawe vs beckned and made signes vpon vs that we must rest vs in that place where they had made a great fire and so we did After that we had rested our selues there a while the said Lord began to make a long discourse euen as we haue saide aboue they are accustomed to doe in signe of mirth and friendship shewing our Captaine and all his company a ioyfull countenance and good will who gaue him two hatâ—hets a paire of kniues and a crosse which he made him to kisse and then put it about his necke for which he gaue our Captaine heartie thankes This done we went along and about a mile and a halfe fartherâ— we began to â—â—â—de goodly and large fieldes full of such corne as the countrie yeeldeth It is euen as the Millet of Bresil as great and somewhat bigger then small pâ—ason wherewith they liue euen as we doe with ours In the midst of those fields is the citie of Hochelaga placeâ— neere and as it were ioyned to a great mountaine that is â—used round about very fertill on the top of which you may see very farreâ— we named it Mount Roiall The câ—â—â—e of Hochelaga is round compassed about with timber wiâ—â— three course of Rampires one within another framed like a sharpe Spire but laide acrosse abouâ— The middlemosâ— of them is made and built as a direct line but perpendicular The Rampires are framed and fashioned wiâ—h peeces of timber lâ—â—d â—long on the ground very well and cunningly ioyned togither after their fashion This enclosure is in height about two rods It hath but one gâ—tâ— or eâ—trie thereat which is shut with piles stakes and barres Ouer it and also in many places of the wall there be places to runne along and ladders to get vp all full of stones for the defence of it There are in the towne about fiftie houses about fiftie paces long and twelue or fifteene â—road built all of wood couered ouer with the barke of the wood as broad as any boord very fiâ—ely and cunningly ioyned togither Within the said houses there are many roomes lodgings and chambers In the middest of euery one there is a great Court in the middle whereof they make their fire They liue in common togither then doe the husbands wiues and children each one retire themselues to their chambers They haue also on the top of their houses certaine garreâ—s wherein they keepe their corne to make their bread withall they call it Carraconny which they make as hereafter shall follow They haue certaine peeces of wood made hollow like those whereon we beat our hempe and with certaine beetles of wood they beat their corne to powder then they make paste of it anâ— of the paste cakes or wreathes then they lay them on a broad and hote stone and then couer it with hote stones and so they bake their bread in stead of Ouens They make also sundry sorts of pottage with the said corne and also of pease and of beanes whereof they haue great store as also with other fruits as Muske-Millions and very great Cowcumbers They haue also in their houses certaine vessels as bigge as any But or Tun wherein they preserue and keepe their fish causing the same in sommer to be dried in the sunne and liue therewith in winter whereof they make great prouision as we by experience haue seene All their viands and meates are without any tast or sauour of salt at all They sleepe vpon barkes of trees laide all along vpon the ground being ouer-spread with the skinnes of certaine wilde Beastes wherewith they also cloth and couer themselues The thing most precious that they haue in all the world they call Esurgny it is as white as any snow they take it in the said riuer of Cornibotz in the maner folowing When any one hath deserued death or that they take any of their enemies in Warres first they kill him then with certaine kniues they giue great slashes and strokes vpon their buttocks flankes thighs and shoulders then they cast the same bodie so mangled downe to the bottome of the riuer in a place where the said Esurgny is and there leaue it ten or 12 houres then they taken vp againe and in the cuts find the said Esurgny or Cornibotz Of them they make beads and weare them about thâ—iâ— necks euen as we doe chaâ—nes of gold and siluer accounting it the preciousest thing in the world They haue this vertue and propertie in them they will stop or stanch bleeding at the nose for we haue prooued it These people are giuen to no other exercise but onely to husâ—anâ—râ—e and fishing for their sustenance they haue no care of any other wealth or commoditie in this world for they haue no knowledge of it and that is because they neuer trauell and go out of their countrey as those of Canada and Saguenay doe albeit the Canadians with eight or nâ—â—e Uillages more alongâ—t that riuer be subiects vnto them How we came to the Towne of Hochelaga and the entertainement which there we had and of certaine gifts which our Captaine gaue them with diuers other things Chap. 8. SO soone as we were come neere the Towne a great number of the inhabitants thereof came to present themselues before vs after their fashion making very much of vs we were by our guides brought into the middest of the towne They haue in the middlemost part of their houses a large square place being from side to side a good stones cast whither we were brought and there with signes were commanded to stay theâ— suddenly all the women and maidens of the Towne gathered themselues together part of which had their armes full of young children and as many as could came to rubbe our faces our armes and what part of the bodie soeuer they could touch weâ—ping
water but it is sodden with Ginger in it and blacke Sinamon and sometimes Sassaphras and diuers other wholesome and medicinable hearbes and trees We were entertained with all loue and kindnesse and with as much bountie after their maner as they could possibly deuise We found the people most gentle louing and faithfull voide of all guile and treason and such as liue after the maner of the golden age The people onely care howe to defend themselues from the cold in their short winter and to feed themselues with such meat as the soile affoordeth there meate is very well sodden and they make broâ—h very sweet and sauorie their vessels are earthen pots very large white and sweete their dishes are wooden platters of sweet timber within the place where they feede was their lodging and within that their Idoll which they worship of whome they speake incredible things While we were at meate there came in at the gates two or three men with their bowes and arrowes from hunting whom when wee espied we beganne to looke one towardes another and offered to reach our weapons but assoone as shee espied our mistrust shee was very much mooued and caused some of her men to runne out and take away their bowes and arrowes and breake thâ—m and withall beate the poore fellowes out of the gate againe When we departed in the euening and would not tary all night she was very sory and gaue vs into our boate our supper halfe dressed pottes and all and brought vs to our boate side in which wee lay all night remoouing the same a prettie distance from the shoare shee peceiuing our ielousie was much greiued and sent diuers men and thirtie women to sit all night on the banke side by vs and sent vs into our boates fine mattes to couer vs from the raine vsing very many wordes to intreate vs to rest in their houses but because wee were fewe men and if wee had miscaried the voyage had bene in very great danger wee durst not aduenture any thing although there was no cause of doubt for a more kinde and louing people there can not be found in the worlde as farre as we haue hitherto had triall Beyond this Island there is the maine lande and ouer against this Island falleth into this spacious water the great riuer called Occam by the inhabitants on which standeth a towne called Pomeiock sixe dayes iourney from the same is situate their greatest citie called Skicoak which this people affirme to be very great but the Sauages were neuer at it only they speake of it by the report of their fathers and other men whom they haue heard affirme it to bee aboue one houres iourney about In to this riuer falleth another great riuer called Cipo in which there is found great store of Muskles in which there are pearles likewise there descendeth into this Occam another riuer called Nomopana on the one side whereof standeth a great towne called Chawanook and the Lord of that towne and countrey is called Pooneno this Pooneno is not subiect to the king of Wingandacoa but is a free Lord beyond this country is there another king whom they cal Menatonon and these three kings are in league with each other Towards the Southwest foure dayes iourney is situate a towne called Sequotan which is the Southermost towne of Wingandacoa neere vnto which sixe and twentie yeres past there was a ship cast away whereof some of the people were saued and those were white people whom the countrey people preserued And after ten dayes remaining in an out Island vnhabited called Wocokon they with the help of some of the dwellers of Sequotan fastened two boates of the countrey together made mastes vnto them and sailes of their shirtes and hauing taken into them such victuals as the countrey yeelded they departed after they had remained in this out Island 3 weekes but shortly after it seemed they were cast away for the boates were found vpon the coast cast a land in another Island adioyning other then these there was neuer any people apparelled or white of colour either seene or heare of amongst these people and these aforesaid wâ—re seene onely of the inhabitances of Secotan which appeared to 〈◊〉 very true for they wondred maruelously when we were amongst them at the whitenes of our skiâ—s â—uer coueting to touch our breasts and to view the same Besides they had our ships in maruelous admiration all things els were so strange vnto them as it appeared that none of them had euer seene the like When we discharged any piece were it but an hargubuz they would trâ—mble thâ—reat for very feareâ— and for the straâ—genesse of the same for the weapons which themselules vse are bowes and arrowes the arrowes are but of small canes headed with a sharpe shell or tooth of a fish sufficient ynough to kill a naked man Their swordes be of wood hardened likewise they vse wooden breastplates for their defence They haue beside a kinde of club in the end whereof they fasten the sharpe hornes of a stagge or other beast When they goe to warres they cary about with them their idol of whom they aske counsel as the Romans were woont of the Oracle of Apollo They sing songs as they march towardes the battell in stead of drummes and trumpets their warres are very cruell and bloody by reason whereof and of their ciuill dissentions which haue happened of late yeeres amongst them the people are maruelously wasted and in some places the countrey left desolate Adioyning to this countrey aforesaid called Secotan beginâ—eth a countrey called Pomouik belonging to another king whom they call Piamacum and this king is in league with the next king adioyning towards the setting of the Sunne and the countrey Newsiok situate vpon a goodly riuer called Neus thâ—se kings haue mortall warre with Wingina king of Wingandacoa but about two yeeres past there was a peace made betweene the king Piemacum and the Lord of Secotan as these men which we haue brought with vs to England haue giuen vs to vnderstand but there remaineth a mortall malice in the Secotanes for many iniuries slaughters done vpon them by this Piemacum They inuited diuers men and thirtie women of the best of his countrey to their towne to a feast and when they were altogether merry praying before their Idol which is nothing els but a meer illusion of the deuil the captaine or Lord of the town came suddenly vpon theÌ„ and slewe them euery one reseruing the women and children and these two haue oftentimes since perswaded vs to surprize Piemacum his towne hauing promised and assured vs that there will be found in it great store of commodities But whether their perswasion be to the ende they may be reuenged of their enemies or for the loue they beare to vs we leaue that to the tryall hereafter Beyond this Island called Roanoak are maine Islands very plentifull of fruits and
of troubling our inhabiting and planting are not to be feared but that they shall haue cause both to feare and loue vs that shall inhabite with them They are a people clothed with loose mantles made of deere skinnes and aprons of the same round about their middles all â—ls naked of such a difference of statures onely as wee in England hauing no edge tooles or weapons of yron or steele to offend vs withall neither knowe they how to make any those weapons that they haue are onely bowes made of Witch-hazle and arrowes of reedes flat edged cruncheons also of wood about a yard long neither haue they any thing to defend themselues but targets made of barkes and some armours made of sticks wickered together with thread Their townes are but small and neere the Sea coast but fewe some contayning but tenne or twelue houses some 20. the greatest that we haue seene hath bene but of 30. houses if they bee walled it is onely done with barkes of trees made fast to stakes or els with poles onely fixed vpright and close one by another Their houses are made of small poles made fast at the tops in round forme after the maner as is vsed in many arbories in our gardens of England in most townes couered with barkes and in some with artificiall mats made of long rushes from the tops of the houses downe to the ground The length of them is commonly double to the breadth in some places they are but 12. and 16. yards long and in other some we haue seene of foure and twentie In some places of the Countrey one onely towne belongeth to the gouernment of a Wiroans or chiefe Lord in other some two or three in some sixe eight and more the greatest Wiroans that yet wee had dealing with had but eighteene townes in his gouernment and able to make not aboue seuen or eight hundreth fighting men at the most The language of euery gouernment is different from any other and the further they are distant the greater is the difference Their maner of warres amongst themselues is either by sudden surprising one an other most commonly about the dawning of the day or moone-light or els by ambushes or some subtile deuises Set battels are very rare except it fall out where there are many trees where either part may haue some hope of defence after the deliuery of euery arrow in leaping behind some or other If there fall out any warres betweene vs and them what their fight is likely to bee wee hauing aduantages against them so many maner of wayes as by our discipline our strange weapoÌ„s and deuises else especially Ordinance great and small it may easily bee imagined by the experience wee haue had in some places the turning vp of their heeles against vs in running away was their best defence In respect of vs they are a people poore and for want of skill and iudgement in the knowledge and vse of our things doe esteeme our trifles before things of greater value Notwithstanding in their proper maner considering the want of such meanes as we haue they seeme very ingenious For although they haue no such tooles nor any such crafts Sciences and Artes as wee yet in those things they doe they shew excellencie of wit And by how much they vpon due consideration shall finde our maner of knowledges and crafts to exceede theirs in perfection and speede for doing or execution by so much the more is it probable that they should desire our friendship and loue and haue the greater respect for pleasing and obeying vs. Whereby may bee hoped if meanes of good gouernment be vsed that they may in short time bee brought to ciuilitie and the imbracing of true Religion Some religion they haue already which although it be farre from the trueth yet being as it is there is hope it may be the easier and sooner reformed They beleeue that there are many gods which they call Mantoac but of different sorts degrees one onely chiefe and great God which hath bene from all eternitie Who as they affirme when hee purposed to make the world made first other gods of a principall order to be as meanes and instruments to be vsed in the creation and gouernment to folow and after the Sunne moone and starres as pettie gods and the instruments of the other order more principal First they say were made waters out of which by the gods was made all diuersitie of creatures that are visible or inuisible For mankinde they say a woman was made first which by the working of one of the gods conceiued and brought foorth children And in such sort they say they had their beginning But how many yeeres or ages haue passed since they say they can make no relation hauing no letters nor other such meanes as we so keepe Records of the particularities of times past but onely tradition from father to sonne They thinke that all the gods are of humane shape and therefore they represent them by images in the formes of men which they call Kewasowok one alone is called Kewas them they place in houses appropriate or temples which they call Machicomuck where they worship pray sing and make many times offring vnto them In some Machicomuck we haue seene but one Kewas in some two and in other some three The common sort thinke them to be also gods They beleeue also the immortalitie of the soule that after this life as soone as the soule is departed from the body according to the workes it hath done it is either caried to heauen the habitacle of gods there to enioy perpetuall blisse and happinesse or els to a great pitte or hole which they thinke to be in the furthest parts of their part of the world toward the Sunne set there to burne continually the place they call Popogusso For the confirmation of this opinion they tolde me two stories of two men that had bene lately dead and reuiued againe the one happened but few yeeres before our comming into the Countrey of a wicked man which hauing bene dead and buried the next day the earth of the graue being seene to moue was taken vp againe who made declaration where his soule had bene that is to say very neere entring into Popogusso had not one of the gods saued him and gaue him leaue to returne againe and teach his friends what they should do to auoyd that terrible place of torment The other happened in the same yeere we were there but in a towne that was 60. miles from vs and it was told me for strange newes that one being dead buried and taken vp againe as the first shewed that although his body had lien dead in the graue yet his soule was aliue had trauailed farre in a long broad way on both sides whereof grew most delicate and pleasant trees bearing more rare and excellent fruits then euer hee had seene before or was able to expresse and at length came to most braue and faire
the moneth of Iune Hauing cast anker I embarked all my stuffe and the souldiers of my companie to sayle right toward the opening of the Riuer wherein we entred a good way vp and found a Creeke of a reasonable bignesse which inuited vs to refresh our selues a little while wee reposed our selues there Afterward wee went on shoare to seeke out a place plaine without trees which wee perceiued from the Creeke But because wee found it not very commodious for vs to inhabite there wee determined to returne vnto the place which wee had discouered before when wee had sayled vp the Riuer This place is ioyning to a mountaine and it seemed vnto vs more fit and commodious to build a fortresse then that where we were last Therefore we tooke our way towards the forrests being guided therein by the young Paracoussy which had ledde vs before to his fathers lodging Afterward we found a large plaine couered with high Pinetrees distant a little from the other vnder which wee perceiued an infinite number of Stagges which brayed amidst the plaine athwart the which we passed then wee discouered a little hill adioyning vnto a great vale very greene and in forme flat wherein were the fairest medowes of the world and grasse to feede rattel Moreouer it is inuironed with a great number of brookes of fresh water high woods which make the vale more delectable to the eye After I had taken the viewe thereof at mine ease I named it at the request of our souldiers The Vale of Laudonniere Thus we went forward Anon hauing gone a little forward we met an Indian woman of tall stature which also was an Hermaphrodite who came before vs with a great vâ—ssell full of cleere fountaine water wherwith she greatly refreshed vs. For we were exceeding faint by reason of the ardent heate which molested vs as we passed through those high woods And I beleeue that without the succour of that Indian Hermaphrodite or rather if it had not bene for the great desire which we had to make vs resolute of our selues we had taken vp our lodging all night in the wood Being therefore refreshed by this meane wee gathered our spirits together and marching with a cheerefull courage wee came to the place which wee had chosen to make our habitation in whereupon at that instant neere the riuers brinke we strowed a number of boughes and leaues to take our rest on them the night following which wee found exceeding sweete because of the paine which before we had taken in our trauell On the morrow about the breake of day I commaunded a trumpet to be sounded that being assembled we might giue God thankes for our fauourable and happie arriuall There wee sang a Psalme of thankesgiuing vnto God beseeching him that it would please him of his grace to continue his accustomed goodnesse toward vs his poore seruaunts and ayde vs in all our enterprises that all might turne to his glory and the aduancement of our King The prayer ended euery man began to take courage Afterward hauing measured out a piece of ground in forme of a triangle wee indeuoured our selues of all sides some to bring earth some to cut fagots and others to raise and make the rampire for there was not a man that had not either a shouell or cutting hooke or hatchet as well to make the ground plaine by cutting downe the trees as for the building of the Fort which we did hasten w t such cheerfulnesse that within few dayes the effect of our diligence was apparant in which meane space the Paracoussy Satourioua our neerest neighbour on whose ground wee built our Fort came vsually accompanyed with his two sonnes and a great number of Indians to offer to doe vs all courtesie And I likewise for my part bestowed diuers of our trifles frankely on him to the end he might know the good will we bare him and thereby make him more desirous of our friendship in such sort that as the dayes increased so our amitie and friendship increased also After that our Fort was brought into forme I began to build a Grange to retire my munition and things necessarie for the defence of our Fort praying the Paracoussy to command his subiects to make vs a couering of Palme leaues and this to the â—nde that when that was done I might vnfraight my shippes and put vnder couerture those things that were in them Suddenly the Paracoussy commaunded in my presence all the Indians of his companie to dresse the next day morning so good a number of Palme leaues that the Grange was couered in lesse then two dayes so that businesse was finished For in the space of those two dayes the Indians neuer ceassed from working some in fetching Palme leaues others in interlacing of them in such sort that their Kings commandement was executed as he desired Our Fort was built in forme of a triangle The side towarde the West which was toward the lande was inclosed with a little trench and raised with turues made in forme of a Battlement of nine foote high the other side which was toward the Riuer was inclosed with a Pallisado of plankes of timber after the maner that Gabions are made On the South side there was a kinde of bastion within which I caused an house for the munition to be built it was all builded with fagots and sand sauing about two of three foot high with turfes whereof the battlements were made In the middest I caused a great Court to be made of eighteene paces long and broad in the middest whereof on the one side drawing toward the South I builded a Corps de gard and an house on the other side toward the North which I caused to bee raised somewhat too high for within a short while after the wind beat it down and experience taught me that we may not build with high stages in this Countrey by reason of the windes whereunto it is subiect One of the sides that inclosed my Court which I made very faire and large reached vnto the Grange of my munitions and on the other side towardes the Riuer was mine owne lodging round about which were galleries all couered The principall doore of my lodging was in the middest of the great place and the other was towarde the Riuer A good distance from the Fort I built an Ouen to auoyde the danger against fire because the houses are of Palme leaues which will soone be burnt after the fire catcheth holde of them so that with much adoe a man shall haue leasure to quench them Loe here in briefe the description of our Fortresse which I named Caroline in the honour of our Prince King Charles After wee were furnished with that which was most necessarie I would not lose a minute of an houre without imploying of the same in some vertuous exercise therefore I charged Monsieur de Ottigni my Lieutenant a man in trueth
the neighbour-prouinces There are no great cities there yet are the houses built of stone and are very good and in them they haue great store of gold which is as it were lost because they know not what vse to put it to The people weare Emeralds and other precious iewels vpon their bodies they are valiant hauing very strong armour made of siluer fashioned after diuers shapes of beast They worship for their gods such things as they haue in their houses as namely hearbes and birdes and sing songs vnto them in their language which differeth but litle from that of Culiacan They told the Frier that they were willing to become Christians and the Emperors subiects for they were without a gouernour with condition that no man should hurt them and that they would change their golde for such things as they wanted Commandement was giuen that they should bee receiued without doing them any displeasure Neere vnto this countrey there is another Prouince heretofore discouered by our men where the people go naked without any thing before them they are very hardly reduced to Christianitie and they are valiant and sâ—oute Their houses are couered with straw They seeke no other riches but to feede cattel They goe at certaine seasons to their sacrifices into a valley situate in that Prouince which is inhabited with peopleâ— esteemed by those of the countrey as saints and priests whom they call Chichimecas which dwell in the woods without houses and they eate such things as they of the countrey giue them of almes They goe nakedâ— and are tanned in the smoke and tye their priuie member with a string vnto their knee and the women likewise goe starke naked They haue certain temples couered with strawe with small round windowes full of the skuls of dead men before their temple is a great round ditch the brim whereof is compassed with the figure of a serpent made of gold and siluer and with another mixture of vnknowen metals and this serpent holdeth his tayle in his mouth They of this valley from time to time cast lots whose lucke it shal be to be sacrificed and they make him great cheere on whom the lotte falleth and with great ioy they crowne him with flowers vpon a bed prepared in the sayd ditch all full of flowres and sweete hearbes on which they lay him along and lay great store of dry wood on both sides of him and set it on fire on eyther part and so he dyeth Where he continueth so quietly without being bound as though hee did something wherein he tooke great pleasure And they say that hee is a Saint and doe worshippe him for that yeere and sing prayses and Hymnes vnto him and afterward set vp his head with the rest in order within those windowes Also they sacrifice their prisoners whom they burne in another deeper ditch and not with the foresayde ceremonies The Spanyardes which are in Xalisco write that hauing good assistance they hope that those people will become Christians The Countrey is very good and fruitfull and hath great store of good and wholesome waters A Letter of Francis Vazquez de Coronado Gouernour of Nueua Galicia to the lord Don Antonio de Mendoça Viceroy of Nueua Espanna Dated in Saint Michael of Culiacan the 8. of March 1539. Of the hard passage from Saint Michael of Culiacan to Topira The description of that Prouince and of another neere vnto the same very rich in gold and precious stonesâ— The number of the people which Vazquez caried with him in his iourney thither and how greatly Frier Marcus of Niça is honoured by the Indians of Petailan BY the helpe of God I meane to set forward from this City of S. Michael of Culiacan toward Topira the 10. of April neither can I any sooner set forward because the powder and match which your Lordship sendeth mee cannot he brought thither before that time and I thinke it be now in Compostella Besides this I am to passe many leagues ouer mightie high mountaines which reach vp to the skyes and ouer a Riuer which at this present is so bigge and swolne that it can in no place be waded ouer And if I depart at the time aforesayde they say wee may wade ouer it They tolde mee that from hence to Topira was not aboue 50. leaguesâ— and I haue learned since that it is aboue fourescore leagues I doe not remember that I haue written to your Lordshippe the information which I haue of Topira and though I had written thereof vnto you yet because that since that time I haue learned something more I thinke it meete to signifie the same vnto your Lordship in these my letters It may please your honour therefore to vnderstand that they tell mee that Topira is a very populous Prouince lying betweene two riuers and that there are aboue 50. inhabited townes therein And that beyond the same there is another Countrey greater then it the name whereof the Indians could not tell mee wherein there is great store of victuals of Maiz French peason Ari or Pepper Melons and Gourds and great store of Hennes of the countrey The people weare on their bodies golde Emeralds and other precious stones and are serued commonly in golde and siluer wherewith they couer their houses and the chiefe men weare great chaines of golde well wrought about their necks and are apparelled with paynted garments and haue store of wilde kine and they say they enter not into their countrey because themselues haue no great store of people these Indians being many in number and very valiant That which here I say I learned by two other relations of Indians dwelling neere vnto them I meane to set forward at the tune before mentioned and I carrie with me 150. horsemen and twelue spare horses and 200. footmen crosse bow-men and gunners I take also with mee liue hogs sheepe and all such things as I can get for money assure your Lordship that I meane not to returne to Mexico vntil I be able to informe your honour more perfectly what the state of that place is and if I find ouch that we may doe good in I will stay there vntill I haue aduertised your Lordship that you may command what you will haue done and if it fall out so vnluckily that there be nothing of importance I will seeke to discouer 100. leagues farther wherein I hope in God there will be something found in which your Lordship may imploy all these gentlemen and those which shall come hither thereafter I thinke I cannot chuse but stay there and the waters the seasons and disposition of the countrey and other accidents wil direct mee what is best to be done Frier Marco de Niça entred a good way into the country accompanied with Stephan Dorantezâ— the 7. of February last past when I departed from them I left them with aboue 100. Indians of Petatlanâ— and and from the time of their comming thither they greatly honoured the
eight degrees of Northerly latitude and within two leagues of the maine of Nicaragua where wee calked and trimmed our ship along the Coast of Nueua Espanna vntill we came to the Hauen and Towne of Guatulco which as we were informed had but seuenteene Spaniards dwelling in it and we found it to stand in fifteene degrees and fiftie minutes Assoone as we were entred this Hauen we landed and went presently to the towne and to the Towne house where we found a Iudge sitting in iudgement he being associate with three other officers vpon three Negroes that had conspired the burning of the Towne both which Iudges and prisoners we tooke and brought them a shippeboord and caused the chiefe Iudge to write his letter to the Towne to command all the Townesmen to auoid that we might safely water there Which being done and they departed wee ransaked the Towne and in one house we found a pot of the quantitie of a bushell full of royals of plate which we brought to our ship And here one Thomas Moone one of our companie took a Spanish gentleman as he was flying out of the Towne and searching him he found a chaine of Gold about him and other iewels which we tooke and so let him goe At this place our Generall among other Spaniards set a shore his Portugall Pilote which he tooke at the Island of Cape Verde out of a ship of Saint Marie port of Portugall and hauing set them a shoore we departed thence Our General at this place and time thinking himselfe both in respect of his priuate iniuries receiued from the Spaniards as also of their contempts and indignities offered to our Countrey and Prince in generall sufficiently satisfied and reuenged and supposing that her Maiestie at his returne would rest contented with this seruice purposed to continue no longer vpon the Spanish coastes but began to consider and to consult of the best way for his Countrey He thought it not good to returne by the Streights for two speciall causâ—s the one least the Spaniards should there waite and attend for him in great number and strength whoâ—e handes he being left but one ship could not possibly escape The other cause was the dangerous situation of the mouth of the Streights of the South side with continuall stormes raining and blusâ—ing as he found by experience besides the shoals and sands vpon the coast wherefore he thought it not a good course to aduenture that way he resolued therefore to auoide these hazards to goe â—orward to the Islands of the Malucos and therehence to saile the course of the Portugales by the Cape of Bona Sperança Upon this resolution he began to thinke of his best way for the Malucos and finding himselfe where hee now was becalmed hee sawe that of necessitie hee must bee enforced to take a Spanish course namely to saile somewhat Northerly to get a winde Wee therefore set saile and â—ayled 800 leagues at the least for a good winde and thus much we sayled from the 16 of Aprill after our olde stile till the third of Iune The fift day of Iune being in fortie three degrees towardes the pole Arcticke being speedily come out of the extreame heate wee found the ayre so colde that our men being pinched with the same complayned of the extremitie thereof and the further we went the more the colde increased vpon vs whereupon we thought it best for that time to seeke land and did so finding it not mountainous but low plaine land we drew backe againe without landing til we came within thirtie eight degrees towardes the liâ—e In which height it pleased God to send vs into a farre and good Bay with a good winde to enter the same In this Bay wee ankered the seuententh of Iune and the people of the Countery hauing their houses close by the waters side shewed themselues vnto vs and sent a present to our Generall When they came vnto vs they greatly wondred at the things which we brought but our Geâ—erall according â—o his naturall and accustomed humanitie curteously intreated them and liberally bestowed on them necessarie things to couer their nakednesse whereupon they supposed vs to be gods and would not be perswaded to the contrary the presentes which they sent vnto our Generâ—ll were feathers and cals of net worke Their houses are digged â—ound about with earth and haue from the vttermost brimmes of the circle clifts of wood set vpon them ioyning close together at the toppe like a spire steeple which by reason of that closenesse are very warme Their bed is the ground with rushes strawed on it and lying about the house they haue the fire in the middest The men goe naked the women take bulrushes and kembe them after the maner of hempe and thereof make their loose garments which being knit about their middles hang downe about their hippes hauing also about their shoulders a skinne of Deere with the haire vpoâ— it These women are very obedient and seruiceable to their husbands After they weâ—e departed from vs they came and visited vs the second time and brought with them feathers and bags of Tabacco for presents And when they came to the toppe of â—he hil at the bottome whereof wee had pitched our tents they stayed themselues where one appointed for speaker weaired himselfe with making a long oration which done they left their bowes vpon the hill and came downe with their presents In the meane time the women remaining on the hill tormented themselues lamentably tearing their flesh from their checkes whereby we perceiued that they were about a sacrifice In the meane time our Generallâ— with his companie went to prayer and to reading of the Scriptures at which exercise they were attentiue and seemed greatly to be affected with it but when they were come vnto vs they restored againe vnto vs those things which before we had bestowed vpon them The newes of our being there being spread through the countrey the people that inhabited round about came downe and amongst them the king himself a man of a goodly stature and comely personage with many other tall and waâ—like men before whose comming were sent two Ambassadours to our Generall to signifie that their king was comming in doing of which message their speech was continued about halfe an howre This ended they by signes requested our Generall to send something by their hand to their king as a token that his comming might bee in peace wherein our Generall hauing satisfied them they returned with glad tidings to their king who marched to vs with a princely Maiestie the people crying continually after their maner and as they drewe neere vnto vs so did they striue to behaue themselues in their actions with comelinesse In the fore front was a man of a goodly personage who bare the scepter or mace before the king whereupon hanged two crownes a lesse and a bigger with three chaines of a merueilous length the crownes were made of knit work
kinde of fruits of the countrey which are very good as plancans sapotes guiaues pinas aluacatas tunas mamios limons orenges walnuts very small and hard with little meat in them grapes which the Spanyards brought into the countrey and also wilde grapes which are of the countrey and are very small quinses peaches figs and but few apples and very small and no peares but there are melons and calabaças or gourds There is much hony both of bees and also of a kind of tree which they call magueiz This hony of magueiz is not so sweet as the other hony is but it is better to be eaten only with bread then the other is and the tree serueth for many things as the leeues make threed to sowe any kinde of bags and are good to couer and thatch houses and for diuers other things They haue in diuers places of the countrey many hote springs of water as aboue all other I haue seene one in the prouince of Mechuacan In a plaine field without any mountaine there is a spring which hath much water it is so hot that if a whole quarter of beefe be cast into it within on halfe houre it will be as well sodden as it will be ouer a fire in halfe a day I haue seene halfe a sheepe cast in and immediatly it hath bene sodden and I haue eaten part of it There are many hares and some conies There are no partridges but abundance of quailes They haue great store of fish in the South sea and many oisters and very great The people do open the oisters and take out the meat of them and dry it as they do any other kinde of fish and keepe them all the yeere and when the times serue they send them abroad into the countrey to sell as all other fish They haue no salmon nor â—rowt nor pele nor carpe tench nor pike in all the countrey There are in the countrey mighty high mountaines and hilles and snow vpon them they commonly burne and twise euery day they cast out much smoke and ashes at certeine open places which are in the tops of them There is among the wilde people much manna I haue gathered of the same and haue eaten it and it is good for the Apothecaries send their seruants at certeine times to gather of the same for purgations and other vses There are in the mountaines many wilde hogs which all men may kill and lions and tygres which tygres do much harme to men that trauell in the wildernesse In this countrey not long since there were two poore men that found a maruellous rich mine and when these men went to make a register of the same according to the law and custome before the kings officers they thought this mine not meet for such men as they were and violently tooke the sayd mine for the king and gaue no part thereof vnto the two poore men And within certaine dayes the kings officers resorted thither to labor in the mine they found two great mighty hilles were come together so they found no place to worke in And in the time while I was among them which was fiue yerees there was a poore shepheard who keeping his sheepe happened to finde a well of quicke-siluer and he went in like maner to manifest the same as the custome and maner is the kings officers dealt in like order as they did with the two poore men that found the rich mine taking it quite from the shepheard but when they went to fetch home the quicke-siluer or part thereof they could neuer finde it againe So these things haue bene declared vnto the king who hath giuen commandement that nothing being found in the fields as mines and such like shall be taken away from any man And many other things haue bene done in this countrey which men might count for great maruels There is great abundance of sugar here they make diuers conserues very good and send them into Peru where as they sell them maruellous well because they make none in those parts The people of the countrey are of a good stature tawny coloured broad faced flat nosed and giuen much to drinke both wine of Spaine and also a certeine kind of wine which they make with hony of Magueiz and roots and other things which they vse to put into the same They call the same wine Pulco They are soone drunke and giuen to much beastlinesse and void of all goodnesse In their drunkennesse they vse and commit Sodomy and with their mothers and daughters they haue their pleasures and pastimes Whereupon they are defended from the drinking of wines vpon paines of money aswell he that selleth the wines as the Indian that drinketh the same And if this commandement were not all the wine in Spaine and in France were not sufficient for the West Indies onely They are of much simplicity and great cowards voide of all valour and are great witches They vse diuers times to talke with the diuell to whom they do certeine sacrifices and oblations many times they haue bene taken with the same and I haue seene them most cruelly punished for that offence The people are giuen to learne all maner of occupations and sciences which for the most part they learned since the comming of the Spanyards I say all maner of arts They are very artificiall in making of images with feathers or the proportion or figure of any man in all kind of maner as he is The finenesse and excellency of this is woonderfull that a barbarous people as they are should giue themselues to so fine an arte as this is They are goldsmiths blackesmiths and coppersmiths carpenters masons shoomakers railers sadlers â—nbroderers and of all other kind of sciences and they will do worke so good cheape that poore yoong men that goe out of Spaine to get their liuing are not set on worke which is the occasion there are many idle people in the countrey For the Indian will liue all the weeke with lesse then one groat which the Spanyard cannot do nor any man els They say that they came of the linage of an olde man which came thither in a boat of wood which they call a canoa But they cannot tell whether it were before the flood or after neither can they giue any reason of the flood nor froÌ„ whence they came And when the Spanyards came first among them they did certeine sacrifice to an image made in stone of their owne inuention The stone was set vpon a great hill which they made of bricks of earth they call it their Cowa And certeine dayes in the yere they did sacrifice certeine olde men and yoong children and onely beleeued in the Sunne and the Moone saying that from them they had all things that were needful for them They haue in these parts great store of cotton wooll with which they make a mâ—ner of linnen cloth which the Indians
and from those mountaines they brought it when they would hâ—uâ— it but they made no great account of it for they neither buy nor sell and amongst them is nothing but change In this countery they eate bread of rootes and Maiz and they eate certaine rootes which they call Aies and Batatas but the Batatas bee better then the other rootes and being rawe they haue a smell of Chestnuts they are to be eaten rosted These Indians doe make wine of the fruit of Date-trees which fruit is yellow in colour and is as great as a little Doues egge and being in season is good to be eaten and of it proceedeth good wine and is preserued for a long time These kinde of people do make their houses with vpper roomes and they sleepe in them as also al their habitation is in the vpper roomes and that which is belowe they leaue open and also they vse certaine mantels of cotten wooll and these they tie at the endes with ropesâ— and the one ende of of the rope they make fast to one part of the house and the other ende to the other part of the house and in these they lye which bee their beddes and these kinde of beds bee vsed in all India and there is not in any part of India any chambers that the people do vse to lodge in aloft fâ—om the ground nor they make any hie roomes but only in this part of India in al other places they make their houses without any loftes or chambers and they couer their houses with the leaues of date trees and of grasse And from this fresh water-sea vnto Paria the coast lyeth West Northwest and is so ful of sholds that the ships cannot come neer to the land There are froÌ„ this riuer to Paria 250 leagues In this fresh water sea the tydes do ebbe flow as much as they do in Britayne and it standeth in 6 degrees and a halfe Paria standeth on the other side of the Equinoctial toward the North in seuen degrees In Paria the sea floweth but little and from Paria towards the West the sea doth not flow From the entry of the gulfe of Paria vnto the Cape that lyeth towards the West are 35 leagues and froÌ„ thence the coast turneth towardes the Northeast other 35 leagues from thence the coast turneth toward the West Before this gulfe standeth the Island of Trinidad and towards the West doeth appeare the gulfe of Paria like to halfe a round circle after the fashion of a Diameter and at the end of this circle is the entery in of Paria at this entery there is betweene the land and the Island 8 leagues and on the other side there is but litle space betweene the Iland and the land but it is deepe and hath a good entry this Iland of Trinidad hath in length 25 leagues and as many in bredth and standeth in eight degrees and is inhabited of many people and as yet not vnder subiection Here the Indians do vse to shoote with bowes and arrowes which are of a fathome in length made of reeds which grow in that Countrey and at the ende of them is artificially ioyned a piece of wood very strong vnto the which piece of wood at the end of it they put a bone of a fish in place of an arrow head these kinde of bones bee harder then Diamonds and euery one of them be three or foure fingers long they are taken out of a fish that hath three of these bones one vpon the backe another vnder euery wing but that which groweth vpon the backe is the strongest and the greatest In this Island the people saith that there groweth golde and in this Island and in Paria growe reedes so great that they make staues of them and cary of them into Spaine Likewise there bee Popiniayes very great and gentle and some of them haue their foreheads yellow and this sort do quickly learne to speak and speak much There be likewise in the gulfe of Paria pearles although not many but very good and great CERTAINE VOYAGES NAVIGATIONS AND Traffiques both ancient and of late to diuers places vpon the coast of Brasil together with a Ruttier for all that coast and two intercepted letters which reueale many secrets of the state of that Countery the rest of our Voyages to Brasil which haue bene either intended or performed to the Riuer of Plate the streight of Magellan the South sea or farther that way being reserued for the geuerall heades next insuing A briefe relatioÌ„ of two sundry voyages made by the worshipful M. William Haukins of Plimmouth father to Sir Iohn Haukins knight late Treasurer of her Maiesties Nauie in the yeere 1530 and 1532. OLde M. William Haukins of Plimmouth a man for his wisedome valure experience and skill in sea causes much esteemed and beloued of K. Henry the 8 and being one of the principall Sea-captaines in the West parts of England in his time not contented with the short voyages commonly then made onely to the knowne coasts of Europe armed out a tall and goodly shippe of his owne of the burthen of 250 tunnes called the Paule of Plimmouth wherwith he made three long and famous voyages vnto the coast of Brasil a thing in those dayes very rare especially to our Nation In the course of which voyages he touched at the riuer of Sestos vpon the coast of Guinea where hee traffiqued with the Negros and tooke of them Elephants teeth and other commodities which that place yeeldeth and so arriuing on the coast of Brasil he vsed there such discretion and behaued himself so wisely with those sauage people that he grew into great familiarity and friendship with them Insomuch that in his second voyage one of the sauage kings of the countrey of Brasil was contented to take ship with him and to be transporâ—ed hither into England whereunto M. Haukins agreed leauing behinde in the Countâ—ry as a pledge for his safetie and returne againe one Martin Cockeram of Plimmouth This Brasilian king being arriued was brought vp to London and presented to K. Henry the 8. lying as then at White-hall at the sight of whom the King and all the Nobilitie did not a litle maruaile and not without cause for in his cheekes were holes made according to their sauage maner and therein small bones were planted standing an inch out from the said holes which in his owne Countrey was reputed for a great brauerie He had also another hole in his nether lip wherein was set a precious stone about the bignes of a pease All his apparel behauiour and gesture were very strange to the beholders Hauing remained here the space almost of a whole yeere and the king with his sight fully satisfied M. Hawkins according to his promise and appointment purposed to conuey him againe into his countrey but it fell out in the way that by change of aire and alteration of diet the said Sauage king did
brought them a shipboord and caused the chiefe Iudge to write his letter to the Towne to command all the Townesmen to auoid that we might safely water there Which being done and they departed we ransaked the Towne and in one house we found a pot of the quantitie of a bushell full of reals of plate which we brought to our ship And here one Thomas Moone one of our company tooke a Spanish Gentleman as hee was flying out of the towne and searching him he found a chaine of golde about him and other iewels which he tooke and so let him goe At this place our General among other Spaniards set ashore his Portugall Pilote which hee tooke at the Islands of Cape Verde out of a ship of S. Mary port of Portugall and hauing set them ashore we departed hence and sailed to the Island of Canno where our Generall landed and brought to shore his owne ship and discharged her mended and graued her and furnished our ship with water and wood sufficiently And while wee were here we espied a shippe and set saile after her and tooke her and found in her two Pilots and Spanish Gouernour going for the Islands of the Philippinas wee searched the shippe and tooke some of her marchandizes and so let her goe Our Generall at this place and time thinking himselfe both in respect of his priuate iniuries receiued from the Spaniards as also of their contempts and indignities offered to our countrey and Prince in generall sufficiently satisfied and reuenged and supposing that her Maiestie at his returne would rest contented with this seruice purposed to continue no longer vpon the Spanish coats but began to consider and to consult of the best way for his Countrey He thought it not good to returne by the Streights for two speciall causes the one lest the Spaniards shoulâ— there waite and attend for him in great number and strength whose hands hee being left but one ship could not possibly escape The other cause was the dangerous situation of the mouth of the streights in the South sea where continuall stormes reigning and blustering as he found by experience besides the shoalds and sands vpon the coast he thought it not a good course to aduenture that way he resolued therefore to auoyde these hazards to goe forward to the Islandes of the Malucos and therehence to saile the course of the Portugals by the Cape of Buena Esperança Upon this resolution hee beganne to thinke of his best way to the Malucos and finding himselfe where he now was becalmed he saw that of necessitie hee must be forced to take a Spanish course namely to sayle some what Northerly to get a winde Wee therefore set saile and sayled 600. leagues at the least for a good winde and thus much we sailed from the 16â— of April till the 3. of Iune The 5. day of Iune being in 43. degrees towards the pole Arctike we found the ayre so colde that our men being grieuously pinched with the same complained of the extremitie thereof and the further we went the more the colde increased vpon vs. Whereupon we thought it best for that time to seeke the land and did so finding it not mountainous but low plaine land till wee came within 38. degrees towards the line In which height it pleased God to send vs into a faire and good Baye with a good winde to enter the same In this Baye wee anchored and the people of the Countrey hauing their houses close by the waters side shewed themselues vnto vs and sent a present to our Generall When they came vnto vs they greatly wondred at the things that wee brought but our Generall according to his naturall and accustomed humanitie courteously intreated them and liberally bestowed on them necessary things to couer their nakednesse whereupon they supposed vs to be gods and would not be perswaded to the contrary the presents which they sent to our Generall were feathers and calles of net-worke Their houses are digged round about with earth and haue from the vttermost brimmes of the circle clifts of wood set vpon them ioyning close together at the toppe like a spire steeple which by reason of that closenâ—sse are very warme Their beds is the ground with rushes strowed on it and lying about the house haue the fire in the midst The men go naked the women take bulrushes and kembe them after the manner of hempe and thereof make their loose garments which being knit about their middles hang down about their hâ—ppes hauing also about their shoulders a skinne of Deere with the haire vpon it These women are very obedient and seruiceable to their husbands After they were departâ—d from vs they came and visited vs the second time and brought with them feathers and bags of Tabacco for presents And when they came to the top of the hill at the bottome whereof we had pitched our tents they staied themselues where one appointed for speaker wearied himselfe with making a long oration which done they left their bowes vpon the hill and came downe with their presents In the meanetime the women remaining on the hill tormented themselues lamentably tearing their flesh from their cheekes whereby we perceiued that they were about a sacrifice In the meane time our Generall with his company went to prayer and to reading of the Scriptures at which exercise they were attentiue seemed greatly to be affected with it but when they were come vnto vs they restored againe vnto vs those things which before we bestowed vpon them The newes of our being there being spread through the Countrey the people that inhabited round about came downe and amongst them the King himselfe a man of a goodly stature comely personage with many other tall and warlike men before whose comming were sent two Ambassadors to our Generall to signifie that their King was comming in doing of which message their speach was continued about halfe an houre This ended they by signes requested our Generall to send some thing by their hand to their king as a token that his comming might be in peace wherein our Generall hauing satisfied them they returned with glad tidings to their King who marched to vs with a princely maiestie the people crying continually after their manner and as they drew neere vnto vs so did they striue to behaue themselues in their actions with comelinesse In the fore-front was a man of a goodly personage who bare the scepter or mace before the King whereupon hanged two crownes a lesse and a bigger with three chaines of a marueilous length the crownes were made of knit worke wrought artificially with fethers of diuers colours the chaines were made of a bonie substance and few be the persons among them that are admitted to weare them and of that number also the persons are stinted as some ten some 12. c. Next vnto him which bare the scepter was the King himselfe with his Guard about his
dozens died into skarlet LondoÌ„ clothes much talked of in Persia. Much Venice cloth worne in Persia. The second admission to the Shaughs presence the 29. of Iune 1566. at which time he receiued the priuiledge The Shaughs promise to increase the priuiledge Aleppo a citie of great trade Armenians barter with the Venetians The distance from Shamaky to Aleppo Armenians and other desirous to barter silke and spices for karsies The Shaugh desirous to bargaine for our commodities 2000. pieces of karsies to be sent into Persia He departed from Casbin the 15. of Iuly Rich. Iohnsons great negligence Cozomomet was Arthur Edwards friend to the Shaugh Victuals and all things dear at Casbin The Ambassador of y e prince of Gilan Gilan but fiue dayes riding from Casbin Gals Grainâ— Ormus Aleppo M. Anthonie Ienkinsons offer to the Persian M. Anthonie Ienkinson commended The Shaughs letters to the Moscoup companie * By the word Karangies I thinke they meane karsles Fishing for Sturgeon for 3. moneths The Englishmen in making of cables set on worke a 100. men in Russia Sosnoua tree excellent for the 〈◊〉 of the wolfe The description of Rose Island A verst is but 3. quarters of an english mile At this towne Newnox Richard Chanceller in his first voyage with â—is companie a shipboard were relieued August The riuer Owiga The fall of a riuer A lake very ful of Islands The famous lake of Onega S. Clement his Monasterie ‖ Or. Sermaxe The riuer of Volhuski The lake of Ladiskai The Monasterie of Gosnopoli The Citie of Nouogrod Trauel by Sleds 2000. Sleds belongiâ—g to one towne A good caueat for seasonable trauell Nouogrod within 180. miles of the Narue This is meant by Alderman Bond the elder English Merchants for discouery of new trades Triall by lots The riuer of Ob traffikable The vse of furres wholesome delicate graue and comely The trade to S. Nicholas offensiue to diuers princes states Eastward Smolenâ—co won by the Russe Polotzko taken Polotzko recouered by Stephanus Batore 1568 In this voyage went Thomas Bannister Geofrey Ducket for their voyage into Persia. The abbey of S. Nicholas of 20 Monks The English house at S. Nâ—cholas The riuer of Dwina Colmogro An English house with lands at Colmogro The description of the inland of Moscouie â—is arriuall at Mosco A special house at Mosco built for Ambassadours Two Pristaues His admission to the Emperors presence The Queenes present The Emperoâ—s speech to the Ambassadour A second conference with the Emperor Andrew Sauia Ambassadour to the Queene Oâ—â—rhosâ—n sâ—or Cara Recâ— Naramsi Reca Their arriual at Bilbil the 14. of August 1568. Prince Erasbec Christopher Faucet and Richard Pingle Warre against the Portingals at Ormuz The gouernour of Grozin his Merchant The generall inconstancie in the merchants and dealers of those parts The trade betweene the Venetians and the Armenians not easily to be broken Babylon 15. dayes iourneâ— from Casbin His voyage to Gilan The malice of the Turkish merchants The price of spices Londro Loâ—don The Venetians traffike in England The English Barke assaulted neere Astracan by the Nagaian Tartars Astraâ—an besâ—eged by 70000. Turks and Tartars The death of Thomas Banister and Laurence Chapman Humfrey Greensell burnt at Ormus The English ship taken by the Cassaks Ice in the beginning of October 1574 Grosin or Georgia How strangers are vsed A goodly and well grounded religion Their opinion of Christ. Their money Their bookes and learning Such was the law of the Macedonians for treason Dissention for religion Their priests and preaching Their Lent Their saints and holy men Pilgrimage Their praier worshipping of God and Mahumet Washing and outward clenlinesse Their swearing The kings magnificence Pursuiuants The kings company with his wiues and concubines The succession of y â— kingdom Circumcision Their houses and maner of eating Bondmen and bondwomen Women bought sold and let to hire Abundance of oile issuing out of the ground Oleum Petroleum Two sorts of kine Foxes in great plenty Fiue ships of Freeboters taken 1571 The citie of Mosco burnt by y â— Crimme Englishmen smothered at the burning of Mosco M. Glouer and M. Rowley preserued Andrew Sauinâ— Ambassadour from the Emperour The causes of the Emperors displeasure He maruelleth the company do not coÌ„ferre with him of Lappia 1574. 5 English men wintered in Lappia Christopher Colt a simple marchant Good trade in winter in Lappia Henry Cocknedge honest but ignorant Roger Leche expert of Lappia If the companie do not enter into the trade of Lappia others wil preuent them The trade of Vedagoba He can say somewhat though not much 1183 barrels of oyle bought by others Colt sold 27 barrels to a Hollander The first Interrogatorie The deponents answeâ— Pechingo abbey The second Interrogatorie The deponents answer Note Hull the best market of England for sale of fish ‖ 1568 pag. 394. Yeraslaue Great store oâ— Licoris Perauolok Astracan Peter Garrard Ice at Astracan for foure moneths Anno 1580. Astracan situate vpon an IslaÌ„d The variation oâ— the compas in Aâ—â—racan was 13. deg 40. minuts May. Vchoog Shoald water Flats Chetera Boâ—gorâ— The Caspiaâ— sea 45. degrees 20. minuts The first obseruâ—tion in the Caspian sea Brackish water farre within the sea 43. degrees 15. minuts 41. degrees 32. minuts 40. degrees 54. minuts Bilbill Bachu port Thomas Hâ—dson oâ— Limehouse maister of the English barke M. Christopher Burrough The receiuing of the English into Derbent The latitude of Bildih 40. deg 25 min. The variation of the compas 10 deg 40. min. Zeâ—e Island The English suffer shipwracke Arthur Edwards dieth at Astâ—acan Septâ—mber The Armenian village The Turke his treasure sent to Derbent Osman Basha Derbent built by Alexander the great The latitude of Derbent 41. deg 52. min. The variation of the Compasse Nezauoo Two Spaniards deliuered by our English men A strange accident of prouision for their reliefe Nouember Ice the 13 of Nouember in the mouth of the riuer of Volga The 16 day Trauaile vpâ— on the yce Chetera Babbas The English ship cut in pieces with yce December Their returne to Astracan The breaking vp of the yce Morgan Hubblethorne dier sent into Persia. May. Borroughs streiâ—s The land of Samoeda The Queenes letters The Queenes letters The Citie of Siberia Willoughbies land How to note downe in his Iornall of the voyage his dead reckoning and other obseruations For noting the shape and view of the land at first discouery c. For obseruing of tides and currants To take the platformes of places witâ—in compasse of view vpon land M. d ee gaue them a Chart of his owne making which here he refers them vnto A good consideration Ingens Sinus post Insulam Vaigats Nouâ—m Zemblam Tabin promontorium ingens Quo propius ad polum acceditur eò directorium Nauticum magis a Septeouiorâ— deuiat Bautisus Oechardus maxima fluâ—ina in hunc Sinum illabuntur Postulata Mercatoris de quibus certior fieri cupit
Within Cochin is the kingdom of Peppâ—r The Pepper thâ—t the Portugals bring is not so good as thâ—t which goâ—th for Mecca wâ—ich is bâ—ought 〈◊〉 by y e streights Great priuileges that the citizens of Cochin haue A very strange thing hardly to be beleeued Note the departing of the ships from Cochin The order how they fish for pearles These pearles are prised according to the caracts which they weigh euery caract is 4. grames and these men that prise theÌ„ haue an instrument of copper with holes in it which be made by degrees for to sort perles withall Cairo is a stuffe that they make ropes with the which is the barke of a tree The cutting gathering of Sinamom A car things A foolish feare of Portugals S. Thomas his sepulchre A painted kind of cloth died of diuers colours which those people delight much in and esteeme them of great price In the Iland of Banda they lade Nutmegs for there they grow In the Ilands of Andemaon they eate one another The commodities that grow in the kingdom of Assi The great trade that is at Malacca At the Moluccos they lade the Cloues The kingdome of Assa. The ship of drugs so termed of the Portugals Ilands not discouered China is vnder the gouernment of the great Tartar A yeerely Carouan from Persia to China A market kept aboord of the ships A prince of a marueilous strength and power * Oâ— Achem. The mountaines of Zerzerline The commodities that go out of Orisa This cloth we call Nettle cloth The riuer of Ganges The commodities that are laden in Satagan Moores are of the sect of Mahomet A ceremony of the gentiles when they are dead Marchandise comming from Sion Niper wine good to cure the French disease Great extremitie at sea Tauay vnder the king of Pegu. Martauan a citie vnder the king of Pegu. A custom that these people haue when the king is in the warres A law in Pegu for killing of men Great pride of the Portugales A reuenge on the Portugales A thing most marueilous that at the comming of â— tide the earth should quake This tide is like to the sides in our riuer of Seueine These tides make their iust course as ours doe This Macareo to a tide or a currant Houses made of canes couered with leaues of trees Godon is a place or house for marchants to lay their goods in The forme of the building of the new citie of Pegu. A rich and stately palace Foure white Eliphants This maneâ— called Tansa is halfe a duckat which may be shire shillings foure pence A warlike poliâ—iâ— An â—xcâ—llâ—â—t dâ—â—ise to hâ—â—t â—â—d take wilde Eliphanâ—s An â—xcellâ—â—â— pastime of the Eliphaâ—ts These canes 〈…〉 to them in Spainâ— whiâ—h they call loco de tore A strange thiâ—g â—hat a beaâ—â— so wâ—lde should in so shorâ— time he made tameâ— The gâ—â—â—test strength that the king of Peâ—â— â—ath A goodly order in a barbarous people The oâ—â—er of their weapons and â—umber of his men 26. Crowned kings at his command Fifteene hundreth thousand men in one Campe. Eating of serpents The riches of the king of Pegu. The great pompe of the â—ing The order of Iustice. No difference of persons before the king in controuersies or in iustice The comâ—â—â—dâ—râ— that are ventured in Pegu. Note the departure of the ships from S. Tome to Pegu. Commodities brought into Pegu. The Chikinos are pieces of gold worth sterling 7. shillings Great rigour for the stealing of Customes Description of the fruitfulnesse of that soyle Deling is a small litter caried with men as is aforesaid A lawe for Banckrupts Euery man may stampe what money he wil. How a man may dispose himselfe for the trade in Pegu. Good instructions The Marchandizes that goe out of Pegu. Idol houses couered wiâ—h gold Rubies exceeding cheape in Pegu. An honâ—st care of heathen people Bargainâ—s made with the nipping of fingers vnder a cloth This Toufâ—on is an â—xtraordinary sâ—orme at Sea The Toufon coÌ„meth but euery 10. or 12. yeeres A manifest token of the ebding and flowing in those Countreis This Island is called Sondiua Sondiua is the â—ruit fullest Countrey in al the world Chatigan is a port in Bengala whither the Portugales go with their ships The King of Rachim or Aracam neighbour to Bengala Or Aracam The commodities that goe from Chatigan to the Indies The Portugal ships depart toward Portugall out of the harbor of Cochin Goa was beâ—ieged Opium a good commoditie in Pegu. Peper tree Ginger Cloues Nutmegs and Maces White Sandol Canfora Lignum Aloes Beniamin Long peper This Muske the Iewes doe conâ—â—erâ—eit and take out halfe the good muske and beat the flesh of an asse and put in the roome of it Rubies Saphyres and Spinels The Balassi arowe in Zeilan Spodiom On the coast of Melynde in Ethiopia in the land of Caâ—raâ—ia the great trade that the Portugals haue Buying and selling without wordâ— one to another Golden trades that the Portugals haue An order hold to prouide to goe ouer the Desert from Babylon to Alepo 36. Dayes iourney ouer the wildernes An order how to prouide for the going to Ierusalem The author returneth to Venice 1581. A very good order that they haue in those Countreyâ— for the recouering of the goods of the dead Order of apparel in Peguâ— The order of the womens apparel in Pegu. Abilfada Ismael his Cosmographie March 11. The last of April Currall Amber greese Sope. Broken glasse The best sort of spices at Babylon Balsara Ormus The prices of spices at Babylon Michael Stropene an Italian accused our men to be spies Two causes of our mens imprisonment at Ormus The author of the book of the East Indie◠‖ This is he whose letters to his father from Goa are before put downe and he was sometimes of New colledge iâ— Oxford Iames Storie their painter They arriued at Goa the 20 of Nouember 1583. Diu. Chaul The Italians our great enemies for the trade in the East Birra Felugia Babylon The tower of Babel Boyling pitch continually issuing out of the earth Ormus Diu. Daman Basaim Tana Chaul Goa This was the 20. of Nouember Bellergan â— towne Bisapor Gulconda Masulipatan Seruidore Bellapore Strange mariages Mandoway a very strong town Vgini Agra a great citie The great Mogor The like is reported of the riues of China Wil. Leades serued the king of Cambaia The superstitious ceremonies of the Bramanes Ganges Bannaras A pilgrimage of the Gentiles This tying of new maried folks together by the clothes was vsed by the Mexicans in old time Patenaw Gold found Tanda in Gouren Couche this seemeth to be Quicheu accouÌ„ted by some among the prouinces of China Pure Gentilisme In Mexico they vse likewise for small money the fruit Cacao which are like almonds Hugely Porto Angeli The like cloth may be made of the long grasse in Virginia Satagam Tippara or porto Grande Bottanter a great Northren country Marchants of China Moscouie and Tartarie
These seeme to be the mountains of Imaus called by the people Cumao The apparel of the Tartarie marchants Cowe tailes in great request Bacolâ— Serrepore Sinâ—ergan Sundâ—ua Island Nâ—graiâ— Cosmin Ladders vsed to auoyd the danger of wild beasts Dwelling in boats Medon Dela Cirionâ— Maâ—â—o Coches caried on mens shoulders Pegu. Foure white elephants The king of the white elephants Odia a city â—â— Siam This maner of cariage on mens shoulders is vsed in Peru and in Florida Paper of the leaues of a tree An excellent colour with a root called Saia Woollen clotâ— and scarletâ— sâ—lde in Pegu. The money of Pegu. The seuerall merchandiseâ— of Pegu. The forme of their Temples or â—arellaes The Tallipoies or Priests of Pegu. The apparell of their priests Obseruation of new moones Iamahey fiâ—es twenty dayes iourny Northeastward from Pegu. They burne their dead Caplan in the place where the rubies and other precious stones are found Anthony Colâ—ano writeth of these baâ—s The people of Pegu we are no beards Malacca The voyage to Iapan Eight hundred thousand cruâ—adors in siluer imployed â—erely by the Portugals in Câ—ina The writinâ— of the people of China c. Laban Diamants Iambâ— Golde Bima He returneth from Malacca Bengala Ceylon Blacke people Caâ—e de Comori Coulam Cochin People with swâ—llâ—n legges menâ—ioned also by Ioh. â—idâ—gen â—ow pâ—pper groweth Blacke people ‖ Or Calicut or Cananor Goâ— Chaul Ormâ—s The pepper tree Ginger Cloues Nutmegs maces Camphora Lignum Aloeâ— Long peppeâ— Muske Amber Rubies saphires and spinels Diamants Spodium Basora Babylon Mosul Merdin Orfa Bir. Aleppo Tripolis Iohn Newbery had beene in Ormus before Anno. 1581. The Arabian tongue generall in the East The description of Tripolis in Syria Store of white silke The city of Hammah Cotton wooll Gall trees Aleppo Birrah Euphrates shallow Eight twenty dayes iourney by riuer Arabians vpon the riuer of Euphrates The Arabian women weare golde rings in their nostrels Euphrates described Felugia The ruines of olde Babylon New Babylon The riuer Tigris â—afts borne vpon bladders of goats skins Seldome rain Eight twenty dayes iourney more by riuer from Babylon to Balsara Cuma castle Balsara Ships made without yron in the Persian gulfe Zelabdim Echebar king of Cambaia He returneth from Balsara to Aleppo Their prouision of victuals A Carauan of foure thousand Camels William Barret Consul in Aleppo M. Wil. Barret Two voiages more made to Babylon What a rotilâ— is Note that 4 roâ—es make a quintall Muske of Tartaria by y â— way of China * Or by the Camels burden Note Marchandize good for Pegu. Note Note Note Tunis The description of Alexandria Cayro Carthage Argier Goleta Malta Zante Patras Striualia Candie May. The Islands of Milo in olde time called Sporades Sio Singonina â—ichiâ—ri The English house in Alexanâ—â—iâ— The monuments of Alexandria Rosâ—etto The Turkeâ— Lent Câ—yro The English Consul aâ— Aâ—gier A fight of fiue houres The second Spaniâ—h fleete lying in waite for the English The letters of the Prince of Moldauia to the Quâ—ene Letters of the Chanceler of Poland to the Queene The marchaÌ„ts aboue named be made a felâ—â—wship and coâ—panie â—or 12 â—â—â—res by 〈◊〉 naâ—e of tâ—e Gouâ—â—nor aâ—d â—ompanie of â—â—e marchants of the â—â—uant Sir Edward Osborne appointed the first Gouernour A priuiledge for the East Indies Candie The Ascension arriued at the 7 towers The ship saluteth the grand Signior The cause of staying the Present An Arz to the grand Signior The great hall of â—ustice Reconciliation with the Uizir â—ade The ambassador goeth to the court witâ— the present The Ambassâ— came to the Seraglio * All these are captaines of hundreds and of fifties The ambassador receiued by the Vizir with all kindnesse Diuer brought in Diner taken away Gownes of cloth of gold for the ambassador and his gentlemen The Present The Present viewed The ambassador kisseth the grand Signioâ— hanâ— The ambassadors demands granted The Sultanas present The Sultanas present to the Queene Letters sent for England The other Vizirs presented The Ascension departeth Great preparation for the Hungarian warres Santa Sophia Pompeys pillar Gallipoly Troy Zio Patmos Cos. Rhodes Sidon Ezek. 26.5 Antioch Aleppo Nicosia A great iudgement of God vpon the noble men of Cyprus Indians skilfull in Astronomy The seuen precepts of Baniâ—nes This Sultana is mother to Mehemet which now reigneth as Emperor Ann. Dom. 1594. Madera first discouered by one Macham an Englishman Macham made there a chapel naming it Iesus chapell | These writings are in the Tower The first cause of this ambassage The second cause The third cause The English had an ordinary trade to the Canaries 1526. English men at the first conquest of the Canaries Ciuitas Palmarum The planting and growth of sugar canes The making of sugar Wine Plantano Lime Orchel good for dying Santa Cruz. The only vineyard in Hierro planted by Ioh. Hill of Tauoton Asafi Santa Cruz. The English were at Santa Cruz the yeere before being 1551. Tunis Bugia Tripoli Numidia Ilands of Tunis Malta The desers of Lybia Barbarie Mauritania The kingdom of Fes Marocco Tremisen Oram Mersalquiber Sala Azamor The Ilands of Canaria Guinea Aethiopians Marocco Fes Tremisen Guinea Africa y e great Africa the lesse Carthage Prester Iohn Cape de Bona Speranza Alcair Amacaiz From whence the Queene of Saba came The earthly Paradise The trees of the Sunne and the Moone Pinteado Brasile Guinea The Ilands of Madera The castle of Mina The Ilands of Canarie The Iland of S. Nicholas The riuer of Sesto Graines The thirst of gold The castle of Mina The quantitie of gold Furie admitteth no counsel The Rossia Rotting heat Benin Francisco Nich. Lambart The king of Benin his court Reuerence toward the king The communication between the king of Benin and our men Pepper The kings gentlenes towards our men The death of Windam Pinteado euill vsed of the mariners This Lambert was a Londiner boâ—ne whose father had but Lord Maior of London The death of Pinteado Pinteado first perswaded our men to the voiage of Guinea Seuen hundred reis are ten shillings Alcayre is halfe a bushell Robert Gâ—inâ—h was master of the Iohâ— Euangelist The I le of Madera The I le of Palmes Teneriffaâ— The Canariesâ— From Madera to the Isle of Palmes Gran Canariâ— Foâ—teuentura The â—land of Gomera Teneriffa Snow The coast of Barbarie Cape Blanke The riuer del Oro. The croâ—sâ—ers or crosse stars Rio Grandeâ— Cape MeÌ„surado The riuer of Sesto The riuer of Sesto Rio Dulce Cape de Monte. Cape de las Palmas The land of Cakeado Shauo Croke S. Vincents harborow The riuer Dulce Cape de las Palmas The coast of Guinea The castle of Arra The towne of Samma The pledge was sir Iohn Yorke his Nephew Cape Corea The castle of Mina perteining to the king of Portugall Perecow Perecow grand Monte Rodondo The currants From Mina homeward Rio de los Potos Iuory Cabo de las Palmas
Laudonnieres consultation with his companâ— where it might be besâ— for them to plant Gold and siluer found at the riuer of May. Iune the 29. The Vale of Laudonniere An Hermaphrodite They began their planting with prayer to God In Florida they couer their houses with Palme leaues The forme of the Fort Caroline The West side The South side High building is not good for this Countrey Note Caroline The first voyage twentie leagues Ten leagues further Mayrra a king rich in golde and siluer The second voyage King Molloua Olata Ouae Vtina a great king Fiue of sixe pound weight of siluer Fortie kings vassals to Vtina King Potanou An exceeding rich place Large plates of gold and siluer Some paint their faces with blacke and some with red King Malica Tapistry made of small reede They lappe mosse about their woundes and vse it instead of napkins A ceremonie to call to mind the death of their ancesters slaine by their enemies The returne of their ships toward France the 28. of Iuly The ceremonie which they vse before they got to warrâ— Sâ—reutiouâ— followed with fiue hundreth Indians Consultation before they assault their enemies Now they vse their enemies which they take in warrâ— King Omoloa Their maner of triumph Athore Excellent Pumpions A wonderfull lightning the 29. of August King Serranay King Allimacany The Sauages thinke the lightning to be discharging of the Christians Ordinance Laudonniere vsed the present occasion to his profite A wonderfull heate Fiftie cart load of fish dead in the Riuer with this heat The thirde voyage the tenth of September Mayarqua a place 80. leagues vp the Riuer of May. King Potanou The Indians maner of war Two hundreth Indians A village inclosed with trees Vtina getteth the victory of Potanou by the helpe of the French Siluer and gold and painted skinnes La Roquettes conspiracie Monsieuâ— de Genre Gieures message to Laudoniere in the Souldiers name His answere A dangerous practise against the Captaine and his Lieutenant Laudonniers sicknesse Laudonniers Apothecarieâ— The Master of the fire-works Captaine Boâ—rdeâ— arrâ—ued in Florida the 4. of September The 4. voyage the 7. of Nouember Hostaqua a village One of his Barks stolne away by his Mariners The â—illage of Sarauahi Another of his Barks stolne away by two Carpenters One of these Mariners named Francis Iean betrayed his own countrey men to the Spaniards and brought them into Florida A Saw-mill necessary here The third sâ—â—â—tion By Peru the French meaneâ—the coast of Carthagenâ— and Nombre de Dios. The captaines charge at his setting forth Laudonniere kept 15. dayes prisoner by his owne souldiers Trenchant a skilful piloâ— Cassaui bread made of roots Baracou a village in the Isle of Iamaica The cape of Tiburon The gouernor of Iamaica takeÌ„ Malgualire â— kinde of vessell that will saile forward and backward The Cape of S. Anthony in Cuba Hauana The channell of Bahama King Patica The returne of part of Laudonnieres seditions souldiers Laudonnieres oration to his mutinous souldiers The sentence of death Execution The continuation of the history New coÌ„quests subiect to rebellions and mutinies Laudonniere setteth things in order after his returne one of prison to the fort Reparation of the West side of the fort King Marracou King Onathaqua King Mathiaca Two Spanyards brought vnto Laudonniere by the Sauages Calos a place vpon y e Flats called The Martyres neere the Cape of Florida The King of Calos Great quaÌ„titie of golde and siluer Plates of gold as broad as a sawcer One of these Spanyards names was Martin Gomes King Oathcaqua or Houathca Sarrope an Island Abuâ—dance of Dates A root of great price to make bread of The greatest victory among the Floridians The situation of Calos Cannaueral in 28 degrees The Floridians great traitours and dissemblers Nicolas Masson otherwise called Nicolas Barre King Audustas great humanity Pearles burned Peter Martyr writeth cap. 1. decad 7. that the like flocks of pigeons are in the Isles of the Lucayos The widow of King Hioacaia or Hiâ—oâ—â—acara This queeneâ— name was Nâ— Cubacaniâ— The fift voyage vp the riuer of May. Mathiaqua The discouery of a mighty lake on the one side whereof no land can be seene The Isle of Edelano An excellent worke of nature Eneguape Chilily Patica Coya The king of Hostaqua or Oustaca able to bring three or foure thousaÌ„d Sauages to the field The mouÌ„taine of Apalatci There is a mine of golde or rich coper in the mountaine of Apalatci Peter Gamby slaine The village of Edelano Gold siluer Vtina sendeth to Laudonniere for his helpe A good note Three hundred Indians A lake three leagues distaÌ„t from the village of Potanou Iawa signifieth their Priest or Magician Potanou accoÌ„panied with two thousand Indians The prediction of the Magician found true Vtina hath 18 or 20 kings to his â—assals A custome of the Indians to leaue their houses for 3 or 4 moneths and to liue in the woods They looke for succour oâ—â— of France by the end of April at the vttermost Extreme famine for sixe weekes space Promise broken Two hogs-heads of rosen The vile nature of the Indians A cruell answere of the Sauages Pinocke a certaine kinde of fruit as bigge as cheries Astina â— king Vtina taken prisoner in his village by â—audonn â—re and 50 of his soldiers Fiue or sixe hundred Indians The deepe dissembling of the Indians The Indians kill all the men prisoners that they take in warre The election of a new king The hatred among the Sauage kings of Florida Note Note Rootes Esquine New corne by the end of May in Florida The village of Enecaque A little greene fruite that groweth in the riuers as big as cheries The I le of Edelano Two Carpenters killed for gathering the Indians maiz The village Athore Nia Cubacani a Queene Patica a village Desire of reuenge rooted in the sauages A necessarie admonition The Floridians subtilâ—â—â—â— A certaine signe of warre An alley of 3 or 4 hundred paces long A skirmish betwene the Sauages and the French A second fresh charge of Sauages The Floridians maner of fight The Floridians chiefe fearâ— Two flaine Two twenty wounded Prayer and thanke vnto God for their deliuerance The village Serauabi The village Emoloa The riuer of Iâ—acana called by Ribault y e riuer of Somme Courtesie and liberalitie the best meanes to deale with the sauages Most artificiall mattes The beating downe of the houses without the fort the Palisade The cause why the French lost Florida Eight kings Laâ—doâ—â—â—ers friends and alâ—ice The principall scope of planters in strange countreys Florida a rich countrey Aug. 1565. M. Iohn Hawkins y e English Generall Sheepe and poultrie carried into Florida An aduantage wisely taken The French mistrussed that the Englishmen would plant in Florida Siluer found in Florida Note The great importance of this enterprise The great humanity and bounty of Master Iohn Hawkins to the French The departure of the English Generall August â— The
and they strooke frier Luys with an arrow on the gowne which by the grace of God did him no harme In the meane space I arriued with all thâ— rest of the horsemen and footemen and found in the fieldes a great sort of the Indians which beganne to shoote at vs with their arrowes and because I would obey your will and the commaund of the Marques I woulde not let my people charge them forbidding my company which intreated mee that they might sâ—t vpon them in any wise to prouoke them saying that that which the enemies did was nothing and that it was not meete to set vpon so fewe people On the other side the Indians perceiuing that wee stirred not tooke great stomacke and courage vnto them insomuch that they came hard to our horses heeles to shoote at vs with their arrowes Whereupon sâ—eing that it was now time to stay no longer and that the Friers also were of the same opinion I set vpon them without any danger for suddenly they fled part to the citie which was neere and well fortified and other into thâ— field which way they could shift and some of the Indians were slaine and more had beene if I would haue suffered them to haue bene pursued But considering that herâ—of wee might reape but small profite because the Indians that were without were fewe and those which were retired into the citie with them which stayed within at the first were many where the victuals were whereof wee had so great neede I assembled my people and deuided them as I thought best to assault the citie and I compassed it about and because the famine which wee sustained suffered no delay my selfe with certaine of these gentlemen and souldiers put our selues on foote and commaunded that the crossebowes and harquebusiers shoulde giue the assault and shoulde beatâ— the â—nemies from the walles that they might not hurt vs and I assaulted the walles on one side where they tolde me there was a sealing laddâ—r set vp and that there was one gate but the crossebowmen suddenly brake the strings of their bowes and the harquebusiâ—rs did nothing at all for they came thither so weake and feeble that scarcely they coulde stand on their feete and by this meanes the people that wâ—re aloft on the wals to defend the towne were no way hindered from doing vs all the mischiefe they could so that twise they stroke meâ— to the ground with infinite number of great stones which they cast downe and if I had not beene defended with an excellent good hearpiece which I ware I thinke it had gone hardly with mee neuerthelesse my companie tooke mee vp with two small wounds in the face and an arrowe sticking in my foote and many blowes with stones on my armes and legges and thus I went out of the battell very weake I thinke that if Don Garcias Lopez de Cardâ—nas the second time that they strooke mee to the ground had not succoured mee with striding ouâ—r mee like a good knight I had beene in farre greater dangâ—r thâ—n I was But it pleased God that the Indians yeelded thâ—mseâ—ues vnto vs and that this citie was taken and such store of Maiz was found therein as our necessitie requiâ—ed The Master of the fieldâ— and Don Pedro de Touar and Fernando de Aluarado and Pual de Melgosa Captaines of the footemen escaped with ceâ—taine knocks with stones though none of them were wounded with arrowes yet Agomez Quarez was wounded in onâ— arme with the shot of an arrowe and one Torres a townesman of Panuco was shot into the face with another and two footâ—men more had â—wo small woundes with arrowes And because my armour was gilded and glittering they all layd load on mee and therefore I was more wounded thâ—n thâ— rest not that I did more then they or put my selfe forwarder then the â—est for all theâ—â— Gentlemen and souldiers carried thâ—msâ—lues as manfully as was looked for at their hands I am nowe well recouered I thanke God although somewhat bruised with stones Likewise in the skirmish which wee had in the fieldes two of three other souldiers were hurt and three horâ—â—s slaine one of Don Lopez the other of Viliega and the third of Don Alonso Manrique and sâ—uâ—n or eight other horses were wounded but both with the men and horses are whole and sound Chap. 3. Of the situation and state of the seuen cities called the Kingdome of Cibola and of thâ— customes and qualities of those people and of the beasts which are found there IT remaineth now to câ—rtifiâ— your Honour of the sâ—uâ—n cities and of the kingdomes and prouinces whereof the Father prouinciall made report vnto your Lordship And to bee briefe I can assure your honour he sayd the trueth in â—othing that he reported but all was quite contrary sauing onely the names of the cities and great houses of stone for although they bee not wrought with Turqueses nor with lyme nor brickes yet are they very excellent good houses of three or foure or fiue lofts high wherein are good lodgings and fairâ— chambers with lathers in stâ—ad of staires and certaine cellers vnder the ground very good and paued which are made for winter they are in manâ—r like stooues and the lathers which they haue for their houses are â—ll in a maner mooueable and porâ—able which are taken away and set downe whâ—n thâ—y please and they are made of two piâ—câ—s of wood with their steppes as ours be The seuen cities are seuen small townes all made with these kinde of houses that I speake of and they stand all within foure leaguâ—s together and they are all called thâ— kingdome of Cibola and euâ—â—y one of them haue theiâ— particular name and none of them is callâ—d Cibola but altogether â—hâ—y arâ— called Cibola And this towne which I call a citie I haue named Granada as well because it is somâ—what likâ— vnto it as also in remembrance of your lordship In this towne whâ—re I nowe râ—maine there may bee some two hundred houses all compassed with walles and I thinke that with the râ—st of the houses which are not so walled they may be together fiue hundred There is another tâ—wne nâ—â—re this which is one of the sâ—uâ—n it is somwhat bigger thâ—n this and another of the same bignesse that this is of and the other foure are somâ—what lâ—sse and I send thâ—m all painted vnto your lordship with the voyage And the parchmâ—nt wherein the picture is was sound heâ—e with other parchments The people of this towne seemâ— vnto mâ— of a reasonable stature and writtiâ— yet they seeme not to bee such as they should bâ—e of that iudgement and wit to builde these houses in such sort as they are For the most part they goe all naked except their priuiâ— partes which are couered and they haue painted mantles like those which I send vnto your lordship They haue no cotton wooll growing because the countrey is
colde yet they weare mantels thâ—reof as your honour may see by the shewe thereof and true it is that there was found â—n their housâ—s certaine yarne made of cotton wooll They weare their haire on their heads like those of Mexico and they are well nurtured and condicioned And they haue Turquâ—ses I thinke good quantitie which with the rest of the goods which they had excâ—pt their corne they had conueyed away before I came thither for I found no women there nor no youth vndâ—r fifteâ—ne â—eâ—res olde nor no olde folkes aboue sixtie sauing two or three olde folkes who stayâ—d behinde â—o gouerne all the rest of the youâ—h and men of warre There were sound in a certaine paper two poynts of Emralds and certaine small stones broken which are in colour somewhat like Granates vâ—ry bad and other stones of Christall which I gaue one of my seruaunts to lay vp to send them to your lordship and hee hath lost them as hee tâ—lleth me Wee found heere Ginnie cockes but fâ—we The Indians tell mee in all these seuen cities that they eate them not but that they keâ—pe them onâ—ly for their feathers I beleeue them not for they are excellent good and greater then thoâ—e of Mexico The season which is in this countrey and the temperature of the ayre is like that of Mexico for sometime it is hotte and sometime it raineth but hitherto I neuer sawe it raine but once there fell a little showre with winde as they are woent to fall in Spaine The snow and cold are woont to be great for so say the inhabitants of the Countrey and it is very likely so to bee both in respect of the maner of the Countrey and by the fashion of their housâ—s and thâ—ir furres and other things which this people haue to defend them from colde Thâ—re is no kind of fruit nor trees of fruite The Countrey is all plaine and is on no side mountainous albeit there are some hillie and bad passages There are â—mall store of Foules the cause whereof is the colde and because the mountainâ—s are not neere Here is no great store of wood because they haue wood for their fuell sufficient foure leagues off from a wood of small Cedars There is most excellent grasse within a quarter of a league hence for our horses as well to feede them in pasture as to mowe and make hay whereof wee stoode in great neede because our horses came hither so weake and feeble The victuals which the people of this countrey haue is Maiz whereof they they haue great store and also small white Pease and Uenison which by all likelyhood they feede vpon though they say no for wee found many stunnes of Deere of Hares and Couies They eate the best cakes that euer I sawe and euery body generally eateth of them They haue the finest order and way to grinde that wee euer sawe in any place And one Indian woman of this countrâ—y will grinde as much as foure women of Mexico They haue most excellent salte in kernell which they fetch from a certaine lake a dayes iourney from hence They haue no knowledge among them of the North Sea nor of the Westerne Sea neither can I tâ—ll your lordship to which wee bee neerest But in reason they should seeme to bee neerest to the Westeâ—ne Sea and at the least I thinke I am an hundred and fiftie leagues from thence and the Northerne Sea should bee much further off Your lordship may see howe broad the land is here Here are many sorts of beasts as Beares Tigers Lions Porkespicks and certaine Sheep as bigge as an horse with very great hornes and little tailes I haue seene their hornes so bigge that it is a wonder to behold their greatnesse Here are also wilde goates whose heads likewise I haue seene and the pawes of Beares and the skins of wilde Bores There is gaine of Deere Ounces and very great Stagges and all men are of opinion that there are some bigger then that beast which your lordship bestowed vpon me which once belonged to Iohn Melaz They trauell eight dayes iourney vnto certaine plaines lying toward the North Sea In this countrey there are certaine skinnes well dressed and they dresse them and paint them where they kill their Oxen for so they say themselues Chap. 4. Of the state and qualities of the kingdomes of Totonteac Marata and Acus quite contrary to the relation of Frier Marcus The conference which they haue with the Indiâ—â—s of the citie of Granada which they had taken which had fiftie yeres past foreseene the comming of the Christians into their countrey The relation which they haue of other seuen cities whereof Tucano is the principall and how he sent to discouer them A present of diuers things had in these countreys sent vnto the Viceroy Mendoça by Vasques de Coronado THe kingdome of Totonteac so much extolled by the Father prouinciall which sayde that there were such wonderfull things there and such great matters and that they made cloth there the Indians say is an hotte lake about which are fiue or sixe houses and that there were certaine other but that they are ruinated by warre The kingdome of Marata is not to be found neither haue the Indians any knowledge thereof The kingdome of Acus is one onely small citie where they gather cotton which is caled Acucu And I say that this is a towne For Acus with an aspiration nor without is no word of the countrey And because I gesse that they would deriue Acucu of Acus I say that it is this towne whereinto the kingdom of Acus is conuerted Beyond this towne they say there are other small townes which are neere to a riuer which I haue seene and haue had report of by the relation of the Indians I would to God I had better newes to write vnto your lordship neuerthelesse I must say the trueth And as I wrote to your lordship from Culiacan I am nowe to aduertise your honour as wel of the good as of the bad Yet this I would haue you bee assured that if all the riches and the treasures of the world weâ—e heere I could haue done no more in the seruice of his Maiestie and of your lordshippe then I haue done in comming hither whither you haue sent mee my selfe and my companions carâ—ying our victuals vpon our shoulders and vpon our horses three hundred leagues and many dayes going on foote trauailing ouer hilles and rough mountaines with other troublâ—s which I câ—ase to mâ—ntion nâ—ither purpose I to depart vnto the death if it please his Maiestie and your lordship that it shall be so Three dayes after this citie was taken certaine Indians of these people came to offer mee peace and brought mee certaine Turqueses and badde mantles and I receiued them in his Maiesties name with all the good speaches that I could