is such that had not Harvey and others dilucidated the point we had never I believe fixed this explication upon him which amounts to no more then a new gloss upon an old Text which yet is sufficient to check the largeness of Mr. Glanvills assertion The 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of Plato and his making the Heart to be the original of the veins 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 these are something more then is to be found in the first of Genesis And that passage of Aristotle de Gen. Anim. l. 4. c. ult is so unlike any thing of Moses's and so like to the doctrine of Harvey that any man must blame Mr. Glanvill for rashness of what he says The words are thus set down by Riolanus and I have not the Original by me to consult Cum coelestia corpora circulariter moveantur inseriora ' corpora motum illum imitari debent cumque Oceanus fluxu refluxu moveatur ab influxu Lunari similiter humores talem motum habere necessum est Which words seem clear enough so as to justific the Epiphonema of my Author in opposition to our Virtuoso Quid ista significant nisi sanguinis Circulationem He that would be informed more fully about the judgement of the Ancients whether there be any thing in them that discovers the Circulation of the blood to have been known unto them or that they were not totally-ignorant and without any apprehensions of it let him reade the first letter of Walaeus and the several Pieces of Joannes Riolanus about the Circulation of the blood and the disputations of Vander Linden about the Circulation of the blood in which he vindicates it in a prolixe discours unto Hippocrates I wil not trouble my self to transcribe them It is evident that all men do give unto Harvey the credit of having so explicated it and Anatomically proved it that he may as well be termed the Author of it as Epicurus and others the Authors of that Philosophy which they derived from Pythogoras Democritus Leucippus and Ocellus Lucanus Nor hath Harvey any other Plea and Right to the Invention then that he did more fully and perspicuously declare it and in the most judicious and solid manner assert what others had but hinted at or fainily insisted on Nor is Mr. Glanvill any better acquainted with the notions of the Modern Writers then he is with those of the Ancients He saith that some have ascribed the Circulation of the blood to Paulus Venetus I must inform the Reader who may easily mistake if he be one of the ordinary Comical Wirs that it is not to be ascribed to Paulus Venetus the great Traveller who is generally understood when that name is mentioned none can say that he brought it from the Kingdom of Cathay But Pater Paulus Sarpa or Serpa or Father Paul the famous Venetian Monk of the order of the Servi who signatised himself during the time that Venice was interdicted He was a Student at Padoa at the same time that Harvey was there and discovered to Aqua pendens the valves in the veins which discovery that great Anatomist appropriated to himself and so Harvey was thought to have abused the same Father But since Fulgentio in the life of Padre Paolo doth not challenge Harvey for this Cheat as he doth Fabricius for that other and since Marquardus Slegelius could not hear of any such thing upon a strict Enquiry at Venice and Padua I know not any since Walaeus and Franciscus Ulmus that have ascribed the invention to Paulus Venetus Servita Neither did I ever reade of any man that attributed it to Prosper Alpinus nor is it credible that any ever did so For that great Physician established his glory by being an excellent Practitioner and not by any Anatomical curiosities which he rather contemned then pursued and till I know what Author Mr. Glanvill follows I believe the mentioning of him was occasioned by that way of discoutse which is common to the Wits of this Age to blunder out any thing and by laughing at improbabilities of their own suggestion to explode substantial truths or represent them as forgeries But if any did deceive the world in attributing the Circulation of the blood to Padre Paolo and Prosper Alpinus it doth not follow but that Andreas Caesalpinus was the first Inventor of it and proposed it to the world in his Medical and Peripatetical Questions thought not in any Set Discourse but as it casually falls into the discussion of other Problems Whereupon it was little regarded and not enquired after the book being also scarce and he being of that faction of Physicians which adheres to Aristotle against Galen whence it hapned that few read his Paradoxes and one of the bravest men of the latter Age hath been almost buried in oblivion However an ingenious Florentine call'd Joannes Nardius hath asserted the repute of Andraeas Caesalpinus for precedency to Harvey in the Discovery nor doth the same Author doubt but that Erasistratus was of the same opinion but he saith of Caesalpinus this Foelix cui contigit post mortem nancisci clarissimum Patronum Guglielmum Harveium Regium Medicum nobisque per charum qui abortivam illam opinionem excoluit adeo ut nihil cultius nostro seculo nilque mirabilius occurrerit curiosis amaenarum literarum amatoribus To decide this question and to put an end to those disputes which trouble some of our Virtuosi so much by reason of that little converse they have with Books I shall draw out the opinion of Caesalpinus as he expresseth himself in his Disputations As a great abettour of Aristotle he avows that the Heart is the principal part in man and the original of the veins arteries and nerves which is the opinion of Hofman Van der Linden and other Aristotelian Physicians He describes the Fabrick of the Heart as exactly as any of the Circulators in reference to the Valves so much talked of but he declares not their shape Vasorum in Cor desinentium quaedam intromittunt contentam in ipsis substantiam ut vena Cava in dâ—â—tro ventriculo arteria venalis in sinistro quadam educuâ— ut arteria aorta in sinistro ventriculo vena arterialis pulmonem nutriens iu dextro omnibus autem membranule sunt appositae officio delegatae ut oscula intromittentia non educant educentia non intromittant And for the account of the Vena arteriosa and Arteria venosa in the Lungs Harvey is not more perspicuous then he is afterwards where he makes the one to be an Artery the other a veine viz. Putaverunt autem Medici usum hunc non videntes commutatae fuisse vasa in pulmone ut Arteria quidem similis esset venae vena autem similis Arteriae appellantes venas vasa omnia quae in dextrum ventriculum desinunt Arterias autem quae in sinistrum figmenta multa absurditates excogitantes ut usum invenirent Pulsat igitur
in pulmone vas dextri ventriculi haec enim e corde recipit ut Arteria magna similiter fabricatum est ejus corpus Vas autem sinistri ventriculi non pulsat quia introducit tantum ejus corpus simile est reliquis venis He holds that the motion of the Heart and Arteries depends not upon any pelsifick Faculty but that it ariseth from the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ebullition or effervescency of the blood in the Ventricles and that the Heart and Arteries are dilated at the same time the blood dilating the Heart and issuing out thorough the valves of the Aorta and Pulmonique Artery at the same instant which is pure Cartesianism He holds that the Blood comes up from the veins to the Heart and there acquires the last Perfection and becomes vital and spirituous in the mention of the Arterious Blood he useth indifferently the termes of Blood spirit and natural heat which I desire may be observed lest the proofs seem not full enough and he be construed to speak of nothing but spirits and natural heat in the Arteries He saith that this Blood having acquired its Perfection in its passage through both the ventricles is distributed through all the parts of the body for its nutriment by the Arteries in which Arteries there is such a constant quantity of Blood that the effervency of that in the Heart impells the whole continuation of the Arteries so that they beat all at once Cum enim pulsatio Cordis Arteriarum sit accidens quoddam quod ex necessitate insequitur humoris in corde effervescentiam qua sanguinis generatio per ficitur ut in caeteris quae igne elixantur accidit lib. de vita mort c. â— intumescente corde necesse est simul omnes Arterias dilatari in quas derivatur fervor non enim repleri potest una pars quin totum fiat majus ubi non omni ex parte vasa quae continua sunt fuerint exinanita Nam nullo intus existente corpore non contingit simul repleri principium extrema cum motus non fiat in instanti existente autem per totos canales aliquo spiritu simul ac in principio alius fuerit genitus necesse est totum simul dilatari unum enim sit spiritus accedens cum toto Cum ergo totum reddatur majus simul ac accesserit pars non potest una pars dilatari quin eodem tempore dilatetur totum Est autem veluti totum quoddam Arteriae omnes cum corde Continuum enim est vas sanguinis perfecti Spiritu autem efflante inhabitum corporis distributo particulis sanguine necesse est tumorem vasorum desidere quae est pulsus contractio Continue autem hoc fit quia continua est partium nutritio continua sanguinis generatio in corde Elevatio igitur Spiritus a calore fit non tamen temere sed alicujus gratia Nam sine hujusmodi amplificatione non fieret distributio alimenti in omnes partes He plants a kind of Flammula cordis or fire in the heart which causeth the ebullition and imprints a spirituousness in the blood that issueth out into the Arteries Hujusmodi locâ—s Cor est in quo secundum Naturam elementum praeparatum ardere possit fieri spiritus venae alimentum suppeditant Arteriae flammae spiritum recipiunt He saith that the Blood moves towards the Heart as the Oyle to the flame of the burning Lamp and that the Valves as the orifice of the Vena Gava which immit the blood are placed there to moderate the source of the blood lest it should fall in too fast extinguish the vital fire and that the valves at the entrance of the Aorta do flie open upon the effervescency of the blood by the pressure of it every way to get more room it finding no out-let but by those yielding valves which were so placed lest upon any accident or viclent passion the arterious blood should regurgitate into the Heart Motus fit ex venis in Cor caliditate alimentum trabente ex corde autem in arterias quia hac solum patet iter propter membranarum positionem positae autem sunt hoc modo membranae ne unquam contingeret contrarium motum fieri quod accidere posset in vehementibus animi perturbationibus aut aliis causis a quibus sanguinis retractio fit ad Cor Obsistunt enim huic motui membranae Nam si hoc modo condite non essent ignis cordis vel levi causa extingueretur Si enim metus fieret contrarius simile esset ac si flamma compingeretur deorsum ad alimentum quod cum minime sit praeparatum aut cepiosius quam oportet ignem suffocat Oportet enim alimentum praeparari paulatim dispensari ad locum flammae He saith that this arterious blood or spirit is distributed into all parts of the body with great celerity and that it is that which nourisheth the parts and that upon its diffusion into the habit of the body the spirits are very much exhausted and the corpulent part of the aliment doth remain being coagulated partly by heat and partly by cold He saith that the variety of the pulse as to strength or debility celerity and slowness depends upon the nature of the vital fire the nature of the aliment with which it is fed and sometimes upon the particular Fabrick or conformation of the Heart in which that Fire is seated He placeth Anastomoses betwixt the veins and arteries every where in the body Osculorum communio est non solum in corde sed etiam per totum venerum arteriarum ductum He saith that the blood is never extravasated but where it is aggregated to any part by way of nourishment or else it putrifies he doth not understand how it should not coagulate if once extravasated nor can he comprehend how it should be reassumed into the veins in such a case Venam continuam esse oportet usque ad cordis ventriculos ut inde omnis virtus descendat nec ullibi contingit disjunctam esse sanguis enim calore cordis destitutus concrescit tandem putrescit He makes the Blood to pass betwixt the right and left ventricle of the Heart partly by the Lungs and partly by the Septum Cordis Pulchre igitur condita sunt omnia Cum enim fervere oporteret in corde sanguinem ut fieret alimenti perfectio primo quidem in dextro ventriculo in quo crassior adhuc continetur sanguis deinde autem in sinistro ubi sincerior sanguis est partim per medium septum partim per medios pulmones refrigerationis gratia ex dextro in sinistrum mittitur Interim autem pulmo abunde nutriri potest totum enim eum sanguinem absumere quem recipit egreditur fines rationis Non enim rara esset ejus substantia levis ut videtur si tantum alimenti vim in suam naturam converteret This he
thus further explains Pulmo per venam arteriis similem ex dextro cordis ventriculo fervidum hauriens sanguinem eumque per anastomosin arteriae venali reddens quae in sinistrum cordis ventriculum tendit transmisso interim aere frigido per asperae arteriae canales qui juxta arteriam venalem protenduntur non tamen osculis communicantes ut putavit Galenus solo tactu temperat Huic Sanguinis Circulationi ex dextro cordis ventriculo per pulmones in sinistrum ejusdem ventriculum optime respondent ea quae ex dissectione apparent Nam duo sunt vasa in dextrum ventriculum desinentia duo etiam in sinistrum Duorum autem unum intromittit tantum alterum educit membranis eo ingenio constructis Vas igitur intromittens vena est magna quidem in dextro quae cava appellatur parva autem in sinistro ex pulmone introducens cujus unica est tunica ut caeterarum venarum Vas autem educens Arteria est magna quidem in sinistro quae Aorta appellatur parva autem in dextro ad pulmones derivans cujus similiter duae sunt tunicae ut in caeteris arteriis He holds that the spirituous or arterious blood is cast ouâ— and diffused vigorously into the habit of the body that the veins and arteries being continuous by Anastomosis it returns to the Heart again vigorating the blood of the vena peria and Cava as it returns which is sufficiently intimated in that he deduces all the vigour and vitality of the blood from the Heart and that this vigour or natural hear is carried over the body by the Arteries alone and that it is necessary that the whole venous Systeme or contexture of Arteries and veins be continuous lest the blood in the veins being destitute of the cordial heat should coagulate and putrifie He holds that this motion or Circulation of the blood is without intermission and that the swelling of the veins upon the Ligature is a sufficient proof of it But he holds that the recourse of the blood by the veins is greater in the sleep then when we awake which he proves thus in that the veins are more full and tumid during sleep then waking and the pulse weaker and more slow as any man may observe From whence he concludes that the natural heat which is the Arterious blood as I observed before to prevent all possible mistakes which was otherwise in great part expended upon the nerves and sensories doth in sleep return and fill the veins more visibly that exhaustion ceasing then when we are not asleep His opinion will be best set down in his own words and I think it necessary to do it because Nardius hath done it so imperfectly that one would attribute as little to his allegations as to those which are cited out of the Ancients and if I had not read Caesalpinus long before I should have thought the Florentine to have intitled Caesalpinus to the opinion out of envy to Harvey or out of a partial desire to advance the glory of the Tuscan Academy at Pisa when Caesalpinus was Professour Thus that learned man writ about the year 1590. or a little after Andraeas Caesalpinus Quest Medic. l. 2. Qu. 17. edit venetae secunda in 4 to A. D. 1593. fol. 234. col 1. Sed illud speculatione dignum videtur Propter quod intumescunt venae ultra locum apprehensum non citra quod experimento sciunt qui vena secant vinculum enim adhibent citra locum sectionis non ultra quia tument venae ultra vinculum non citra Debuisset autem opposito modo contingere si motus sanguinis spiritus a visceribus fit in totum corpus intercepto enim meatu non ultra datur progressus tumor igitur venarum citra vinculum debuisset fieri An folvitur dubitatio ex eo quod scribit Aristoteles de Som c. 3. ubi inquit Necesse enim quod evaporatur aliquousque impelli deinde converti permutari sicut Euripum calidum enim cujusque animalium ad superiora natum est ferri cum autem in superioribus locis fuerit multum simul iterum revertitur ferturque deorsum Haec Aristoteles Pro cujus loci explicatione illud sciendum est Cordis meatus ita a natura paratos esse ut ex vena Cava intromissio fiat in Cordis ventriculum dextrum unde patet exitus in pulmonem ex pulmone praeterea alium ingressum esse in Cordis ventriculum sinistrum ex quotandem patet exitus in Arteriam Aortam membranis quibusdam ad ostia vasorum appositis ut impediant retrocessum Sic enim perpetuus quidam motus est ex vena cava per Cor pulmones in Arteriam Aortam ut in Quaestionibus Peripateticis explicavimus Cum autem in vigilia motus caloris nativi fiat extra scilicet ad sensoria in Somno autem intra scilicet ad Cor putandum est in vigilia multum spiritus sanguinis ferri ad arterias inde enim in nervos iter est In somno autem eundem calorem per venas reverti ad Cor non per Arteriam Judicio sunt pulsus qui expergicentibus fiunt magni vehementes celeres crebri cum quadam vibratione in somno autem parvi languidi tardi rari notante Galeno 3. de caus pul 9 10. Num in Somno calor nativus minus vergit in arterias in casdem erumpit vehementius cum expergiscuntur Venae autem contrario se modo habent nam in somno fiunt tumidiores in vigilia exiliores ut patet intuenti eas quae in manu sunt Transit enim in somno calor nativus ex arteriis in venas per osculorum communionem quam Anastomosin vocant inde ad Cor. Ut autem sanguinis exundatio ad superiora retrocessus ad inferiora ad instar Euripi manifesta est in somno vigilia sic non obscurus est hujusmodi motus in quacunque parte corporis vinculum adhibeatur aut alia ratione occludantur venae Cum enim tollitur permeatio intumescunt rivuli qua parte fluere solent From hence it is clear that He held that the blood did circulate continually falling into the Heart by the vena Cava and issuing out by the Aorta into all parts of the body that this motion of the blood was perceivable by the Ligatures at any time but most manifest in the intumescence of the veins in sleep at what time also the blood or natural heat which is all one to him did pass by way of Anastomosis out of the arteries into the veins as well as at other times So that we are not to imagine any interrupted circulation in him but that it did constantly flow night and day sleeping and waking though with unequal celerity In letting of blood he tells us that the blood which first issues out is venous and blacker then that which follows and comes more immediately
Democriti legitur dictum aut factum fuisse illam cum Hippocrate collocutionem atque annum agentem 109. ab hujus vitae Statione decessisse I finde also that Menagius suspects those Letters though he confess them to be very ancient Extant hodie Hippocratis de sua ad Democritum profectione Epistolae sed supposititiae licet perantiquae Whereas I say pag. 114. that I have observed in some that their pulses have suffered no alteration at least kept no time or palpitated as did their hearts I shall illustrate this with an observation in a young Lady which I had too fatal an opportunity lately to make she died of a very malignant Feaver joyned with the Measils two nights before she died I watched with her and frequently observing the variety of her pulse I determined to minde whether there were any such alteration in the beating of the Heart as I then observed in her Arteries I laid my hand upon her Breast and I found that her heart did not beat as usually it doth the bâ—â—e erecting it self and impelling the left side but it seemed like a great bullet transcending any proportion that is natural to the Heart as it rolled in the Thorax from the right to the left side as much one way as the other with an uniform and equable revolution and thus it continued to do for an houre during which time I observed all the varieties almost that are recorded about evil pulses as quick slow great small unequal deficient dicrotus c. Nor is this new for Riolanus saith in Exam. Harvey c. 3. Notavi multoties in palpitationibus cordis vehementibus arterias non sequi motum Cordis sed bis terve pulsare Cor pro una diastole Arteriarum quod indicat Arterias in sanis aegris corporibus non semper sequi motus cordis So doth Mercatus teach Fit interdum palpitatio cordis nihil mutatis pulsibus Tom. 2. de Philos. differ l. 2. tr 1. c. 28. tom 3. l. 2. c. xj Since the writing hereof being casually in the shop where an old man was blooded who upon the healing up of an old sore in his leg was very ill I observed his blood to have very little of what was crimson in it but it seemed all a fluid Serum to the bottom which was pellucid not of a turbid white in some Pottingers in one Pottinger that ran last it was coagulated into a thicker mass on the top whereof was coagulated a translucid gelatine over most of the Pottinger the rest being of a fluid Serum like to the other I took some spirit of Vitriol and poured a pretty quantity viz. about 20 drops on that which was partly coagulated upwards partly not and all that part which was not blood did coagulate into a mass like unto the white of an Egge when hardened by the fire but without that smell which is usual to it when coagulated upon a gentle fire the blood under it coagulated into a consistence much like wax but of a dark red inclining to black into another Pottinger I poured some of the salt-peter-liquor that had passed the Ashes but this latter caused no change at all I then poured on the same some spirit of Vitriol as in the other and it did immediately turn lacteous and coagulated into a mass like to that of ordinary custards and the blood under which seemed but very little and scarce coagulated appeared thereupon as a large quantity equalling three parts of the Pottinger upon which all the Serum was thus coagulated I went to bâ—â—n these that blood which had only spirit of Vitriol did not crackle and scarce burn though a little it did the pure coagulated Serum did not burn at all yet crackled like decrepitating Salt a little that with the spirit of Vitriol and Lixivium of Nitre did burn with a vivid and lasting flame a long time I think my self obliged to adde one thing more where I speak as if Dr. Willis had had little to do in the discoveries of Dr. Lower about Anatomy that although that great Physician had not leisure to attend the Anatomical Inquiries yet did he propose new matter for improving the discoveries and put Dr. Lower upon continual investigation thereby to see if Nature and his Suppositions did accord and although that many things did occur beyond his apprehension yet was the grand occasion of that work and in much the Author This Intelligence doth not cross what I related before from good testimony yet I thought my self obliged to declare the whole truth and such I beleeve this to be I must also profess that I think the Sinus venarum vertebrales whose invention I ascribe to Dr. Lower may without considerable injury be ascribed unto Fallopius in his Anatomical Observations pag. 193. edit Coloniens 1562. in 80. Thus much I thought fitting to annex lest the Virtuosi should censure me as partial to my old School-fellow Dr. Lower or swayed by any regard then that of Truth The Hogs-blood which I last mentioned as poured upon the Mothers of Salt-peter after it had stood above three weeks unmixed did at last cast down about half of it self below the Mothers it continuing in that place it turned crimson that on the top did not change its colour but on the surface there gathered a crust or mass not very thick as before nor of so solid a coasistence FINIS To divert my Reader after so tedious a discourse I shall here adde the Letter of Coga their Patient that they may see how efficacious the Transfusion hath been on him and what returnes he makes for his Cure To the Royal Society the VIRTUOSI and all the Honourable Members of it the Humble Address of AGNUS COGA. YOur Creature for he was his own man till your Experiment transform'd him into another species amongst those many alterations he finds in his condition which he thinks himself oblig'd to represent them finds a decay in his purse as well as his body and to recruit his spirits is forc't to forfeit his nerves for so is money as well in peace as warre 'T is very miserable that the want of natural heat should rob him of his artificial too But such is his case to repair his own ruines yours because made by you he pawns his cloaths and dearly purchases your sheeps blood with the loss of his own wooll In this sheepwrack't vessel of his like that of Argos he addresses himself to you for the Golden Fleece For he thinks it requisite to your Honours as perfect Metaplasts to transform him without as well as within If you oblige him in this he hath more blood still at your service provided it may be his own that it may be the nobler sacrifice The meanest of your Flock AGNUS COGA. Plus Ultra pag. 23. Page â— Plus Ultra Pag. 7. and 8. Corn. Celsus in Praâ—at Dieg. Laert. in vita Arist. Suidas in Nicomacho Ammonius in vita Arist. Vide notas Menagii in
out of the Arteries Venas cum Arteriis adeo copulari osculis ut vena secta primum exeat sanguis venalis nigrior deinde succedat arterialis flavior quod plerumque contingit And he explains the motion of the blood and natural heat thus to prevent all ambiguity At instabit quis in somno nequaquam prohiberi calorem in cerebro sensoriis pulsant enim arteriae in toto corpore etiam in somno At praesente calore innato debuisset duci in actum facultas animalis An calor innatus in somno viget in venis arteriis non in nervis sine quibus non sit sensus motus Extra igitur ferri est nervos petere intra autem non solum ad viscera sed in omnes venas arterias unde operationes naturales magis perficiuntur in toto corpore I hope I have now determined the Question which hath occasioned so many heats in the world concerning the Circulation of the blood who was the first Inventor of it I have demonstrated that Andraeas Caesalpinus a rigid Peripatetick upon sensible Experiments Mechanical considerations not notional apprehensions did not only discover this motion of the blood even through the Lungs but gave it the name of CIRCULATIO SANGUINIS which name is not so proper in it self considering the Fabrick of the veins and arteries and the Labyrinth in which the blood moves universally describing a Line no way circular as that a man would have pitched upon it in any other Age then when Caesalpinus lived when the knowledge of the Learned Languages was less general then now and such a barbarous stile in fashion as our Inventour used But it was not so in the days of Dr. Harvey who published his Treatise in 4 to at Francfourt in the year as I take it 1628. I must confess I am apt to think upon this consideration that Dr. Harvey who was a Peripatetique Physician and in whose time at Padoa those Physicians did flourish with the greatest repute of Learning and skill in Anatomy as well as Philosophy did take up this opinion from my Author And although there wanted not occasion by reason of what Walaeus Riolanus Slegelius and others had said upon the point for him to declare the original of the discovery yet in his two Answers to Riolanus and his Book of Generation He no where asserts the Invention so to himself as to deny that he had the intimation or notion from Caesalpinus but leaves the Controversy in the dark which silence of his I take for a tacite Confession His Ambition of Glory made him willing to be thought the Authour of a Paradox he had so illustrated and brought upon the Stage when it lay unregarded and in all probability buried in oblivion Yet such was his Modesty as not to vindicate it to himself by telling a Lie And such his Prudence as rather to avoid the debate then resolve it to his prejudice Had Dr. Harvey been a Chymist I should have guessed that he might have fixed upon the word Circulation upon other reasons and those congruous enough to his Hypotheses but since especially in the days when he writ those Studies were unknown to him and not valued by him I am inclined to think that He did receive his first Iutelligence from this Professour at Pisa where Harvey also was and so improved those hints that in the divulging of his Opinion they are as little to be seen as the first indeclines which Painters draw in Pictures that are lost when the Pourtraict is finished or as in the first Appearances of Plants above-ground where those leaves and buds which often give growth to the succeeding stemme flower and fruit are lost or altered so as not to be known Let it suffice that Dr. Harvey had parts and industry enough to have discovered it had he not been prevented therein And I should have imagined that our Countreyman had found it out without any communication with those other books a thing possible enough and of which we have instance in the case of Rudbek Bartholine and Jolice but that the reasons I have alledged render the case suspicious Had Caesalpinus writ a distinct Treatise I doubt not but much of the Glory had been his since there are as great differences between one Circulator and another and greater then betwixt him and Harvey but his notions being confusedly laid down here and there in his Peripatetick and Medicinal Questions and he being not ambitious to pretend to any new discoveries only to illustrate Aristotles tenets I shall allow Harvey the possession of his present repute nor do I give my self this trouble of collecting up into a method these confused assertions of Caesalpinus out of any envy to the dead but out of animosity to Pretenders to Wit and Learning that brave it thus amongst us yet if to be ignorant of what hath passed in the world heretofore be an argument of childishness there is not any thing more puerile then this sort of Virtuosi I might not dismiss my Reader but that the great noise which this Circulation of blood makes in the World enforceth me to speak a little more about the utility of this discovery which our Authour describes to be the most noble of all those discoveries in the Oeconomy of humane nature which Wit and Industry have made I do confess I think the Arguments for it to be such as admit of no Answer in general but when we come to debate how it passeth through the Lungs which Riolanus almost invincibly disproves or through the Septum Cordis which Riolan and Bartholin asserts but Harvey Slegelius Vander Linden and others reject it oâ— good grounds what it is that causeth the pulsation of the Heart what continues on the motion of the blood in the veins even when a Ligature is made betwixt the antecedent and subsequent blood Whether the blood be diffused into the habit of the body and reimbibed by capillary veins or conveyed on by Anastomoses whether there be any difference betwixt the venous and Arterious blood How the Phaenomena which undeniably are observed about the pulse can be made out and particularly how some have lived without any Pulse others which I have known in the palpitation of the Heart suffer no change in their Pulse How upon dissection or wounds somtimes both ends of the veine divided do bleed How some bleed at the arme without any Ligature some upon a double Ligature These and many other questions when I come to dispute with my self methinks I am forced to constrain my judgement in the assent I give to that Probleme and what I am ashamed to deny I finde I cannot own without some reluctancy which is daily encreased in me by scruples arising from the Practick Part of Physick nor do I blush to declare my self an Abettour only of such Tenets as are consistent with and illustrated by Practical Physick it was thought at first that this Circulation of
anaâ—om p 3. De vet nova med comment 8. dial 5. p. 261. Vide Columbum Anat. l. 14 Vesalium de fabrica corp hum l. 4 c. â— Plus ultra pag. 13. Riolanus asserts the first invention of the Valves in the veins to Hippocrates Anthropogr l 5. c. 49. Riolanus Anthropogr l. 5. c. 49. Marquard Slegel de circul sangu l. â— p. 7. Bartholin in libello de venis c. â— Varolius Anat. l. 3. c. 3. Riolan Anthropogr l. 2. c. 14. Bartholin Anat â—es l. â— c. 11. Plus ultra pag. 14. Dr. Willis de cerebro c â— p. 82 83. Jo. Jac. Wepferus Apoplex p 116. Bartholin Anat l. 3. c. 7. Vol. Coiter observ anatom miscel Ex substantia cerebri cerebelli quatuor radicibus oritur primum troncus insignis Medulla spinalis appellatus ex quo multi emergunt surculi nomine nervorum insigâ—iti Varolius Anatom l 1. c. 13. â— 12. Moebius fundament med c. de usu nervor p 606. Caspar Hofman insâ—â—t med l 2. c. 65. sect 1. So Dr. Charlton in his Discourse to the Royal Society concerning the Brain takes the liberty to understand by the Cerebrum as well as others totum illud corpâ—â— quod Calvariae concavo continetur pag. 67. de Propr cerebri humani though afterwards when he comes to speak more accurately he treats of the Medulla oblongata thus Cerebro proxime subjicitur alma nervorum ad sensus spectantium mater funis argentei sicut Sapiens in Ecclesiaste eleganti sed obscuâ—a Allegoria vocat Medullâ—m spinalem principium Medulla scilicet intra cranium oblongata Behold the addition of Mr. Glanvill Vide Varolium l. 1. c. 3. If Varolius found it out as I believe be did by a peculiar way of dissecting the head what is it that Mr. Glanvill then â—DDS I am sure that Fracassatus saith Varolius primus principium spinalis medullae vel intra cranium sobolescere in nervos quorum origo olim á cerebro petebatur docuit Highmore de affect hypochondr c. 4. Willis in Anatome cerebri c 20. Bartholin spicileg 1. c. 3. Bartholin spicileg 1. de vasis lymphat p. 23. Plus ultra pag. 15. Hippocrates de oss nat t. 17. Eâ— lib. de alim t. 4. 1â— Plato in Timaeo Vide Slegel de motu Sanguin c. 2. Riolan in not ad ep Walaei Andraeas Caesalpinus Qu. peripatet â— 5. qu. 3. Ib. qu. 4. Mark this where he makes the Heart and Arteries to be one continued recepracle of perfect blood by which you must explain what he says in some pâ—aces as it only spirits or natural heat went into the Arteries or returned by the veins Qu. Med. l. 2. qu 5 fol. 212. col 1. lit â— Qu. Med. l. 2. qu. 15. fol 230. col 1. l. c. Narravit mih. Nobiliss. Ampliss Nicolaus Oudart illustrissimi Principis Auriaâ—i Consiâ—iarius meminisse se audire ipsum Harveium profitentem se revera primam circuitus sanguinis nâ—titiam in eum sectione viventium inquirendi occasionem ex Herioto accepisse Fuit is serenissimi quondam Regis Jacobi gemmâ—rius Matheseos periâ—â—s eoque nomine Londini celebris Si verum hoc verisi milius quoque est vel ipsum vel Sarpium vel Heriotum a Caesâ—lpino accepisse Nemo enim mihi persuaserit ab corum nemine visum suisse scriptum venetiis impressum quod vel titulo se nedum eruditionis varietate atque sublimitate commendet Jo. Arter Vander Linden disput de circuit sangu exercit 9. sect 196. exercit 16. sect 582. Nardiuâ— noct Gâ—â—al 4. p 412. Epist xxi â— Hâ—sman vâ—r lect l. 2. â— c. 2. Jo Ant. Vander â—irdâ—n â—e circuitsangu â—xerc 9 Fracassatus de cerebro p. 202. Plus Ultra pag. 17. Those Forreigners will rectifie hereafter their mistakes and not attribute the injecting of Medicaments to their â—nvention as Caspar Schottus in Mirab. Art l. xi c. 21. p. 891. Phil. Jac. Sacks in Ocean Micromicrocosm sect 155 have donc unjustly magnifying Solertissimam Industriam Experientiam of these Pretenders Andr. Libav desens Syntagm arcanor adv Henning Scheunemem act 2. c. pag 8 edit Francosâ—uit Aâ—â— 615. Philos. Transact Numb 37. p. 740. By his leave it infers only the mention of it to be more ancient not â—e Operation Libavius proposeth it out of some Paracelsian Magical Writer and not from his own Fancy adding that the Physician who practisethths Transfusion deservs Helleborc himself See Mr. J. Denny's Letter in the Transact numb â—7 〈◊〉 num 28. See Transact Num. 28. pag. 5â—4 In the Transactions numb 37. pag. 371. The Gazettier affirms that upon further investigation it was by good proof which is in his hands proved that the invention had been known to some Ingenious persons in England thirty years ago If so then is not the Society the Inventors of it except we will say that Societies as well as individual â—oâ—'s do pre-exist But may not a man ask our Gazettier where is the publike record of this Invention what Account is there of the Method with which it was practised with what success How comes all this to be concealed till after Dr. Lower atchieves it and the French preâ—end to it would any man have concealed their claim to the Discovery after that it was become the talk of Europe the Darling of the Society and worthy to be disputed for by the French why did they not put in their Claim being within hearing till about three years after Transact num 2â— p. 490 491. Câ—r Fracassar Ep Anat. de cerebro p. 252 253 â—54 Dr. Lower de motu Cordis pag. 1. 9. Transact num 27. pag. 49â— Mr. Boyle of the Usefulness of Nat. Philos part 2. p. 54 55. Vid. supra p. 53 54 Phil. Jac. Sachs in Ocean macromicrocosm sect 155. Transact numb 30. pag. 564 565. Vulgo hactenus a non â—â—ucis spâ—â—itus Vitrioli Sulphuris pro diversis râ—bâ—s habiti sunt adeo quidem ut nonnulli flores sulphuris acidum ad câ—sdem pulmonis merbâ—s exhiberent sed valde impâ—â—ite cum acâ—â—a omnjâ— sinâ— pectori inimica spiritus Sulphuris Vitri â—i essâ—ntia nullâ— modo differant sed ex cadem re generentâ—r parentuâ— Etenim spiritus Vitrioli Sulphuris eundem sâ—porâ—m colorem omnino easdem qualitates â—ffâ—ctus habent ad â—osdem uâ—us in medicina adhibentur nondumque inventus est â—ui pecuâ—iarem aliquam seu manifestum seu occultam qualitatem in spiritu Sulphuris monstrare potuerit quae non etiam in spiritu Vitrioli sit Senneâ—t in Paralipomen ad institut l. 5 part 3 sect 3 c. 5. Angelus Salâ— Tartaralog sect 3 c 2. p. 133. Disquiâ—it de soetu pag. 130. Transact numb 29. p. 552. Tho. Bartholin cp Centur 3 cp 97. pag. 421 4â—2 Inspâ—ximus post intervallum plenius postridie omnia Observavimus sanguinem â—ui affusus erat spiritus aceti redditum nigricantem instar