powers of Italie together with the French king would iudge of them none otherwise then of suche as had not esteemed of the common benefite in respect of their proper interestes That it would be more assured for all and in the ende moste honorable for him comming to an act pacificable and agreable to euery one to passe disarmed into Italie where th imperiall maiestie showing himselfe no lesse gracious and affable then mightie and terrible should finde an vniuersall fauour with all regions peoples and communalties That he should to his perpetuall glorie beare the honorable reputation to be the protector of the tranquilitie of Italie proceding to his coronation in the same forme which his father and many his renowmed predecessors obserued afore him in which course they were and would vse to him all those oblations obseruances and offices which he could desire These apparances of armes and other things practised by Caesar were the causes that the Pope resolued fully to execute the enterprise of Bolognia and had sent to sommon the French king to his promise was friendly aduised by the king to haue regarde to the estate and disposition of things and considering well of the nature of times to deferre the action of the enterprise to an other season least the vntimely breaking out of such an accident did not onely bring all Italie into commotion but proue preiudiciall euen agaynst his proper intentions for that he feared least in this action he should kindle agaynst him the minds of the Venetians who had alreadie signified to him that they were resolued to take armes for the defence of Bolognia if the Pope would not first indue them with the graunt of those patronages and rightes of Faenza which apperteined to the Church But the Pope who of nature was impacient and sodayne sought out still all the meanes he coulde by the which notwithstanding all difficulties and impediments he might aspire to that he desired Wherein he proceeded with moodes furious and violent calling together into the consistorie all the Cardinalls afore whome deducing in forme of a languishing complaynt how iustly he was touched with desire to deliuer from the handes of tyrantes the cities of Bolognia and Perousa members so muche importing the sea Apostolike he signified that he would assiste thenterprise in person he assured them that besides his owne forces he should be ayded by the Frenche king by the Florentins and many other potentates of Italie and that God that was perpetually iust would neuer leaue abandoned suche as with so holy intentions soughte to reestablishe and restore the Church Assone as this deliberation was published in Fraunce it seemed such a matter to be laughed at to the king that the Pope should promise him selfe a succor of his people without intelligence or communitie with him that making it a iesting talke at his table and imposing withall vpon the Pope his notorious dronkennesse he sayd it could not be but the Pope was well bewitched with wine not discerning as yet that that sodayne deliberation did constraine him either to come to manifest controuersie with him or els to giue him of his men agaynst his will. But the Pope not expecting any other resolution issued out of Rome with fiue hundred men at armes and sending afore Anthony dal Monte to signifie his comming to the Bolognois with direction to commaunde them to make prouision to receiue him and to bestowe in the countrey fiue hundred French launces He marched slowly hauing determined not to passe Perousa tyll he were well assured whether the French bandes woulde come to his succours foreseing nowe those inconueniences which the immoderation of his minde would not afore suffer him to discerne in his heate and furie Iohn Paule Baillon occupied with no small feares of his comming by the counsell of the duke of Vrbin and other his friends vnder their assuraunce went to meete the Pope at Orutetto who receyued him into grace and fauor after he had wholly submitted himselfe to his discretion with promise to folowe him in person with an hundred and fiftie men at armes and also to render vp into his handes the fortresses of Perousa and Perousin and the garde of the city giuing for obseruation his two sonnes in ostage to the duke of Vrbin Vnder this cōposition the Pope entred without any strēgth into Perousa being in the ful power of Iohn P. Baillon to make him prisoner with all his court and trayne if he woulde haue made sounde throughout the world in a matter of such greatnes and weight that disloyaltie which had already made his name infamous in things more inferior and of farre meaner qualitie At Perousa the Pope gaue audience to the Cardinall of Narbona sent to him from the French king to perswade him to put ouer and deferre the enterprice till another time and to protest the kings excuses in that contrary to his desire he could not send him men for that by the considerations for Caesar the great suspitions he had of his doings it was not cōuenient for him to leaue disarmed the duchie of Millan This embassage albeit it stirred vp in the Pope many showes of perplexities and alterations yet his wisdome helde his affections suppressed and making no apparance that he had any inclination or will to chaunge adurse he began to leauie newe bandes of footemen and reincrease all his prouisions And yet many beleued that what by the difficulties that appeared and the easynes of his nature to be appeased vpon yelding or submission if Bentyuole who offred by his Embassadors to sende in his foure sonnes had disposed himselfe to come to him in person according to thexample of Iohn Paule he had founde some tollerable forme for his affaires But whilest he spent time in temporising the aspect estate of his busines making him irresolute or as some say whilst he was holden in suspence by the cōtradiction of his wife he had aduertisement that Monsr de Chaumont had receiued direction from the French king to go to the succors of the Pope in person with fiue hundred launces An ayde which albeit the king in the absence of the cardinal Amboyse had no inclination to sende him yet the Cardinal returning to the Court vsed perswasions to holde the king firme in his promise hauing not only made voluntary offers in the beginning but also by many degrees since had as it were vrged the Pope to vse the seruice of his men The cardinal had power to make the king change aduise whervnto he was so much the more easily induced by howmuch the demōstrations of Maximilian began now to waxe colde according to his custome the Pope also somewhat to leaue the king satisfied was content to make promise not by writing but in the mouth of his holynes honor that he would not molest the Venetians for the townes of Romagnia And yet notwithstanding the pope not able to absteine from disclosing what a setled desire he bare that
other worldes had made their auncestors terrible to all estates and principallities of men by the meane of whose vertue both there was diuolued in general to the nation of Germains a liberal glorie with the dignitie imperiall in part particular many noble personages had aspired to much greatnes and dominion many of the best houses in Italie hauing by long prescription raigned in estates gotten by their valor These things were begon to be debated with so great forwardnes and inclination that it is manyfest no dyot to haue assembled of long time wherein was exspectation of so great euentes the multitudes perswading them selues vniuersally that besides the strength of all the other reasons the Electors with the residue of the Princes expressed a more quicke readines to thenterprise for a hope they had that for the minoritie of the children of king Phillip the Imperiall dignitie which had successiuely continued in Albert Federike and Maximilian all three of the house of Austriche woulde at last be passed into an other familie By these resolutions and agreementes the Frenche king was induced to dissolue his armie immediatly after the action of Genes both to take away thoccasion of so great a suspition and to leaue euery partie satisfied of thintegritie of his intention yea his owne person had eftsones repassed ouer the Mountes had it not bene for a desire he had to speake with the king of Aragon who prepared to returne into Spaine altogether disposed to resume the gouernment of Castille for that Iane his daughter was vnhable to so great an administration not so muche for the imbecillitie of her sex as for that by a superabundance of melancolie growen since the death of her husbande she was become somewhat estranged from her vnderstanding and also for the minoritie of the children common betwene king Phillip and her wherof the eldest had not yet attayned ten yeres Besides he was pushed forwarde by the desires of many whiche called him to that gouernment by a remembraunce that they had bene iustly gouerned and that those kingdomes had florished vnder him by a long continuaunce of peace the diuisions already begon amongs the great Barons together with the manifest signes of troubles to come muche encreasing this desire But his comming was no lesse desired of his daughter who wandring in minde in all other actions was neuerthelesse constant in this that she desired the returne of her father refusing obstinately agaynst the perswasions and importunities of many to subscribe with her owne hande to any expedition without whiche subscription according to the custome of those realmes the affayres occurrant had not their perfection For these reasons the king of Aragon departed from Naples where he remeyned but seuen monthes leauing vnsatisfied the great expectation that was had on him not so muche for the shortnes of tyme whiche ronnes in a voluble motion without respect nor for that it is harde to answere the conceptions of men which for the most part are inconsiderate and not measured with due proportions â–ª as for the many difficulties impediments that opposed against him by reason wherof he did nothing deseruing memorie for thuniuersall benefit of Italie nor any thing worthy of monument for the particuler profit of the kingdome of Naples for suche was his desire to returne eftsones to the gouernment of Castillo the principall piller of his greatnes that he reserued no oportunitie to thinke of the affayres of Italie onely he turned all his studies to deuise to keepe himselfe in amitie with the king of Romains and the French king to th ende the one vnder cooller to be grandfather to the little children of the dead king and the other with thopportunitie of his power giuing corage to who woulde oppose agaynst him shoulde giue no impediments to his returne And the obligation wherein he was bounde by the treatie of peace made with the Frenche king to restore the estates that had bene taken from the Barons of Aniovv and distributed eyther by couenant or by recompence to suche as had followed his faction hindred him to redresse and gratifie the kingdome of Naples for seeking not to estraunge from him the mindes of his good seruauntes he was constrayned to recompence those of Aniovve either with estates of equall reuenue whiche he must buy of others or with readie money wherevnto his Courtes of faculties and treasures woulde not suffice in which respects he was compelled not onely to raise improuementes vppon his reuenues and to refuse according to the custome of newe kings to distribute grace and exemptions and exercise any sorte of liberalitie but also with the incredible complaynt of euery one to taxe his peoples who expected to be discharged of their intollerable burdens the complaintes made by the Barons of both the one and other parte were nothing inferiour for that to such as were possessed besides that they resigned their estates with yll will necessitie made their recompences short and limitted and touching others there was restrayned as muche as was possible the benefite of restitution in all things wherein hapned any difference for that howe muche lesse was restored to those by so muche lesse was the recompence of others The great Capteine departed with him leauing behinde him a good will incredible and a renowne nothing inferiour of whom besides his merites prayses in other times his present liberalities then were most notorious promising and disposing giftes of great vallour for the which he solde a great part of his owne estates caring lesse to make him selfe poore then to fayle in suche an action of honor But the king of Naples departed very yll contented with the Pope for that demaunding thinuestiture of the kingdome the pope refused to giue it him but with those taxations and tributes wherewith it had bene giuen afore times to the former kings he made instance that there might be made to hym the same diminution which had bene made to Ferdinand his cousin and to his sonnes and nephewes demaunding thinuestiture of the whole realme in his owne name as successor of tholde Alfonso in which forme whilest he was at Naples he had receyued othe and homage notwithstanding in the capitulations of peace made with the French king it was disposed that touching the lande of Lauora and Abruzza the name of the Queene should be ioyntly acknowledged It was thought that the refusall which the Pope made of the inuestiture was the cause that Ferdinand woulde not speake with the Pope who remeyning at the same time in the rocke of Ostia it was sayde he taryed there to expect his passage But how soeuer the truth was the king of Aragon tooke his course to Sauona where it was agreed that he should haue enterview and speache with the Frenche king who staying for that cause in Italie was come thither from Millan assone as he vnderstoode he had taken passage from Naples In this enterview and conference the demonstrations on all sides were manifest free and full of
which is a practise very common and familiar in all partes of Italy but that the king and all his court besides the suspicion they had conceyued against the faith of Lodovvyk had his name in honor yea the king esteemed it an iniurie done to his owne honor and greatnes that he had solicited his comming into Italy to be the better able without daunger to execute an act so abominable yet in the ende the resolucion was to march on Lodovvyk continually laboring him thereunto with promise to returne and visit the king within few dayes for that both the kinges aboade in Lombardie his hastie returne into Fraunce were wholly contrary to his intencions The same day the king departed from Plaisance Lavvrence and Iohn de medicis came to him who being secretly fledd from their howses in the contrey made great instance that his maiestie would come neare Florence promising him much of the affections and goodwill of the people towardes the howse of Fraunce and no lesse of the hate against P. de medicis against whom the king was aggrauated by occasions new and greene for the king sent from Ast an Embassador to Florence to propound many offers if they would graunt him passage and absteyne hereafter from ayding of Alphonso and of the other side to pronounce threatnings to them if they perseuered in their former councell wherein to astonish them the more he gaue expresse charge to his Embassador to returne immediatly if they would not giue speedy resolucion he was aunswered with excuses to deferre and expect for that the chiefest Citisens of the gouernment being withdrawne to their howses of solace in the contrey ▪ according to the custom of the Florentyns in that season they could not with such speede giue him an aunswere certeine but would with all diligence aduertise the king of their intencion by a particular Embassador it is most certeine that it was agreed in the kinges councell without contradiction that the armie should rather take the way that leades thorow Tuskane and the territories of Rome directly to Naples then that which lying along Romania la marque passing the riuer of Troute entreth into Abruzze not for that they did distrust to giue the chase to the bandes of thAragons which with difficultie resisted Monsr D'Aubygny But for that it seemed a thing vnworthy of the greatnes of such a king and no lesse infamous to the glorie of his armies the Pope and Florentyns being declared against him to giue occasion to men to thinke that he eschewed the way for distrust that he was not able to force them But much more because they esteemed it daungerous to make warre in the realme of Naples and leaue as ennemies at their backes the state ecclesiastike and Tuskane And therefore the armie turning to the way of Tuskane it was determined to passe rather the Appenyn by the mountaine of Parme then to march the direct way to Bolonia This was Lodovvyks direction when he was at Ast for that he had a desire to make him selfe Lord of Pysa So that the vauntgard ouer whom was gouerner and leader Gilbert de Montpensier of the house of Burbon and Prince of the bludd And the king following with the residue of the armie passed to Pontreme a towne of the Duchie of Myllan sett at the foote of thAppenyn vpon the riuer of Magre which diuides the contrey of Genes aūciently called Liguria from Tuskane from Pontreme M. Montpensier entred the contrey of Lunigiana a part of which obeyd the Florentyns certeyne castells belonged to the Genovvays and the residue were subiect to the Marquis of Malespine who mainteyned their small estates vnder the protection sometimes of the Duke of Myllan sometimes of the Florentyns and sometimes of the Genovvays About those quarters ioyned with M. Mountpensier the Svvyzzers which had ben at the defence of Genovvay togither with thartillerie which was come by sea to Spetia And being come neare the towne of Finizana belonging at that time to the Florentyns whether they were guided by Gabriell Malespina Marquiss of Fodisnoue who was recommended to them they tooke it by force and sackt it making slaughter of al the souldiers straungers that were within and many of thinhabitants A maner of making warre very newe and so much the more terrible to all Italy accustomed for many yeares past to warres rather flourishing in pompes and fine furniture like to warres showed by maskers in a stage playes then to skirmishes bluddy and daungerous The Florentyns were determined to make their principall resistance at Serezana which they had greatly fortified but not with strength sufficient and necessary to resist so mighty an ennemie because they had not furnished it with any Capteine of warre that had authoritie to minister discipline nor yet souldiers neither resolute nor seruiceable other then such as lost hart at the first voyce of thapproch of the french armie yet they of Florence were of opinion that it coulde not be easiely taken specially the castell and much lesse the rocke Serazana both wel furnished and bearing his situacion vpon the hil aboue the towne Besides it was not possible that th armie should remeyne long time in those places the contrey being barreine and straite being inclosed betwene the sea and the mountaynes was not sufficient to nourish so great a multitude and their vittells comming farre of could not obserue such iust tyme oportunitie as to serue their present necessities by reason whereof it seemed the kinges affayres began to fall vpon hard tearmes and that his armie stoode possible to many daungers distresses for albeit he could not with conuenient impediments be let from assayling Pysa leauing behind him the towne and castell of Serazana and the rocke nor kept by the contrey of Lucques which citie by the working of the Duke of Myllan had secretly determined to receiue them that he entred not an other part of the territorie of Florence yet he could hardly be brought to that deliberacion and much lesse condescend to it because he had a perswacion in his secrete fancie that if he wonne not the first towne that resisted him it would diminish much his reputacion and leaue a daungerous example to others to vse insolencie against him But so it was ordeyned that eyther by the grace and blessing of fortune or by an ordenance of more high power if at the least thindiscressions and faults of men deserue such excuses to such an impediment hapned a suddeine remedie seeing that neither the courage nor constancie of P. de medicis were greater in his aduersities then had bene his modestie and discression in his prosperities By this must be vnderstanded that the displeasures which the citie of Florence had receiued from the beginning for thimpediments which were giuen to the king were continually multiplied both for a new chase and banishment of their marchauntes out of all partes of the realme of Fraunce and also for feare of the power of the
be ordeyned for preseruacion of the libertie and there be thinges which for their litle importance and consideracion may without daunger be differred vntill a tyme more apt and better occasion No dowte the citisens will embrace more and more this forme of commonweale and being by experience made daily more capable of the truth they can not but desire that their gouernment be pollished and brought to his full perfection Neither can it but be susteyned and holden vp by these two foundacions which how easie it is to lay and establish and what frute they bring is not to be proued onely by many reasons but also appeares plainely by examples for albeit the gouernment of the Venetians standes properly vpon gentlemen those gentlemen yet are no other then citisens priuat and what for their numbers so many and for their condicions so diuerse it can not be denied that it doth not much participat with a gouernment popular although in many thinges it can not be imitated of vs and yet it is principally founded vpon these two pillers and bases by the which hauing bene continued by many ages together with a libertie vnitie and concord ciuil it is risen to the glory and greatnes which the world seeth The vnitie strength of the Venetians hath not growen as many suppose by their scituacion for that in the same may be and haue bene many discordes and sedicions But it hath proceeded for that they had a forme of pollicie so wel sorted proporcioned to it selfe that necessarily it brought forth precious and wonderfull effectes agreeable to the firme and sownd foundacions Our owne examples ought to moue vs no lesse then straungers if we consider in the contrary that because our city had neuer a forme of gouernment like vnto this it was the cause that our estate and affayres haue bene so subiect to ordinary mutacions sometimes troden vnder feete by the violence of tyrantes sometymes rent and dismembred by the ambicious and couetous discordes of certeme particulars and sometimes confounded by the vnbridled libertie of the cōmunaltie Insomuch that where cities were built for the rest and happy life of thinhabitantes our tranquilletie our felicities and our ioyes haue bene the confiskacion of our goods with banishment and execucion of our miserable Citisens The gouernment brought into the parliament differeth not from the pollicies heretofore ordeyned in this citie which being all infected with discordes and calamities after infinit trauels both publike and priuat they finally ingendred tyrannies like as in the time of our auncestors for none other then these occasions the Duke of Athens oppressed the libertie and in the times succeeding Cosmo de medicis followed his example whereof it is not to be maruelled for when the distribucion of Magistracies and deliberacion of the lawes haue not communitie with the common consent but depend vpon tharbitracion of the lesser number then the Citisens not carefull of the publike benefit but seeking their profits and endes priuate rise into sectes and conspiracies particular whereunto are ioyned the diuisions of the whole citie a plague most certeine to all common weales and Empires So that it can not but be a greater discression to eschew those formes of gouernment which by reasons and examples in our selues we finde to be hurtfull and draw neare to those pollicies which with the reasons and examples of others we discerne to be wholsom and happy And thus much I take boldnes to auouch the truth and sinceritie of the matter much enforcing me that the pollicie of our citie ronning alwayes in that order that a fewe Citisens shal haue an vnmeasured authoritie will proue to be a gouernment of a fewe tyrants who wil be so much more daungerous then one tyrant alone by how much the ill is great hurtes more by how much it is multiplied And if there should be none other ill or mischiefe at all yet at leastwise what for the diuersitie of opinions and for thambicion and different couetousnes of men there could be no expectacion of longe concorde And discorde as it is hurtfull in all seasons so it would be most daungerous at this time wherein you haue sent into exile one so mightie a Citisen and wherein you stand depriued of one of the principallest partes of your estate And lastly Italy hauing euen in her harte and intralls forreine armies standes on all sides inuironed with manifest perill Albeit very seldom or possible neuer it hath bene absolutely in the power of all the citie to put order to it selfe according to our owne liking yet seeing by the goodnes of God you haue that power lose not thoccasion to institute a free gouernment and so well erected that not onely you shall be made happy by it whilest you liue but also may promise the same to your posteritie and leaue as an inheritance to your children such a treasure and felicitie as your auncestors neuer had nor knewe To the contrary of this did reason Guid ▪ anthony Vespucci a lawer notable for his iudgment and no lesse singular for his facilitie and sharpnes of witt if the gouernment sayth he instituted in the forme of Pavvle Antonyne Soderyn would as easily bring forth the frutes that are desired as he hath liberally recounted them sewer we should show great corrupcion in iudgement reason and discression if we would wishe to our contrey any other sort of pollicie right vnworthy should we seeme of the reputacion and benefits of good Citisens if we would not embrace a forme of a commonweale wherin the vertues merits and valours of men should be aboue all other thinges honored and recompenced But I can not see how it may be hoped that a gouernment put wholly in the power of the people can bring forth so many benefits seeing no man dowtes but it is a lesson in reason a trial in experience and an authoritie confirmed by great men that in so great a multitude can not be found that discression that experience nor that order as may be promised that they will preferre the wise afore the ignorant the good afore the ill and the experienced afore such as neuer knew what it was to manage affayres for like as of a iudge incapable and ignorant can be no expectacion of iudgements righteous and iust So in a people full of confusion and vanitie is no hope but at aduenture of election or deliberacion wise or reasonable That which in publike gouernments wise men such as follow the studie of no other affayres can hardly discerne let vs neuer beleue that a multitude vnexperienced ignorant compounded of so great diuersitie of spirits of condicions and customs and wholly giuen to thinges that concerne them particularly can distinguish and know it Besides the immoderat perswacion that euery one will haue of him selfe will kindle in euery one a couetousnes of honors not sufficing to men in popular gouernment to enioy the honest frutes of libertie but they will aspire all to the
cōtrouersie being accorded for the profit of Italy the Venetians would shake of leaue there the malice they had to hurt him which respects cōsideraciō together with the practise that continued at Ferrara displeased not a litle the french king lyke as also the Pope to make his profit of the trauels of others sought indirectly to hinder it For that standing in great place of credit fauour with the king so far as concerned the affaires of Italy he hoped that making Pisa to diuolue by deputacion to the king hee should in some sort participate with a plentifull share But as in matters of enterpryse wyse men will debate all thinges at lardge and by howe muche the cause is wayghtie and maye nouryshe occasion of many accidentes and fortunes by so much it concerneth the reputacion of maiestrates and councellours not only to looke into the generall estate nature of the busines but to examine euerie particular circumstance with a full discourse of reason wisdome and foresight euen so in these actions of practise and intelligences they consulted at Venice whether if the king missed of his demaund for the deputacion whereunto they had determined neuer to consent they might enter confederation with him touching the warre against the Duke of Myllan as the king with great importunitie had solicited and offred them for the reward of the victory the citie of Cremona and all Guiaradadda an offer which albeit was greatly desired of them all with no smal ambiciō yet the deliberation seemed to some of them to cary so many respects cōsideracions of importance that the power of a french king in Italy could not but bring daūger to their estate that the matter was brought into the councell of the Pregati the chiefest assemblie amongst them there was disputed with no smal diuersitie of opinions reasons Amongst whom one day wherein the last resolucion should be set downe Anthony Grymany a man for his authoritie much reuerenced for his wisdom no lesse respected persuaded the residue of the Senat in this sort It is my Lords in the disposiciō of men a custome vile odious to forget what they haue receiued of their frendes euen whē they were at point to fal into their full ruine desolaciō But it is an vnthākfulnes too intollerable euē slaūderous to nature all natural office to requite benefits with iniuries make recompēce to the merits good wills of men with cōspiracies harmes stretching to the spoiles of those by whose helpes ministracions they were earst preserued And as in cases of harmes and domages there is no man that can tell how sweete is the passion of reuenge better then he that hath receiued the hurt So the dispite of the iniurie drawing with it a desire of reuenge I can not thinke that it is any iniustice to be reuēged of him that hath don the first wrōg if therfore my Lords you wel cōsider the greatnes of the good turnes which the Duke of Myllā hath receiued of our cōmon weale by the which in these latter yeares his whole estate hath receiued his whole protection and preseruacion and of the contrary looke thorowly into the parts of his ingratitude training many grosse iniuries don to vs to compel vs to abandon the defense of Pisa wherunto he gaue vs the first suggestion encouragemēt I doubt not but making a right collection of his dealings behauiors past you wil iudge against his corrupt properties condicions so not thinke it vnnecessary to be reuenged of him that hath not thought it dishonest to requite our frendships and well meaning with iniuries and actions of conspiracie There can not happen a greater infamy to this common weale then by the tolleracion of so many apparant wronges to expresse to all the worlde that we are come to degenerat from the magnanimitie of our elders with whom this was an auncient and setled custome that as often as they were discontented with offences they neuer refused to embrase any perill or daunger to preserue the dignitie reputacion and honour of the name of the Venetians and not without reason for that the deliberacions of common weales require not regardes and endes abiect and priuat and muche lesse that all their councelles and actions stande only vppon respectes to profite But it is also conuenient that they aspyre to endes more excellent and honourable by the which may bee increased their glorie and their reputacion preserued A matter which nothing makes so soone to be lost and defaced as when there is occasion giuen to the world to thinke that there is neither valour vertue nor habilitie to be touched with the remembrance of iniuries receiued nor no readines showed to be reuenged An action not a litle necessary not so much for the sweetnes and pleasure in the reuenge as for that the iustice and punishment of the offendor breedes suche example to others that they will haue lesse courage to attempt the lyke of suche consequence is that glorie which is founde to bee ioyned with vtilitie high and honorable deliberacions alwayes declaring themselues full of commodities and profits Thus one displeasure takes away from men many other and oftentymes by one only short punishment they are founde to bee deliuered from many and very long paynes And yet if wee consider the state of thaffaires of Italy and the disposicion of many great Princes against vs together with thambushes which Lodovvyk Sforce dresseth continually agaynst vs wee may knowe that wee are ledde to this deliberation no lesse by the necessitie present then in consideration of other things for Lodovvyk pushed on by his naturall ambicion equall with the hate he beares to this most excellent Senat hath nothing in more great care or study then to dispose the myndes of all the Potentates in Italy against vs to set the king of Romains in discontentment with vs to make vs hatefull to the whole nation of the Iermains and lastly he begins for the same effect to interteyne intelligence and practise with the Turke you see already with what difficulties by his meanes working yea almost without hope wee susteine the defence of Pisa and manage the warre in Casentyn which if it bee continued it can not bee without heaping greater effectes of daungers and disorders And if it be abandoned without laying other foundation to our affaires it can not bee but with so great a diminucion of reputacion that it ministreth a wonderfull courage to who so euer hereafter shall haue disposicion to oppresse vs and it can not bee vnknowen to all your wisdomes that it is more easie to oppresse him that beginnes to declyne then him that standes hable to iustefie himselfe in the full of his reputacion of which thinges the effectes would clearely appeare to vs and wee should also see our estate full of tumult and brutes of warre if Lodovvyk were not kept in suspence by the feare he hath
distribution and power of a man ambitious and proude and by his subiection to wine with many other dishonest immoderat affections would administer them not according to the consideration of iustice benefite of Christendome but as he was pushed on with his vile corrupt and intemperat humors Besides he sawe not by what reason they might hope for a greater constancie of fayth in this Pope then in others his elders and predecessors making for the most parte their authoritie subiect to their ambition and their counsels alwayes running with the concurrance and course of times Neither could he discerne howe they might be assured that the Pope hauing obteined Faenza Rimini would not knit with the residue to recouer Rauenna Ceruia hauing a minde specially watchefull ouer oportunities and occasions giuen That the experience of his actions and examples past proued in him no greater staye or stabilitie of fayth then agreed with the custome of other Popes who to giue a coollour of iustice and equitie to those thinges they dyd lefte ordeined amongst their other lawes that the Churche notwithstanding all contract promise and benefites recoyned might retract and directly impugne any bondes or obligations which the selfe prelates had made He alleaged that albeit the confederation betwene Maximilian the French king was made with a great vehemencie of disposition yet the willes and intentions of the other confederates did varie and differ the king Catholike being brought in by meanes compulsiue and extraordinarie and the Pope well expressing signes of his accustomed doubtes and suspitions And therfore the league of Cambray was not more to be feared then the confederacie which the same Maximilian king Lovvis had with the same importunitie treated aforetimes at Trent afterwards at Blois for that many difficulties which for their affinitie and nature it was almost impossible to remoue or alter did mightily resist th execution of things determined That for those reasons it touched the Senate in principal study diligēce to deuise meanes to separat Caesar frō such coniunction A matter of easie hope expectation no lesse for the respect of his nature and necessities then for his auncient hatred agaynst the French and beeing once deuided from it the whole feares of the warre were taken away for that the french king standing abandoned of his society and succors would beare no more stomack to inuade them then he had done in times past That in al publike actions the beginning ought depely to be considered since afterwards it was not in the power of men to temporise or leaue of without dishonor and danger to their deliberations wherin they had long consulted That as their elders so they by succession had bene alwayes carefull in all occasions to augment their dominion and with a disclosed open profession to aspire to great things A matter which made them hatefull to many partly for feare and partly for displeasure disdaine of that they had taken from them wherin albeit it hath bene perceiued long time before that that hatred might engender some great alteration yet as they haue not for all that forborne to embrace thoccasions that had bene offred them so it was not nowe a remedie to the daungers present to beginne to leaue a part of that they did possesse since it woulde rather kindle then quenche the humors of those that hated them taking courage vppon their fearefulnes And seeing it hath bene a perpetuall Maxime amongst the Potentates of Italie that the Venetians neuer forsaked thinges that once were salne into their handes who woulde not iudge that to breake nowe so honorable a custome proceeded not of a laste dispaire to be hable to defende the perills that threatned That whosoeuer began to giue place and leaue any thing howe little soeuer was the first detector of the reputation and auncient honor of his common weale which as it is a readie oportunitie to thaugmentation of daungers so to that state that beginnes to decline it is farre more harde to conserue agaynst the least perills that be that which remaynes then agaynst an other state who caring to keepe his dignitie and degree and making no signe to yeelde or giue place conuertes his force readily against him that seekes to oppresse him Vallour and courage reteine long those things that of themselues are weake and impotent and as nothing doth more terrifie the enemie then to seeme to be resolute so to holde faste that that hath bene gotten is a cooler iustificatorie to enhable the tytle and interest of the thing There can be no greater infamie to a prince or common weale then by negligence or cowardise to lose that whiche their auncestors haue gotten with diligence and valour That it was necessarie eyther to reiect valiantly those first demaundes or in yelding to them to looke to yeelde to many more by which in short time is to be expected the absolute subuersion of their estate and by consequent the irreparable losse of their proper libertie That as their common weale both in the ages of their fathers and in their dayes had borne out many great warres agaynst the Princes of Christendome of which they caried a glorious issue for that they always shewed one constancie and resolution of minde so in the present difficulties notwithstanding they may seeme greater may be hoped no worse successe both for that their power and authoritie were greater and also by experience that in warres managed in common by many princes agaynst one alone the terrors are wont to be more thē theffects for that after the first furies be abated banished there riseth diuersitie of opinion which breedeth variation of faith and constancie all things dissoluing with a naturall facilitie that grow into their being with an immoderate importunitie and fury Lastly that Senat was to hope that besides the preparations remedies which of their owne power they were hable to furnishe God the most foueraigne righteous iudge would not leaue abandoned a cōmon weale bred and norished in a perpetuall libertie and in whom did shine the very beautie and aspect of all Europe and muche lesse would suffer to be oppressed with thambition of Princes vnder a false cooler to prepare warre agaynst the infidels that citie which in so great pietie and religion had bene for many yeeres the very protector and defender of the whole common weale of Christendome These reasons so wrought in the mindes of the most part that according to thexample of the yere before and being a thing fatal to that Senat the worst counsell preuayled contrarie to thopinions of many Senators of greatest wisdome and authoritie In so much as the Pope who had deferred the ratification till the last day ratified the league but vnder this expresse declaration that he would not enter into any action of an enemie agaynst the Venetians vntill the French king had begon the warre Thus the yere 1508. ended with many sedes of great warrs fundations subtelly
in Rome in Florence or in Venice for three monethes paye yet all this sufficed not to assure suche a suspicion For as the Frenche men had no other ende nor intencion then to recouer their king and did manifestly professe to beare no inclinacion to the warre but when they sawe no hope to effect the accord so it was a thing verie congruent and likelie that whensoeuer thEmperour shoulde be disposed they woulde preferre affore all other regardes and interestes to compounde and accorde with him And like as they were notignorant that by how much were great and mighty the preparacions and forces of the league by so much more readily would thEmprour be inclined to compound with the French king euen so it seemed a matter full of perill to enter a confederacion to make a warre in the which the stronge prouisions of the confederats might doe as much haurt as helpe With these reasons did thEmbassadors and agents of Princes labor the Pope on all sides and no lesse was he solicited by his owne officers and Ministers for that both the multitude of his Court and the people peculiar of his councell were deuided of whom euery one in particular fauored his proper inclinacion with so much lesse regard by how much greater was thauthority they had gotten vppon him who till that time was accustomed to suffer him selfe to be caried for the moste part by the will of such as in reason ought to haue obeyed the twinkling of his eye and to serue no other office then as ministers and executors of the direction and ordenance of their maister for the better informacion whereof and of many other occurrances it is necessary to set downe a more large and particular discourse Leo was the first of the famulie of Medicis that bare any Ecclesiasticall dignitie who in the state and authoritie of Cardinall did so well support both him selfe and his house falne from a wonderfull greatnes into much declinacion that it was reduced to respire and reexspect the returne of a good fortune he was a man of great liberalitie if such a name doe worthely become him being of so excessiue exspences as they passed all rate and measure At such time as he was raysed to the Popedom he boare a presence of such magnificence and maiestie ioyned to a poart and showe royall that the representacion he made might be thought wonderfull euen in one that by long succession had discended of kings and Emprours he was not only prodigall of money and treasor but also of all other graces and distribucions belonging to the prerogatiue and power of a Pope These he disposed in such immoderate liberalitie that he made vile and base the authoritie spirituall disordered the style and course of the Court and through his prodigall exspenses reduced him selfe to necessitie to seeke money alwayes by meanes extraordinary This great facilitie was accompanied with a most deepe dissimulacion with the which he beguiled all the world in the beginning of his pontificacie The thing that made him seeme a good Prince I speake not of the goodnes Apostolike for that in those corrupted tymes then is praysed the bountie or goodnes of the Pope when it exceedes not the malignitie of other men was thopinion that was conceyued of his clemencie hauing a desire to doe good to all men and farre estraunged from inclinacion to offend any Amongest his other felicities which were many and great it was no litle happines to him to haue about him Iulio de Medicis his Cosin whom notwithstanding he was not borne in lawfull mariage yet he raysed him to the estate of Cardinall being before Knight of the order of Rhodes for Iulio being by nature graue to sownd deepely into thinges diligent in office and seruice watchfull ouer affayres not delited in securitie and pleasure but ordered and regulated in all thinges and for his modestie hauing vnder his hands thadministration of al thaffaires of importance of the Popâ—â— dome did beare out and moderate many disorders which proceded of his prodigall facilitie yea suche was his temperaunce and vertue working with a perpetuall care ouer the pope that forsaking the custome of all other cousins and brethren of Popes he preferred alwayes the honor and greatnes of Leo affore all friendshippes and fundations which he might apply to his owne stabilitie after the Popes death And beeing withall no lesse obedient to him then faythfull he seemed in all his behauiours to be a seconde himselfe to him by whom he had receyued so high considence for this cause the Pope raysed him euery day and pushed on by gratifications and benefites the minde that serued him with so great studie and sidelitie he reapposed himselfe more and more vppon him touching affayres of greatest consequence which beeing managed by two natures so different showed howe well oftentimes doth agree together the mixture of two contraries straytnes with facility watchfulnesse with securitie measure with prodigalitie grauitie of manners with pleasures and ydlenes Which thinges and the gouernment of them made manye beleeue that Leo was caryed by Iulio beeing not hable of himselfe to rule so great a charge and no disposition to hurt any one together with a vehement desyre to enjoye the frutes and delightes of the Popedome But of the contrarie they interpreted Iulio to be of a spirite ambicious stirring and addicted to innouations So that all the rigours all the actions and all the enterprises of Leos tyme were by imputation heaped vppon Iulio whom they reputed a man malicious though he caried a minde of magnanimitie and courage which opinion of his vallour was confirmed and increased after the death of Leo for that amidde infinite contradictions difficulties obiected agaynst him he supported the estate and countenaunce of hys affayres with such a dignitie as resembled the person and place of a Pope yea he so conserued his authoritie with the Cardinalls that making his entrie into two Conclaues absolute commaunder of sixteene voyces he was at laste made Pope within two yeres after the death of Leo notwithstanding the many obtrusions and emulations of the moste auncient Cardinalls And he entred into his Popedome wyth suche an exspectation that it was thought he would become the greatest Pope and bring to passe greater matters then euer did any that tyll that daye had sitte in that supreme seate But it was founde out afterwardes howe farre men were abused in their iudgementes both concerning Leo and him since in Clement were discerned many conditions farre different from that which men beleeued of him before for there was not in him neyther that ambition nor thirst after innouations and chaunges not that greatnes of courage and inclination of minde to noble and high enterprises which was supposed before yea he was interpreted to be about Leo rather an executer and minister of his plottes and purposes then a framer and introducer of his counsells and willes And albeit he was of witte very apte and capable and had a deepe
saw their ennemie inferior but when things were brought to an equallitie the place apt their forces indifferent all other oportunities consenting either one eschewed to assay the fortune of battell and in them both was approued that which very rarely hapneth that one councell was pleasing to two armies being ennemies For the french thought they shoulde accomplish their intencion for the which they were come out of Lombardie if they hindred thAragons for passing further And Alphonso iudged it greatly to his benefit if he could amuse hold thennemies bridle vntill winter And therefore gaue expresse charge to his sonne and Ioh Iacques Tryuulso with the Count de Petillane that without great occasion they should not put in the power of fortune the realme of Naples which was vtterly lost if that armie were defeated But these remedies sufficed not for his sauetie for that king Charles whose forwardnes could not berestrained neither by the season of the time nor any other difficulties marched into the field with his armie as soone as he had recouered his health And because Iohn Galeas Duke of Myllan his cosin iermayne for the king he discended of two sisters daughters to Lovvys the second Duke of Sauoye lay sore sicke in the castell of Pauya he went with great humanitie to visit him making his way by the towne lodging in the same castell The speches he vsed to him were generall for the presence of Lodovvyk onely expressing howe much greeued he was for his sicknes and perswaded him to take hope and courage to recouer his health But touching the effect of the minde the king with all those that were with him had great compassion of him euery one iudging for certeyne that the yong gentleman by the wickednes of his Vncle had not long to liue This compassion was much encreased by the presence of Isabell his wife who not onely full of many sorrowes for thinfirmitie of her husband and estate of her litle sonne borne by him but also much afflicted for the perill of her father and his adherents she fell with great humilitie in the publike presence at the feete of the king recommending to him with pitifull teares her father and his howse of Aragon towardes whom albeit the king for her age â–ª for her bewtie and her present fortune expressed an apparant inclinacion to pitie yet being not able to staye the course of so great a matter for so light occasion he aunswered her with signes of will to doe that he could not saying thenterprise being so farre aduaunced he was constrayned to prosecute and continue it From Pauya the king marched to Plaisance and during the aboade he made there newes came of the death of Iohn Galeas by which occasion Lodovvyk that had followed him thether returned in no small diligence to Myllan where by the principals of the councell which the Duke had subborned it was propownded that in regarde of the greatnes of that estate and the daungerous times that prepared now for Italy it would be a thing preiudiciall that the sonne of Iohn Galeas hauing not v. yeares in age should succeede his father And therefore aswell to keepe the liberties of the state in protection as to be able to meete with thinconueniences which the time threatneth they thought it iust and necessary derogating somewhat for the publike benefite and for the necessitie present the disposicion of the lawes as the lawes them selues doe suffer to constraine Lodovvyk for the better stay of the common weale to suffer that into him might be transported the title dignitie of Duke a burden very waighty in so conspiring a season with the which couler honestie giuing place to ambicion the morning following vsing some forme of resistance he tooke vpon him the name and armes of the Duchie of Myllan hauing secretly protested before that he receiued them as apperteining to him by thinuestiture of the king of Romaines It was published that the death of Galeas hapned by immoderat cohabitacion but the vniuersall iudgement of Italy was that he dyed not of infirmities naturall nor by incontinencie but by poyson and violent compulsion wherof Theodor de Pauya one of the Phisicions assisting when the king visited him assured the king to see most apparant manifest signes And if he were dispatched by poyson there was none that dowted that his Vncle was innocent either directly or indirectly as he who not content with an absolute power to be gouerner of the state but aspiring according to the common desires of great men to make them selues glorious with titles honors and specially he iudged that both for his proper sewertie and the succession of his children the death of the lawfull Prince was necessary and therfore sought to establish in him selfe the power and name of Duke wherin ambicion and couetousnes preuailed aboue conscience and law of nature the ielous desire of dominion enforced his disposicion otherwayes abhorring bludd to that vile action It was beleued of many wisemen that he hath had that intencion euer since he began to solicite the french kinges iorney into Italy iudging thoccasion and the time would well concurre to aduaunce theffect for that the french houering vppon the borders of that state with a mayne armie it would alter mens coniectures and humors and cary their witts from remembrance of an act so wicked But some hauing opinions more particular supposed both for the suddainnes of his death diligent transferring the imperie to the other that it hapned by a new thought proceeding of feare least the king the councells of the french are suddain would turne him self with a contrary course to deliuer his cosin Galeas from so great a subiection being induced thereunto either for respect of parentage and compassion of his age or that he might thinke it was a thing more sure for him selfe that the Duchie of Myllan were in the power of his cosin rather then commaunded by Lodovvyk whose fidelitie many of his great Lordes laboured continually to make suspected with him But because Lodovvyk had gott the yeare before thinuestiture of the Duchie of Myllan and a litle before the death of his nephew had dispatched with diligence th imperiall priuileadges it makes a congruent construction that it was a deliberacion voluntary and foredeuised and not suddeine nor in respect of the present daunger The king stayed certeine dayes at Plaisance not without inclinacion to returne into France for that aswel the want of money which being the more generall was so much more intollerable as not seeing any new thing in Italy discouer in his fauour he had many dowtes of his successe hauing withall no litle suspicion of the new Duke of Myllan who notwithstanding when he parted sayd he would returne yet the iudgement was that he would not come againe at all it is not out of all likelihood that being vnknowen to the nations on thother side the mountes that wicked custom to poyson men