Seas and a Westâ—country Gentleman whose name I call not now to minde of the Western parts Our Author may be good for land service but we have some cause to fear by this experiment that if he should put forth to Sea he would easily fall into Scylla by avoiding Charybdis Fol. 18. This Gentleman was second Son of Thomas Cecil Earl of Exeter c. Our Author speaks this of Sr. Edward Cecil created by King Charles in the first year of his Reign Lord Cecil of Putney and Viscount Wimbleton and by the King made Commander General of his first Fleet against the Spaniards concerning whom he falls into several Errours For first Sr Edward Cecil was not the second but the third son of Thomas Earl of Exeter the second Son being Sr. Richard Cecil of Walkerly in the County of Rutland the Father of that David Cecil who succeeded in the Earldom of Exeter after the death of Earl William eldest Son of Thomas aforesaid Secondly this Sr. Edward Cecil was not of a Colonel made General of the English forces in the unhappy war of the Palatinate He was indeed made General of the English forces in the war of Cleve Anno 1610. the power which his Uncle Sr. Robert Cecil Earl of Salisbury had with King Iames advancing him to that imployment But that he was not General of the English forces in the Palatinate war I am very confident Sr. Horace Vere one of a more noble extraction and a far better Souldier being chief Commander in that service of the English forces Thirdly admitting this for true yet could not the mis-effects of that war be charged on him or any other of the English Commanders the English forces being inconsiderable for their number in reference to those which were raised for that war by the German Princes all of them under the Command of the Marquesse of Oâ—alsback as their Generalissimo to whose either cowardize or infidelity the mis-effects of that war as our Author calls them were imputed commonly And fourthly it was not 27. years since his imployment there when he was called home to be Commander of this fleet there being not above five years from the beginning of the war in the Palatinate and his calling home and not above fifteen from his being made General of the English in the war of Cleveland Fol. 24. Dr. Williams outed of the Seal but kept his Bishoprick of Lincoln and the Deanry of Westminster which indeed he had for his life Our Author is as much out in this as in that before for though the Deanry of Westminster was given at first to Dr. Williams for terme of Life yet when he was made Bishop of Lincoln that Deanry fell again to the King and by the king was regranted to him to be holden in Commendam with that Bishoprick After which being made Arch-Bishop of York in the year 1641. he obtained it in Commendam for three years onely which term expired he was a Sutor to the King at Oxford for a longer term and on denial of that Suit retired into Wales and openly betook himself to the Parliament-party concerning which consult our Author in the latter part of his History Nor did he only keep the Bishoprick of Lincoln and the Deanry of Westminster but also a Residenciaries place in the Church of Lincoln the Prebend of Asgarve and Parsonage of Walgrove so that he was a whole Diocesse within himself as bing Parson Prebend Dignitary Dean and Bishop and all five in one Fol. 25. All setled and reposed the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury presented his Majesty to the Lords and Commons East West North and South asking them if they did consent to the Coronation of K. Charles their lawful Soveraign Our Author takes this whole Narrative of the pomp and order of the Kings Coronation out of the Church History of Britain endeavoured and but endeavoured by Mr. Fuller of Walthamâ— and takes it all upon his credit without so much as startling at that dangerous passage which is now before us That Author and this also following him conceive the peoples consent so necessary to the Coronation of the King that it was askt no less then four times by the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury before he could proceed any further in that solemnity But if we look into the form used in the Coronation of King Edward the sixth we shall finde it thus viz. That being carried by 〈◊〉 noble Courâ—iers in another Chair unto the four sides of the Stage he was by the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury declared unto the People standing round about both by Gods and Mans Laws to be the right and lawful King of England France and Ireland and proclaimed that day to be Crowned Coâ—secrated and Anoiâ—ted unto whom he demanded whether they would obey anâ— serve or not By whom it was again with a loudâ—ery answered God save the King and ever live his Majesty And in the Coronation of King Iames more briefly thus The King is shewed to the people and they are required to make acknowledgement of their Allegiance to his Majesty by the Arch-Bishop which they do by Acclamations Which being so it cannot possibly be supposed that instead of requiring the peoples obedience to the Kings Authority the Arch-Bishop shouâ—d crave their consent to his Coronation as if the Coronation were not strong and valid nor his succession good in Law without their consent But though our Author follow Mr. Fuller in one Error yet he â—orrects him in another though in so doing he require some correction also Master Fuller tells us that the Kings Traâ—â— was held up by the Lord Compton as belonging to the Robes and the Lord Vicount Dorchester lib. 11. fol. 122. Mr. Sanderson knowing that there was no such man then being as a Viscount Dorchester must play the Critick on the Text and instead of Viscount Dorchester gives us Viscount Doncaster whom he makes Master of the Wardrobe and both true alike fol. â— 5. The Master of the Wardrobe at that time was the Earl of Dâ—â—bâ—gh and the Lord Viscount Doncaster now Earl of Carstile was then too yong to perform any Service in this solemnity which had he done Mr. Fuller who hath some dependence on him would not have robb'd him of the honor of performing that service which none but persons of place and merit could pretend unto Fol. 25. The Sermon being done the Arch-Bishop invested in a rich Cope goeâ—h to the King kneeling upon Cushions at the Communion Table and asks his willingness to take the Oath usually taken by his Predecessors c. The form and maner of w h Oath as having afforded much matter of discourse in these latter times I will first subjoyn and afterwards observe what descants have been made upon it The form and maner of the Oath as followeth Sir says the Arch-Bishop will you grant and keep and by your Oath confirm to the People of England the Laws and Customs to them granted by the Kings of England your Lawful and
Discourse with the Bishop of Winchester And for the Narrative the Doctor whom I have talked with in this business doth not shame to say that he borrowed it from that great Treasury of Academical Antiquities Mr. Brian Twine whose learned Works stanâ— good against all Opponents and that he found the passage justified by Sir Isaack Wake in his Rex Platonicus Two Persons of too great wit and judgement to relate a matter of this nature on no better gâ—ound then common 〈◊〉 talk and that too spoke in merriment by Sir Henry Savil. Assuredly Sir Henry Savil was too great a Zealot for that University and too much a friend to Mr. Wake who was Fellow of the same Colledge with him to have his Table-talk and discourses of merriment to be put upon Record as grounds and arguments for such men to build on in that weighty Controversie And therefore when our Author tells us what he was told by Mr. Hubbard Mr. Hubbard by Mr. Barlow Mr. Barlow by Mr. Bust and Mr. Bust by Sir Henry Savil it brings into my minde the like Pedegree of as true a Story even that of Mother Miso in Sir Philip Sidney telling the young Ladies an old Tale which a good old woman told her which an old wise man told her which a great learned Clerk told him and gave it him in writing and there she had it in her Prayer-book as here our Author hath found this on the end of his Creed Not much unlike to which is that which I finde in the Poet Quae Phoebo Pater omnipotens mihi Phoebus Apollo Praedixit vobis Furiarum ego maxima pandâ— That is to say What Iove told Phoebus Phoebus told to me And I the chief of Furies tell to thee But to proceed Fol. 190. This was that Nevil who for Extraction Estate Alliance Dependents Wisdom Valour Success and popularity was superior to any English Subject since the Conquest Our Author speaks this of that Richard Nevil who was first Earl of Warwick in right of Anne his Wife Sister and Heir of Henry Beauchamp the last of that Family and after Earl of Salisbury by descent from his Father a potent and popular man indeed but yet not in all or in any of those respects to be match'd with Henry of Bullenbrook son to Iohn of Gaunt whom our Author must needs grant to have lived since the time of the Conquest Which Henry after the death of his Father was Duke of Lancaster and Hereford Earl of Leicester Lincoln and Darby c. and Lord High Steward of England Possessed by the donation of King Henry the third of the County Palatin of Lancaster the forfeited Estates of Simon de Montfort Earl of Leicester Robert de Ferrars Earl of Darby and Iohn Lord of Monmouth by the compact made between Thomas Earl of Lancaster and Alice his Wife of the Honor of Pomfret the whole Estate of the Earl of Lincoln and a great part of the Estates of the Earl of Salisbury of the goodly Tertitories of Ogmore and Kidwelly in Wales in right of his descent from the Chaworths of the Honor and Castle of Hartford by the grant of King Edward the third and of the Honor of Tickhill in Yorkshire by the donation of King Richard the second and finally of a Moity of the vast Estate of Humphry de Bohun Earl of Hereford Essex and Northampton in right of his Wife So royal in his Extraction that he was Grandchilde unto one King Cousin german to another Father and Grandfather to two more So popular when a private person and that too in the life of his Father that he was able to raise and head an Army against Richard the Second with which he discomfited the Kings Forces under the command of the Duke of Ireland so fortunate in his successes that he not only had the better in the battail mentioned but came off with Honor and Renown in the War of Africk and finally obtained the Crown of England And this I trow renders him much Superior to our Authors Nevil whom he exceeded also in this particular that he dyed in his bed and left his Estates unto his Son But having got the Crown by the murther of his Predecessor it stay'd but two descents in his Line being unfortunately lost by King Henry the sixth of whom being taken and imprisoned by those of the Yorkish Faction our Author telleth us Fol. 190. That States-men do admire how blind the Policy of that Age was in keeping King Henry alive there being no such sure Prison as a Grave for a Captive King whose life though in restraint is a fair mark for the full Aim of mal-contents to practise his enlargement Our Author might have spâ—r'd this Doctrine so frequently in practise amongst the wordly Politicians of all times and ages that there is more need of a Bridle to hold them in then a Sput to quicken them Parce precor stimulis fortiùs utere loris had been a wholesom Caveat there had any friend of his been by to have advis'd him of it The muâ—thering of depos'd and Captive Princes though too often practised never found Advocates to plead for it and mâ—â—h less Preachers to preach for it until these latter times First made a Maxim of State in the School of Machiavel who lays it down for an Aphorism in point of policy viz. that great Persons must not at all be touched or if they be must be made sure from taking Revenge inculcated afterwards by the Lord Gray who being sent by King Iames to intercede for the life of his Mother did undeâ—-hand solicit her death and whispered nothing so much in Queen Elizabeths ears as Mortua non mordet if the Scots Queen were once dead she would never bite But never prest so home never so punctually apply'd to the case of Kings as here I finde it by our Author of whom it cannot be â—ffirm'd that he speaks in this case the senâ—e of others but positively and plainly doth declare his own No such Divinity pâ—each'd in the Schools of Ignatius though fitter for the Pen of a Mariana then of a Divine or Minister of the Church of England Which whether it passed from him before oâ— since the last sad accident of this nature it comes all to one this being like a two-hand-sword made to strike on both â—â—des and if it come too late for instruction will serve abundantly howsoever for the justification Another note we have within two leaves after as derogatory to the Honor of the late Archbishop as this is dangerous to the Estate of all Soveraign Princes if once they chance to happen into the hands of their Enemies But of this our Author will give me an occasion to speak more in another place and then he shall hear further from me Now to go on Fol. 197. The Duke requested of King Richard the Earldom of Hereford and Hereditary Constableship of England Not so it was not the Earldom that is
looked on as a man well principled and of no ill affections to the Church or State And having finished it with as much brevity as I could it was intended onely as an Appendix to the work precedent though now upon the coming out of the other piece it serves as a preamble to that as having the precedence of it both in time and method what moved me to the undertaking and examination of the following History I have declared at large in the Preface unto those Advertisements which are made upon it wherein I have carried my self with more respect unto his person and far less Acrimony in the Phrase and garb of my Expressions there he hath reason to expect His most unhandsome dealing with me in the Book it self seconded by a more ridiculous manifestation of his Spleen and Passion in his post hasâ—e Reply c. might well have sharpned one of a duller edge to cry quittance with him But I consider rather what is fit for me to do then for him to suffer and have not yet forgot the Lesson which I learn'd in one of the Morals of my Aesops Fables where I was taught to imitate those generous Horses Qui latrantes caviculos cum contemptâ— praetereunt which said I pass'd on with a quiet and pacifick minde to the rest that follows ADVERTISMENTS On a Book Entituled THE COMPLETE HISTORY OF THE LIFE and REIGN OF KING CHARLES From his CRADLE to his GRAVE Horat. De Arte Poet Nec sic incipies ut scripsit Scythicus olim Fortunam Priami câ—ntabo nobile Bellum Quid dignum tanto quaerit hic promissor hiatu A SHORT SURVEY OF Mr. SANDERSONS long HISTORY OF THE Life and REIGN of King CHARLES AS ALSO Of the Motives which induced the Author of these Advertisments to engage in this businesse THere are two things as necessary to the writing Histories as to the Composing of Orations or any other Philosophical Civil or Divine discourses that is to say clearnesse of Method and perspicuity of Language For if the Method be irregular and inartificial the Reader will soon find himself in a wood in which he can neither travel with pleasure nor stand still with profit Or if the Language be unpleasing or rendred lesse intelligible to the vulgar Reader either by new affected words not to be understood without the help of a Dictionary or by obscure expressions which require a Comment he stands deprived of that contentment which otherwise would beguile him to the end of the work before he thinks he is half way in it In which respect a perspicuous comlinesse of words and a regular 〈…〉 Nâ—r stand I singly by my self in this opinion of that Hâ—â—tory but finde it seconded by others of good 〈◊〉 and quaâ—ity A judicious and learned friend 〈◊〉 mine having read it over gave me this judgement of â— without my seeking and as such time as I am sure 〈◊〉 never dreamt of my engaging in this businesse I 〈◊〉 spent some houres saith he upon his other two Histories of Maâ—y Queen of Scoâ—s and King 〈◊〉 her â—on wherein though I finde not many 〈◊〉 untruthes yet much stealing from 〈…〉 and Camden and methinks he 〈◊〉 nothing like a Historian either 〈…〉 Compoâ—â—◠〈…〉 â—entences many time 〈◊〉 and his Digreâ—â—ons â—edious and impertiment But this being a private Adverâ—â—ment and but laâ—ely given could not come time enough to the â—ares of this Autâ—or had it been so meant that he might thereby have rectified any thing which was observed to be 〈…〉 or method And thereâ—ore I râ—fer him to a passage 〈…〉 Book entituled Obâ—â—â—vatioâ—â— upon some particular peâ—soâ—s and passages in the Compleaâ— History oâ— Maâ—y Queen of Scots c. which I am sure came to 〈◊〉 andâ— because he returned an Answer to it The Auâ—hor of which observations tells us That his whole Book is but a rapsody of notes and 〈◊〉 papers 〈◊〉 other men collected without either Order or Method being exceedingly defective both in time place â—and nominations and written in so unseemly and disjointed a stile that we may easily perceive he hath taken up other mens words without understanding their matter and unlesse it be where he raileth on persons of Honour which he doth plainly and often though â—omeâ—imes very falsly his Language is dark harsh and unintelligible According to this last censure the Author of this History stands not onely charged with want of â—are in the digesting of his matter and the well languagâ—ing of the same as was observed in the private Letter before mentioned but with railing on 〈◊〉 Persons of Honour without ground or truth So that being publickly forewarned it might have been presumed that in 〈…〉 he would have 〈◊〉 and amended whatsoever was observed to be defective in the other or condemned in it But some there are who haâ—e to be reformed in the Psalmists Language others who think it an acknowledgement of their wants and weaknesses if they persist not in the same way which before they walked in I am so charitable to the Author of the present History as not to rank him with the first though I have reason to beleeve that he is willing to be reckoned amongst the second We might have otherwise expected such a Reformation in those particulars as might very well have stood with ingenuity and without disparagement But on the contrary the Earl of Aâ—undel my Lord Finch and Sr. Francis Windeâ—anck persons of eminence and Honour are brought under the Lash two of them being unjustly condemned for profest Papists and the third for doing somewhat but he knows not what which had lost his head if he had not saved it by his heels His Method as perplexed and confused his Language as rugged and uneven as before it was It seemes it did concern him in the point of Decorum to make the History of this King alike both in form and matter unto those of his Ancestors and that his picture should not be laid with better colours then the others were facies not omnibus una Nec diversa â—amen as we know who saies I know some who affect Brevity do many times fall into Obscurity Brevis esse laboro Obscurus â—io as 〈◊〉 in his Book de Arte poe ica But in a peice of such proâ—ixity as this is the Author had room and scope enough to expresse himself clearly and intelligibly even to an ordinary Reader which renders him the more inexcusable amongst knowing men His History made much longer by Incorporating into it his late Majesties most excellent Meditations and Divine Discourses those Menâ—is aureae 〈…〉 comprised in the Book called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or The Portraiture of his sacred Majesâ—y in his Solâ—â—udes and Sufferings A Book which rather ought to have been preserved by its self like Apples of Gold in Pâ—â—â—ures of Silver c. to be ingraven on Pillars of Marble with a Pen of Diamond then to be buried in the Grave of an obscure Writer like a Pearl
any till he found it out such wherein he is not like to finde many followers though the way be opened I know it is no unusuall thing for works of different Arguments publisht at severall times and dedicated to severall persons to be drawn together into one Volume and being so drawn together to retain still those particular Titles and Dedications which at first they had But I dare confidently say that our Historian is the first who writing a Book of the same Argument not published by peece-meal as it came from his hand but in a full and intire Volume hath filled his Sheets with so many Title-leaves and Dedications as we have before us For in this one Book taking in the History of Cambridge which is but an Appendix to it there are no fewer then 12 particular Titles beside the generall as many particular Dedications and no fewer then fifty eight or sixty of those By-Inscriptions which are addrest to his particular Friends and Benefactors which make it bigger by fourty Sheets at the least then it had been otherwise Nay so ambitious he is of encreasing the Number of his Patrons that having but four Leaves to come to the end of his History he findes out a particular Benefactress to inscribe it to Which brings into my minde the vanity of Vitellius in bestowing and of Roscius Regulus for accepting the Consular Dignity for that part of the day on which Cecina by Order and Decree of the Senate was degraded from it Of which the Historian gives this Note that it was Magno cum irrisu accipientis tribuentisque a matter of no mean disport amongst the People for a long time after But of this Argument our Author heard so much at the late Act in Oxford that I shall say no more of it at this present time 3. In the next ranck of Impertinencies which are more intrinsecal part of the substance of the work I account his Heraldry Blazons of Arms Dâ—scenis of noble Families with their Atchievements intermingled as they come in his way not pertinent I am sure to a Church-Hâ—storian unless such persons had been Founders of Episcopal Sees or Religious Houses or that the Arms so blazoned did belong to either Our Author tells us lib. 5. fol. 191. that knowledge in the Laws of this Land is neither to be expected or required in one of his profession and yet I trow considering the great influence which the Laws have upon Church-matters the knowledge of the Law cannot be so unnecessary in the way of a Clergy-man as the study of Heraldry But granting Heraldry to be an Ornament in all them that have it yet is it no ingredient requisite to the composition of an Ecclesiastical History The Copies of Battle-Abbey Roll fitter for Stow and Hollingsheâ—d where before we had them can in an History of the Church pretend to no place at all though possibly the names of some may be remembred as their Foundations or Endowments of Churches give occasion for it The Arms of the Knights-Errant billeted in the Isâ—e of Ely by the Norman Conqueror is of like extravagancy Such also is the Catalogue of those noble Adventurers with their Arms Issue and Atchievements who did accompany King Richard the first to the War of Palestine which might have better serv'd as an Appendix to his History of the Holy Warâ— then found a place in the main Body of an History of the Church of England Which three alone besides many intercalatious of that kinde in most parts of the Book make up eight sheets more inserted onely for the ostentation of his skill in Heraldry in which notwithstanding he hath fallen on as palpable Errors as he hath committed in his History For besides those which are observed in the course of this work I finde two others of that kinde in his History of Cambridge to be noted here For fol. 146. he telleth us That Alice Countess of Oxford was Daughter and sole Heir of Gilbert Lord Samford which Gilbert was Hereditary Lord Chamberlain of England But by his leave Gilbert Lord Samford was never the Heriditary Chamberlain of the Realm of England but onely Chamberlain in Fee to the Queens of England betwixt which Offices how vast a difference there is let our Authour judge And secondly The Honor of Lord Chamberlain of England came not unto the Earls of Oxford by that Marriage or by any other but was invested in that Family before they had attained the Title and Degree of Earls Conferred by King Henry the first on Aubrey de Vere a right puissant Person and afterwards on Aubrey de Vere his Son together with the Earldom of Oxford by King Henry the second continuing Hereditary in that House till the death of Robert Duke of Ireland the ninth Earl thereof and then bestowed for a time at the Kings discretion and at last setled by King Charls in the House of Lindsey But because being a Cambridge Man he may be better skild in the Earls of that County let as see what he saith of them and we shall finde fol. 162. That Richard Plantagenet Duke of York was the eighth Earl of Cambridge Whereas first Richard Duke of York was not Earl of Cambridge And secondly If he had been such he must have been the seventh Earl and not the eighth For thus those Earls are marshalled in our Catalogues of Honor and Books of Heraldry viz. 1. William de Meschines 2. Iohn de â—amalt 3. William Marquess of Iuliers 4. Edmond of Langley D. of York 5. Edward D. of York 6. Richard de Conisburgh yonger Brother of Edward 7. Iames Marquess Hamilton c. No Richard Duke of York to be found amongst them his Father Richard of Konisburgh having lost that Title by Attainder which never was restored to Richard his Son though most improvidently advanced to the Dukedom of York nor unto any other of that Line and Family 4. Proceed we in the next place to Verses and old ends of Poetry scattered and dispersed in all parts of the History from one end to the other for which he hath no precedent in any Historian Greek or Latine or any of the National Histories of these latter times The Histories of Herodotus Xenophon Thucydides and Plutarch amongst the Greeks of Caesar Livy Salust Taciâ—us and Sueâ—onius amongst the Latines afford him neither warrant nor example for it The like may be affirmed of Eusâ—bius Socrates Sâ—zomen Theodoret Russin and Evagrius Church Historians all though they had all the best choice and the most excellent Poets of the world to befriend them in it And he that shall consult the Histories of succeeding times through all the Ages of the Church to this present day will finde â—hâ—m all as barren of any incouragements in this kinde as the ancients were Nay whereas Bishop Godwin in his Annals gives us an Epitaph of two Verses onely made on Queen Iane Seymour and afterwards a Copy of eighteen verses on the Martyrdom of Arch Bishop Cranmer
Katheriâ—e Parr the Widow of King Henry the eighth and wife unto Sir Thomas Seimor the Lord here mentioned is generally charactered for a Lady of so meek a nature as not to contribute any thing towards his destruction Had the Dutchesse of Somerset been lesse impetious then she was or possest but of one half of that aequanimity which carryed Queen Katherine off in all times of her troubles this Lord might have lived happily in the armes of his Lady and gone in peace unto the grave We finde the like match to have been made between another Katherine the Widow of another Henry and Owen Tudor a private Gentleman of Wales prosperous and comfortable to them both though Owen was inferior to Sir Thomas Seimor both in Birth and Quality and Katherine of Valois Daughter to Charles the sixth of France far more superiour in her bloud to Queen Katherine Parr The like may be said also of the marriage of Adeliza Daughter of Geofry Earl of Lâ—vain and Duke of Brabant and Widow to King Henry the first marryed to William de Albeney a noble Gentleman to whom she brought the Castle and Honour of Arundel conâ—erred upon her by the King her former Husband continuing in the possession of their posterity though in severall Families to this very day derived by the Heirs general from this House of Albeney to that of the Fitz-â—lans and from them to the Howards the now Earls thereof Many more examples of which kinde foâ—tunate and succesful to each party might be easily â—ound were it worth the while Fol. 421. This barren Convocation is entituled the Parent of those Articles of Religion forty two in number which are printed with this Preface Articuli de quibus in Synodo Londinensi c. Our Author here is guilty of a greater crime then that of Scandalum Magnatum making King Edward the sixth of pious memory no better then an impious and leud Impostor For if the Convocation of this year were barren as he saith it was it could neither be the Parent of those Articles nor of the short Catechisme which was Printed with them countenanced by the Kings Letters Patents preâ—ixt before it For First the Title to the Articles runneth thus at large viz. Articuli de quibus in Synodo Londinensi Anno 1552 inter Episcopos alios eruditos viros convenerat ad tollendam opinionum dissensionem consensum verae Religionis firmandum Regia Authoritate in lucem editi Which title none durst have adventured to set before them had they not really been the products of that Convocation Secondly the King had no reason to have any such jealousie at that time of the major part of the Clergy but that he might trust them with a power to meddle with matters of Religion which is the only Argument our Author bringeth against those Articles This Convocation being holden in the sixth year of his Reign when most of the Episcopal Sees and Parochial Churches were filled with men agâ—eeâ—ble to his desiâ—es and generally conformâ—ble to the form of worship theâ— by Law established Thiâ—dly the Church of England for the first five years of Queen Elizabeth retained these Articles and no otheâ— as the publick tendries of the Church in poinâ—s of Doctrine which ceâ—tainly she had not done had they been reâ—ommended to her by a lesse Authoâ—ity then a Convocation Fourthly and lasâ—ly we have the testimony of our Author against himself who telling us of the Catechisme above mentioned that it was of the sanâ—e extraction with the Book of Articles addes afteâ—wards that being first composed by a single person it was perusâ—d and allowed by the Bishops and other learned men understand it the Convocation and by Royall Authority commended to all Subjecâ— and câ—mmanâ—ed to all School-masters to teach it their Scholars So that this Catechism being allowed by the Bishops and other learned men in the Convocation and the Articles being said to be of the same extraction it must needs follow thereupon that these Articles had no other Parent then this Convocation The truth is that the Records of Convocation during this Kings whole Reign and the first years of Queen Mary are very imperfect and defective most of them lost and amongst others those of this present year and yet one might conclude as strongly that my Mother died childless because my Christning is not to be found in the Parish Register as that the Convocation of this year was barren because the Acts and Articles of it are not entred in the Journal Book The Eighth Book OR The Reign of Queen MARY WE next proceed unto the short but troublesome Reign of Queen Mary in which the first thing 〈◊〉 occurs is â—ol 1. But the Commons of England who for many yeâ—â—s together had conn'd Loyalty by-heart out of the Staâ—â—â—e of the succession were so perfect in their Lesson that they would not be put out of it by this new started design In which I am to note these things first that he makes the Loyalty of the Commons of England not to depend upon the primogeniture of their Princes but on the Statute of Succession and then the object of that Loyalty must not be the King but the Act of Parliament by which they were directed to the knowledge of the next successor and then it must needs be in the power of Parliaments to dispose of the Kingdom as they pleas'd the Peoples Loyalty being tyed to such dispositions Secondly that the Statutes of Succession had been so many and so contrary to one another that the common people could not readily tell which to trust to and for the last it related to the Kings last Will and Testament so lately made and known unto so few of the Commons that they had neither opportunity to see it nor time to con the same by heart Nor thirdly were the Commons so perfect in this lesson of Loyalty or had so fixt it in their hearts but that they were willing to forget it within little time and take out such new lessons of disobedience and disloyalty as Wiat and his Partizans did preach unto them And finally they had not so well conn'd this lesson of Loyalty in our Authors own judgement but that some strong pretender might have taught them a new Art of Oblivion it being no improbable thing as himself confesseth to have heard of a King Henry the ninth if Henry Fitz-Roy the Duke of Somerset and Richmond had liv'd so long as to the death of King Edward the sixth Fol. 11. Afterwards Philpot was troubled by Gardiner for his words spoken in the Convocation In vain did he plead the priviledge of the place commonly reputed a part of Parliament I cannot finde that the Convocation at this time nor many years before this time was commonly reputed as a part of the Parliament That antiently it had been so I shall easily grant there being a clause in every letter of Summons by which the Bishops were required to attend in
failing in their persons sentâ—their 〈…〉 I more admire at this gross pieâ—â— of ignorance then at all the rest Silesia Moravia and 〈…〉 incorporated with the Realm of 〈◊〉 being nâ—ver qualified with sending any Electors â—or thâ— choice of the Emperour The three Electors which he meaneth were the Count Palatine of the Râ—â—ne the Duke of Saxony and the Marquess of Brandenburg and they not coming in Person to the 〈◊〉 at Frackford appeared there by their Embassadors as at other times A like mistake but far more pardonâ—ble oâ—curreth Fol. 484. Where Daâ—mstal is said to be a Town of Bohemia whereas indeed it is a Town of the Land of Hâ—ssen the whole Territories of the Duke of Saxony being interposed betwixt this Town and the nearest parts of that Kingdom Fol. 489. The Lord Marchers after the Conquest were reâ—ident upon the Confines and borders of the Welch and other places not subdued men of valour of high blood of the Normans with the name and priviledges of the Earls of Chester That the Lord Marchers on the Borders of Wales were at first many in number as it after followeth is a truth undoubted But their power being contracted into fewer hands one of them Roger Mortimer by name was by King Edward the third made Earl of March The Earldome of Chester was of another foundation conferrd by William the Conqueror upon Hugh sirnamed Lupus Son to the Viscount of Auranches in Normandy with all the Rites and Privileges of a County Palatine to him and to his Heires for ever So that this honour being appropriated to the Heirs of that House was not Communicable unto any of the rest of the Marchers nor could those Marchers claim the stile and privileges of Earles of Chester Fol. 490. Sir Edward Montague had three sons Edward the eldest Knight of the Bath c. The Author here is much mistaken in the House of the Montagues For first that Edward Montague who was 〈…〉 c. was not Brother to Iames Bishop of Winchester aâ—d Henry Earl of Manchester but their Brothers Son that is to say the Son of another Eâ—ward their eldest Brother Secondly besides that Edward Iames and Henry there was another Brother whom the Author names not though he could not chuse but know the man viz. Sir Sidney Monâ—â—â—â— one oâ— the Masters of the Requests to the late King 〈◊〉 Theâ—â—fore to set this matter right I am to let both him and his Reaâ—ers know that Sr. Edward Montague chief Justice â—n the time of King Edward the sixth was father of another Edward who lived peaceably and nobly in his own Country To whom succeeded a third Edwâ—rd who 〈…〉 in the Wars and gained the reputation of a good Commaâ—der the elder Brother of Iames Henry and 〈◊〉 before mentioned and the father of a fourth Edâ—â—â—â— who was made Knight of the Bath at the Coronâ—tion 〈…〉 Anno 1â—03 and afterwards created Lord 〈◊〉 of Boughâ—on in the ninâ—teenth year of that King Anno 1621. which honourable Title is now enjoyed by his Son anotheâ— Edward Anno. 1658. And thirdly thâ—â—gh â— grant that Dr. Iames Montagâ—e Bishop of Winchâ—ster the second Brother of the four was of great power and favour in the time of King Iames and might have free accesse into the Bed-chamber of that King whensoever he pleased yeâ— that he was of the Bed chamber as the Author saith that iâ— to say admitted formerly thereunto and one of that number I do more then doubt Fol. 506. Then comes Iohn Howard c. created by Richard the 〈◊〉 Duke of Northfolk but not Earle Marshal In this and in the â—â—st that follows touching the succession of the Earls Mâ—rshâ—â—ls there aâ—e many mistaken Fâ—r first tâ—is Iohn Lord Howard was by Richard the third â—ot onely created Duke of North-folk but Earl Marâ—â—â—ll also as appears by Camdâ—n Fol 483. Secondly as well Thomas Earl of Surrey the son of this 〈◊〉 as anâ—thâ—r Thomas the son of that Thomas were both advanâ—â—d 〈◊〉 the â—ffice of Earl Marshal as is affirmed by such as have writ the Genealogies of this noble family Thirdly that Thomas Howard whom queen Mary restored unto the Office of Earl Marshâ—l was not the Grand-câ—ilde of Thomas Mâ—wbray â—ut the Grand-child of the Grand-child of the Daughter of that Thomas Mowbray as will appear to any who shall search that Pedigree But this perhaps may be an error of the Printer in giving us the name of Thomas Mowbray for Thomas Howard Fourthly though Robert Devâ—râ—ux Earle of Essex is by our Author placed next after this last Thomâ—s Hâ—ward in the Office of Marshal yet sure it is that Georg Talbot Earl of Shrewbury came in between them advanc'd unto that Dignity by Queen Elizabeth Anno 157â— Fol. 507. He 〈◊〉 the emineâ—t Struâ—ture of the Library of St. Iohns in Cambridge where he had been Master for many years This spoken of Dr. Williams then Bishop of Lincoln and Lord Keeper who certainly was never Master of that Colledge though by his power and and party in that Society he advanced Dr. Gwin who had been his Tutor unto that place as is affirmed in the Church History of Bâ—itain Lib. 11. fol. 225. It may be Mr. Williams was at that time of the same minde with â—harles Martâ—l of whom it is affirmed that he chose rather to make a King then to be a King Non â—word regnâ—re sed Râ—gibus 〈…〉 as the old verse hath it Or else perhaps we may say of him as Tâ—citus does of Mutianâ—s Cui facilâ—us erâ—t 〈…〉 that is to say that it was easier for him to procure the mastership for another then to obtain it for himsâ—lf But howsoever it was it seemes to have been carried by strong 〈◊〉 canvas of which Nation both the Pupil and the Scholer were as appeareth by these Hâ—xameters following in which the four Competitors are thus laid before us Fol. 〈◊〉 Th◠〈◊〉 of that Protestation 〈◊〉 meâ—◠〈…〉 Regni negotiis but left out Quibusdam 〈…〉 particular cases as the King 〈…〉 This spoken of a Protestation entred bâ—â—ome of the House of Commons Anno 1621. concerning 〈◊〉 of their pretended Rights and Privileges in which they 〈◊〉 mistaâ—en and I wonder the Author did not see it in 〈◊〉 the veâ—y grounds on which they built it For by the writ of summons the Commons were not called to consult of any thing either great of little difficult or not difficult whatsoâ—â—ver it was but onely 〈◊〉 consentiendum faciendum to consent to and perfoâ—m such things as by the great Councel of the Realmâ— consisting of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal should be then ordained as by the very â—writ it self doth at large appear By which it seems that the Commons assembled in Parliament were of themselves so far from being any 〈◊〉 oâ— that supreme Couâ—t that they were not to be counted for a part of the Kings great Councel So that the foundaâ—ion being 〈◊〉 the Superstructure could not stand which was built upon
promise which the King is said to have made him of not consenting to his death The sum of the story is briefly this viz. That the King had promised the Earl of Strafford under his hand that his prerogative should savâ— him that he would never passe the Bill nor consent to the acting of any thing to take away his life that being satisfied in all other scruples he rested in this only affirming that in regard of this promise he could not passe the Bill though the Earl were guilty the Bishop of Lincoln finding him harping on that string assured him that he thought that the Earl was so great a Lover of his Majâ—sties peace so tender of his conscience and the Kingdoms safety that he would willingly acquit the King of that promise that though the King received this intimation with a brow of anger yet the said Bishop in pursuance of the Earls destruction sends a Message to him to that purpose by the Lieutenant of the Tower or some other person whom he found attending near the place that as the devil and he would have it the Earl received that intimation with great disdain saying that if that were all which bound the King he would soon release him and thereupon opening his Cabinet drew out that Paper in which the Kings promise was contained and gave it to the said Lieutenant or that other person but whether sealed or unsealed that he cannot tell by whom it was delivered to the Bishop of Lincoln and finally that the Bishop of Lincoln finding no other scruple to remain in the Kings Conscience but the respect he had to that promise he put the fatall paper into the Kings hands which as it seems gave a full end to the conference and the Kings perplexities This is the substance of the Legend and in all this there is nothing true but the names of the parties mentioned in it And first I would fain know from what Authour he received this fiction unlesse it were from say I and say some as his own words are that is to say either from himself or from some body else but he knew not whom Most certainly he had it not from any of the Bishops then present the Lord Primate affirming in the end of his first Narrative that neither he nor the rest of his Brethren knew what was contained in that Paper and no lesse certain it is that the Bishop of Lincoln was too wise to accuse himself of such a practise if he had been really guilty of it And then as for the thing it self no man of reason can imagine that the King would either make such a proviso to the Earl or that the Earl would so far distrust his own integrity as to take it of him If the Kings knowledge of his innocence of his signal merits and the declaration which he made in Parliament to the Lords and Commons that he could not passe the Bill with a good Conscience were not sufficient to preserve him there was no help to be expected from such Paper-promises Such a Romance as this we finde in Ibrahim the Illustrious Bassa who is said to have obtained the like promise from Solyman the Magnificent which notwithstanding the Mufti or Chief Priests of the Turks devised a way to discharge the Emperour of that promise and to obtain from him an unwilling consent to the Bassa's death as the Bishop of Lincoln is said to do for the Earl of Straffords Secondly There was no such scruple of conscience propounded to the Bishops in the morning conference as the obligation which that promise laid upon him there being no other question propounded at that time but whether he might in justice passe the Bill of Attainder against the Earl To which the Bishops gave their Answer when it was again renewed in the Evening as appears by the Lord Primates first Narrative that if upon the Allegations on either â—ide at the hearing whereof the King was present he did not conceive him guilty of the crime wherewith he was charged he could not in justice condemn him and by this answer it appears that no such scruple as the obligation of that Paper-promise had been before tendred to the Bishops Thirdly Admitting that the Bishop of Lincoln might be so bold as to make that overture to the King forgetting a release of that promise from the Earl of Strafford yet was he too carefull of himself too fearfull of the Kings everlasting displeasure to pursue that fatall project when he perceived his Majesty to entertain it with a brow of anger Fourthly Admitting this also that the Bishop was so thirsty of the Earls bloud as to neglect his own safety in pursuance of it yet cannot our Historian tell us whether that intimation were sent by the Lieutenant of the Tower or some other person And certainly as the Lieutenant of the Tower was not so obscure a person but that he might easily be known from another man so is it most improbable that he should go on such an errand without speciall order from the King or that the Earl should admit of such an intimation from any other who was like to run on the Bishops bidding but only from the Lieutenant himself Fifthly It cannot be beleeved that the Earl should fall into such a passion when the Tale was told him considering that he knew that by a Letter sent unto the King on the Tuesday before he had set the Kings Conscience at liberty most humbly beseeching him for the prevention of such mischief as might happen by his refusall to passe the Bill So that the passing of the Bill could be no News to him which he had reason to expect because it was a thing so much prest by his enemies and so humbly and affectionatelyâ— desired by himselfe Sixthly and finally Though our Historian make it doubtfull whether that Paper-promise were sent back sealed or unsealed yet no man can suspect the Earl to be so imprudent in his actions so carelesse of his own honour and so untrusty to the King in so great a secret as to send it open by which it must needs come first to the eyes of others before it came unto the Kings And if it were not sent unsealed how came our Authour to the knowledge that that paper contained the Kings promise as he saies it did But nothing more betrays the vanity and impossibility of this fiction then the circumstance in point of time in which this promise must be made which must needs fall between the passing of the Bill of Attainder and the Kings conference with the Bishops sent to him for the satisfaction of his Conscience by the Houses of Parliament Our Authour tels us that at the conference with the Bisâ—ops the King being satisfied in all other scruples started his last doubt If in his Conscience he could not passe the Bill although the Earl were guilty having promised under his hand that his prerogative should save him never to passe that Bill nor to
and happiness depended on their adhering to the present Parliament And they applyed themselves to their instructions with such open confidence that the King had not more meetings with the Gentry of that Country in his Palace called the Manor House then they had with the Yeomanry and Free-holders in the great Hall of the Deanry All which the King suffered very strangely and thereby robb'd himself of the opportunity of raising an Army in that County with which he might have marcht to London took the Hen sitting on her nest before she had hatched and possibly prevented all those Calamities which after followed To omit many less mistakes as Sheffield for Whitfield fol. 306. and Kit the Taylor for Ket the Tanner fol. 540. Our Author gives unto Sir William Neve the title of Garter-Herald which was more then ever the King bestowed upon him he having at that time no other title then Norroy the third King Sir Iohn Burroughs being then Garter-Herald and Sir Henry St. George the second King of Arms by the name of Clarenceux to whom Sir William Neve succeeded in that Office at such time as he the said Sir Henry succeeded Sir Iohn Burroughs who dyed sometime after this at Oxford in the place of Garter But we must now return to matters of greater consequence and first we encounter with the Battle of Edge-Hill of which our Author tells us That Fol. 586. The question will be who had the better But the Parliament put it out of question by sending the Earl of Pembroke the Earl of Holland the Lord Say the Lord Wharton and Mr. Strode on the 27 of October to declare to the Lord Major Aldermen and Citizens the greatness and certainty of their Victory how God had own'd his own work their Speeches being eight in all harping upon this String That as the Cause had been undertaken with their Purses and with their Persons so they would crown the work by following it with the same zeal love care nobleness and Alacrity And the better to keep up the Hearts of the People the Commons voted to their General a present of 5000 l which he kindely accepted to the no small commendation of his modesty in taking so small a reward for so great a Victory or of their Bounty in giving him so great a sum for being vanquished And yet this was not all the Honor which they did him neither a Declaration being past by both Houses of Parliament on the 11 of November then next following Concerning the late valorous and acceptable Service of his Excellency Robert Earl of Essex to remain upon Record in both Houses for a mark of Honor to his Person Name and Family and for a Monument of his singular vertue to posterity In which they seem to imitate the Roman Senate in the magnificent reception which they gave to Terentius Varro after his great defeat in the Battle of Cannae the People being commanded to go forth to meet him and the Senate giving him publick thanks Quod de salute Reipub. non desperasset because he despaired not of the safety of the Common-wealth Which whether it were an Argument of their Gallantry as Livy telleth us or rather of their fear as Sir Walter Raleigh is of opinion I dispute not now Certain I am that by this Artifice they preserved their Reputation with the People of the City of Rome which otherwise might have been apt to mutiny and set open their Gates to the Victor And to say the truth the care of the Earl of Essex deserv'd all this though his Fortune did not For having lost the Battle he hasted by speedy marches thither to secure that City and the Parliament which otherwise would not have been able to preserve themselves But on the contrary our Author lays down many solid and judicious Arguments to prove that the King had the better of it as no doubt he had And for a further proof hereof we cannot have a better evidence then an Order of the Lords and Commons issued on the 24 of October being the next day after the Fight in which all the Citizens of London and Westminster c. were commanded to shut up their Shops and put themselves into a readiness to defend the City and the Parliament Which Order they had never made if their fear of the Kings suddain coming upon them with his Conquering Army before their broken Forces could reach thither had not put them to it And though the King might have come sooner then he did the taking in of Banbury Oxford and Reading being all possessed in the name of the Parliament spending much of his time yet we finde him on the 12 of day November beating up their Quarters at Brentford where they had lodged two of their best Regiments to stop him in his march towards London some other of their Forces being placed at Kingston Acton and other Villages adjoyning In the success of which Fight our Author tells us That Fol. 594. The King took 500 Prisoners c. and so unfought with marched away to Oatlands Reading and so to Oxford By this we are given to understand that the King retreated toward Oxford but we are not told the reasons of it it being improbable that he should march so far as Brentford in his way towards Lond. without some thoughts of going further Accordingly it was so resolv'd if my intelligence and memory do not fail me order given for the advancing of the Army on the morning after which being ready to be put in Execution News came that at a place called Turnham-Green not far from Brentford both the Remainders of the Army under the command of the Earl of Essex and the Auxiliaries of London under the conduct of the Earl of Warwick were in readiness to stop his march And thereupon it was consulted whether the King should give the charge or that it might be thought enough in point of Honor to have gone so far On the one side it was alledged that his Army was in good heart by reason of their good success the day before that the Parliament Forces consisted for the most part of raw and unexperienced Souldiers who had never seen a War before and that if this bar were once put by his way would be open unto London without any resistance On the other side it was Objected That the King had no other Army then this that there was nothing more uncertain then the fortune of a Battle and that if this Army were once broken it would be impossible for him to raise another which last consideration turn'd the Scale that Counsel being thought most fit to be followed which was judged most safe id gloriosius quod tutissimum said the old Historian And as for the five hundred Prisoners which our Authour speaks of they were first mov'd to enter into the Kings pay and that being generally refused they were dismist with life and liberty having first taken their Corporal Oaths not to serve against him But
in the Countrey as well as that at London were confirmed by Ordinance For though the Generall and the Army passed a Declaration upon this Petition on the 22. of Iuly That the Estates of all persons of what rank or condition soever whether râ—all or personall under any Sequestration howsoever or to whomsoever disposed shall remain in the hands of the Tenants Parishioners or any other persons from whom they are legally due until the Generall peace be setled and then to be restored and accounted for to those to whom they shall be justly and legally due yet on their piecing with the Presbyterian Members in the House of Commons they did nothing in it but left the poor Clergy as before if not in a worse condition then they found them Fol. 929. His Funerall Herse remâ—ining in Westminster Abbey Church a spectacle for the people some bold Malignaâ— on the 27. of November at night most â—hamefully handlea his Effigies That is to say by breaking off his head disfiguring the face tearing away his Sword and Spurs and renting down his Arms and Escucheons as it after followeth That such an outrage was committed on the Herse of the Earl of Essâ—x is most notoriously true and that it was committed by some bold Malignant that is to say some person disaffected to that Earl is as true as that But who that bold Malignant was whether of the Royall party or any other who maligned his Estate and Honour our Authour should have done well to have told more clearly and note to have left him under the generall notion of a bold Malignant by which name those of the Kings party were most commonly branded It seems by our Authour that they were no poor knaves who made this deâ—acement conâ—idering they left all behinde them silk and velvet to boot And it is more then probable that the Nobility and Gentry who made up the greatest and most considerable number of the Royal Party were such as had too much sense of Honour to injure and deface the monument of a Noble man whom they had never otherwise beheld then as an honourable Enemy in the course of the Wars The conduct of which war when he first undertook for the Houses of Parliament they published a Resolution in a Declaration of theirs August 4. 1642. that they would live and die with him in pursuit of that quarrell But afterâ—aâ—ds finding that he did not prosecute the war with so much â—â—â—ernesse and passion as by some desired he was not only â—â—â—posed to the publick scorn by scandalous jeers Pictures â—nd Pamphlets while he was in the head of his command â—ut finally divested of all that power which he had in the Army and reduc'd to the Estate of a private person And whether some of those who had so reproachfully treated him when he was alive might not commit this outrage on his Essigies when he was deceased I leave to be considered by â—he equall and impartial Reader â—ol 1056. M. Palmer made D. of Physick at Oxford The making of new Doctors was one of the first works of the â—arl of Pembroke at his Visitation of the University of Oxford that so they might enter on their intended Headships with the greater honour But Palmer the designed Warden â—or All soulâ— was not at that time to be made a Doctor He 〈◊〉 taken that Degree before in Cambridge and by the name 〈◊〉 Pâ—lmer I finde him in a Reference from the Commitâ—â—â—â— of Plundred Ministers to settle a difference betwixt a 〈◊〉 Incumbent and the intruding Minister about tho fifths Incorporated he might be at Oxford as the custome is but not then made or created Doctor as our Authour would have it That which comes next touching the ejecting of many of the Commons of Christ-Church gives us two mistakes whereof I conceive the one to be the Printers and the other our Authors The mistake of the Printer is the putting down of the Common of Christ-Church for the anons of Christ-Church unlesse perhaps the meaning be that the old Canons were put out of Commons that the new ones might have the fuller Diet when they came into their places The mistake of our Authour is in saying that many of the Canons of Christ-Church were ejected whereas they were all of them ejected not a man excepted the Earl of Pembroke being so impartiall in the executing of his Office that he would not spare D. Hammond though he were his God-son And though D. Iohn Wall partly by the mediation of Friends but chiefly by his humble submission to the power of the Visitors was again admitted into the number of the Canons yet was he ejected with the rest and came not into his own place at this new admission but into the place of some of the other Canons to shew that he stood not on his old Right but this new Admission The Earl of Pembroke having done the businesse which he came about returns to the Parliament was first thanked for his wonderful wisedom and then they Vote That all such Masters Fellows and Officers there as refused to submit to the power should be expelled the Vniversity According to which Vote a generall purge was given to all the Colleges in the same working upon them more or lesse as they found the humours more or lesse Malignant on none so strongly as on Christ-Church and Mâ—gdalâ—neâ—ollege â—ollege in which last they descended so low as to the Choristers and lower then that also to the very Cook And yet the storm fell not so heavy on those at Oxford as the Earl of Manchesters Visitation had done at Cambridge For he not only cut off the heads and skinned the Fellows and Scholars of most Colledges but in Queens Colledge cut off all the members from the head to the heel leaving not one of the old Foundation to keep possession for the new Comers as if the House it self and all the lands belonging to it had been designed to an Escheat as a forfeited and dissolved Corporation or like a Wrecca Marâ—â— to be seiz'd on by the Lord Paramount of the shore adjoyning as having no living creature in it to preserve the possession of it for the proper owner But the Scholars at Oxford howsoever made themselves merry with their misfortunes publishing some unhappy Papers and amongst them a Speech made by the Earl of Pembroke with some additioâ—s of their own which afterwards drew on two or three others of the same strain though on other occasions to the great manifestation and applause of his wonderfull wisedom Fol. 1034. Yet not long after some one so well affected to the Kings Service that whilest he is a Prisoner takes upon him the Kings Cause and published an Answer such as it is which we submit to censure And being submitted unto Censure I conceive it deserves not such a diminution or disparagement as to call it an Answer such as it is The Answer I never saw before and cannot now possibly conjecture at the Authour of
Monroe an old experienced Commander with his three thousand old and experienced Scots train'd up for five or six years then last past in the Wars of Ireland By whose assistance it is possible enough that he might not have lost his first Battle not long after his Head which was took from him on the same day with the Earl of Hollands But God owed him and that Nation both shame and punishment for all their â—reacheries and Rebellions against their King and now he doth begin to pay them continuing payment after payment till they had lost the Command of their own Countrey and being reduced unto the form of a Province under the Commonwealth of England live in as great a Vassalage under their new Masters as a conquered Nation could expect or be subject to Fol. 1078. This while the Prince was put aboard the revolted Ships c. and with him his Brother the Duke of York c. the Earls of Brentford and Ruthen the Lord Cuâ—pepper c. In the recital of which names we finde two Earls that is to say the Earls of Brentford and Ruthen which are not to be found in any Records amongst our Heralds in either Kingdom Had he said General Ruthen Earl of Brentford he had hit it right And that both he and his Reader also may the better understand the Risings and Honors of this Man I shall sum them thus Having served some time in the Wars of Gustavus Adolphus King of Sweden he was Knighted by him in his Camp before Darsaw a Town of Pomerella commonly counted part of Prussia and belonging to the King of Poland Anno 1627. at what time the said King received the Order of the Garter with which he was invested by Mr. Peter Yong one of his Majesties Gentlemen Huishers and Mr. Henry St. George one of the Heralds at Arms whom he also Kinghted In the long course of the German Wars this Colonel Sir Patrick Ruthen obtain'd such a Command as gave him the title of a General and by that title he attended in a gallant Equipage on the Earl of Morton then riding in great pomp towards Windsor to be installed Knight of the Garter At the first breaking out of the Scots Rebellion he was made a Baron of that Kingdom and Governor of the Castle of Edinburgh which he defended very bravely till the Springs which fed his Well were broken and diverted by continual Batteries Not long ater he was made Earl of Forth and on the death of the Earl of Lindsey was made Lord General of his Majesties Army and finally created Earl of Brentford by Letters Patents dated the 27 of May Anno 1644. with reference to the good Service which he had done in that Town for the fiâ—st hanselling of his Office So then we have an Earl of Brentford but no Earl of Ruthen either as joyn'd in the same Person or distinct in two Not much unlike is that which follows Ibid. His Commissions to his Commanders were thus stiled Charls Prince of great Britain Duke of Cornwal and Albany Here have we two distinct Titles conferred upon one Person in which I do very much suspect our Authors Intelligence For though the Prince might Legally stile himself Duke of Cornwal yet I cannot easily believe that he took upon himself the Title of Duke of Albany He was Duke of Cornwal from his Birth as all the eldest Sons of the Kings of England have also been since the Reign of King Edward the third who on the death of his Uncle Iohn of Eltham E. of Cornwal invested his eldest Son Edw. the Black Prince into the Dukedom of Cornwal by a Coronet on his head a ring on his finger and a silver Verge in his hand Since which time as our learned Camden hath observed the King of Englands eldest Son is reputed Duke of Cornwal by Birth and by vertue of a special Act the first day of his Nativity is presumed and taken to be of full and perfect age so that on that day he may sue for his Livery of the said Dukedom and ought by right to obtain the same as well as if he had been one and twenty years old And he hath his Royalties in certain Actions and Stannery Matters in Wracks at Sea Customs c. yea and Divers Officers or Ministers assigned unto him for these or such like matters And as for the Title of Duke of albany King Charls as the second Son of Scotland receiv'd it from King Iames his Father and therefore was not like to give it from his second Son the eldest Son of Scotland being Duke of Rothsay from his Birth but none of them Dukes of Albany for ought ever I could understand either by Birth or by Creation Fol. 1094. And so the dignity of Arch-Bishops to fall Episcopal Iurisdiction also Our Author concludes this from the general words of the Kings Answer related to in the words foregoing viz. That whatsoever in Episcopacy did appear not to have clearly proceeded from Divine Institution he gives way to be totally abolished But granting that the Dignity of Arch-Bishops was to fall by this Concession yet the same cannot be affirmed of the Episcopal Iurisdiction which hath as good Authority in the holy Scripture as the calling it self For it appears by holy Scripture that unto Timothy the first Bishop of Ephâ—sus St. Paul committed the power of Ordination where he requires him to lay hands hastily on no man 1 Tim. 5 22 And unto Titus the first Bishop of Crete the like Authority for ordaining Presbyters or Elders as our English reads it in every City Tit. 1. v. 5. Next he commands them to take care for the ordering of Gods publick Service viz. That Supplications Prayers Intercessions and giving of Thanks be made for all men 1 Tim. 2. 1. which words relate not to the private Devotions of particular persons but to the Divine Service of the Church as it is affirmed not onely by St Chrysostom Theophylact and Oâ—cumenius amongst the Ancients and by Estius for the Church of Rome but also by Calvin for the Protestant or Reformed Churches Next he requires them to take care that such as painfully labor in the Word and Doctrine receive the honor or recompence which is due unto them 1 Tim. 5. 17. as also to censure and put to silence all such Presbyters as preached any strange Doctrine contrary unto that which they had received from the Apostles 1 Tim 1. 3. And if that failed of the effect and that from Preaching Heterodoxies or strange Doctrines they went on to Heresies then to proceed to Admonition and from thence if no amendment followed to a rejection from his place and deprivation from his Function 1 Tit. 3. 10. as both the Fathers and late Writers understand the Text. Finally for correction in point of Manners as well in the Presbyter as the people St. Paul commits it wholly to the care of his Bishop where he adviseth Timothy not to receive an Accusâ—ation against