bottome that Beda and Asser report them so to remaine in their times All which notwithstanding the Romans passed with the repulse of their enemies and Caesar who grew now to the height of his honour marched further into the Continent and comming forward was met by Ambassadours from the chiefest Citie of the Trinobants which first of all the States profered submission and promised subiection with this intreatie also that Mandubrace who being Caesars follower and doubtlesse the contriuer of this submission might be Gouernour of their Citie 9 Caesar ready to worke vpon such aduantage seized them at forty hostages with sufficiencie of graine for his whole armie which with all expedition those Suppliants performed preferring the satisfaction of their owne discontentments before the common cause of their Natiue Country thus laid open and betraied into the enemies hands from whose example many other States without stroke yeelded to Caesars command yea further treacherously shewing vnto him both the power and place of Cassibelans abode who had now retired himselfe into his owne Citie called Verolam well fortified both with woods and marish grounds Thither Caesar came and with little losse or labour won the place and many of the miserable Britaines both taken and slaine Cassibelan now despairing of his owne power farre vnable to match and much lesse to ouermatch his Enemies instigated the Gouernours of Kent being foure in number Cingetorix Caruilius Taximangulus and Segonax whom Caesar termeth Kings to raise all their strengths and suddenly to set vpon the Romanes Campe that guarded their ships which enterprise was accordingly attempted but with such successe that the Britaine 's were on each side slaine and Cingetorix taken prisoner the rest sauing themselues by flight 10 Cassibelan beholding these vnfortunate proceedings feared the end of vnhappie successe for hee saw his Country wasted his owne designes defeated and himselfe forsaken by the traiterous reuolt of many Cities and States on euery side Therefore as bootlesse to bandy against fortune he sought to hold his owne with others and sent Comius King of the Attrebatij to be his meane to Caesar for peace which was the willinglier heard and granted for that he determined to winter in Gallia his affaires so requiring it 11 The conditions were hard but necessitie must be obeied for Caesar imposed a grieuous Tribute to be taxed of the Britaines of no lesse then three thousand pounds yeerely to be paid and moreouer included the safety of Mandubrace with his Trinobantes taken into friendship and protection of the Romans lastly that these Couenants should be faithfully obserued he cōmanded hostages for assurance forthwith to be deliuered These things thus compounded he tooke the Seas about the second watch of the night which then began to equalize the day in length and safely arriued in the Continent of Gallia Hauing rather shewed the place to posterities then deliuered to the Romans the possession thereof as Tacitus saith supposing it his glory sufficient to vndergoe a matter so rare and difficult and at his comming to Rome to haue presented his British Captiues whose strangenesse for attire and behauiour filled the peoples eies both with wonder and delight He offred also in the Temple of Venus genitrix a Surcoat made all of British pearles as a Trophey and Spoile of the Ocean And now his fortunes comming to the highest the title of perpetuall Dictator then which the State of Rome could affoord nothing greater sufficed him not but a King hee will be and sole gouernour ouer all though contrarie to the Law and liking of the Romanes whereof in short time grew such heart-burning and hatred that seuenty principall men conspired his death and after his many dangers of enemies in battles abroad was in the senate-Senate-house amongst his supposed friends and in peace if treacherie may be called peace cruelly murdered receiuing in his body three and twenty wounds whereof he died after he had sate Emperour only fiue moneths 12 I am not ignorant that the British Writers doe varie from Caesar in relating these his proceedings and speake more honourably of their owne resistance then himselfe hath set downe namely that by the valour of Cassibelan their King in his first attempts hee was twice driuen backe without his purpose and forced to take the Seas to the great hazard of his ships and men yea and with the losse of his owne sword which with great prowesse was wonne from him in a single encounter by Nenion Cassibelans brother And surely howsoeuer Polydore accounteth their Story new and Caesar carrieth himselfe gloriouslie in his owne affaires yet by sundry other renowned writers it seemeth that the currant of his Conquest went nothing so smooth and vntroubled or with so little losse of the Romans nor the Britaines liberties forgone by so easie resistance which may be collected euen out of some couert passages of Caesars own words where it appeareth that hee durst not at sundry times giue the Britaines battle though they were only harnessed in leather and his Souldiers were all old Legionaries of long seruice called for their huge armour Milites grauis armaturae as hauing a helmet corslet and boots all of massy brasse or iron with a large target a strong two-edged sword and a great staffe or clubbe headed with an iron pike which oddes notwithstanding had not Cassibelan been vndermined by Mandubrace and traiterously forsaken which Caesar himselfe confesseth by the Princes which promised him assistance but euer mangned him and had now a faire time of reuenge perhaps Caesar might haue missed this parcell of his glory Yet for all these helpes Lucan saith expresly of him Territa quaesitis ostendit terga Britannis He Britaine 's found but left them soone by fright Eutropius saith He was wearied out and quelled both with the fierce battles of the enemie and cro◅es of tempests Tacitus saith Hee found out Britannie for the Romans but could not winne it for them which was the very cause why as Dion witnesseth for twenty yeeres after Caesars entrance Britannie kept their owne Kings and their owne lawes and had no forraine Prefects to command them And Beda sheweth that Caesar in this Land was both receiued with sharpe and sore fight and weakened by the losse of his ships and with the most part of his men at armes Tacitus also vsing the speech of Caractacus to his Souldiers hath these words He called saith he vpon the names of his Ancestors which chased Caesar the Dictator out of the I le by whom and by whose valour they were deliuered from Hatchets and Tributes and enioied freely their wiues and childrens bodies vndefiled Againe in the consultations of the Britaine 's intending a reuolt hee allegeth their arguments whereof one was the sudden departure of Caesar out of this Iland little better then a slight With whom Dion Cassius also agreeth affirming that Caesar got nothing
strike aside to Grosmont Castle where the Earle with his Confederats and the power of Wales so awaited their time that assailing the Kings Campe vnawares there were taken about fiue hundreth horse with the Sumpters riches and carriages of the Armie vpon which losse his men also greatly scattered the King leauing two noble Gentlemen with the Poictouins to make good the Marches against the Welsh returned more empty and inglorious then before The Earle found them worke whom the King had left behind and as hee was a man of no lesse courage then deepe witte whereas Baldwin de Gisnes the valiant Flemish knight with a thousand Horsemen thought to haue surprized him who hauing but a tenth part of that number came to view the Castle of Monmouth the Earle alone defended himselfe against twelue of his enemies and when his horse was cowardly slaine by them he pitcht one of them by the legge out of the Saddle and leapt into it himselfe neuer giuing ground till his Arruie came to the rescue and obtained a faire victorie with the slaughter and captiuation of many Poictouines and others His other exploits in and about Wales were not few nor vnfortunate if it were not onely in this as what indeed could be more grieuous or vnglorious to a noble mind for that his Soueraigne was vpon the contrary side 42 The King about this time to strengthen his life and State with the prayers of Beneficiaries and other deuoted affections founded the house of Conuerts where such as forsooke the Iudaicall Superstitions had prouisions for maintenance vnder a sober rule and ruler he also erected and endowed a famous Hospitall at Oxfâ—…rd both for the entertainement of Forrainers and Pilgrimes who thither much frequented and for reliefe also of such as were diseased So that Leoline Prince of Wales the Earles chiefe Confederate when hee was threatned sore if hee would not liue in quiet did not speake more magnificently of charity then honourably of the King I more feare quoth hee the Almesdeedes which the King dooth then all the men of warre which hee hath and the whole Clergy put together 43 The Earle Marshall encreasing in strength and hatred against such as were the Kings reputed Seducers makes spoile and booty on their possessions and ioyning with the power of Leoline puts all to fire and sword as farre as Shrewsburie part whereof they burnt to Ashes and sackt the residue The King then at Gloster for want of sufficient Forces departed thence greatly grieued to Winchester abandoning those other parts as it were to wast and ruine It therefore seemes that he was not growne stronger or richer by the displacing of Hubert Earle of Kent and the rest and by taking new into their roomes who commonly bite and sucke hard till they haue glutted themselues if at leastwise there be any satietie in auarice whereas the old officers hauing prouided in a sort for the maine chance haue the lesse reason to be grieuous 44 Therefore the Lions skin not being large enough for the Bishoppe of Winchester and his factious purposes they piece them out with the Foxes case an ineuitable stratageme is deuised The Earle Marshall had in Ireland all the ample Patrimonies of his Grandfather the famous Strangbow To make that member of his strengthes improfitable if not also pernicious they deuise certain letters directed to Maurice Fitz-Gerald Deputie Iustice of Ireland and other principall men who held of the Earle In them they signifie that Richard once Marshall to the King of England was for manifest treason by the iudgement of the Kings Court banished the Realme his Lands townes and Tenements consumed with fire other his Hereditaments destroyed and himselfe for euer disinherited that if vpon his comming thither they did take him either aliue or dead the King did giue them all the Earles lands there which now were forfeited by vertue of his Attainture and for assurance that the said gift should continue firme and good they by whose aduise the King and Kingdome were gouerned faithfully vndertooke To these letters which the Monkes call bloudy they caused the King to set his Seale as they themselues also being eleuen did theirs vpon receite of which lines the parties signifie backe vnder the seale of secresie that if the Contents of those letters were confirmed by the Kings Letters Patents they would performe that which was desired The Letters patents bee made accordingly and hauing fraudulently gotten the Great Seale from Hugh Bishoppe of Chichester Lord Chancellour who knew not thereof they make them authentike with the impression 45 The Kings mind therefore being still exulcerated towards the Earle Marshall hee grieuously charged Alexander Bishoppe of Chester that he had too much familiarity with the Earle affirming that they sought to thrust him from his throne the Bishop to cleare himselfe from so hainous a scandall puts on his Episcopall habite and solemnly pronounceth all those accurst who did but imagine a wickednesse of so foule a nature against the Maiesty or person of the King and thereupon by the intercession of other Prelates hee was receiued into grace The King was then at Westminster where Edmund the Archbishop of Canterbury elect with other his Suffragan Bishops bewailing the estate of the kingdome present themselues before him telling him as his loyal Liegemen that the Counsell of Peter Bishop of Winchester and his Complices which now he had and vsed was not found nor safe but cruell and perillous to himselfe and his Realme First for that they hated and despised the English calling them Traitours turning the Kinges heart from the loue of his people and the hearts of the people from him as in the Earle Marshall whom being one of the worthiest men of the land by sowing false tales they draue into discontentment 2. that by the Counsell of the same Peter his Father King Iohn first lost the hearts of his people then Normandie then other lands and finally wasted all his treasure and almost England it selfe and neuer after had quiet 3. that if the Subiects had now beene handled according to Iustice and law and not by their vngodly counsels those present troubles had not hapned but the Kinges lands had remained vndestroyed his treasures vnexhausted 4. that the Kings Councell is not the Councell of Peace but of perturbation because they who cannot rise by Peace will raise themselues by the trouble and disinherison of others 5. that they had the treasure Castles Wardships and strengthes of the Kingdome in their hands which they insolently abused to the great hazard of the whole estate for that they made no conscience of an Oth Law Iustice or the Churches censures Therefore we ô King said they speake these things faithfully vnto you and in the presence both of God and man doe counsell beseech and admonish you to remoue such a Councell from about you and as it is the vsage in other Realmes gouerne
Arms but so farre off from embracing as the Rebels from the height of the hill shot at the Citie which doing little harme they remoued their Ordinance to the lower ground and thence beganne to batter the walles and without great resistance entred the town where they became Masters of al the munitions and emprisoned the Maior and many other Citizens 38 These times thus troublesome the King and Citizens of London requiring their aide in these their opposite quarrels and surely in their assembly the talk of the Lords by the Recorder was so wel tolde as had not a graue Citizen stept vp betimes the common Councell had granted aid against their King whose wisdome and loyalty in regarde my selfe a Citizen would haue it recorded to his euerlasting memory and an example and motiue for our obedient loue and duety toward our Soueraignes I will insert as I find them vttered and spoken 58 In this case said hee good it is to thinke on things past to auoide the danger of thinges to come for I remember a story written by Fabian in his Chronicles of the warres betwixt the King and his Barons who euen then as our Lords doe now demanded aid of the Maior and Commons of London against their Soueraingne King Henry the third and that in a cause rightfull and good for the Common-weale which was the execution of certain wholesome lawes somwhat derogating from his princely prerogatiue which hee would not permit The aide was granted and quarrell came vnto battell wherein the Lords preuailed and tooke the King and his sonne prisoners But they againe restored to liberty among other conditions this was one that the King should not onely grant his free pardon to the Lords but also vnto the Citizens of London which was done yea and the same confirmed by Parliament But what followed was it forgotten no surely nor neuer forgiuen during the Kings life for the liberties of the City were taken away strangers appointed to bee our heads and Gouernours the Citizens giuen away both body and goods and from one persecution to another were most miserably afflicted such it is to enter the wrath of a Prince which as Salomon saith is death Wherfore forasmuch as this aide is required of the Kings Maiesty whose voice being our high Shepheard wee ought to obey rather then to hearken to the Lords whom neuerthelesse I wish not to bee vtterly cast off my counsell is that they with vs and wee with them become humble Petitioners vnto his Highnesse that it would please him to heare such complaints against the Lord Protector as may be iustly alleadged and proued and I doubt not but this matter will be so pacified that neither shall the King nor yet the Lordes haue cause to seeke for further aide neither we to offend any of them both 59 These words well weighed and the Councel dissolued fiue hundred Londoners were prepared in a readinesse for Sir Philip Hobby being sent from the Lords to the King so deliuered their minds that the Lord Protector was commanded out of presence and the next day being the twelfth of October the Lords of the Councell resorted to Windsor where they so wrought with the King as his vncle was deliuered into their hands whom the same night they imprisoned in Beauchamps Tower in the same Castel and the next day strongly attended brought him to London whence the streetes were guarded onely by housholders the Aldermen taking the charge of the busines and so to the great griefe and wondering of the people hee was conueyed to the Tower and there left 60 Whither shortly after the Lords themselues repaired and charged the Protector with these 20. Articles as followeth 1 That at his entry into that waighty office hee was expresly prohibited to doe any thing in State without the assent of the last Kings Executors 2 That hee had contrariwise vpon his owne authority both subuerted lawes and staied iustice 〈◊〉 well by letters as commandement 3 That he had deliuered diuers persons arrested and committed to prison for felonie manslaughter murther and treason contrary to the lawes and statutes of the Realme 4 That hee had made Captains and Lieutenants ouer waighty affaires vnder his owne Seale and Writing 5 That hee had alone communicated with forraine Ambassadors about most weighty State affaires 6 That hee had checked diuers of the Kings Priuy Councell speaking for the good of the State yea and threatned to displace them if they consented not to his mind 7 That hee had against law erected a Court of Requests in his owne house whither were enforced diuers of the Kings Subiects to answere for their Free-holds 8 That he had for money disposed Offices in the Kinges gifte money leases and Wardes and giuen presentations of Benefices and Bishoprickes yea and medled with sale of the Kinges lands which by office hee could not without consent of the maior voice of the Councell 9 That hee had commanded multiplication by Alcumistrie to the abuse of the Kings coine 10 That against the King and Councels will hee had set forth a Proclamation against inclosures which had caused daungerous insurrections in the land wherein diuers of the Kings liege Subiects haue beene spoiled and many a worthy man therein slaine 11 That to the same end hee had giuen commission with Articles annexed concerning inclosures of Commons high wayes and decayed Cottages giuing the Commissioners authority to heare and determine the same causes contrary to the lawes and statutes of the Realme 12 That hee had suffered Rebels and traitours to assemble and lie in Campe and Armour against the King his Nobles Gentlemen without any speedy suppressing of them 13 That by his gifts in money with promises of Fees rewards and seruices he had encouraged many of the said rebels 14 That in fauour of them contrary to law he had caused a Proclamation to bee made that none of the said Rebels or Traitors should be sued or vexed for any of their offences committed in the said Rebellion 15 That hee had liked well of these rebellions and had said that the couetousnesse of the Gentry gaue the occasion affirming that it was better for the Commons to die then to perish for lacke of liuing 16 That hee had reported the Lords of the Parliament were loath to reform themselues for the reformation of Inclosures and therefore the people had good cause to reforme the thinges themselues 17 That vpon the report of the defaultes and lackes of Bulloigne nothing was there amended 18 That the Forts of Newhauen and Blacknesse standing in want of men and victuall whereof hee was informed were suffered notwithstanding still to want to the great encouragement of the French and dishonour of the English 19 That he had vntruly published that the Lords at London minded to destroy the King which hee instantly desired hee would neuer forget and to that end instigated many young Lords whereby sedition and discord was made
Easter The Images of all these they still bare before them in battle reputing no small confidence in their aides and yet saith Tacitus they thought it vnbeseeming to paint their Gods in the shape of men hauing euen by Nature doubtlesse written in their hearts a regard to that demaund of the Lord To whom will ye liken me that I should be like him saith the holie one Iehoua They gaue great heede also to the neighing of their Horses and to the flight and singing of Birds as ominous fore-shewers of future euents 8 These Superstitions Ethelward euen in his daies complained of That they had infected the Danes Normans and Sueuians with the worship of this God wooden vnto whom those barbarous Nations offered sacrifices that they might be victorious where they fought And as Crantz recordeth Herald the first of that name and Norwaies King was so farre ouergone that he sacrificed two of his Sonnes vnto his Idols that he might obtaine a tempest to disperse and put backe the Armado which Herald King of Denmarke had prepared against him This generall defection of Gods true worship Adam Bremensis maketh mention of in this manner In a Temple saith he called in their vulgar and natiue speech Vbsola which is made altogether of Gold the people worship the Statues of three Gods in such manner as that Thor the mightiest of them hath only a Throne or Bed on either hand of him Woodan and Frisco hold their places And thus much they signifie Thor say they beareth rule in the Aire and gouerneth the Thunder and Lightning Windes Showres Faire weather Corne and Fruits of the Earth The second which is Woodan that is stronger maketh Warres and ministreth manly valour against Enemies The third is Frisco bestowing largely vpon mortallmen peace and pleasure whose Image they deuise and pourtray with a great virtle member Woodan they engraue armed like as we vse to cut and expresse Mars 9 Their controuersies and doubtfull matters were decided by drawing of Lots which they euer made of some fruit-bearing tree and was performed after this manner If there were publike cause the Priest if priuate the Goodman of the house or worthtest in the company tooke those slitted slips distinguished with certaine markes that had beene scattered at hap hazzard vpon a white garment and after praiers and inuocation on their God with eies fixed vpon heauen and three times lifting the same lots aloft gaue their interpretations thereof according to the markes therein inscribed which was receiued and beleeued for a most sure Oracle as the like was obserued vpon other occasions both by the inspections of Beasts intrals and singings of Birds after the accustomed maner of other Gentiles that doted vpon the auguration for things of future successe 10 For the generall gouernment of their Countrey they ordayned twelue Noblemen chosen from among others for their worthines and sufficiency These in the time of peace rode their seuerall circuits to see iustice and good customes obserued and they often of course at appointed times met together to consult and giue order in publike affaires but euer in time of warre one of these twelue was chosen to be King and so to remaine so long onely as the warres lasted and that being ended his name and dignitie of King also ceased becomming againe as before And this custome continued among them vntill their wars with the Emperour Charles the Great at which time Wittekind one of the twelue aforesaid a Nobleman of Angria in Westphalia â—…bore ouer the rest the name and authoritie of King and he being afterward by means of the said Emperour conuerted to the faith of Christ had by him his mutable Title of King turned into the enduring stile and honour of Duke and the eleuen others were in like manner by the said Emperour aduanced to the honourable Titles of Earles and Lords with establishment for the continuall remaining of these Titles and Dignities vnto them and their heires Of whose descents are since issued the greatest Princes at this present in Germanie But though they obserued this said forme of gouernment elsewhere yet heere in Britaine it was otherwise as heereafter will appeare 11 And thus much out of my poore readings I haue obserued of the originall beginnings the names maners and customes of our ancient Progenitors the worthy Saxons without either amplyfying or impayring their glory who being of all the Germans so much deuouted to warre as that their only fame therein was many times sufficient to daunt the Enemy were thought vpon by the downe-cast Britaines as the fittest to support their ruiued Estate of whose Entrance Conquests and Kingdomes wee are now next addressed to speake THE SAXONS ARRIVALL INTO BRITAINE VNDER THE CONDVCT OF HENGIST AND HORSA CHAPTER IIII. WHen the state of Britaine was miserablie torne by the calamities of ciuill Dissensions Famine Death and Robberies the Romans returned their owne Strength decaied and their Afflictions daily augmented by their wonted Enemies the Scots and Picts no hope was left to their despairing hearts that of themselues they were able to defend themselues and therefore as wee haue shewed they called to their aid the Saxons a Nation fierce and valorous who to the number of nine thousand vnder the Conduct of Hengist and Horsa two brethren entred Britaine at Ebsfleet in the I le of Thanet in the raigne of Theodosius the second and of Valentintan the third Emperors of the East and West about the yeere of Grace 450. Receiued they were with great ioy as Angels from Heauen and saluted with songs after the accustomed manner of the Britaines who appointed them the Iland Thanet for their habitation 2 These Saxons in short time made proofe of their Manhood For ouercomming the Enemie euen in Scotland it selfe seated themselues in some part thereof so that their Conquest seemed absolute and the Britaine 's freed from their former assaults Peace thus setled and the Inhabitants freed a friendly Composition was made betwixt these Nations wherein the Saxons vndertook to maintaine the Field and the Britaines to sustaine the Charge In which league they aboad some certaine time faith Witichindus making vse in a ciuill sort of the Brets friendship but so soone as they perceiued the Country large the soile fertile and the hands of the Inhabitants slow to practise feats of Armes and further considering with themselues that themselues and the greatest part of the Saxons had no certaine place of aboad they found fault with their pay and want of victuals making that their quarrell as both too meane and too little for their high deserts threatning withall as vnkind Ghests that shortly they would reckon without their Hosts and thereupon sending ouer for more of their Nation entred peace with the Scots Picts who all together rose against the poore Brets 3 And Hengist that by the gift of Vortigern had got the
them and theirs against euery man But if we should so often insist on the relation of this Kingdomes distresses as the popes endlesse Corrasions from yere to yeere and the States remedilesse complaints giue vs occasion wee should but cloy the Reader with rufull matter which Monks themselues haue mournefully and copiously endited vnto vs and set forth the too seruile affections of our owne Ancestors who still entred new consultations about the disease but neuer brought the medicine vnto a perfect receipt For vpon fresh angariations from Rome the King againe assembles his State to thinke of redresse the common-wealth as well of Laity as Clergie being brought to the point of vtter desolation as the like was neuer heard in any age whereof they againe made their lamentable complaint to the King whose duety it was to protect the land from such wrongs and dangers Their only remedy was againe to write letters to the Pope which slender meanes he could as slightly put off and though to stop the clamour for the present he promised neuer to send any Legats into England but on entreaty of the State yet daily did he send his raking Clerks with the power though not the Title and Ensignes of Legates both into England and Ireland so to delude the King and still purloine his Subiects 74 The State of the Kingdome still requiring reformation there assembled againe at London certaine Prelats Earles and others at the Kings commandement where after so much purloyning by others now the Kings owne errand and affaires was to get money for himselfe But they who gaue such way to the Popes collections were now all close-handed and open mouthed for besides their vndutifull vpbrayding the King with some ouer-sights they vntruly and seditiously charged him to haue done contrarie to the example of his magnificent Predecessors in that his chiefe Iustice Chancellour and Treasurer were of his owne choosing and not by the Common Councell of the Realme as they ought The King inwardly touched herewith yet seeing no other helpe promiseth redresse and change for the better Whereunto they answered that they would expect a while with patience and as the King shall carrie himselfe toward them so will they performe their ◅beysance to him So the meeting was adiourned from that Candlemas till Midsommer at which time also there was nothing done but all parts rose discontēted The cause of that discōtentment was for that the King instead of satisfying their audacious demands answered them That they sought to bridle him at their surlie pleasures proudlie forbidding that in him which was lawfull for themselues For that euerie priuate man may vse what and whose Counsell he list euerie master of a familie preferre or remoue what officers in his house he list which yet they sancily denied vnto him their Lord and Soueraigne as if Seruants and Vassals were to rule their Lords whereas indeed he is no King but a seruant who must bow at others becke That therefore he would neither place nor displace either Chancellour Iusticiar or Treasurer as they thought good Neuerthelesse hee required money at their hands to recouer such forreine lands as concerned aswell them as him to see it done Hereupon the Parliament brake vp and the King was left to furnish himselfe otherwise so well as hee could euen by sale of his Iewels Plate and other precious stuffe after a dishonourable manner 75 The affaires of Gascoign which one Guasto de Biard had greatly troubled by the manhood and wit of Simon Earle of Leicester were now brought into better quiet which made his presence being returned as it seemeth for more supplies which went againe with him very acceptable in the Court of England The King intending to furnish that enterprise afresh against the comming spring time left no meanes vnthought of which either by Art or strong entreatie he could vse to replenish his exhausted Coffers In which he embased too much the Royall name and dignity telling some and perhaps truely whose bountie he craued that it was more almes to ayde him with money then one that went begging from dore to dore Meanewhile the king neglects not his administration of Iustice for whereas the whole Countie of Hampshire swarmed with felons and murtherous robbers himselfe so ordered the matter sitting in person in Winchester Castle that the infamie and danger of those places were cleared by hanging the Offendors many of which were very wealthie and some the kings owne seruants Walter de Clifford also a Baron of the Marches of Wales for enforcing an officer whom he had otherwise handled badly to eat the kings writ waxe and all ran so farre into the kings displeasure thereby that while he liued he was made the lesse able to feed himselfe paying to the king a very great sum of money and hardlie escaping without confiscation of his whole patrimonie The king desirous to be friends with the Citizens of London to whom of late he had beene ouer-hard publikely reconciled himselfe vnto them whom for that cause he had commanded to appeare at Westminster and there immediatly receiued the badge of the Crosse at the hand of Boniface Archbishop of Canterburie but whatsoeuer his intention was it neuer came into action on his part In the meane time contrarie to his Fore-fathers example he so much abridged the expences of his house and his Almes that he vnderwent some dishonourable imputation Neuerthelesse he wisely wound himselfe out of many a Merchāts debt whereto he wrung great helps from the Iewes as the ordinary Clippers and defacers of his Coyne and the forgers of seales and Charters from one of whom hee had at times drawne thirtie thousand markes Sterling besides two hundreth markes in gold 76 It seemeth an inseparable qualitie in his nature to bee extreamly violent in doing whatsoeuer hee had a mind to doe and that sometime without the due respect to secular Maiestie as in the Course hee tooke for aduancing his halfe-brother Aethelmare to the Bishoprick of Winchester For not contenting himselfe to haue sent his messengers to the Couent by them to worke the election hee came thither in person where the Chapter being set in the Cathedrall Church hee entred and placing himselfe in the Presidents seat makes to them a speech in the nature of a Sermon taking for his Theme those words of Dauid Iustice and Peace kisse each other Whereon hee shewed them That whereas Iustice belonged to him and to such as had the rule of Nations and to the Clergy calmnesse and Peace both these should that day kisse together if they elected his brother for their Bishop For which he gaue them many reasons but concluded if they did otherwise they should feele his Princely displeasure When therefore they published to the King their Choise they did it with this reseruation because Aethelmare was to remaine vnder the title of the Elect of Winchester for that he was not a
a damsell belonging as shee said to the Dutches of Clarence who signified vnto Monsieur Vawclere that shee came from King Edward with a declaration of peace which hee fearing to impart the conditions to other had made her the instrument the better to passe without any suspect and he glad to heare for the Earles sake whom he entirely affected gaue her his safe conduct vnto the Duke of Clarence then at Amboys where hauing priuate accesse vnto him shee told that it was neither naturall nor honourable for him to take part against the house of Yorke that the house of Lancaster was not onely by the whole Court of Parliament debarred to bee the indubitate Heire of the Kingdome but that K. Henrie himselfe had discharged his Issue from claime as it standeth said she vpon Record to be seene contrary to which as he might well perceiue this marriage of Prince Edward with the Earles daughter did onely aime and intend to the vtter extinct of the house of Yorke whereof himselfe was one and in neere possibility of the Crowne Edwards Issue young and not many and the King very wanton a sinne commonly punished with want of posterity which if it so chanced then hee or his were the next These reasons wayed so ouer-wayed the Dukes further designes that hee promised thereafter a more brotherlike affection as saide hee Edward should find with which good newes shee returned into England Warwicke vtterly ignorant what was said or done 47 All now in a readinesse for the return ships money and men supplied by the French King the Admirall of France was sent to secure them from the Duke of Burgundies Fleet which with an extraordinary number and power lay in the mouth of Seyne to fight with Warwicke when he should loose out of Harborow but see how the heauens fauoured and frowned vpon the parties for the night before they should hoise saile such a stormy tempest tooke the Dukes Fleete lying more remote from the Lee that they were scattered asunder some into Scotland some into Denmarke and many of them drowned But the Seas calmed and the wind seruing faire the English set saile and landed at Dartmouth whence they had shipped into France almost six moneths before 48 King Edward relying vpon Burgundy abroad and thinking all friends who fawned at home gaue himselfe daily to follow the hound and the hawke and nightly to his court pleasures in dancings and daliances with damsels little minding their approach that meant to marre his mirth for Warwicke now landed proclaimed King Henry commanding all from sixteene to sixty vpon a great penalty to take Armes against Edward Duke of Yorke the most vniust vsurper of Henries rightfull Crowne and vncredible it was to see the confluence of them which came armed to him who ere-while applauded approued none but King Edward Thus making towards London his company daily encreased which the youthfull King seemed little to regard but verily supposing hee had now Warwicke in his trappe wrote to Burgundie to secure the seas lest he should escape againe into France and to his Lords of England to attend him in his wars but very many neglected his commaund and few or none made their repaire Which when Edward perceiued hee was strucke into a great feare and with his brother of Glocester the L. Hastings his Chamberlaine and the Lord Scales the Queenes brother hee hasted towards Nottingham there to determine what was to be done 49 In the mean while the bastard Faulconbridge in the west and the Earle of Pembroke in Wales euery where proclaimed King Henry and to forward the matter D. Godard preaching at Pauls Crosse declared by reading of Billes and diuers other proofes that King Henry was the vndoubted and true heire vnto the English Crowne Neither is the L. Montacute now the man that he was who hauing mustered sixe thousand in the name of King Edward and brought them forward almost to Nottingham on the sodaine drew backe his forces alleadging that Edward was vngratefull regardlesse of his friends as himselfe said himselfe was the example who hauing serued him in many bloudy battels was rewarded with a verball word Marquesse without any maintenance at al no not so much as Pyes poor nest therfore he had iust cause neuer to draw his sword in his quarrell any more and them that did hee assured them should receiue the like reward in the end 50 These with the like distastures diuulged among the rude multitude it was a world to see the face of this new World for in euery streete Bonfires were made in euery Church bels rung Ditties were sung at euery meeting and euery man cried K. Henry King Henry whose Eccho likewise redoubled a Warwicke a Warwicke and indeed all so applauded the passage now on foot as King Edward hearing the rumor thought it not safe any longer to stay therefore with those trusty Lords and some others hee fled from his hoast besides Nottingham passing the Washes towards Lynne with greater difficulties then was befitting a Prince to aduenture and thus without any order taken for his Realme in two Hulkes of Holland and one English shippe destitute of all necessary prouisions set sayle toward Burgundy and in the way was encountred by the Easterlings Englands great Enemies hauing much adoe to cleare himselfe from their surprise 51 In these times of misery the Queene whose marriage was the onely cause of all these stirres vpon the first of October had stolne out of the Tower and taken Sanctuary at Westminster where like a woman forsaken shee solitarily remained and on the fourth of Nouember following was deliuered of a sonne which without all pompe more like a priuate mans child then a Prince was there also baptized by the name of Edward who after his fathers death a while was King of England as shall be said other Sanctuaries were full of King Edwards friends that praied deuoutly for his prosperous health and well hoped the world would againe turne as shortly it did One King thus fled and the other in prison the Kentish whose conditions are mutable at the change of Princes came to seeke prey in London where they knew it was to bee had Ratcliffe S. Katherins and Southwarke they robbed and within the City did some hurt besides yea and surely more had done had not Earle Warwicke in good time come to the rescue which encreased his name that was great enough before 52 Earle Warwicke accompanied with his brother the Archbishoppe of Yorke the Prior of Saint Iohns the Duke of Clarence the Earle of Shrewsburie Bastard Faulconbridge Lord Stanley and other Gentlemen some for loue some for feare some to gaze at this wauering world vpon the sixt of October entred the Tower of London wherein King Henry had beene retained prisoner almost the space of nine yeeres and there again elected him for their lawfull King and
M      Manchester C The Grelleyes Ancestors to Thomas West Lord La Ware tempore H. 5.      Penwortham M 0114 16 09 oo o Whalley M The Ancestors of the Lacyes Earles of Lincolne Anno Dâ—… 1296. White Monkes 0551 04 06 oo o LEICESTER-SHIRE Places Dedication Founder and Time Order Ualue     l. 〈◊〉 d. â—…b q. Leicester Saint Mary M Robert de Bossu Earle of Leicester Blacke Canons or Friers Preachers 1062 00 04 ob q Iuxta Leicester Castle Saint Mary C Henry Duke of Lancaster 0023 12 11 o o Bredon A Cell to S Oswald M Fundator Domini Regis Progeâ—…tor Alij Alâ—… Earle of Cornwall Blacke Canons 0025 08 01 o o Bradley P 0020 15 07 oo o Burton Mowbrayes and by a common contribution ouer all England Leprosi 0265 10 02 o q Canwell M. The Ancestors of the Lord Lizle 0025 10 03 oo o Croxton M The Lord Barkleyes Ancestors Pramonstratenses 0458 19 11 ob q Castledonington S. Iohn Baptist. H 0003 13 04 o o Cumbe Saint Mary M White Moâ—…kes      Cale P Blacke Canons      Dalby-Rothley Heyther Praceptoria 0231 07 10 oo o Garradon M Fundator Antecessor 〈◊〉 Comitissa Oxford 0186 15 02 ob o Gracedew nee re Donington N Roisia wife of Bertram de Verdon Nunnes â—…01 08 02 ob o Gerewerdon Saint Mary M White Monkes      Hinkley P Alien      Kirkby Bellers P Roger Belâ—…rs and Aâ—…yse his wife 0178 07 10 oo q Launda M Richard Basset Diâ—…c Lincoln Blacke Canons 0510 16 05 ob q Langley Fundator Antecessor Uxoris Frane Bigot Mil. 〈◊〉 Vxoris Sâ—…rum Nunnes 0034 06 02 oo o Litterworth Saint Iohnns H 0â—…26 09 5 o o Noui-Operis C 0595 7 04 o o Olneston or Oselneston M Robert Grimbald 0173 18 09 oo q Staue N Blacke Nunnes      Vlneserost P Roger Quiney Earle of Wintâ—…n 0101 03 10 ob o Werewerdon M Blacke Canons      Saint Ursula H 0008 00 00 oo o LINCOLNE SHIRE Places Dedication Founder and Time Order Value     l. s. d. ob q Lincoln EpaÌ„tus Saint Marie M Secular Canons      Lincolne F M. Odo de Kilkenny a Scotish mam A. D. 1269. Carmelites or White Friers      Lincolne Saint August F Friers Eremites      Lincolne F Iohn Pickering of Stampwike Friers Minors      Iuxta Lincolne S. Katherine P Robert de Caneto Bishop of Lincolne Gilbertines 0270 01 03 oo o Aluingham Saint Mary P Anthony de Bec Bishop of Durham and Patriarch of Ierusalem White Canons and Nuns Gilbertines 0141 15 00 oo o Balwatus Aquilae 0124 02 00 oo o Bello-vero siue Beauuoir Saint Marie Ralph de Todeney Blacke Monkes of S. Albans 0129 17 06 o o Berlingâ—…s M Radulphus de Haya 0307 16 06 oo o Bolyngton Saint Marie M White Canons and Nuns Gilbertines 0187 07 09 oo o Boston M S. Botolph in the Saxons time      Boston F Sir Orby A. D. 1300. Carmelites or white Friers      Boston luxta Mare Saint Mary P T. Morley Knight Iohn Bacon Esquier Iohn Hagon Thomas Hoke de Shynham and Iohn Hyrd of Boston      Boston Beatae Mariae C 0024 00 00 oo o Boston Corporis Christi C 0032 00 00 oo o Boston Saint Peter C 0010 13 04 o  Bradney Saint Oswald M Confirmed by William de Gannt sonne and heire of Gilbert de Gannt Anno Dom. 1115. 429 07 00 oo o Brunne Blacke Canons      Bryggerd P 0101 11 00 ob o Cateley or Catlin Saint Marie M Iohn Spaule Esquier White Canons Nuns Gilbertines 0038 13 08 o o Croyland or Crowland M Aethelbald King of the Mercians Anno Dom. 716. It was new built at the benenolence of the whole land giuen vpon pardon for their sinnes Blacke Monkes 1217 05 11 oo o Elsham P William Dyne Blacke Canons 0083 17 10 oo o Eppworth in the Isle of Axholme A Conuentual House Thomas Mowbray Earle of Nottingham Marshall of England Carthusians 0290 14 07 ob q Fosse N Nunnes 0008 05 04 oo o Frisetun Mauritius de Creon Baron Blacke Monkes      Glamfordbridge in Parochia de Wrawby H William Tirwhit      Goykewell N Nunnes 0019 18 06 oo o Greenfeild Saint Mary N Dudon de Groâ—…esby Blacke Nunnes 0079 15 01 o o Grimmysby Saint Leonard N Robert Grosted Bishoppe of Lincolne and Thomas Hesterton Knight Blacke Nunnes 0012 03 07 o  Grimmesby S. Augustine S. Toloss Fundator Domini Regis Progenitâ—…r Blacke Canons      Hagneby M Herbert of Orbeâ—… or Orreby 0098 08 04 oo o Hauerholm Saint Mary M Alexander Bishoppe of Lincolne White Canons Nuns Gilbertines 0088 05 05 oo o Heuings N 0058 13 04 oo o Hunston or Humberston Our Lady S. Peter M Fundator Domini Regis Progenitor 0042 11 03 oo o Irford M 014 13 04 ob o Kirksted Saint Marie M Hugh Britay White Monkes 0338 13 11 ob q Kyme M Philip de Valisby 0138 04 09 oo o Letherstoke Iohn Gifford Clerke      Leyborne Our Lady M Robert Fitz Gilbert 0057 13 05 o q Louthparke Saint Mâ—…ry M White Monkes 0169 05 06 ob o Markeby P 0163 17 06 ob o Newebo M 0115 11 08 o o Newhouse S. Martiall Peter de Gaâ—…lia White Canons the first house of the Order Prmonstratenses in England      Newnersby or Nun-ormâ—…by P White Canons Nuns Gilbertines 0098 00 00 oo o Newsom M 0114 01 04 ob o Newsted neere Stansford M Gilbertines 0042 01 03 oo  Newsted neere Axholâ—…e P 0055 11 08 oo o Noton or Nâ—…cton-Parke S. Mary Magd. M Robert D'Arciâ—… Blacke Canons 0052 19 02 ob o Nun-Cotton Saint Mary P White Canons and Nunnes 0046 17 07 oo o Oxeneyes Blacke Canons      Raueston Saint Augustin C      Reuesby or Reuyswy M William Romare Nunnes 0349 04 10 oo o Sempringham Saint Gilbert M Saint Gilbert beginner of the said Order White Canons Nuns Gilbertines 0359 12 07 oo o Sixle Saint Marie Whit Canons Nuns      Spalding Saint Mary and S. Nicholas M Iuo Talbois comes Andegauensis and William de Romara and Lucy Countesse of Chester and Lincolne Audegauenses Monachi 0878 18 03 oo o Iuxta Stansford Saint Michael M Blacke Monkes 0072 18 10 ob o Stanford Saint Mary Saint Nicholas Blacke Monkes 0065 19 09 o o Stanford F King Edward the third Carmelites or White Friers      Stanford H William Browne Citizen there   Â