yeeld to 〈◊〉 Scots and Picts not being to be nam'd amongst those Nations who subdued the South part of this Island That they did many times harass and depopulate the South part of it I shall easily grâ—nt but to the subduing of a Coâ—ntrey there is more reqâ—ired then to waste and spoil it that is to say to fix their dwelling and abode for some time at least in the Countâ—ey conquered to change the Laws alter the language or new mould the Government or finally to translate the Scepter from the old Royal Family to some one of their own None of which things being done in the Invasions of the Scots and Picts they cannot properly be said to have subdued the South parts of the Island as our Author out of love perhaps to the Scots would perswade the Reader ANIMADVERSIONS ON The Third and Fourth Books OF The Church History OF BRITAIN From the time of the Norman Conquest to the time of King Henry the Eighth WE are now come unto the times of the Nâ—rman Government when the â—hurch begâ—n to settle on a surer bottom both fo◠〈◊〉 and polity the Bishops lesse obnoxious to the Kiâ—â—â— then foâ—merly because elected by the Monks and Câ—nons of their own Cathedrals their Conâ—istories free 〈◊〉 the intermixture of Lay-assistance and their Synâ—â—s mâ—nag'd by themselves Wherein thoâ—gh the 〈◊〉 power of making such Synodicall Consâ—iâ—â—tions 〈…〉 facto binde all paâ—ties yet our Author is resolv'd to have â—â—otherwise Fol. 19. The Prâ—ceedings saith he of the Canon Law were never wholly received into practice in the Land but so as made subject in whatsoever touched temporals to Secular Lawes and National Customs And the Laity at 〈◊〉 limited Canons in this behalf How false this is â—ow contrary to the power and practice of the Church beâ—ore the â—ubmission of the Clergy to King Henry the eiâ—â—â— and â—inally how dangerous a gâ—ound is hereby 〈◊〉 to weaken the Authority of Convocations will 〈◊〉 appear by â—â—ying down the sum of a Petition preâ—â—â—â—ed by the House of Commons to the same King Hâ—nry together with the Answer of the Pâ—elates and inferior Clergy then being Synodically assembled to the said Petition The substance of the Petition was as followeth viz. THat the Clergy of this your Realm being you Highness Subâ—ects in their Convocation by thâ—m holden within this your Realm have made and dayly make divers Sanctions or Laws conceâ—ning Temporal things and some of them be â—epâ—gnant to the Lawes and Statuâ—eâ— of your Realm not having 〈◊〉 requirinâ— your most Royall assent to the same Lawes so by them made nother any assent or knowledge of your Lay Subjects is had to the same noâ—heâ— to them published and known in their Mother tongre alâ—â—it diveâ—s and sundry of the said Lawes extend in certain causes to your excellent Peâ—son your liberty and Preâ—ogative Royall and to the inteâ—diction 〈◊〉 your Lawes and Possessions and so likewise to the Goodâ— and Possessions of your Lay Subâ—ects declaâ—inâ— the inâ—ringers of the same Lawes so by them maâ—e not only to incur the terrible censure of Excommunication but also to the detestable crime and sin of Herâ—â—e by the which divers of your humble and obedient Lay Subjects be brought into this Ambiguity whether they may do and execute your Laws according to your Jurisdiction Royal of this Realm for dread of the same Censures and pains comprised in the same Lawes so by them made in their Convocations to the gâ—eat trouble and inquietation of your said humble and obedient Lay subâ—ects c. the impeachment of your Jurisdiction and Prerogative Royal. The Answer thereunto was this TO this we say that forasmuch as we 〈◊〉 and take our Authority of making Lawes to be grounded upon the Scripture of God and the determination of holy Church which must also be 〈◊〉 rule and squier to try the justice and righteousness of all Lawes as well Spiritual as Temporal we verily trust that considering the Lawes of this Realm be such as have been made by most Christian religious and devout Princes and People how both these Lawes proceeding from one fountain the same being sincerely interpreted and after the good meaning of the makers there shall be found no repugnancy nor contrariety but that the one shall be found as aiding maintaining and supporting the other And if it shall otherwise appear as it is our duty whereunto we shall alwayes most diligently 〈◊〉 ourselves to reform our Oâ—dinance to Gods Commission and to conform our Statutes and Lawes and those of our predecessors to the determination of Scripture and holy Church so we hope in 〈◊〉 and shall dayly pray for the same that your Highness will 〈…〉 came why with the assent of your 〈…〉 temper your Graces Lawes accordingly 〈…〉 shall 〈◊〉 a most happy and perfect 〈◊〉 and agreement as God being Lapis angulaâ—â— to agree and conâ—oyn the same And as concerning 〈…〉 of your Highness Royall assent to the 〈◊〉 of such Lawes as have been by our 〈◊〉 or shall be made by us in such points and 〈◊〉 as we have by God authority to rule and 〈◊〉 by such Provisions and Lawes we knowing your Highness wisdom and vertue and learning nothing doubt but the same perceiveth how the granting hereunto dependeth not upon our will and liberty And that we your most humble Subjects may not 〈◊〉 the execution of our charge and duty certainly prescribed by God to youâ— Highness assent although in very deed the same is most worthy for your most Noble Princely and excellent vertues not only to give yoâ—â— Royall assent but also to deviâ—e and commâ—nd what we should foâ— good order and 〈…〉 Statutes and Lawe provide in the Church nevertheless consideâ—ing we may not so ne in such sort refrain the doing of our office in the â—eeâ—ing and ruling of 〈◊〉 people your Graces Subjects we most humbly desiring your Grace as the same hath heretofore so from hence forth to shew your Graces 〈◊〉 and opinion unto us what your high Wisdom shall think convenient which we shall most gladly hear and follow iâ— it shall please God to inâ—â—â— is so to do with all submission and humility beâ—â—ech the same following the stepâ— of your most Noble Progenitors and conformably to your our own Acts do maintain and defend such Lawes and Ordinanceâ— as we according to our calling and by Authority of God shall for his honour make to the â—diâ—ication of vertue and maintaining Christs faith of which your Highness is named Defender and hath been hitherto indeed a special Protector Furthermore whereas your said Lay Subjects say that sundry of the said Laws extend in certain causes to your excellent Person your Liberty and Prerogative Royal and to the interdiction of your Land and Possessions To this your said Orators say that having submitted the tryal and examining of the Laws made in the Church by us and our Predecessors to the just and straight Rule of Gods Laws which giveth measure of Power
amount unto commanded the Officers of the late Army before-mentioned to attend his pleasure till he saw some issue of the practices which were held against him On which command they followed him to Hampton Court Ianuary the tenth 1641. at his Removall from Whitehall for avoiding such fresh Insolencies as the people in their triumphant conducting of the accused Members to the Houses of Parliament might have put upon him These Officers now known by the Name of Cavaliers were lodged at Kingston and upon them the Lord Digby accompanied with Col. Lunâ—â—ord in a Coach with six Horses intended to bestow a visit no Troops of Horse being raised by him nor any other appearance of Horse at all except those six only His Majesties Declaration of the 12. of August hath so cleared this businesse that I marvell our Authour could let it passe by without Observation Fol. 485. And so the breach between the King and Parliament was stitcht up That is to say that great breach of pretended priviledge in the Kings coming to the House of Commons to demand the five impeached Members And yet this breach was not stitcht up now nor in a long time after For fol. 495. we finde the Parliament again at their five Members insisted on in the preamble to the Ordinance about the Militia fol. 498. and prest in their Petition delivered to the King at Royston fol. 501. and finally made one of the Propositions presented to the King at Oxford fol. 599. So far was this breach from being stitcht up in the end of Ianuary Anno 1641. that it was not made up in the Ianuary following at what time those Propositions were brought to Oxford From the five Members passe we to the Militia of which he telleth us That Fol. 496. The Parliament having now the Militia the security of the Tower and City of London Trained Bands of the Kingdom and all the Forces out of the Kings hands Our Authour placeth this immediatly after the Kings coming back from Dover whither he went with the Queen and the Princesse Mary there shipped for Holland at what time the Parliament had neither the command of the Tower nor of the Trained Bands in the Countrey or of any Forces whatsoever but their City-guards For fol. 498. we finde his Majesty sticking at it especially as to the Militia of London or of Towns incorporate and after fol. 502. when they petitioned him about it being then at New-Market and not as our Authour saith at Royston he answered more resolutely then before that he would not part with it for a minute no not unto his Wife and Children After which time finding the King too well resolved not to part with such a principall flower of his prerogative they past an Ordinance for entituling themselves unto it and did accordingly make use of it in the following war against the King Nor was the Petition any thing the better welcome for the men that brought it viz. the Earls of Pembroke and Holland both of them sworn Servants to him both of them of his Privy Councell both in great favour with him when he was in Prosperity and both perâ—idiously forsaking him when his Fortunes changed unto the worse Particularly our Authour tels us of the Earl of Holland That Fol. 501. He was raised and created to become his most secret Counsellour the most intimate in affection the first of his Bed-chamber his constant companion in all his Sports and Recreations Yet notwithstanding all these favours this Earl as much promoted the Puritan affairs of the Court but secretly and under-hand as his Brother the Earl of Warwick more openly and professedly did in the Countrey Of which thus Viscount Conway in a Letter to the Archbishop of Canterbury dated at Newcastle Iune 8. 1640. I assure my self saith he that there is not any lesse your friend then my Lord of Holland and I beleeve that at all times you ought to take heed to your self with him c. My Lord of Warwick is the temporal head of the Puritans and my Lord of Holland is their spirituall Head or rather the one is their visible Head the other their invisible Head Peradventure not because he means to do either good or hurt but because he thinks it is a Gallantry to be the principall pillar on which a whole Caball must rely Fol. 511. And taking only a guard for his person of his Domesticks and Neighbour Gentry went in person the 23. of April but contrary to his expectation the Gates were shut upon him the Bridges drawn up and Hotham from the Wals flatly denies him entrance Of this Affront Hotham being first proclaimed Traitor under the Wals of the Town the King complains to the Houses of Parliament but he had more reason to complain of some about him For in his Answer to their Petitition about the Magazine of Hull delivered to him in the beginning of April he had let them know how confident he was that place whatsoever discourse there was of private or publick Instructions to the contrary should be speedily given up if he should require it Being thus forewarn'd it was no wonder that they were fore-arm'd also against his Intentions or that he was â—epulst by Hotham at his coming thither For which good Service as Hotham was highly magnified for the present so he had his Wages not long after For being suspected to hold intelligence with the Marquess of Newcastle he was knockt down on that very place on which he stood when he refused the King admittance into the Town sent Prisoner unto London together with his eldest Son and there both beheaded the Son confessing that he had deserv'd that untimely death for his Disloyalty to the King the Father whining out his good affections to the Parliament and still expecting that reprieve which was never intended Fol. 512. All which that is to say the Kings going to Hull being by the King a high breach of Priviledge and violation of Parliaâ—ent they think fit to clear by voting it and Hotham justifâ—ea and send a Committee of Lords and Commons to reside there for the better securing Hull and him April 28. The breach of priviledge objected was the Kings endeavor to possess himself of the Town of Hull his own Town and to get into his hands a Magazine of Arms and Ammunition which he had bought with his own money To hinder which and to justifie Hotham the Lord Fairfax Sir Philip Stapleton Sir Henry Cholmnâ—y and Sir Hugh Cholmnly were sent by the House of Commons as a standing Committee to reside at York And had they come thither on no other business then what was openly pretended it had been such an extent of Priviledge making the House of Commons as wide as the Kingdom as never was challenged before But they were sent on another errand that is to say to be as Spies on all the Kings Actions to undermine all his Proceedings and to insinuate into the people that all their hopes of Peace
and that Nation satisfied by the Kings condescensions to them there might be such an explication made of those general words as to restrain them unto temporal pains and civil penalties by which the censures of the Church might remain as formeâ—ly And fourthly in order thereunto they had procured a Proviso to be entred in the House of Paâ—s That the general words in this Bill should extend only to the High Commission Court and not reach other Ecclesiastical jurisdictions for which consult our Author fol. 181. â—aving thus passed over such matters as concern the Châ—â—ch we will now look upon some few things which relate to the Parliament And the first is that Fol. 174. Dâ— Pocklington and Dr. Bray were the twâ— first that felt the displeasures of it the former for preaching and printing the later for licencing two Books one calâ—â— Sunday no Sabbâ—h the other the Christian Altar No other way to 〈◊〉 the higâ— displeaâ—ures of the Bishop of Lincoln but by â—uch a Sacrifice who therefore is intrusted to gather such Propositions out of those twâ— Books as were to be recanâ—ed by the one and for which the other was to be depriv'd of all his preferments And in this the Bishop serv'd his own turn and the peoples too his own turn first in the great controversie of the Altar in which he was so great a â—â—ickleâ— and in which Pocklington was thought to have provoked him to take that revenge The Peoples turn he serv'd next in the condemning and recanting of some points about the Sabbath though therein he ran cross to his former practice Who had been not long since so far from thoâ—e Sabbatarian rigors which now he would fain be thought to countenance that he caus'd a Comedy to be acted before him at his house at Bugden not only on a Sunday in the afternoon but upon such a Sunday also on which he had publickly given sacred Orders both to Pâ—iests and Deacons And to this Comedy he invited the Earl of Manchester and divers of the neighbouring â—entry though on this turning of the tide he did not only cause these Doctors to be condemned for some Opinions which formerly himself allowed of but mov'd at the Assembly in Ierusalem Chamber that all Books should be publickly burnt which had disputed the Morality of the Lords-day-Sabbath Quo teneam nodo c. as the Poet hath it But whereas our Author tells us in the following words that soon after both the Doctors deceaâ—ed for grief I dare with some confidence tell him there was no such matter Dr. Pocklington living about two years and Dr. Bray above four years after with as great chearfulness and courage as ever formerly How he hath dealt with Dr. Cousen we shall see more at large hereafter in a place by it self the discourse thereof being too long and too full of particulars to come within the compass of an Animadveâ—â—on In the mean time proceed we unto Bishop 〈◊〉 of whom thus as followeth Fol. 182. A Bill was sent up by the Commons against Matthew Wren ofâ—ly â—ly containing 25 Articles c. That such a Bill was â—â—nt up from the House of Commons is undoubtedly true And no less true it is that many impeachments of like nature were hammered at and about the same time against many other Clergy men of good note though inâ—erior Order the Articles whereof were printed and exposed to open sale to their great disparagement And therefore I would fain know the reason why this man should be singled ouâ— amongst all the rest to stand impeached upon Record in our Authors History especially considering that there was nothing done by the Lords in pursuance of it the impeachment dying in a manner assoon as born Was it beâ—â—use he was more criminal then the others were 〈…〉 the 〈◊〉 was better prov'd or for what 〈…〉 Well since our Author will not I will tell you 〈◊〉 And I will tell it in the words of King 〈◊〉 in the Conference at Hampton-Court upon occasion of a 〈…〉 exception taken by Dr. Reynolds at a passage in Ecclesiâ—sticus What trow ye said the King makes these men so aâ—gâ—y with Ecclesâ—â—â—cus By my Sal I think he was a Bishopâ— or else they would never use him so And so much for thaâ— Fol. 174. About this time was the first motion of a new Protestatiâ—n to be taken all over England which some months â—â—ter was generally performed What time this was ouâ— Aâ—thoâ— tells us in the margin pointing to Feb. 4. about which time there was no mention of the Protestation nor occasion for it The first mention which was made of the Pâ—â—testation was upon Munday May the third on which day it was mentioned fram'd and taken by all the Membeâ—s of the House of Commons excepting the Lord George Digby now Earl of Bristol and an Uncle of 〈◊〉 The occasion of it was a Speech made by the King in the House of Peers in favour of the Earl of 〈◊〉 upon the Saturday before which mov'd them to unite themselves by this 〈…〉 bringing to condign punishment all such as â—â—all either by â—orce practice plots councels conspiracies or otherwise do any thiâ—g to the contrary of any thing in the same Prâ—testation contain'd Which Proâ—estation being carried into the 〈◊〉 of Peers was after some few dâ—yes generally taken by that House also But tâ—e prevalent party in the 〈◊〉 of Commons having fâ—â—ther aims then such as our Author pleaseth to take notice of first caâ—s'd 〈◊〉 to be 〈◊〉 by an Order of the fifth of May that they 〈…〉 down to the Sheriffes and Iâ—sâ—ices of Peace in the several Shires to whom the intimaâ—ed that as they 〈◊〉 the taking of it in themselves so they câ—uld not but approve it in all such as should take iâ— But fâ—nding that this did not much edifie with the Countâ—â—◠〈◊〉 they desired the Lords to concur with them 〈…〉 the same Failing thereof by an Order of their own House only Iuly 30. it was declared that the Protâ—station made by them was fit to be taken by every Person that was well affected in Religion and to the good â—f the Common-wealth and therefore what Person â—â—ever 〈◊〉 not takâ— the same was unfit to bear Office in the Church or Common-wealth Which notwithstanâ—ing many refus'd to take it as our Aâ—thor telleth us not knowing bâ—t 〈…〉 use might be made thereof as afteâ—ward 〈◊〉 by those Pikes and Protestations whiâ—h condâ—â—â—ed some of the five Members to the House of Commons Fol. 183 About this time came forth the Lâ—rd Bâ—ook his Book against Bishops accusing them in respect of their Parentage to be de faece populi of the 〈◊〉 of the peâ—ple and in respect of their Studies no way fiâ— for Government or to be Barons in Parliameâ—t A passage mis-beâ—oming no mans pen so much as his 〈…〉 whose Father neither was of a better Extraction then some noâ— better leâ—t as in the way of his subsisâ—ence then any of the Bishops
failing in their persons sentâ—their 〈…〉 I more admire at this gross pieâ—â— of ignorance then at all the rest Silesia Moravia and 〈…〉 incorporated with the Realm of 〈◊〉 being nâ—ver qualified with sending any Electors â—or thâ— choice of the Emperour The three Electors which he meaneth were the Count Palatine of the Râ—â—ne the Duke of Saxony and the Marquess of Brandenburg and they not coming in Person to the 〈◊〉 at Frackford appeared there by their Embassadors as at other times A like mistake but far more pardonâ—ble oâ—curreth Fol. 484. Where Daâ—mstal is said to be a Town of Bohemia whereas indeed it is a Town of the Land of Hâ—ssen the whole Territories of the Duke of Saxony being interposed betwixt this Town and the nearest parts of that Kingdom Fol. 489. The Lord Marchers after the Conquest were reâ—ident upon the Confines and borders of the Welch and other places not subdued men of valour of high blood of the Normans with the name and priviledges of the Earls of Chester That the Lord Marchers on the Borders of Wales were at first many in number as it after followeth is a truth undoubted But their power being contracted into fewer hands one of them Roger Mortimer by name was by King Edward the third made Earl of March The Earldome of Chester was of another foundation conferrd by William the Conqueror upon Hugh sirnamed Lupus Son to the Viscount of Auranches in Normandy with all the Rites and Privileges of a County Palatine to him and to his Heires for ever So that this honour being appropriated to the Heirs of that House was not Communicable unto any of the rest of the Marchers nor could those Marchers claim the stile and privileges of Earles of Chester Fol. 490. Sir Edward Montague had three sons Edward the eldest Knight of the Bath c. The Author here is much mistaken in the House of the Montagues For first that Edward Montague who was 〈…〉 c. was not Brother to Iames Bishop of Winchester aâ—d Henry Earl of Manchester but their Brothers Son that is to say the Son of another Eâ—ward their eldest Brother Secondly besides that Edward Iames and Henry there was another Brother whom the Author names not though he could not chuse but know the man viz. Sir Sidney Monâ—â—â—â— one oâ— the Masters of the Requests to the late King 〈◊〉 Theâ—â—fore to set this matter right I am to let both him and his Reaâ—ers know that Sr. Edward Montague chief Justice â—n the time of King Edward the sixth was father of another Edward who lived peaceably and nobly in his own Country To whom succeeded a third Edwâ—rd who 〈…〉 in the Wars and gained the reputation of a good Commaâ—der the elder Brother of Iames Henry and 〈◊〉 before mentioned and the father of a fourth Edâ—â—â—â— who was made Knight of the Bath at the Coronâ—tion 〈…〉 Anno 1â—03 and afterwards created Lord 〈◊〉 of Boughâ—on in the ninâ—teenth year of that King Anno 1621. which honourable Title is now enjoyed by his Son anotheâ— Edward Anno. 1658. And thirdly thâ—â—gh â— grant that Dr. Iames Montagâ—e Bishop of Winchâ—ster the second Brother of the four was of great power and favour in the time of King Iames and might have free accesse into the Bed-chamber of that King whensoever he pleased yeâ— that he was of the Bed chamber as the Author saith that iâ— to say admitted formerly thereunto and one of that number I do more then doubt Fol. 506. Then comes Iohn Howard c. created by Richard the 〈◊〉 Duke of Northfolk but not Earle Marshal In this and in the â—â—st that follows touching the succession of the Earls Mâ—rshâ—â—ls there aâ—e many mistaken Fâ—r first tâ—is Iohn Lord Howard was by Richard the third â—ot onely created Duke of North-folk but Earl Marâ—â—â—ll also as appears by Camdâ—n Fol 483. Secondly as well Thomas Earl of Surrey the son of this 〈◊〉 as anâ—thâ—r Thomas the son of that Thomas were both advanâ—â—d 〈◊〉 the â—ffice of Earl Marshal as is affirmed by such as have writ the Genealogies of this noble family Thirdly that Thomas Howard whom queen Mary restored unto the Office of Earl Marshâ—l was not the Grand-câ—ilde of Thomas Mâ—wbray â—ut the Grand-child of the Grand-child of the Daughter of that Thomas Mowbray as will appear to any who shall search that Pedigree But this perhaps may be an error of the Printer in giving us the name of Thomas Mowbray for Thomas Howard Fourthly though Robert Devâ—râ—ux Earle of Essex is by our Author placed next after this last Thomâ—s Hâ—ward in the Office of Marshal yet sure it is that Georg Talbot Earl of Shrewbury came in between them advanc'd unto that Dignity by Queen Elizabeth Anno 157â— Fol. 507. He 〈◊〉 the emineâ—t Struâ—ture of the Library of St. Iohns in Cambridge where he had been Master for many years This spoken of Dr. Williams then Bishop of Lincoln and Lord Keeper who certainly was never Master of that Colledge though by his power and and party in that Society he advanced Dr. Gwin who had been his Tutor unto that place as is affirmed in the Church History of Bâ—itain Lib. 11. fol. 225. It may be Mr. Williams was at that time of the same minde with â—harles Martâ—l of whom it is affirmed that he chose rather to make a King then to be a King Non â—word regnâ—re sed Râ—gibus 〈…〉 as the old verse hath it Or else perhaps we may say of him as Tâ—citus does of Mutianâ—s Cui facilâ—us erâ—t 〈…〉 that is to say that it was easier for him to procure the mastership for another then to obtain it for himsâ—lf But howsoever it was it seemes to have been carried by strong 〈◊〉 canvas of which Nation both the Pupil and the Scholer were as appeareth by these Hâ—xameters following in which the four Competitors are thus laid before us Fol. 〈◊〉 Th◠〈◊〉 of that Protestation 〈◊〉 meâ—◠〈…〉 Regni negotiis but left out Quibusdam 〈…〉 particular cases as the King 〈…〉 This spoken of a Protestation entred bâ—â—ome of the House of Commons Anno 1621. concerning 〈◊〉 of their pretended Rights and Privileges in which they 〈◊〉 mistaâ—en and I wonder the Author did not see it in 〈◊〉 the veâ—y grounds on which they built it For by the writ of summons the Commons were not called to consult of any thing either great of little difficult or not difficult whatsoâ—â—ver it was but onely 〈◊〉 consentiendum faciendum to consent to and perfoâ—m such things as by the great Councel of the Realmâ— consisting of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal should be then ordained as by the very â—writ it self doth at large appear By which it seems that the Commons assembled in Parliament were of themselves so far from being any 〈◊〉 oâ— that supreme Couâ—t that they were not to be counted for a part of the Kings great Councel So that the foundaâ—ion being 〈◊〉 the Superstructure could not stand which was built upon
would otherwise have been imputed for a Defect that he was not able or for a Crime as if he thought himself too great to speak to his people and secondly it put the Commons on a â—og of following the Kings example not onely in making long speeches but of printing them also of which more hereafter Ibid. His place being 〈…〉 of King William Rufus where he is to 〈◊〉 totius Regni 〈◊〉 Our 〈◊〉 speaks this of the Speaker of the house 〈…〉 but he speaks without Book the Commons noâ— being called to Parliament in the time of Rusus as all our 〈…〉 agree â—oyntly He that was called 〈◊〉 〈…〉 might be a speaker of the Parliament though not of 〈…〉 in regard hâ— delivered the kings minde to the 〈◊〉 and Peers of that great Counsil and theirs 〈◊〉 to him Which office was commonly performed by the lord Chancellor of the Kingdom who is therefore 〈◊〉 the Speaker of the house of Peers And when the Commons had the Honour to be called to Parliaments they also had their Spâ—akâ— to perform the same Offices betwixâ— the King and them as the Lord Chancellor performed between the King and the Peers who theâ—forâ— was as still he is at the Kings Nomination and appointment admitted rather then elected on that nomination by the house of Commons It was not properly and Originally the Speakers Office to sit still in the Chair and â—earken to those trim Oratioâ—s which the Gentlemen of the House were pleased to entertain the time and themselves with all but to signifie to the people the Command 〈◊〉 thâ— King and to present unto the King the desire of his people It â—s from speaking not from hearing that he takeâ— his name though none have spoken lesse in thaâ— House since the time of King Iames then the Speaker himself as if he were called Speaker by that figure in Rhetorick by which Lucus is said to take its name a non lucenâ—â— Fo◠◠〈…〉 in the Prince Elector to 〈◊〉 〈…〉 Bohemia so no â—ustice in the House of 〈◊〉 to 〈…〉 Palatinate from him Neither so not so 〈…〉 Prince Elector had no coulour to accept of thâ— Kingdom of 〈◊〉 at our Author plainly saies he had not then was iâ— no inâ—ustice in the House of Austâ—â—a to â—ade conquer and detain the 〈◊〉 from him as our Author plainly saies it was In the last of these two propositions the Author shall confute himself and save me the Labour he telling us within few lines after that an 〈…〉 〈…〉 〈…〉 〈…〉 Then for the first of the two propositions I must needs tell him that the Prince Elector had not only some colour to accept the Crown of â—â—mia but a fair one too The kingdom of Bohemia according to the fundamental constitutions of it was elective meerly And though the Electoâ—â—used constantly to keep them selves to the royal family except onely in the case of George Pogibrachio yet they reserved a latitude unto themselves of chusing one rather then another many times pretermitting the eldest son of the former King and pitching on a younger brother and sometimes on some other more remote from the Crown But Mathias the Emperor being childlesse adopted Ferdinand of Gâ—ats the next Heir male of the House of Austria for his Son and successor and caused him without any formal election as the Bohemâ—ans did pretend to be Crowned King of that Kingdom and put him into the actual possession of it in his own life time But after his decease the Bohemians rejecting Ferdinand as not lawfully chosen elected Frederick the fift Prince Palatine of the Rhene for their King and Soveraign as lineally deâ—cended from Ladislaus 2. King of Poland and Bohemiâ— from whom the House of Astria also do derive their Claim â—o that his Action was not so precipitae and his ground more justifiable in accepting that Crown then our Author hath been pleased to make it Fol. 163. And had King Iames espoused that quarrel as all generally did expect he would have done he might with far lesse charges have assured the possession of that Crown or at the least have preserved the 〈◊〉 from the hand of Ruin then he did put himself unto by sending Embassadors to excuse the one and mediate the restitution of the other In which last point I grant him to have been for some years deluded not onely by the Emperour but the K. of Spain but that he was deluded by the Spaniards also in the businesse and treaty of the Match I by no means grant and could sufficiently prove the contrary if it had not been already done in the Observations on the former History But our Author hath not yet done with the Spaniard telling us that Ibid The Crown of Spain hath enlarged her bounds these last 60. years more than the Ottoman Not so neither The House of Austria within sixty years from the time that our Author writ this part of the History hath been upon the losing hand the Kingdom of Portugal with all the appendixes thereof being revolted from that Crown as also are the Countries of Catalonia and Rousillon in the Continent of Spain it self the lower Palatinate surrendred to its lawful Prince according to the Treaty at Munster and many of his best Towns if not entire provinces in the Netherlands extorted from him by the French besides the seven united Provinces which within the compasse of that time have made themselves a free state and are now rather confederates with that King then Subjects to him whereas upon the other side the Ottomans within that compasse of time have regained Babylon and all the Countrey there about from the hands of the Persians and conquered a great part of the Isle of Candy from the State of Venice Ibid. The Kings Mercer infected and fled no purple velvet to be had on the suddain and so the colour of his Robes was changed by necessity This passage is brought in out of season as not relating to the Parliament but the Coronation The Author of the former History had told us out of Mr. Prinne that the King upon the day of his Coronation was arraied in white Sattin contrary to the custom of his Predecessors who were clothed in purple which change although the King affected to declare the innocency of his heart or to expresse that Virgin purity wherewith he came unto the marriage betwixt him and his Kingdoms yet our Author would fain have it to be done upon necessity and not upon designe or choice How so Because saies he the Kings Mercer being infected and fled there was no purple velvet to be had on the suddain But first though the Kings Mercer was infected and fled yet there were other Mercers in the City who could have supplied the King with that commodity Secondly at the time of the Coronation the infection had been much abated the Air of London being generally corrected by a very sharp winter and most of the Citizens returned again to their former dwellings amongst
ordinary temper And so much was the King startled when he heard of the giving up of that City with the Fort and Castle and that too in so short a time that he posted away a Messenger to the Lords at Oxford to displace Col. Legg a well known Creature of Prince Ruperts from the Government of that City and Garison and to put it into the hands of Sir Thomas Glenham which was accordingly done and done unto the great contentment of all the Kings party except that Prince and his Dependents But Legg was sweetned not long after by being made one of the Grooms of his Majesties Bed-chamber a place of less command but of greater trust Fol. 891. And now the Parliament consider of a Term or Titleâ— to be given to the Commissioners intrusted with their Great Seal and are to be called Conservators of the Common-wealth of England Not so with reference either to the time or the thing it self For first The Commissioners of the Great Seal were never called the Conservators fo the Common-wealth of England And Secondly If they ever had been called so it was not now that is to say when the Kings Seals were broken in the House of Peers which was not long after Midsummer in the year 1646. But the truth is that on the 30 of Ianuary 1648. being the day of the Kings most deplorable death the Commons caused an Act or Order to be printed in which it was declared that from thenceforth in stead of the Kings Name in all Commissions Decrees Processes and Indictments the â—â—tle of Custodes Libertatis Angliae or the Keepers of the Liberties of England as it was afterwards englished when all Legall Instruments were ordered to be made up in the English-Tongue should be alwaies used But who these Keepers of the Liberties were was a thing much questioned some thought the Commissioners for the great Seal were intended by it whom our Authour by a mistake of the Title cals here the Conservators of the Common-wealth others conceiv'd that it related to the Councel of State but neither rightly For the truth is that there were never any such men to whom this Title was appliable in one sense or other it being onely a Second Notion like Genus and Species in the Schools a new devised term of State-craft to express that trust which never was invested in the persons of any men either more or fewer Fol. 892. â—o then the eldest Son and the yongest Daughter are with the Quâ—â—n in France the two Dukes of York and Glocester with the Princess Elizabeth at St. James 's The Prince in the Weâ—t with his Army â— This is more strange then all the rest that the Kings eldest Son should be with his Mother in France and yet that the Prince at the same time should be with his Army in the West of England I always thought till I saw so good Authority to the contrary that the Prince and the Kings eldest Son had been but one person But finding it otherwise resolved I would fain know which of the Kings Sonâ— is the Prince if the eldest be not It cannot be the second or third for they are here called both onely by the name of Dukes and made distinct persons from the Prince And therefore we must needs believe that the Kings eldest Son Christned by the name of Charls-Iames who dyed at Greâ—nwich almost as soon as he was born Anno 1629. was raised up from the dead by some honest French Conjurer to keep company with the yong Princess Henrietta who might converse with hâ—m as a Play-Fellow without any terror as not being able to distinguish him from a Baby of Clouts That he and all that did adhere unto him should be safe in their Persons Honors andâ—â—onsciences in the Scotish Army and that they would really and effectually joyn with him and with such as would come in unto him and joyn with them for his preservation and should employ their Armies and Forces to assist him to his Kingdomâ— in the recovery of his â—ust Rights But on the contrary these jugling and perfidious 〈◊〉 declare in a Letter to their Commissioners at London by them to be communicated to the Houses of Parliament that there had been no Treaty nor apitulation betwixt his Mâ—â—esty and them nor any in their names c. On the receit of which Letters the Houses Order him to be sent to Warwick Castle But Lesâ—ly who had been us'd to buying and selling in the time of his Pedlâ—ry was loth to lose the benefit of so rich a Commodity and thereupon removes him in such post-haste that on the eighth of May we finde him at Southwel and at Newcastle on the tenth places above an hundred Miles distant from one another and he resolv'd before-hand how to dispose of him when he had him there â—o Scotland he never meant to carry him though some hopes were given of it at the first for not onely Lesly himself but the rest of the Covenanters in the Army were loth to admit of any Competitor in the Government of that Kingdom which they had ingrossed whoâ—y to themselves but the 〈◊〉 in an Assembly of theirs declare expresly against his coming to live amongst them as appears fol 〈◊〉 So that there was no other way left to dispose of his person but to â—ell him to the Houses of Parliament though at the first they made 〈◊〉 of it and would be thought to stand upon Terms or Honor The Eaâ—l of Lowdon who lov'd to hear himsâ—lf speak more â—hen â—ny man living in some Speâ—ches made beâ—ore â—he Houses protested strongly against the dâ—livery of their Kings Person into their Power 〈◊〉 what in 〈◊〉 â—â—amy would lie upon them and the whole Nation â—f 〈◊〉 â—hould to 〈◊〉 But this was but a coâ—y of their Countenance onely 〈◊〉 â—â—vice to raise the Marâ—eâ— and make is â—uch money 〈…〉 as they could At last they came to this Agreement that for the sum of Two hundred thousand pounds they should deliver him to such Commissioners as the Houses should Authorize to receive him of them which was done accordingly For Fol. 939. The Commissioners for receiving the Person of the King came to Newcastle Iune 22. c. Not on the 22 of Iune I am sure of that the Commodity to be bought and sold was of greater value and the Scots too cunning to part with it till they had raised the price of it as high as they could The driving of this Bargain took up all the time betwixt the Kings being carried to Newcastle and the middle of the Winter then next following so that the King might be delivered to these Commissioners that is to say from Prison to Prison on the 22 day of Ianuary but of Iune he could not And here it will not be amiss to consider what loss or benefit redounded to those Merchants which traded in the buying and selling of this precious Commodity And first The Scots not long before their breaking out