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A09097 A conference about the next succession to the crowne of Ingland diuided into tvvo partes. VVhere-of the first conteyneth the discourse of a ciuill lavvyer, hovv and in vvhat manner propinquity of blood is to be preferred. And the second the speech of a temporall lavvyer, about the particuler titles of all such as do or may pretende vvithin Ingland or vvithout, to the next succession. VVhere vnto is also added a new & perfect arbor or genealogie of the discents of all the kinges and princes of Ingland, from the conquest vnto this day, whereby each mans pretence is made more plaine. Directed to the right honorable the earle of Essex of her Maiesties priuy councell, & of the noble order of the Garter. Published by R. Doleman. Allen, William, 1532-1594.; Parsons, Robert, 1546-1610, attributed name. 1595 (1595) STC 19398; ESTC S114150 274,124 500

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so as this is al that is needful to be spoken of the house of York in which vve see that the first and principal competitor is the king of Scots and after him Arbella and the children of the earles of Hartford and Darby are also competitors of the same house as discended by the daughter of the first brother Edward duke of Yorke and king of England and then the Earle of Huntington and his generation as also the Pooles Barringtons and others before named are or may be titlers of York as descended of George duke of Clarence second sonne of Richard duke of Yorke all vvhich issue yet seme to remayne only within the compasse of the house of Yorke for that by the former pedegre of the house of Lancaster it seemeth to the fauorets of this howse that none of these other cōpetitors are properly of the line of Lancaster for that king Henry the 7. comming only of Iohn of Gaunt by Catherin Swinford his third wife could haue no part in Lady Blanch that vvas only inheritour of that house as to these men seemeth euident Only then it remaineth for the ending of this chapter to explane some-what more clearly the discent of king Henry the 7. and of his issue for better vnderstanding vvhereof you must consider that king Henry the 7. being of the house of Lancaster in the manner that you haue heard and marrying Elizabeth the eldest daughter of the contrary house of Yorke did seeme to ioyne both houses together make an end of that bloody controuersie though others now wil say no but how soeuer that vvas vvhich after shal be examined cleere it is that he had by that mariage one only sonne that left issue and two daughters his sonne vvas king Henry the 8. vvho by three seueral wiues had three children that haue reigned after him to vvit king Edward the 6. by Queene Iane Seymer Queene Mary by Queene Catherine of Spaine and Queene Elizabeth by Queene Anne Bullen of al which three children no issue hath remayned so as now vve must returne to consider the issue of his daughters The eldest daughter of king Henry the 7. named Margaret vvas married by her first mariage to Iames the fourth king of Scots vvho had issue Iames the 5. he againe Lady mary late Queene of Scots and dowager of France put to death not long ago in Ingland vvho left issue Iames the 6. now king of Scots And by her second mariage the said Lady Margeret after the death of king Iames the 4. tooke for husband Archebald Duglas earle of Anguys in Scotland by whom she had one only daughter named Margeret which vvas married to Mathew Steward earle of Lenox and by him she had two sonnes to vvit Hēry Lord Darly and Charles Steward Henry marryed the foresaid Lady Mary Queene of Scotland vvas murthered in Edinbrough in the yeare 1566. as the world knoweth and Charles his brother marryed Elizabeth the daughter of Sir William Candish in Ingland by whom he had one only daughter yet liuing named Arbella an other competitor of the crowne of Ingland by the house of Yorke and this much of the first daughter of kinge Henry the 7. Mary the secōd daughter of king Henry the 7. yonger sister to king Henry the 8. vvas maried first to Lewis the 12. king of Frāce by whom she had no issue and afterward to Charles Brandon duke of Suffolk by whō she had two daughters to witt Frances and Elenor the lady Francis vvas marryed first to Henry Gray marques of Dorset after duke of Suffolk behedded by Queene mary and by him she had three daughters to vvit lane Catherine and Mary the lady Iane eldest of the three was married to L. Guylford Dudly sonne to Iohn Dudly late duke of Northumberland vvith whom I meane with her husband father in law she was beheaded soone after for being proclaymed Queene vppon the death of king Edward the fixt the lady Catherine second daughter maryed first the lord Henry Herbert earle of Penbroke and left by hym again she dyed afterward in the tower wher she vvas prisoner for hauing had two childrē by Edward Seymer earle of Hartford vvithout sufficient proofe that she vvas married vnto him and the tvvo children are yet liuing to vvit Henry Seymer commonly called lord Beacham and Edward Seymer his brother The lady mary the third sister though she was betrothed to Arthur lord Gray of vvilton and maryed after to Martin keyes gentleman porter yet hath she left no issue as far as I vnderstand This then is the end of the issue of Lady Francis first of the two daughters of Queene Mary of France by Charles Brandon duke of Suffolk for albeit the said lady Francis after the beheading of the said Henry Lord Gray duke of Suffolk her first husband married againe one Adrian Stokes her seruant had a sonne by him yet it liued not but dyed very soone after Now then to speak of the yonger daughter of the said Frenche Queene and duke named Elinor she vvas married to Henry Clifford Earle of Comberlād who had by her a daughter named Margaret that vvas married to Lord Henry Stanley earle of Darby by whom she hath a plentiful issue as Ferdinand now earle of Darby William Stanley Francis Stanley and others and this is al that needeth to be spoken of these discents of our Inglish kings princes peeres or competitors to the crowne for this place and therfore now it resteth only that vve begin to examine what different pretentions are framed by diuers parties vppon these dissents and genealogies vvhich is the principal point of this our discourse OF THE GREAT AND GENERALL CONTROVERSIE AND CONTENTION BETVVEENE the two houses royal of Lancaster and York and which of them may seeme to haue had the better right to the crowne by way of succession CAP. IIII. AND first of al before I do descend to treat in particuler of the different pretences of seueral persons and families that haue issued out of these two royal linages of Lancaster and Yorke it shal perhaps not be amisse to discusse with some attention what is or hath or may be said on both sides for the general controuersie that lyeth betweene them yet vndescided in many mens opinions notwithstanding their hath bin so much sturr about the same not only writing and disputing but also fighting and murthering for many yeares And truly if we looke into diuers histories recordes and authors vvhich haue written of this matter vve shal find that euery one of them speaketh commonly according to the tyme wherin they liued for that al such as wrote in the tyme of the three Henries fourth fift and sixt kings of the house of Lancaster they make the title of Lancaster very cleare and vndoubted but such others as wrote since that tyme 〈◊〉 the house of Yorke hath held the scepter they haue spoken in far different manner as namely
vvife the lady Gertrude taking from her al her goodes landes and inheritance and committed to perpetual prison their only sonne and heyre lord Edward Courtney being then but a childe of seuen yeares old vvhich remayned so there vntil many yeares after he vvas set at libertie and restored to his liuing by Queene Mary Moreouer he put to death the lady 〈◊〉 Plantagenet Countesse of Salisbury daughter of George duke of Clarence that vvas brother of his grandfather king Edward the fourth vvith her he put to death also her eldest sonne and heyre Thomas Poole lord Montague and committed to perpetual prison where soone after also he ended his life a little infant named Henry Poole his sonne and heyre condemned to death by act of parlament although absent Renald Pole brother to the said lord Montague Cardinal in Rome wherby he ouerthrew also the noble house of Salisbury and vvarwick nether need I to go further in this relation though these men do note also how Edward the sixt put to death two of his owne vncles the Seymers or at least it vvas done by his authority and how that vnder her Maiestie that now is the Queene of Scotland that vvas next in 〈◊〉 of any other liuing the chiefe titler of the honse of Yorke hath also bin put to death Lastly they do note and I may not omit it that their is no noble house standing at this day in Ingland in the ancient state of calling that it had and in that dignity and degree that it vvas in vvhen the house of Yorke entred to the crowne if it be aboue the state of a barony but only such as defended the right and interest of the houses of Lancaster and that al other great houses that toke parte vvith the house of Yorke and did helpe to ruine the house of Lancaster be either ceased since or extyrpated and ouer throwne by the same house of Yorke it selfe which they assisted to gett the crowne so at this present they be either vnited to the crowne by confiscatiō or transferred to other Images that are strangers to them who possessed thē before As for example the ancient houses of Inglād that remaine at this day were stāding whē the house of Yorke begā ther title are the houses of Arōdel Oxford Northūberland Westmerland Shrewsbery for al other that are in Ingland at this day aboue the dignity of Barons haue bin aduanced since that tyme and al these fiue houses vvere these that principally did stick vnto the house of Lancaster as is euident by al Inglish chronicles For that the earle of Arondel brought in king Henry the fourth first king of the house of Lancaster and did helpe to place him in the dignity royal comming out of France vvith him The earle of Oxford and his sonne the lord Vere were so earnest in the defence of king Hēry the sixt as they were both slayne by king Edward the fourth and Iohn earle of Oxford vvas one of the principal assistāts of Hēry the seuēth to take the crowne frō Richard the third The house of Northumberland also was a principal ayder to Henry the fourth in getting the crowne and two earles of that name to wit Henry the second and third were slayne in the quarrel of king Henry the sixt one in the battel of S. Albons and the other of Saxton and a third earle named Henry the fourth fled into Scotlād vvith the said king Henry the sixt The house of Westmerland also vvas chiefe aduācer of Hēry the fourth to the crowne the secōd earle of that house vvas slayne in the party of Henry the sixt in the said bartaile of Saxton and Iohn earle of Shrewsbury vvas likevvise slayne in defence of the title of Lancaster in the bartaile of Northamptō and I omit many other great seruices and faithful endeuours vvhich many Princes of these fiue noble anciēt houses did in the defence of the Lancastrian kings vvhich these men say that God hath revvarded vvith continuance of their howses vnto this day But on the contrary side these men do note that al the old houses that principally assisted The title of Yorke are now extinguished and that chiefly by the kings themselues of that house as for example the principal peeres that assisted the family of Yorke vvere Moubray duke of Norfolke de la Poole duke of Suffolk the earle of Salisbury and the earle of Warwick of al which the euent was this Iohn Moubray duke of Norfolke the first confederat of the house of Yorke dyed soone after the exaltation of Edward the fourth vvithout ifsue and so that name of Moubray ceased and the title of the dukedome of Norfolke vvas transferred afterward by king Richard the third vnto the house of Howards Iohn de la Poole duke of Suffolke that married the sister of king Edward the fourth was his great assistant though he left three sonnes yet al were extinguished vvithout issue by helpe of the house of Yorke for that Edmond the eldest sonne duke of Suffolke vvas beheaded by king Henry the eight his brother Richard driuen out of the realme to his destruction as before hath bin shewed Iohn their brother earle of Lincolue was stayne at Stockfild in seruice of king Richard the third and so ended the line of de la Pooles Richard Neuel earle of Salisbury a chiefe enemy to the house of Lancaster and exalter of York vvas taken at the battaile of VVakefild and there beheaded leauing three sonnes Richard Iohn and George Richard vvas earle both of Salisbuty and Warwick surnamed the great earle of Warwick vvas he that placed king Edward the fourth in the royal seate by whome yet he vvas slayne afterward at Barnet and the landes of these two great earldomes of Salisbury and Warwick were vnited to the crowne by his attainder Iohn his yonger brother vvas Marques of montague and after al assistance giuen to the said king Edward the fourth of the howse of Yorke vvas slayne also by him at Barnet and his lands in like māner confiscate to the crowne vvhich yet vvere neuer restored againe George Neuel their yonger brother vvas Archbishop of Yorke vvas taken sent prisoner by the said king Edward vnto Guynes vvho shortly after pined avvay and dyed and this vvas the ende of al the principal frendes helpers aduancers of the house of Yorke as these men do alleage Wherfore they do conclude that for al these reasons many more that might be alleaged the title of Lancaster must needes seeme the better title which they do confirme by the general consent of al the realme at king Henry the seuenth his comming in to recouer the crowne from the house of Yorke as from vsurpers for hauing had the victory against king Richard they crowned him presētly in the field in the right of Lācaster before he married with the house of Yorke
their vvas raysed by some kynde of men about the comming in of king Phillip and what their vvas like to haue byn about the entrance of Monsieur if that purpose had gone for-ward I remember wel said the Lawyer and these men that are of this opinion vvil say to this that it vvas but a populer mutiney without reason or any good grounde at all and only raysed by some crasty heades that misliked the religiō of the princes that were to enter and for some other driftes of their owne but not of any sound reason or argument of state which these men thinke rather to be of their side in good sooth they alleage so many argumentes for their opinion that if you should heare them you would say it weare hard to iudge which opinion had most truth but they are to longe for this place and so said he I shall make an end of the matter that I haue in hand and leaue this pointe for others to discusse With this the whole companye fhewed maruelous great desire to know the reasons that vvere in both parties for this matter so much the more for that it seemed to fal very fit to the purpose of these pretences of forayne princes for vvhich cause they intreated him very instantly that before he passed any further or ended his vvhole discourse of the titles vvhich hitherto they said had greatly contented them he would stay himselfe a litle also vppon this matter which though for a tyme he made great difficultie to do yet in the end beinge so importuned by them he promised that at their meeting the next day he would satisfie their desire and so for that tyme they departed very wel contented but yet as they saide vvith their heades ful of titles and titlers to the crowne VVHETHER IT BE BETTER TO BE VNDER A FORRAINE OR HOMBORNE PRINCE and whether vnder a great mightie Monarch or vnder a litle prince or King CAP. IX THE companye being gathered together the next day and shewing much desire to heare the pointe discussed about forraine gouerment wherof mention had bin made the day before the lawyer began to say that for so much as they would needs haue him to enter into that matter which of it selfe vvas ful of preiudice in most mens eares and myndes for that no nation commonly could abide to heare of being vnder strange gouernours and gouerments he ment to acquite himselfe in this their request as he had done in other matters before vvhich vvas to lay downe only the opinions and reasons of other men that had disputed this affaire on both sides before him and of his owne to affirme or deny nothing And first of al against the dominions of strāgers and Forriners he said that he might discourse without end and fil vp vvhole bookes and volumes vvith the reasons and arguments or at least vvise vvith the dislikes and auersions that al men commonly had to be vnder strangers or to haue any alliens to beare rule or charge ouer thē be they of what cōdition state or degree soeuer and in this he said that as wel philosophers lawmakers wise and good men as others do agree commonly for that vve see both by their wordes writinges and factes that they abhorr to subiect themselues to strang gouerments so as in al the eight bookes of Aristotles politiques you shal still see that in al the different formes of common vvealthes that he setteth downe he presupposeth euer that the gouerment shal be by people of the selfe same nation and the same thing do presume in like manner al those lawmakers that he their mētioneth to vvit Minois Solon Licurgus Numa Pompilius and the rest and he that shal reade the famous inuectiues of Demosthenes against the pretentions of king Phillip of Macedonia that desired to incroch vppon the Athenians and other states of Greece as also his orations against AEschines his aduersarie that vvas thought secretly to fauour the said forrayne prince shal see what hatred that noble Orator had against forraine gouerment and he that shal read the bookes of our tyme either of the Italians vvhen they spake of their subiection in tymes past to the Lōbardes German or french nacions or to the spaniards at this day or shal consider vvhat the french do presently vvrite inueigh against the power of the house of Guyse and Lorayne in Frāce for that they take them to be straingers shal easely see how deeply this auersion against strangers is rooted in their hartes and this for testimony of vvord But now if vve vvil consider the factes that haue ensued about this matter and how much blood hath bin shedd and vvhat desperat attempts haue bin taken in hand by diuers nations for auoyding their subiection to strāgers or for deliuering themselues from the same againe if once they haue fallen into it you shal behold more plainly the very impression of nature herselfe in this affaire for of diuers barbarous nations realmes citties we reade in stories that they rather chose to slea murther themselues then to be vnder the dominiō of strangers others haue aduentured strang attemptes bloody stratagems as the Sicilians who in one day and at the selfe same hower at the tyme of euening song slew al the frenchmen that vvere within the Iland vvhom yet themselues had called and inuited thither not long before and the like is recorded in our Inglish stories of killing the danes by Inglish men at one tyme in most ruful manner and the like was oftentymes thought on also by the Inglish against the Normans when they oppessed vs and by the French against the Inglish whiles we had dominion in France though nether the one nor the other of these latter desigmēts could be effectuated for want of forces and commoditye and by reason of the watchfulnes of the contrary part But yet to speake only of France the rage and fury of the french vvas generally so great and implacable against the Inglish that gouerned theare in the reigne of king Henry the sixt as both Polidor other stories do note at what tyme partly by the dissentions of the houses of York Lancaster in Ingland and partly by the valour of their owne new king Charles the seuenth they had hope to be ridd of the Inglish dominion as no persuasion or reason no feare of punishment no force of armes no promisse or threat no danger no pittie no religion no respect of God nor man could repres or stay them from rysing and reuolting euery where against the Inglish gouerment and gouernours murthering those of the Inglish nation in al partes and corners whersoeuer they found them without remorse or compassion vntil they were vtterly deliuered of their dominion So as this matter is taught vs say these men euen by nature her selfe that strangers gouerment is not to be admitted and moreouer the reasons before alleaged against the king
also of the houses of Scotland Suffolke that hold likewise of the house of Yorke and that for the reasons and argumēts vvhich in the former two chapters I haue set downe in particuler against euery one of them and shal here-after also againe those that remaine vvhich arguments and obiections or any of them if they should not be founde sufficient to exclude the said other houses then is the clayme of this house of Huntington therby made voide for that it is as vve see by the yonger childe of the house of Yorke that is to saye by the second brother so as if either the pretence of Lancaster in general be better thē that of Yorke or if in the house of Yorke it selfe any of the fornamed pretenders descended frō K. Edward the fourth as of the elder brother may hold or take place then holdeth not this title of Clarence for that as I haue said it cōming from the yonger brother must needes be grounded only or principally vppō the barring and excluding of the rest that ioyntly do pretēd of which barres and exclusions laid by this house of Clarence against the rest for that I haue spoken sufficiētly in the last two chapters going tefore for so much as toucheth the two houses of Scotland and Suffolk and shal do afterwards about the other two of Britanie and Portugal I meane in this place to omit to say any more therin only to consider vvhat the other competitors do alleage against this house of Clarence and especially agaynst the pretence of the earle of Huntington as chiefe titler therof for to the excluding of him do concurr not only those other of opposite houses but also the Pooles of his owne house as now vve shall see First then the contrary houses do alleage generally against al this house of Clarence that seing their clayme is founded only vppon the right of the daughter of George duke of Clarence second brother to K. Edward the fourth euident it is that so long as any lawful issue remayneth of any elder daughter of the said king Edward the elder brother as they say much doth and cannot be denyed no clayme or pretence of the yonger brothers daughter can be admitted and so by standing vppon this and answering to the obiections alleaged before against the elder houses they hold this matter for very cleere and al pretence of this house of Clarence vtterly excluded Secondly the same opposite houses do alleage diuers attainders against the principal heades of the house of Clarence vvherby their vvhole interests vvere cut of as namely it is to be shewed in three discents the one after the other to vvit in duke George himselfe the first head beginner of this house that was attainted and executed and then in the lady Margaret his daughter and heyre countesse of Salisbury and in like manner attaynted and executed thirdly in her sonne and heyre Henry Poole lord Monrague put also to death from vvhose daughters both the earle of Huntington his brethren vvith the children of Syr Thomas Barrington do descende and albeit some may say that the said house of Clarence hath bin since those attainders restored in blood yet reply these men that except it can be shewed that particuler mention was made of reabiliting the same to this pretence of succession to the crowne it vvil not be sufficient as in like manner they affirme that the same restoring in blood if any such were hath not bin sufficiēt to recouer the ancient landes and titles of honor which this house of Clarence had before these attainders for that they were forfeited therby to the crowne and so say these men was their forfeited therby in like manner vnto the next in blood not attainted this prerogatiue of succeeding to the crowne and cannot be restored againe by any general restauration in blood except special mention be made therof euen as vve see that many houses attainted are restored daylie in blood without restoremēt of their titles and dignities and a present example we haue in the earle of Arundel restored in blood but not to the title of duke of Norfolke and this saye the opposite houses against this house of Clarence But now thirdly entreth in also against the earle of Huntington the opposition of some of his owne house vvhich is of the issue of Syr Geffrey Poole brother to his grād father vvho say that vvhen the lord Henry Montague vvas put to death vvith his mother the countesse of Salisbury and therby both their pretences and titles cut of in them then fel al such right as they had or might haue vppō the said Sir Geffry Poole and not vppon his neece the lady Catherin daughter of the lord Henry his elder brother and mother of the earle of Huntingtō and this for three causes First for that he was not attainted and so vvhether we respect his grand-father duke George of Clarence or his great grand father duke Richard of York the saide right in this respect discended to him and secondly for that he vvas a degree neerer to the said dukes his ancestors then vvas at that tyme his neece Catherine vvhich right of neerest propinquitie say these men is made good lawful by al the reasons examples presidēts and authorities alleaged before in the fourth chapter of this conference in fauour of vncles before their nephewes and it shal not neede that vve speake any thing more of that matter in this place but only to remit your remembrance to that vvhich herein hath bin said before Fourthly they proue the same in fauour of Syr Geffrey for that the lady Catherin vvas a vvoman and Syr Geffrey a man vvhose priuilege is so great in a matter of succession as also hath bin touched before that albeit they had bin in equal degree and that Syr Greffrey were not a degree before her as he vvas yet seing neither of thē nor their fathers vvere euer in possessiō of the thing pretended Sir Geffrey should be preferred as hath bin shewed before by some presidents and shal be seene afterward in the case of Portugal wherin the king of Spaine that now is vvas preferred to the crowne for that respect only that his competitors vvere vvomen and in equal degree of discent vvith him and he a man And the very like allegation of propinquitie I haue hard produced for the lady Wenefred vvife of Syr Thomas Barrington if she be yet a-liue to wit that she is before the earle of Huntington and his brethrē by this reason of propinquitie in bloode for that she is one degree neerer to the stock then they Fiftly and lastely both these and other cōpetitors do alleage against the earle of Hūntington as an important and sufficient barr against his pretence the qualitie of his religion vvhich is as they say that he hath bin euer knowne to fauour those which commonly in Ingland are called Puritanes and not fauoured by the state but yet this
with the course of that Lord hitherto and do thinke that they should do much better with his brother if so be he shal be thought more fitt yet are thease things vncertaine as we see but not withstanding such is the nature and fashon of man to hope euer great matters of youthes especially Princes God send al iust desires to take place and with this I wil ende and passe no further hoping that I haue performed the effect of my promisse made vnto you at the beginninge FINIS A ●●rfect and exact Arbor and genea●●gie of al the Kynges Queenes and Prin●●● of the blood royal of Englād from the t●me of William the conqueror vnto our t●●e wherby are to be seene the groundes o●● the pretenders to the same crowne at thi●●aye accordinge to the booke of M. R. D●●man set foorthe of the sayde pretenders and their seueral claymes this present yeare 1594. The ancient howses of the blood royal of England are the howse of Lancaster that beareth the redd rose and the howse of Yorke that beareth the vvhyte and then the howse of Britanie and France ioyned in one And out of these are made fiue particular howses which are the howse of Scotlād of Suffolke of Clarence of Britanie of Portugal and in these are twelue different persons that by waye of succission do pretende eche one of thē to be next after her Maiestie that now is as by the booke appeareth Polyd in vita H. s. Occasiōs of meeting The matter of succession discussed M. Bromely M. V Vērvvorth Tvvo lavvers Many pre tendors to the crovvne of Inglād Successiō doubtful vvhy Three or fovver principal heades of praetendors 1. Lancaster 2. Yorke 3. The tvvo houses ioyned Circumstances of the tyme present The Roman conclaue Successiō includeth also some kinde of election Of this more aftervvards Cap 4. 5. Neernes only in blood not sufficient More to be considered besides succession in the pretendors Tvvo principal pointes handled in this booke Tvvo partes of this conference Bellay apollog pro reg cap. 20. Not only successiō sufficient That no perticuler forme of gouermēt is of natu re To liue in company is natural to man the groūd of al com mō vvealthes Plato de repub Cicero de repub Aristotle polit Diuers praefes 1. Inclinatiō vniuersal Pompon Mesa lib. 3. cap. 3. 4 Tacit. l. 8. 2. Aristot. l. 1. pol. c. 1. 2. 3. 4. Imbecilility of man Theoph. lib. de Plaut Plu tarch cōde fortuna lib. de pietatem in parent Note this saying of Aristotle 4. The vse of iustice and Frēship Cicero lib. de amicitia The vse of charity helping one an other August lib. de amicitia Gen. 2. v. 18. That gouermēt iurisdiction of Magestrats is also of nature Necessity Iob 10. v. 12. 2. Consent of natiōs Cicero li. 1. de natu ra Deorū 3. The ciuil lavv Lib. 1. digest tit 2. 1. Scripture Prou. 2. Rom. 13. Particuler forme of gouermēt is free Arist. li. 2. polit Diuersitie of gouerment in diuers cōtryes and tymes Rome Africa Greece Italie Dukes for kings and kings for dukes Spayne Boeme Polonia England The Ievves lib. Genes Lib. Exo. Lib. Iob. Lib. Iud. Lib. 1. Reg. Lib. Machab The realme chuseth her forme of gouermēt The common vvealth limiteth the gouernors authority A Natural Prince A monarchy the best gouerment A rist li. 4. pol. a. c. 9. Seneca Plutarch The antiquity of Monarchy 1 Reg. 8. Dionys. Haly l. 5. Cornel. Tacit. l. 3. Cicero l. 1. Offic. Hierom. l. 2. epist. 12 Chrisost. ho. 23. 1. Pet. 2. Tvvo poyntes to be noted Hovv S. Peter calleth a king most excellent Vtilites of a kingdome and in conueniences of other gouermentes Cicerol x offic Democratia Miseries of populer gouerment in Italy Aristocratia 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 l. 30. Eutrop. l. 3. Oros. l. 5. 6. The cause vvhy lavves be added to Kings Arist. l. 3. pol. c. vlt. A notable saying Arist. l. 3. Pol. c. 12. Arist. l. 1. Pol. c. 2. Diuers names propeties of lavves Cie lib. 2. offic Lavv is the discipline of a vveale pu blique Psal. 2. The Coūcels of Princes a great healp Arist. l. 4. Pol. c. 10. The monarchie of Inglad rēpered The restraints of kingly po vver in al estates Roman Kings Liu. lib. 1. dec 1. Grecian kings Arist. li. 2. c. 8. polit Plutarch in Lycurg Cic. lib. 2. 〈◊〉 Ciclib 3. de 〈◊〉 Restraints of kingdomes in Europe Sleydan lib. 8. An. 1532. Blond Di cad 2. li. 3 Crant li. cap. 25. Kingdomes of polonia and Boemia Herbert li. 9. hist. Polon Cromerus lib. 3. Hist. Polon Kinges of Spayne Fraunce and Ingland Concil blet 4. c. 74. cōcil s. c. 3. Peculiar manner of succession An. 1340. Paul Anil hist. Franc. l. 2. Gerard. du Hayllan lib. 14 hist. Frāc Fran. Belfor llb. 5. cap. 1. An. 1327. Reasons for succession of vvomen The infanta of Spayne Prince of Lorayne Gerard du Haillan Lib. 13. Hist. Frāc Anno 1317. lib. 14. An. 1328. lib. 3. de l'Estat defrunaee Kings lavvfully possessed may be depriued A markable circūstance Agaynst rebellious people and contemnors of Princes 〈◊〉 flateries 〈◊〉 by Bellay others Belloy in apolog cath apolog pro rege The purpose of the next Chapter Tvvo pointes to be proued Nothing hear spokē against devv respect to Princes Depriuations of kings recounted in scriptu re 1. Reg. 31. 4. Reg. 21. 44. King Iosias 2. Paralip 34. 〈◊〉 2. Paralip 35. King Dauid Xenophō in Cyropaed Nich. Machal l. 2. c. 2. in Tit. Liuius August l. de Gran. The vvisdome and piety of King Dauid 1. Paralip 15. 1. Psal. 24. 25. Thearmes of King Dauid His valor in chiualry King Dauides victoires 2. Reg. 8. Paral. 18 〈◊〉 2. Reg. 23 Ioseph l. 7 antiq c. 10 2. Reg. 7. His humi lity charity and dc uotion Kings pur doune among the romās vvhat successors they had Halicar l. 1. Tertul. li. de praescrip contta haeres Iustin. martyr apolog Tit. liu li. 1. dec 〈◊〉 Eutrop. l. 1. Caesar Au gustus Dion in Caesa. Sueton in Caesa. Nero Vespatian Cornel. Tacit. lib. 20. 21. Egesip l. 5 Eutrop. in vita Caesa. Heliogabolus An. Dn̄i 124. Alius lāp in vita Heliog Alexāder Seuerus Herod in vit seuen Maxētiua Constantin The chan ge of the east empy re Charles the greate An. 800. Tvvo changs in France Belfor l. 1 Girard l. 3 AEmil l. 2 Clem. Baudin en la chro mique des Roys de France Reasons of depriuation Hugo 〈◊〉 anno 988. Examples of Spayne Concil Tolet. 4. cap. 4. Ambros moral 1. II cap. 17. Isidor in 〈◊〉 hispan Esteuan de Garibay 1. 13 de la hist. de Espa. c. 15. Tabulae Astron. Alfonsinae King Don Alonso deposed Don Pedro cruel deposed Garibay l. 14. c. 40. 41. In Portugal King Dō Sancho 2. deposed Garibay lib. 4 de hist. Portug c. 19. Lib