of England And for a further proof hereof he that consults the Saxon Councils collected by that Learned and Industrious Gentleman Sir H. Spelman will find how little there was in them of a Papal influence from the first planting of the Gospel to the Norman Conquest If we look lower we shall find that the Popes Legat à Latere whensoever sent durst not set foot on English ground till he was licensed and indemnified by the Kings Authority but all Appeals in case of grievance were to be made by a Decree of Henry II. from the Arch-Deacon to the Bishop from the Bishop to the Metropolitan Et si Archiepiscopus defecerit in justitia exhibenda ad Dominum Regem deveniendum est postremo and last of all from the Metropolitan to the King himself no Appeal hence unto the Pope as in other places so that the Clergy of this Land had a Self-authority of treating and concluding in any business which concerned their own peace and happiness without resorting to the Pope for a confirmation Out of which Canons and Determinations made amongst our selves Lindwood composed his Provincial though framed according to the method of the Roman Decretal to be the standing body of our Canon-Law that on the other side neither the Canons of that Church or Decretals of the Popes were concluding here but either by a voluntary submission of some fawning and ambitious Prelates or as they were received Synodically by the English Clergy of which the constitutions made by Otho and Othobon Legats à latere from the Pope may be proof sufficient and finally that Anselm the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury was welcomed by Pope Vrban II. to the Council of Bari in Apulia tanquam alterius orbis Papa as in William of Malmesbury tanquam Patriarcham Apostolicum as John Capgrave hat it as the Pope Patriarch and Apostolick Pastor of another World Divisos orbe Britannos as you know who said Which titles questionless the Pope would never have conferred upon him had he not been as absolute and supream in his own jurisdiction succeeding in the Patriarchal Rights of the British Diocess as the Pope was within the Churches subject unto his Authority And this perhaps might be the reason why Innocent II. bestowed on Theobald the third from Anselm and on his Successors in that See the Title of Legati nati that they might seem to act rather in the time to come as Servants and Ministers to the Pope than as the Primates and chief Pastors of the Church of England And by all this it may appear that the Popes Apostleship was never looked on here as a matter of so great concernment that the Church might not lawfully proceed to a Reformation without his allowance and consent Were that plea good the Germans might not lawfully have reformed themselves without the allowance of the English it being evident in story that not only Boniface Arch-Bishop of Mentz called generally the Apostle of Germany was an English man but that Willibald the first Bishop of Eystel Willibad the first Bishop of Bremen Willibrod the first Bishop of Vtretcht Swibert the first Bishop of Virdem and the first converters of those parts were of England also Men instigated to this great work all except the first not so much by the Popes zeal as their own great piety By this that hath been said it is clear enough that the Church of England at the time of the Reformation was not indeed a Member of the Church of Rome under the Pope as the chief Pastor and Supream Head of the Church of Christ but a fellow-Fellow-member with it of that Body Mystical whereof Christ only is the Head part of that Flock whereof he only is the Shepherd a sister Church to that of Rome though with relation to the time of her last conversion but a younger Sister And if a fellow-Fellow-member and a Sister-Church she might make use of that Authority which naturally and originally was vested in her to reform her self without the leave of the particular Church of Rome or any other whatsoever of the Sister-Churches The Church is likened to a City in the Book of God a City at Vnity in it self as the Psalmist calls it and as a City it consisteth of many houses and in each house a several and particular Family Suppose this City visited with some general sickness may not each Family take care to preserve it self advise with the Physitian and apply the Remedy without consulting with the rest Or if consulting with the rest must they needs ask leave also of the Mayor or principal Magistrate take counsel with no other Doctors and follow no other course of Physick than such as he commends unto them or imposeth on them Or must the lesser languish irremediably under the calamity because the greater and more potent Families do not like the cure Assuredly it was not so in the Primitive times when it was held a commendable and lawful thing for National and particular Churches to reform such errors and corruptions as they found amongst them nor in the Church of Judah neither when the Idolatries of their Neighbours had got ground upon them Though Israel transgress let not Judah sin saith the Prophet Hosea chap. 4. Yet Israel was the greater and more numerous people Ten Tribes to two two of the ten the Eldest Sons of their Father Jacob all of them older than Benjamin the last begotten being the second of the two which notwithstanding the Kings of Judah might and did proceed to a Reformation though those of Israel did refuse to co-operate with them The like was also done de facto and dejure too in the best and happiest times of Christianity there being many errors and unsound opinions condemned in the Councils of Gangra Aquilia Carthage Milevis and not a few corruptions in the practical part of Religion reformed in the Synods of Eliberis Laodicea Arles and others in the fourth Century of the Church without advising or consulting with the Roman Oracle or running to the Church of Rome for a confirmation of their Acts and doing though at that time invested with a greater and more powerful principality than the others were No such regard had in those times to the Church of Rome though the elder Sister but that another National Church might reform without her nor any such consideration had of the younger Sisters that one should tarry for another till they all agreed though possibly they might all be sensible of the inconvenience and all alike desirous of a speedy Remedy But of this more anon in Answer to the next Objections Proceed we now a little further and let us grant for once that the Church of England was a Member at that time of the Church of Rome acknowledging the Pope for the Head thereof Yet this could be no hindrance to a Reformation when the pretended Head would not yield unto it or that the Members could not meet to consult about it The whole Body of the Church was
in ill condition every part unsound but the disease lay chiefly in the Head it self grown monstrously too great for the rest of the Members And should the whole Body pine and languish without hope of ease because the Head I mean still the pretended Head would not be purged of some superfluous and noxious humours occasioning giddiness in the brain dimness in the eye deafness in the ear and in a word a general and sad distemper unto all the Members The Pope was grown to an exorbitant height both of pride and power the Court of Rome wallowing as in a course of prosperous fortunes in all voluptuousness and sensuality Nothing so feared amongst them as a Reformation whereby they knew that an abatement must be made of their pomp and pleasure Of these corruptions and abuses as of many others complaint had formerly been made by Armachanus Grosthead Bishop of Lincoln S. Bernard Nic. de Clemangis and other Conscientious men in their several Countreys not a few errors noted and informed against by Wickliffe John of Hus c. But they complained to a deaf Adder who was resolved not to hear the voice of those Charmers charmed they never so wisely The Church mean-while was in a very ill condition when he that should prescribe the cure was become the sickness Considering therefore that a Reformation could not be obtained by the Popes consent there was no remedy but that it must be made without it The Molten Calf modelled by the Egyptian Apis and the Altar patterned from Damasus had made the Israelites in all probability as great Idolaters as their Neighbours if the High Briests that set them up might have had their wills Nor had it been much better with the Church of Christ if Arianism could not have been suppressed in particular Churches because Liberius Pope of Rome supposing him to be the Head of the Church in general had subscribed unto it and that no error and corruption could have been reformed which any of the Popes whose Graves I am very loth to open had been guilty of but by their permission The Church now were in worse estate under Christian Princes than when it suffered under the power and tyranny of the Heathen Emperors if it were not lawful for particular Churches to provide for their own safety and salvation without resorting to the Pope who cannot every day be spoke with and may when spoken with be pressed with so many inconveniencies nearer hand as not to be at leisure to attend such businesses as lie further off And therefore it was well said by Danet the French Ambassador when he communicated to the Pope his Masters purpose of Reforming the Gallican Church by a National Council If said he Paris were on Fire would you not count the Citizens either Fools or Mad-men if they should send so far as Tiber for some Water to quench it the River of Seine running through the City and the Marne so near it 3. That the Church of England might lawfully proceed to a Reformation without the help of a General Council or calling in the aid of the Protestant Churches But here you say it is objected that if a Reformation were so necessary as we seem to make it and that the Pope was never like to yield unto it as the case then stood it ought to have been done by a General Council according to the usage of the Primitive times I know indeed that General Councils such as are commonly so called are of excellent use and that the name thereof is sacred and of high esteem But yet I prize them not so highly as Pope Gregory did who ranked the four first General Councils with the four Evangelists Nor am I of opinion that they are so necessary to a Reformation either in point of Faith or corruption of manners but that the business of the Church may be done without them Nay might I be so bold as to lay my naked thoughts before you as I think I may you would there find it to be some part of my Belief that there never was and never can be such a thing as a General Council truly and properly so called that is to say such a General Council to which all the Bishops of the Church admitting none but such to the power of voting have been or can be called together by themselves or their Proxies These which are commonly so called as those of Nice Constantinople Ephesus Chalcedon were only of the Prelates of the Roman Empire Christian Churches existing at that time in Ethiopia and the Kingdom of Persia which made up no small part of the Church of Christ were neither present at them nor invited to them And yet not all the Prelates neither of the Roman Empire nor some from every Province of it did attend that service those Councils only being the Assemblies of some Eastern Bishops such as could most conveniently be drawn together few of the Western Churches none at all in some having or list or leisure for so long a journey For in the so much celebrated Council of Nice there were but nine Bishops sent from France but two from Africk one alone from Spain none from the Diocess of Britain and out of Italy which lay nearest to it none but two Priests appeared at all and those as Legats from the Pope not Authorised to represent the Italian Churches so that of 318. Bishops which were there Assembled there were but twelve in all besides the Legats of the Pope for the Western Churches too great a disproportion to entitle it to the name of General And yet this was more General than the rest that followed there being no Bishops of the West at all in the second and third but the Popes themselves and in the fourth none but the Legats of the Pope to supply his place So that these Councils were called General not that they were so in themselves but that there was a greater concourse to them from the neighbouring Provinces than was or had been to some others on the like occasions Which if it be enough to constitute a General Council I see no reason but the Council of Antioch might be called so too summoned in the case of Paulus Samosetanus the Patriarch at that time of that famous City For the condemning of whose Heresie there convened not the Bishops of that Province only but the Patriarch of Hierusalem the Bishop of Caesarea in Palestine Bozra in Arabia Tarsus in Cilicia Caesarea in Cappadocia of Iconium in Lycaonia of Neo-Caesarea in Pontus besides many others from all places of the same rank and quality but of lesser same Not to say any thing of Dionysius Patriarch of Alexandria invited but not present in regard of sickness which defect he recompenced by his Letters of advice and intercourse or of Dionysius Pope of Rome so hampered by the Puritan or Novatian faction that he could not come So that if the present of two of the four Patriarchs and the inviting of the
Submission brought down the Convocation to the same Level with the Houses of Parliament yet being made unto the King in his single person and not as in conjunction with his House of Parliament it neither brought the Convocation under the command of Parliaments nor rendred them obnoxious to the power thereof That which they did in former times of their self-authority in matters which concerned the Church without the Kings consent co-operating and concurring with them the same they did and might do in the times succeeding the Kings Authority and Consent being superadded without the help and midwifery of an Act of Parliament though sometimes that Authority was made Use of also for binding of the subject under Temporal and Legal penalties to yield obedience and conformity to the Churches Orders Which being the true state of the present business it makes the clamour of the Papists the more unreasonable but then withal it makes it the more easily answered Temporal punishments inflicted on the refractory and disobedient in a Temporal Court may add some strength unto the Decrees and Constitutions of the Church but hey take none from it Or if they did the Religion of the Church of Rome the whole Mass of Popery as it was received and settled here in Qu. Maries Reign would have a sorry crutch to stand upon and might as justly bear the name of a Parliament-Faith as the reformed Religion of the Church of England It is true indeed that had those Convocations which were active in that Reformation being either called or summoned by the King in Parliament or by the Houses separately or convenedly without the King Or had the Members of the same been nominated and impowered by the House alone and intermixt with a considerable number of the Lords and Commons which being by the way the Case of this New Assembly I do not see how any thing which they agree on can bind the Clergy otherwise than imposed by a strong hand and against their privileges Or finally had the conclusions or results thereof been of no effect but as reported to and confirmed in Parliament the Papists might have had some ground for so gross a calumny in calling the Religion which is now established by the name of a Parliament-Religion and a Parliament-Gospel But so it is not in the Case which is now before us the said Submission notwithstanding For being the Body being still the same privileged with the same freedom of debate and determination and which is more the Procurators of the Clergy invested with the same power and Trust which before they had There was no alteration made by the said Submission in the whole constitution and composure of it but only the addition of a greater and more excellent power Nor was there any thing done here in that Reformation but either by the Clergy in their Convocations and in their Convocations rightly called and Canonically constituted or with the councel and advice of the Heads thereof in more private conferences the Parliaments of these times contributing very little towards it but acquiescing in the Wisdom of the Sovereign Prince and in the piety and zeal of the Ghostly Fathers This is the ground-work or foundation of the following Building I now time I should proceed to the Superstructures beginning first with the Ejection of the Pope and vesting the Supremacy in the Regal Crown 2. Of the Ejection of the Pope and vesting the Supremacy in the Regal Crown AND first beginning with the Ejection of the Pope and his Authority that led the way unto the Reformation of Religion which did after follow It was first voted and decreed in the Convocation before ever it became the subject of an Act of Parliament For in the year 1530. 22 Hen. 8. the Clergy being caught in a premunire were willing to redeem their danger by a sum of money and to that end the Clergy of the Province of Canterbury bestowed upon the King the sum of 100000 l. to be paid by equal portions in the same year following but the King would not so be satisfied unless they would acknowledge him for the supream Head on earth for the Church of England which though it was hard meat and would not easily down amongst amongst them yet it passed at last For being throughly debated in a Synodical way both in the upper and lower Houses of Convocation they did in sine agree upon this expression Cujus Ecclesiae sc Anglicanae Singularem protectorem unicum Supremum Dominum quantum per Christi leges licet Supremum caput ipsius Majestatem recognoscimus To this they all consented and subscribed their Hands and afterwards incorporated it into the publik Act or Instrument which was presented to the King in the Name of his Clergy for the redeeming of their errour and the grant of their money which as it doth at large appear in the Records and Acts of the Convocation so it is touched upon in a Historical way in the Antiq. Britan. Mason de Minist Anglic. and other Authors by whom it also doth appear that what was thus concluded on by the Clergy of the Province of Canterbury was also ratified and confirmed by the Convocation of the Province of York according to the usual custom save that they did not buy their pardon at so dear a rate This was the leading Card to the Game that followed For on this ground were built the Statutes prohibiting all Appeals to Rome and for determining all Ecclesiastical suits and controversies within the Kingdoms 24 H. 8. c. 12. That for the manner of electing and consecrating of Arch-Bishops and Bishops 25 H. 8. c. 20. and the prohibiting the payment of all Impositions to the Court of Rome and for obtaining all such dispensations from the See of Canterbury which formerly were procured from the Popes of Rome 25 H. 8. c. 21. Which last is builkt expresly upon this foundation That the King is the only supream Head of the Church of England and was so recognized by the Prelates and Clergy representing the said Church in their Convocation And on the very same foundation was the Statute raised 26 H. 8. c. 1. wherein the King is declared to be the supream Head of the Church of England and to have all honour and preheminences which were annexed unto that Title as by the Act it self doth at full appear Which Act being made I speak it from the Act it self only for corroboration and confirmation of that which had been done in the Convocation did afterwards draw on the Statute for the Tenths and first fruits as the point incident to the Headship or supream Authority 26 H. 8. c. 3. The second step to the Ejection of the Pope was the submission of the Clergy to the said King Henry whom they had recognizanced for their supream Head And this was first concluded on in the Convocation before it was proposed or agitated in the Houses of Parliament and was commended only to the care of the
Romanae sedis exuisset obsequium saith the Author of the Tridentine History he had freed himself and all his Subjects from so great a Vassalage Now as K. Henry the 8th was not the first Christian Prince who did de facto abrogate the Popes Authority so was he not the last that thought it might be abrogated if occasion were For to say nothing of King Edward the 6th and Queen Elizabeth two of his Successors who followed his example in it We find it to have been resolved on by K. Henry the 4th of France who questionless had made the Arch-Bishop of Bourges the Patriarch of the Gallicane Church and totally withdrawn it from acknowledging of the Authority of the See of Rome had not Pope Clement the 8th much against his will by the continual solicitations of Cardinal D' Ossat admitted him to a formal Reconciliation on his last falling off to Popery How near the Signeury of Venice was to have done the like anno 1608. the History of the Interdict or of the Quarrels betwixt that State and Pope Paul the 5th doth most plainly shew This makes it evident that in the judgment and esteem of most Christian Princes in other things of the Religion of the Church of Rome the Popes Supremacy was looked upon as an incroachment and therefore might be abrogated upon better reasons than it had formerly been admitted in their several Kingdoms By consequence the doing of it here in England is neither so injurious or unjust as your Zelots make it 2. That the Church of England might proceed to a Reformation without the Approbation of the Pope or Church of Rome But here you say it will be replied that though the Pope be not considered as the Supream Head or Universal Pastor of the Church with reference whereunto his supereminent jurisdiction was disputed in the former times yet it cannot be denied with reason but that he is the Patriarch of these Western Churches and the Apostle in particular of the English Nation In these respects no Reformation of the Church to be made without him especially considering that the Church of England at that time was a Member of the Church of Rome and therefore to act nothing in that kind but by consent of the whole according to that known Maxim of the Schools Turpis est pars ea quae totisuo non cohaereat This though it be a Triple Cord will be easily broken For first the Pope is not the Patriarch of the West One of the Patriarchs of the West we shall easily grant him but that he is the Patriarch we will by no means yield To tell you why we dare not yield it I must put you in mind of these particulars 1. That all Bishops in respect of their Office or Episcopality are of equal power whether they be of Rome or Rhegium of Constantinople or Engubium of Alexandria or of Tanais as S. Hierom hath it Potentia divitiarum paupertatis humilitas vel sublimiorem vel inferiorem Episcopum non facit A plentiful Revenue and a sorry Competency makes not saith he one bishop higher than another in regard of his Office though possibly of more esteem and reputation in the eyes of men 2. That in respect to Polity and external order the Bishops antiently were disposed of into Sub et supra according to the platform of the Roman Empire agreeable to the good old Rule which we find mentioned though not made in the general Councel of Chalcedon that is to say 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. The government of the Church is to be sitted and accommodated to the Civil State 3. That the Roman Empire was divided antiently into 14 Juridical Circuits which they called Diocesses reckoning the Praefecture of rome for one of the number six the of which that is to say the Diocesses of Italy Africk Spain Britain Gaul and Illyricum occidentale besides the Praefecture of the City were under the command of the Western Emperors after the Empire was divided into East and West 4. That in the Praefecture of the City of Rome were contained no more than the Provinces of Latium Tuscia Picenum Suburbicarium Samnum Apulia and Calabria Brutium and Lucania in the main land of Italy together with the Islands of Sicilie Corsica and Sardinia 5. That every Province having several Cities there was agreeable to this model a Bishop placed in every City a Metropolitan in the chief City of each Province who had a superintendence over all the Bishops and in each Diocess a Primate ruling in chief over the Metropolitans of the several Provinces And 6. Though at first only the three Primates or Arch-Bishops of Rome Antioch and Alexandria commonly and in vulgar speech had the name of Patriarchs by reason of the wealth and greatness of those Cities the greatest of the Roman Empire and the chief of Europe Asia and Africa to which the Bishops of Hierusalem and Constantinople were after added yet were they all of equal power among themselves and shined with as full a splendor in their proper Orbs as any of the Popes then did in the Sphere of Rome receiving all their light from the Sun of Righteousness not borrowing it from one another for which the so much celebrated Canon of the Nicene Council may be proof sufficient If not the Edicts of Justinian shall come in to help by which it was decreed that all Appeals in point of grievance should lie from the Bishop to the Metropolitan and from the Metropolitans unto the Primates the Patriarchs as he calls them of the several Diocesses By which accompt it doth appear that the Patriarchate of Rome was antiently confined within the Praefecture of that City in which respect as the Provinces subject to the Pope were by Ruffinus called Regiones Suburbicariae or the City Provinces so was the Pope himself called Vrbicus or the City-Bishop by Optatus Afer To prove this point more plainly by particular instances I shall take leave to travel over the Western Diocesses to see what marks of Independence we can find among them such as dissenting in opinion from the Church of Rome or adhering unto different ceremonies and forms of worship or otherwise standing in defence of their own Authority And first the Diocess of Italy though under the Popes nose as we use to say was under the command of the Arch-Bishop of Milain as the Primate of it which City is therefore called by Athanafius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Metropolis or chief City of Italy The Saturdays fast observed at Rome and not at Milain Quando Romae sum jejuno Sabbato quum hic sum non jejuno Sabbato as S. Ambrose hath it shews clearly that the one had no dependence upon the other And yet the difference of Divine Offices or Forms of worship is a more pregnant proof than this the Churches of Milain officiating for many Ages by a Liturgie which S. Ambrose had a special hand in they of the Patriarchate of Rome following the
Elders as Josephus telleth us Antiqu. Jud. 1. cap. was no less pleasing unto God nor less valid in the eyes of all his Subjects than those of Jehosaphat and Hezekiah in their riper years and perhaps acting singly on the strength of their own judgments only without any advice Now that there should be Liturgies for the use of the Church that those Liturgies should be celebrated in a Language understood by the people That in those Liturgies there should be some prescribed Forms for giving the Communion in both kinds for Baptizing Infants for the reverent celebration of Marriage performing the last office to the sick and the decent burial of the Dead as also for set Feasts and appointed Festivals hath been a thing of primitive and general practice in the Christian Church And being such though intermitted or corrupted as before is said the King advising with his Bishops and other Church-men though not in a Synodical way may cause the same to be revised and revived and having fitted them to edification and increase of piety either commend them to the Church by his sole authority or else impose them on the people under certain penalties by his power in Parliament Saepe Coeleste Regnum per Terrenum proficit The Kingdom of Heaven said Reverend Isidore of Sevil doth many times receive increase from these earthly Kingdoms in nothing more than by the regulating and well ordering of Gods publick worship We saw before what David did in this particular allotting to the Priest the Courses of their Ministration appointing Hymns and Songs for the Jewish Festivals ordaining Singing-men to sing and finally prescribing Vestments for the Celebration Which what else was it but a Regulating of the Worship of God the putting it into a solemn course and order to be observed from time to time in succeeding Ages Sufficient ground for Christian Princes to proceed on in the like occasions especially when all they do is rathe the reviving of the Ancient Forms than the Introduction of a new Which as the King did here in England by his own Authority the Body of the Clergy not consulted in it so possibly there might be good reason why those who had the conduct of the Kings affairs thought it not safe to put the managing of the business to a Convocation The ignorance and superstition of the common people was at that time exceeding profitable to the Clergy who by their frequent Masses for the quick and dead raised as great advantage as Demetrius and the Silver-Smith by Dianas shrines It hapned also in a time when many of the inferiour Clergy had not much more learning than what was taught them in the Massals and other Rituals and well might fear that if the Service were once extant in the English tongue the Laity would prove in time as great Clerks as themselves So that as well in point of Reputation as in point of Profit besides the love which many of them had to their former Mumpsimus it was most probable that such an hard piece of Reformation would not easily down had it been put into the power of a Convocation especially under a Prince in Nonage and a state unsettled And yet it was not so carried without them neither but that the Bishops generally did concur to the Confirmation of the Book or the approbation of it rather when it passed in Parliament the Bishops in that time and after till the last vast and most improvident increase of the Lay-nobility making the most considerable if not the greatest part of the House of Peers and so the Book not likely to be there allowed of without their consent And I the rather am inclined unto that Opinion because I find that none but Tunstal Gardiner and Bonner were displaced from their Bishopricks for not submitting in this case to the Kings appointments which seems to me a very strong and convincing argument that none but they dissented or refused conformity Add here that though the whole body of the Clergy in their Convocation were nto consulted with at first for the Reasons formerly recited yet when they found the benefit and comfort which redounded by it to good Christian people and had by little and little weaned themselves from their private interesses they all confirmed it on the Post-fact passing an Article in the Convocation of the year 1552. with this Head or Title viz. Agendum esse in Ecclesiae linguae quae fit Populo nota which is the 25th Article in King Edwards Book Lay all that hath been said together and the result of all will be briefly this that being the setting out of the Liturgy in the English Tongue was a matter practical agreeable to the Word of God and the Primitive times that the King with so many of his Bishops and others of the Clergy as he pleased to call to Counsel in it resolved upon the doing of it that the Bishops generally confirmed it when it came before them and that the whole body of the Clergy in their Convocation the Book being then under a review did avow and justifie it The result of all I say is this that as the work it self I say was good so it was done not in a Regal but a Regular way Kings were not Kings if regulating the external parts of Gods publick worship according to the Platforms of the Primitive times should not be allowed them But yet the Kings of England had a further right as to this particular which is a power conferred upon them by the Clergy whether by way of Recognition or Concession I regard not here by which they did invest the King with a Supream Authority not only of confirming their Synodical Acts not to be put in execution without his consent but in effect to devolve on him all that power which formerly they enjoyed in their own capacity And to this we have a parallel Case in the Roman Empire in which there had been once a time when the Supream Majesty of the State was vested in the Senate and people of Rome till by the Law which they called Lex Regia they transferred all their Power on Caesar and the following Emperors Which Law being passed the Edicts of the Prince or Emperor were as strong and binding as the Senatus Consulta and the Plebiseita had been before Whence came that memorable Maxim in Justinians Institutes that is to say Quod Principi placuerit legis habet vigorem The like may be affirmed of the Church of England immediately before and in the Reign of K. Henry VIII The Clergy of this Realm had a Self-authority in all matters which concerned Religion and by their Canons and Determinations did bind all the Subjects of what rank soever till by acknowledging that King for their Supream Head and by the Act of Submission not long after following they transferred that power upon the King and on his Successors By doing whereof they did not only disable themselves upon concluding any thing in their Convocations
the third Council of Carthage I shall bethink my self of an Answer to it But sure I am that in the third Council of Carthage Caesario Attico Coss as it is said to be in all Collections of the Councils were made but 24 Canons as it is in balsamon but five and twenty as in zonaras whereof this is none And no less sure that it is told me by Baronius haud omnes in hac Synodo sanciri that all the Canons attributed to this Council were not made therein Baron Annal. Eccla An. 397. n. 46. nor is it to be found in the Collection of the Canons of the Councils of Carthage either of Zonaras or Balsamon or in the Codex Canonum published by Justellus and therefore in all probability made in none at all Next look we on the other parts of the publick Liturgies for other parts there were besides the ministration of the Sacraments and the daily Service and we shall find as undeniable Authorities for defence of those as any of the former before remembred Of these I shall insist upon no more at this present time than the Form of ordering Bishops Priests and Deacons and that of solemnizing Matrimony to which we shall adjoyn their Form and Rites of Burial and so descend at last to a conclusion And first for that of Ordination whereas the ancient Form thereof had been interrupted and many of the Rulers of the Church had been too sensibly indulgent to their own affections in the dispensing of the same it pleased the Fathers in the fourth Council of Carthage not so much to ordain and constitute new Forms and Ordinances as revive the old A Council of that note and eminance that as the Acts thereof were approved and ratified by Pope Leo the great if that add any thing unto them Binius in titulo Concil To. 1. p. 587. edit Col. Id. Ibid. p. 591. so by the same the following Ages of the Church did use to regulate and dispose the publick Discipline Adeo ut hoc Concilium Ecclesiae disciplinae ad pristinam consuetudinem revocatae quasi promptuarium semper meritoque apud posteros habitum fuit as saith Binius truly Now amongst those they which first lead the way unto all the rest declare the Form and manner to be used in all Ordinations whether of Bishops Priests and Deacons or of inferiour Officers in the Church of Christ And first for Bishops especial care being taken for an inquisition into their Doctrine Life and Conversation Concil Carthag IV. can 1. it is decreed that when a Bishop is to be ordained two other Bishops are to hold the Book of the holy Gospel over his head and whilest one of them doth pronounce the blessing the rest there present lay their hands upon his head Episcopus cum ordinatur Ib. Can. 2. duo Episcopi panant teneant Evangeliorum codicem super caput cervicem or rather verticem ejus uno super eum fundente benedictionem reliqui omnes Episcopi qui adsunt manibus suis caput ejus tangant So the canon goeth And this is still observed in the Church of England save that the laying of the Book on the parties head is turned and as I think with more significancy into the putting of the same into his hand Then for the ordering of the Priest or Presbyter it is thus declared Presbyter cum ordinatur Episcopo eum benedicente manum super caput ejus tenente Ib. Can. 3. etiam omnes Presbyteri qui praesentes sunt manus suas juxta manum Episcopi super caput illius teneant When a Presbyter is to be ordained the Bishop giving the benediction or saying the words of Consecration and holding his hand upon his head all other Presbyters then present are to lay their hands upon his head near the hand of the Bishop And this is also used and required in the Church of England save that more near unto the Rule and prescript of Antiquity three Presbyters at least are to be assistant in laying hands upon the party to be ordained And last of all for that of Deacons it was thus provided solus Episcopus qui eum benedicit manum super caput illius ponat Ibid. Can. 4. that the Bishop only who ordains should lay his hand upon his head The reason of the which is this quia non ad Sacerdotium sed ad ministerium consecratur because he is not consecrated to the Office of Priesthood but to an inferiour ministry in the house of God Nor is the Deacon otherwise ordained than thus in the Church of England Here are the Rites the visible and external signs but where I pray you are the Forms the prescribed words and prayers which are now in use I answer that they are included in those two phrases benedicere and fundere benedictionem to bless to give the benediction or pronounce the blessing For as a Writer of our own very well observes Benedicere hic nibil aliud est quam verba proferre Mason de Minist Angl. l. 2. cap. 17. per quae horum Ordinum potestas traditur To bless saith he or give the benediction is nothing more nor less than to say those words by which the power of Order is conferred on every or either of the parties which receive the same And that the Form of words then used was prescribed and set not left unto the liberty of every Prelate to use what Form of words he pleased so he kept the sense we saw before in that of Zonaras where he affirmed that the Canon formerly remembred about the using prescribed Forms in the Church of God did reach to Ordination also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In Ordinations Zonaras in Concil Carth. Can. 117. saith the Scholiast the Bishop or Chief Priest laying his hands on him that came to be ordained was to recite the usual and accustomed Prayers Statas preces exequi solitus est as the Translator of the Scholiast And this may be observed withal that though this Council be of good antiquity as being held An. 398. yet almost all the Acts thereof and those especially amongst the rest were rather declaratory of the antient Customs of the Church of CHRIST Baron Annal. Eccl. An. 398. than introductory of new as both Baronius and Binius do affirm and justifie That which remains concerns the Form of Marriage and Rites of Burial to which a little shall be added of those pious Gestures used by them in the Act of publick Worship and that being done I shall conclude And first for Marriage there is no question to be made but that from the beginning of Christianity it hath been celebrated by the Priest or Minister with publick Prayers and Benedictions and most times with the celebration of the blessed Eucharist whereof thus Tertullian Vnde sufficiam ad felicitatem ejus matrimonii enarrandam Tertullian ad uxorem l. 2. quod Ecclesia conciliat confirmat
and doth not only reach the Priests but caeteros omnes praesEntes all who were present in the Church Anastas Ep. ap Binium in To. 2. Concil And doubtless 't was in use before though but now enjoyned Sozomen blaming it in the Alexandrians and he lived long before the time of Anastasius that at the reading of the Gospels 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Bishop stood not up as in other places Sozomen hist Eccl. l. 7. c. 19. Yet you must understand it so that they used not to stand upright sed curvi venerabundi saith the letter decretal but with the bowing of the body as in the way of adoration and more than so too if the name of Jesus did occur in the reading of it they used with all reverence and duty to bow the knee which in those parts and times was the greatest sign both of humility and subjection Of this we need no other witness than the great S. Ambrose whose speaking in his Hexaemeron Ambros in opera Hexaem l. 6. c. 9. touching the particular office of each several member he makes the bowing of the knee at the name of Jesus the proper duty of that part Kneeling they used both in the act of Prayer and Invocation as also in the participation or receiving of the blessed Sacrament First in the act of Prayer or Invocation for when Tertullian blamed it in the Gentiles that they did assidere sub aspectu contraque aspectum ejus Tertullian de Orat. cap. 12. Origen in Numer Homil. 5. sit down irreverently before their Gods as soon as they had done their Prayers And when as Origen asks the reason quod genua flectimus orantes why we should kneel upon our knees in the time of Prayer both of them put it out of question that in the act of Prayer or Invocation the Christians of those early times were upon their knees Next for the reverence which they used in the time of Participation the least that can be said of them is that they received the Sacrament upon their knees What else can be the meaning of that of Ambrose where he informeth us of the Christians of his time that they did carnem Christi in mysteriis adorare adore the flesh of Christ in the holy mysteries Ambros de Sp. S. lib. 3. c. 12. Chrysost Homil. 3. in Ephes or that of Chrysostom 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 When thou seesT all things ready at the great Kings Table the Angels ministring at the same the King in presence and thou thy self provided of a Wedding garment cast thy self down upon thy knees at least and so Communicate And what else think you caused the Gentiles to accuse the Christians living in S. Austins time for worshipping Ceres and Bacchus two good Belly-gods August contra Faustum Man l. 20. c. 13. but that they were observed to kneel when they received the Bread and Wine in the blessed Eucharist And all this done with hands stretched out and heads uncovered manibus expansis Tertullian Apologet. c. 30. Basil Ep. 63. capite nudo as Tertullian hath it and as S. Basil doth observe of Gregory Nazianzen 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that he used not to be covered in the time of prayer Add that they turned towards the East in the act of worship whereof consult with Justin Martyr in his Book of Questions and Answers ad Orthodopes Qu. 118. Tertullian in his Apologetick chap. 16. Origen in his 5. Homily on the Book of Numbers not to say any thing of those who came after them And then we have a perfect view of the most usual and material orders used by the Primitive Christians in Gods publique service Before I do conclude this Age I shall subjoyn some few notes on the Gloria Patri retained on so good grounds in this Church of England so oft repeated in the divine service of the same so solemnly and reverently pronounced by those who either understand their own Christian duties or the intentions of the antient holy Catholick Church And those remembrances I shall reduce unto these three heads First I shall shew the Antiquity and Original of it Secondly when and by what Authority it became a part of the publick Liturgies And thirdly in what posture Gods people used to put themselves as often as there was occasion to pronounce the same Concerning the Antiquity of the Gloria Patri I know it is referred by some to the Council of Nice or the times immediately succeeding and that it is by them conceived to have been framed of purpose for a Counterpoise to the Arian Heresie and to train up the people in the right perswasion of the holy Trinity And were it so it need not be ashamed of its Original or look into the world for a better petigree the space of 1300 years and more being abundantly sufficient to procure it credit and set it far enough above the reach of contentious men But yet S. Basil who lived near that Council Basil de Sp. S. c. 27. Id. ibid. c. 29. goes a great deal higher and fetcheth the Original of it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from the tradition of the Apostles and cites some of the antient Fathers and amongst them S. Clemens the Apostles Scholar and Dionysius of Alexandria who died long time before this Council and in whose writings this doxology was expresly found For the Apostles being commanded by their Lord and Saviour to teach and Baptize all people in the Name of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Ghost there is no question to be made but that in due conformity to their Masters pleasure they did accordingly proceed and for a preparatory thereunto required of such as were to be added to the Church a solemn profession of that Faith into which they were to be Baptized And this Confession of the Faith he calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Original and mother as it were of that Doxologie then and of long time used in the Church of Christ Id. ibid. c. 27. And then it followeth in these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. That as they had received so they did Baptize and as they did Baptize so they did believe Id. ibid. Ep. 78. and as they did believe so they also glorified But they Baptized in the name of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Ghost and they believed in the Father and in the Son and in the Holy Ghost and therefore also had some Form of ascribing Glory to the Father Son and Holy Ghost which was the Form remaining on record in those antient Fathers whose names there occur And this he further proves by an antient ceremony used of old at Candle tinding which he ascribeth also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the tradition of the Fathers but by which of them devised or first introduced that he could not tell Onely he noteth that at the first bringing in of the Evening lights the people were
and Ministers shall move the people to joyn with them in Prayer in this Form or to this effect as briefly as conveniently they may Ye shall pray for Christs holy Catholick Church that is for the whole Congregation of Christian people dispersed through the whole world and especially for the Churches of England Scotland and Ireland And herein I require you most especially to pray for the Kings most excellent Majesty our Sovereign Lord James King of England Scotland France and Ireland Defender of the Faith and Supreme Governour in these his Realms and all other his Dominions and Countreys over all Persons in all causes as well Ecclesiastical as Temporal Ye shall also pray for our gracious Queen Ann the noble Prince Henry and the rest of the Kings and Queens Royal Issue Ye shall also pray for the Ministers of Gods holy Word and Sacraments as well Archbishops and Bishops as other Pastors and Curats Ye shall also pray for the Kings most honourable Council and for all the Nobility and Magistrates of this Realm that all and every of those in their several callings may serve truly and painfully to the Glory of God and the edifying and well-governing of his people remembring the accompt they must make Also ye shall pray for the whole Commons of this Realm that they may live in true Faith and fear of God and humble obedience to the King and Brotherly Charity one to another Finally let us praise God for all those that are already departed out of this life in the Faith of Christ and pray unto God that we may have grace to direct our lives after their good examples that this life ended we may be made partakers with them of the glorious Resurrection in the life everlasting Always concluding with the Lords Prayer So far the Letter of the Canon in which there was not any purpose nor in the makers of the same to introduce into the Church any Form of Prayer or Invocation save those which were laid down in the Common prayer Book nor indeed could they if they would the Statute 1 Eliz. being still in force but to reduce her Ministers to the antient usage of this Church which had been much neglected if not laid aside The Canons then established were no late Invention as some give it out but a Collection of such Ordinances and pious Customs as had been formerly in use since the Reformation which being scattered and diffused in several Injunctions Orders and Advertisements published by K. Henry VIII K. Edward VI. and Q. Eliz. or in the Canons of particular Convocations in those times assembled or otherwise retained in continual practice was by the care and wisdom of the Clergy in the Synod at London An. 1603. drawn up together into one body and by his Majesty then being Authorized in due form of Law And being so Authorized by his Majesty the Canons then made had the force of Laws and were of power to bind the Subjects of all sorts according to their several and respective concernments as fully and effectually as any Statute or Act of Parliament can bind the Subject of this Realm in their goods and properties For which consult the Statute 25. H. 8. cap. 19. and the practice since Which as it may be said of all so more particularly of the Canon now in question of which it is to be considered that the main body of the same had been delivered formerly almost verbatim in the Queens Injunctions published by her Royal and Supream Authority in the first year of her Reign Anno 1559. which I will therefore here put down that by comparing both together we may the better see the true intention of that Canon and what is further to be said in the present business The Queens Injunction is as followeth The title this The Form of bidding the Prayers to be used generally in this uniform sort and then the body of it is this Ye shall pray for Christs holy Catholick Church that is for the whole Congregation of Christian people dispersed throughout the whole world and especially for the Churches of England and Ireland and herein I require you most especially to pray for the Queens most excellent Majesty our Soveraign Lady Eliz. Queen of England France and Ireland Defender of the Faith and supream Governour of this Realm as well in causes Ecclesiastical as Temporal You shall also pray for the Ministers of Gods holy Word and Sacraments as well Archbishops and Bishops as other Pastors and Curats Ye shall also pray for the Queens most honourable Council and for all the Nobility of this Realm That all and every of these in their callings may serve truly and painfully to the glory of God and edifying of his people remembring the accompt they must make Also you shall pray for the whole Commons of this Realm that they may live in true faith and fear of God in humble Obedience and brotherly Charity one to another Finally let us praise God for all those that are departed out of this life in the faith of Christ and pray unto God that we may have grace to direct our lives after their good example that after this life we may be made partakers of the glorious resurrection in the life everlasting These are the very words of the Injunction wherein it is to be observed that as the Canon hath relation to this Injunction so neither this Injunction nor any thing therein enjoyned was of new erection but a Reviver only of the usual Form which had been formerly enjoyned and constantly observed in King Edwards days as we shall see by looking over the Injunction published and the practice following thereupon in the said Kings Reign Now the Injunction of King Edward the 6. is in this Form following The Title thus The Form of bidding the Common prayers and then the Form it self You shall pray for the whole Congregation of Christs Church and especially for this Congregation of England and Ireland wherein first I commend to your devout prayers the Kings most excellent Majesty supreme Head immediately under God of the Spiritualty and Temporalty of the same Church And for Queen Katharine Dowager and also for my Lady Mary and my Lady Elizabeth the Kings Sisters Secondly you shall pray for my Lord Protectors grace with all the rest of the Kings Majesties Council for all the Lords of this Realm and for the Clergy and Commons of the same Beseeching Almighty God to give every one of them in his degree Grace to use themselves in such wise as may be to Gods glory the Kings honour and the weal of this Realm Thirdly you shall pray for all them that be departed out of this world in the faith of Christ that they with us and we with them at the day of Judgment may rest both Body and Soul with Abraham Isaac and Jacob in the Kingdom of Heaven This was the Form first published in the beginning of the Reign of King Edward VI. and it continued all
his time save that the latter clause was altered and that for praising God for Saints departed put instead thereof as we may see in Bishop Latimers Sermon preached at Stanford whereof more anon Hitherto are we clear for King Edwards time and no less clear are we for King Henries also especially for the latter part thereof in which the use of Bidding prayers or moving the people unto prayer had by him been imposed upon the Clergy before this time the people had been trained up in a very gross ignorance not knowing explicitely the Articles of their belief accustomed to a Latin service in their publick Churches and to a daily stint of Pater-nosters and Ave-Maries in the Latin tongue which few or none of them understood But that King having taken on himself the Title of supreme Head of the Church of England and adding of the same to the stile Imperial viz. Anno 1535 there issued out an order by his Authority in this Form that followeth This is an Order taken for Preaching and Bidding of Beads in all Sermons to be made within this Realm First Whosoever shall Preach in the presence of the Kings Highness and the Queen's Grace shall in the bidding of Beads pray for the whole Catholick Church of Christ as well quick as dead and especially for the Catholick Church of this Realm and first as we be most bounden for our Soveraign Lord King Henry the VIII being immediatly next under God the only supreme Head of this Catholick Church of England And for the most gracious Lady Qu. Anne his Wife and for the Lady Elizabeth Daughter and Heir to them both And no further Item the Preacher in all other places of this Realm not in the presence of the Kings said Highness and the Queens Grace shall in the bidding of the Beads pray first in manner and Form and word for word as is above ordained and limited Adding thereto in the second part For all Archbishops and Bishops and for the whole Clergy of this Realm And specially such as the Preacher shall name of his devotion And thirdly for all Dukes Earls Marquess's and for all the whole Temporalty of this Realm and specially for such as the Preacher shall name of devotion And finally for the souls of all them that be dead and specially for such as it shall please the Preacher to name So far the very words of the Injunction as it relates unto the business now in hand which differs very little if at all in Form and fashion though there be some difference in the matter from those which followed in the Reign of K. Edward VI. and Q. Eliz. both of which out of question took their hint from hence Besides it is to be observed that the said King having assumed unto himself the stile and Title of supreme Head of the Church of England as before is said did before this by Proclamation dated June 9. An. 1534. declare and signifie his Royal pleasure that all and all manner of Ecclesiastical persons should teach preach publish and declare in all manner of Churches the said his just Title Stile and Jurisdiction on every Sunday and high Feast throughout the year which after was enjoyned in the Injunction of the year Anno 1536 set out by the Lord Cromwell being then Vicar General with the Kings authority As also in the Injunctions of King Edward the 6. An. 1547. which again was revived in the Queens Injunctions Anno 1559. As after in the first Convocation of King James in the year 1603. And besides this it was appointed in the said Injunctions of King Henry the 8. that the Preacher or Parochial Priest should every Sunday in the Pulpit rehearse distinctly the Lords prayer the Articles of the Creed and the ten Commandments in the English Tongue for the better instructing of the people in their duties both to God and Man which being ordered at the same time as the bidding of the Beads in the Forni spoken of before was first enjoyned shews plainly the intention and effect of both to be no other than to instruct the people in the principles of faith and piety So that as well to teach the people how to pray and what things they chiefly were to pray for in the publick meeting as to make known unto them the Kings just Title by which they were to recommend him in their devotions the Form before remembred of Bidding prayers or Beads was prescribed the Priests by them to be proposed unto the people in their several Sermons For instance of the which in point of practice in the said Kings time we need but look upon a Sermon of Bishop Latimers being that before the Convocation Anno 1536. which was the 28. of King Henries Reign In which being entred on his matter as the use then was he thus bids the prayers That all that I say shall may turn to the glory of God your Souls health and the edifying of Christs Body I pray you all to pray with me unto God and that also in your Petitions you desire that these two things he vouchsase to grant us First a mouth for me to speak rightly next Ears for you that in hearing me you may take profit at my hands and that this may come to effect you shall desire him unto whom our Master Christ bad we should pray saying even the same prayer which Christ himself did Institute Wherein we shall pray for our Sovereign Lord the King chief and supreme Head of the Church of England under Christ and for the most excellent gracious and vertuous Lady Queen Jane his most lawful Wife and for all his whether they be of the Clergy or Laity whether they be of the Nobility or else other his Grace's Subjects humbly beseeching Almighty God that every one of us even from the highest to the lowest may in his degree and Calling earnestly endeavour to set forth the glory of God and the Gospel of his Son Christ Jesus that so living in his fear and love we may in the end of our days depart out of this life in his friendship and favour For these graces and what else his wisdom knoweth more needful for us let us pray as we are taught saying Our Father c. Put all that hath been said together and the sum is this That if we do interpret the Canon of the year 1603. by the Queens Injunctions and construe both of them according to the Injunctions in King Edwards and King Henries days we shall see plainly that the Form of prayer appointed by the Canon is no new Invention neither obtruded on the Church by the Bishops of these times on a design to stint the Spirit as some now give out or on a like design of Archbishop Bancroft and the Prelates of his time as is said by others but carried and transmitted from hand to hand since the very first beginning of the Reformation nor did it stand thus only in point of Law not being reduced unto practice
but stood thus also in the practice of our Predecessors though not so frequently in these last as the former times as shall be presently made good by Witnesses and Proofs of unquestioned credit Mean while the Canon and Injunctions being laid together there will be little difference found between them in sum and substance except that praying for the dead used in the latter times of King Henry the 8. and the beginning of the Reign of King Edward the 6. hath since been changed into praising God for their departure in the faith and Gospel of our Lord and Saviour and at all nothing in the Form or any circumstance considerable in the present business for if we look upon the prayer therein appointed we shall find these four things to be considered 1. The substance or matter of it being the heads therein recited viz. the Catholick Church the Kings Majesty the Qu. the Royal issue the L Ls. spiritual and temporal 2. The phrase or garb of speech wherein the matter is expressed in those words or in other to the same effect 3. The quantity of time which is allowed for those expressions as briefly as conveniently we may and last of all the Form thereof being the point that is most in question which plainly is to be by way of exhortation Ye shall pray and I require you most especially to pray and not by way of Invocation with an immediate address to Almighty God as Men use it now Therefore as in King Edward's and the Queens Injunctions it is called a Bidding of Prayers the Form of bidding prayers generally to be used after this uniform sort and the Form of bidding the Common Prayers The Form of bidding the Beads in King Henries Injunction So in the Canon it is called a Moving it being therein ordered that before all Sermons Lectures and Homilies Preachers and Ministers shall move the people to joyn with them in prayer c. Bidding and Moving are two words but to one effect for when we bid the people pray we move them to it and in the Congregation we have no way to move the people but by that of bidding or exhorting Prayer as Saint Basil hath defined it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is requiring of some good from the hands of God and doth imply a punctual and immediate address unto him which is the peoples office to the Lord Almighty Bidding of prayer as the Injunctions or moving Men to pray as the Canon hath it is the Priests office to the people wherein he not only exhorts them to the performance of that Duty but layeth them down a Summary and brief recital of those things which they are to pray for as members of that one mystical Body whereof Christ Jesus is the Head Now where it is alledged by some who have turned Bidding into Praying that in the Canon it is not ordered precisely that Ministers shall move the people to joyn with them in prayer in this Form that followeth but only in this Form or to this effect It 's true what they alledge as unto the words though not as to the use they make thereof For by these words to this effect the Church hath no intent or meaning to give Men liberty to devise new Forms of Prayer nor indeed could she if she would as before we noted or to desert as well the usage of those Men which had been most obedient to her publick Orders as the Injunctions on the which the said use was founded Wherefore these words to this effect must have no reference to the Form and manner of expression for it is called in the Canon a moving of the people to joyn in prayer but only to the words and phrase it being not the Churches purpose to bind her Ministers precisely to the words which are there laid down but that in that very Form of words or other words to that effect they should move the people to be mindful of those particular Heads for which they were to joyn with him at the close of all in the Lords prayer as appeareth plainly by that passage of the Prayer in Bishop Latimers spoken of before That this and none but this was the Churches meaning will be easily proved and made apparent by the practice of the chiefest and most eminent persons who are called by Aristotle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Eth. l. 1. For those who have the best authority to interpret Canons I mean my LLs. the two Archbishops with the greater part of the Bishops have and do use no other Form than that of Bidding or of Moving And so do also many antient Doctors both in the Universities and Cathedral Churches who being originally accustomed to the Form of Bidding have not yet turned their stile to a Form of Praying But since to speak of those who are now alive may possibly be subject to misconstruction we will take Counsel with the dead whose actions of this kind may be our example and their proceeding in this point our warrant of these I will make instance of five alone though I could in more all of the Hierarchie all Men of high esteem in their several times and therefore such as may be followed with most safety in the present business Of these the last in course of time was the most Learned Bishop Andrews of whom to say no more we may say with safety that he was Canonum observantissimus who being as he was a practised Preacher long time before and after the making of the said Canon did use no other Form of Prayer than that of Bidding All those that heard him cannot but confess that so it was and in the body of his Sermons collected by my Lord of Canterbury that now is and my Lord of Ely that then was there are some Tracts and footsteps of it which make it evident unto those that heard him not For this consult his 3d Sermon in Lent Anno 1593. his sixth in Lent 1596. his sixth for Whitsuntide Anno 1613. More specially in his second of the holy Ghost Anno 1608. in which immediately upon the division of his Text as his custom was he thus moves the people or which both comes to one he thus bids the prayers But for that there is no speaking of the Spirit without the Spirit nor bearing neither to the end that hearing and speaking he may help our infirmities c. And in his ninth Sermon of the Fifth of November 1617. the division ended as before he thus proceeded That these be done and that they may be done and that those things which shall be spoken may tend to this that they may be done c. Which last two passages being preambles or introductions unto his form of bidding Prayers give us an hint of that which we may find laid down at large in his Latine Sermons extant in his opuscula collected by the same most Reverend Prelates particularly in that before his Sermon Preached pro forma when he went out Doctor and that at the
or exhorting but taking to themselves the liberty of their own expression for the phrase and stile according to the purpose and effect of the said Injunction And it is worth our noting too that presently upon the end of this exhortation or bidding of the Prayers used by Dr. Parker there followeth in the book these words Hic factae sunt tacitae preces By all which we may perceive most evidently that it was then the peoples practice and is now our duty immediately upon the bidding of the Prayers or on the Preachers moving of the people to joyn with them in Prayer as the Canon hath it to recollect the heads recommended to them and tacitly to represent them to the Lord in their devotions or otherwise to comprechend them in the Pater-noster with which the Preacher by the Canon is to close up all And now being come to the times of King Edward the sixth we will next look on Bishop Latimer the fourth of these five Prelates whom before I spake of who living in King Henry and King Edwards times and in their times using that Form of bidding Prayers which is prescribed both in the Canon and Injunctions shews plainly that the antient practice in this kind was every way conform to the present Canon and the old Injunctions And first to keep our selves to King Edwards Reign we have eight passages in his Sermons preached in that Kings time whereby we may perceive what the usage was six of them laid down in brief and two more at large the two last being as a comment on the former six of the six brief the first occurs in his 2d p. 33. Sermon before King Edward thus Hitherto goeth the Text That I may declare this the better to the edifying of your Souls and the glory of God I shall desire you to pray c. So in his third before the King p. 42. March the 22. Before I enter further into this matter I shall desire you to pray c. And in the fourth March 29. That I may have grace so to open the remnant of this Parable that it may be to the glory of God and edifying of your souls I shall desire you to pray in the which prayer c. And in the 5th Sermon before the King on the 6th of April p. 51. having entred on his matter he thus invites them to their Prayers And that I may have grace c. So in the sixth April the 13th This is the story and that I may declare this Text so as it may be to the honour of God and the edifying of your souls and mine both I shall desire you to help me with your prayers in the which c. The last is in a Sermon before that King p. 108. Preached at the Court in Westm An. 1550. where he doth it thus Here therefore I shall desire you to pray c. These instances compared with the other two make the matter plain whereof the first is in the seventh before King Edward April 19. 1549. Thus This day we have in memory Christs bitter passion and death the remedy of our Sin Therefore I intend to treat of a piece of the story of his passion I am not able to treat of all that I may do this the better and that it may be to the honour of God and the edification of your Souls and mine both I shall desire you to pray c. In this prayer I shall desire you to remember the Souls departed with laud and praise to Almighty God that he did vouchsafe to assist them at the hour of their death I shall desire you to pray c. And in the which c. What mean these caetera's That we shall see most manifestly in his Sermon Preached at Stamford p. 88. Octob. 9. 1550. which shews indeed most fully that the Form of bidding Prayers then used was every way conform to the Injunction of King Edward VI. and very near the same which was prescribed after by the Queens Injunction For having as before proposed his matter he thus bids the Prayers And that I may at this time so declare them as may be for Gods glory your edifying and my discharge I pray you to help me with your prayers in the which prayer c. For the Vniversal Church of Christ through the whole world c. for the preservation of our Sovereign Lord King Edward the Sixth sole Supreme Head under God and Christ of the Churches of England and Ireland c. Secondly for the Kings most honourable Council Thirdly I commend unto you the Souls departed this life in the Faith of Christ that ye remember to give laud praise and thanks to Almighty God for his great goodness and mercy shewed unto them in that great need and conflict against the Devil and Sin and that gave them in the hour of death faith in his Sons Death and Passion whereby they conquer and overcome and get the victory Give thanks I say for this adding prayers and supplications for your selves that it may please God to give you like faith and grace to trust only in the death of his dear Son as he gave unto them For as they be gone so must we and the Devil will be as ready to tempt us as he was them and our sins will light as heavy upon us as theirs did upon them and we were as weak and unable to resist as were they Pray therefore that we may have Grace to die in the same faith as they did and at the latter day to be raised with Abraham Isaac and Jacob and be partakers with Christ in the Kingdom of Heaven for this and all other graces let us say the Lords prayer Now unto Bishop Latimer we will joyn another of the same time and as high a calling which is Dr. Gardiner Bishop of Winchester of whom whatever may be said in other respects in this it cannot be objected but that he followed the Form and Order then prescribed for in a Sermon Preached before King Edward VI. Anno 1550. being the Fourth of that Kings Reign before the naming of his Text for ought appears he thus bids the Prayer Most honourable Audience I purpose by the grace of God to declare some part of the Gospel that is accustomably used to be read in the Church at this day and that because without the special grace of God neither I can speak any thing to your edifying nor ye receive the same accordingly I shall desire you all that we may joyntly pray all together for the assistance of his grace In which prayer I commend to Almighty God your most excellent Majesty our Sovereign Lord King of England France and Ireland and of the Church of England and Ireland next and immediately under God here on earth Supream Head Q. Katharine Dowager my L. Maries grace and my L. Elizabeths grace your Majesties most dear Sisters my L. Protectors grace with all others of your most honourable
used it or else between the Text and Sermon as others no less eminent than he have been accustomed to do Or if it must needs be interpreted to be before them both as the most would have it we must then think the Church was pleased to yield a little unto the current of the time in which that fashion generally had been taken up And that the Church regarded not so much the circumstance as the main and substance which was to lay before the people some heads of prayer and thereby to cut of those long and tedious prayers so much used of late under pretence whereof so many Widows houses had been devoured and all the publick service of the Church neglected Thirdly it may be pleaded that the old Form of Bidding prayers is more agreeable to the Law than their new Form of Invocation which is expresly and directly against the same For in the Statute 2. and 3. of King Edward VI. Cap. 1. as afterwards in the first of Queen Elizabeth Cap. 20. whereas afterwards in the first of Queen Elizabeth Cap. 20. wherein the Common-prayer-book now in use was confirmed and established It is enacted That if any manner of Parson Vicar or whatsoever Minister that ought or should sing or say Common prayers c. shall wilfully or obstinately standing on the same use any other Rite Cermony Order Form or manner of celebrating the Lords Supper openly or privily or Mattens Even-song administration of the Sacraments or other open prayer N. B. than is mentioned and set forth in the said Book He shall lose and forfeit to the Queens Highness her Heirs and Successours for his first offence the profits of all his spiritual Benefices and Promotions coming and arising in one whole year next after his conviction and also for the same offence shall suffer imprisonment by the space of nine Months without bayl or mainprise c. and so from one punishment unto another until at last they come on the third offence to Deprivation and imprisonment perpetual Now lest there should be any doubt what is here meant by Open prayer The said two Statutes thus expound it Open prayer in and throughout this Act is meant that prayer which is for others to come unto and hear either in common Churches or private Chappels and Oratories commonly called the service of the Church so as it seemeth by this Statute that whosoever useth in the Church any open prayer i. e. such prayer as is made for other Men to come unto or hear which is not mentioned or set forth in the Common-prayer book makes himself subject unto all the penalties in the same conteined which thing considered as it ought it is not to be thought that in the Convocation of 1603. the Church did order or permit by the aforesaid Canon any Form of prayer or Invocation which was repugnant to the Statutes standing still in force but only purposed to continue the usual Form of Bidding prayer or exhortation unto Prayers which was agreeable thereto In the 4th rank the very place it self comes to be considered in which this Prayer of theirs is made which of all places else is most improper for that action and least intended to it by the Church Pulpits were made of old for publick speeches to the people and not for Prayers unto the Gods the Pulpit for Orations being often mentioned in Heathen Writers call it Suggestum rostrum pulpitum or what else you will but never any mentioned in them as a place for Prayer And so in sacred matters also the Pulpit hath been used for publishing the Law in reference to Mount Sinai whence it first was published Neh. v. 4. Matth. 5.6 7. Deut. 27.13 and for the preaching of the Gospel in reference to the Mount where it was first preached and for the denouncing of Gods Judgments on the Disobedient in reference to Mount Ebal whence the Curse was threatned But that the Pulpit should be used as a place to pray in when there are other places destinate to that holy Use was never heard of as I think till these later Ages when all things seemed to tend to Innovation Sure I am in the Church of England there was no such meaning for in the 83. Canon it is ordained that the Parishioners shall provide a comely and decent Pulpit to be set in a convenient place and to be there seemly kept for the preaching of Gods Word Nothing else in the Canon is expressed but only preaching of Gods Word and therefore I may safely say nothing else was meant especially there being another seat appointed for the publick prayers Can. 82. For further proof of which let us but look unto the Rubrick before the Commination where is said as followeth After Morning prayer the people being called together by the tolling of a Bell and assembled in the Church the English Letany shall be said after the accustomed manner which ended the Priest shall go into the Pulpit and say thus Here seems to be another Use of the Pulpit besides that of preaching but indeed it is not The threatnings of Gods Judgments being many times as necessary to and for Gods people as the endearments of his mercies and both the preaching of his Word Now whereas after the said Commination there are some certain reconciliatory Psalms or Prayers that follow after those are not to be said within the Pulpit but where the Letany had been said before for so it is declared in the next Rubrick Then shall they all kneel upon their knees the Priest and Clerk kneeling where they are accustomed to say the Letany shall say this Psalm which plainly shews that in the intention of the Church the Pulpit was not made for a place for the Priest to pray in but rather for a place wherein to teach the people how they were to pray which is the Bidding prayers in the Canon meant The same may be concluded also even from the posture of the Preacher being in the Pulpit for Pulpits being made as before was said for Speeches Sermons and Orations unto the people the Speaker Orator or Preacher was of necessity or ordinary Course to turn himself unto the people that so they might the better both see and hear him as in such things is still accustomed whereas in times of Prayer the Priest or Minister ought to turn his face to the upper end of the Church looking towards the East and so his back to be towards the people I say that so he ought to do at least if he intend to follow either the prescript of this Church or most true antiquity The Christians of Tertullians time were generally accused for worshipping the Sun because that in their prayers they turned their faces to the East Inde suspicio quod innotuerit nos ad Orientis regionem precari Apol. p. 16. as he there informs us where nos no question was not meant of the people only but of Priest and people And for the Church of England
and Rulers of the Church and that the Apostles after his ascension did ordain the Deacons to be the Ministers of their Episcopal function and the necessities of the Church Saint Ambrose doth affirm the same Ambros in 1. ad Cor. c. 12. Caput it aque in Ecclesia Apostolos posuit c. Christ saith he made the Apostles the head or supreme Governours of his Church they being the Legats or Ambassadours of Christ according unto that of the Apostle 2 Cor. 5.20 And then he adds Ipsi sunt Episcopi that they were Bishops More plainly in his Comment on the Ephesians Apostoli Episcopi sunt Prophetae explanatores Scripturarum The Apostles saith he In Comment in Ephes 4. are Bishops and Prophets the Expositors of Scripture But because question hath been made whether indeed those Commentaries are the works of Ambrose or of some other ancient Writer he tells us in his Notes on the 43. Psalm that in those words of Christ Pasce oves meas Peter was made a Bishop by our Lord and Saviour De Repub. Eccles l. 2. c. 2. n. 4. Significat Ambrosius Petrum Sacerdotem hoc est Episcopum electum illis verbis Pasce oves meas as the place is cited by the Arch-Bishop of Spalato And thus Saint Chrysostom speaking of the election of the Seven saith plainly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that then there were no Bishops in the Church Chrys hom 14. in Act 6. but only the Apostles But what need more be said in the present business than that which is delivered in the holy Scripture about the surrogation of some other in the place of Judas wherein the place or function of an Apostle is plainly called Episcopatus Acts 1.20 Episcopatum ejus accipiat alter let another take his Bishoprick as the English reads it His Bishoprick i. e. saith Chrysostom 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 his Principality his Priesthood Chrys hom 3. in Act. 1. the place of government that belonged unto him had he kept his station A Text most plain and pregnant as the Fathers thought to prove that the Episcopal dignity was vested in the persons of the Lords Apostles The Comment under the name of Ambrose which before we spake of having said Ipsi sunt Episcopi Ambros in 1. ad Cor. c. 12 that the Apostles were Bishops adds for the proof thereof these words of Peter Episcopatum ejus accipiat alter And the true Ambrose saying of Judas Id. Serm. 50. that he was a Bishop Episcopus enim Judas fuit adds for the proof thereof the same very Text. Finally to conclude this matter Saint Cyprian shewing that Ordinations were not made without the privity of the people in the Jewish Church Nisi sub populi assistentis conscientia lib. 1. ep 4. adds that the same was afterwards observed by the holy Apostles Quando de ordinando in locum Judae Episcopo when Peter spake unto the people about the ordering of a Bishop in the place of Judas But for a further proof of this that the Apostles were ordained Bishops by our Lord and Saviour we shall see more hereafter in convenient place Vide chap. 6. n. 12. when we are come to shew that in the government of the Church the Bishops were the proper Successors of the Apostles and so esteemed to be by those who otherwise were no great friends unto Episcopacy In the mean time we may take notice of that impudent assertion of Jobannes de Turrecremata viz. Quod solus Petrus à Christo Episcopus est ordinatus Lib. 2. Summae de Eccl. c. 32. ap Bell. de Rom Pont. that Peter only Peter was made Bishop by our Saviour Christ and that the rest of the Apostles received from Peter their Episcopal consecration wherein I find him seconded by Dominicus Jacobatius lib. 10. de Concil Art 7. A Paradox so monstrous and absurd that howsoever Bellarmine doth reckon it amongst other the Prerogatives of that Apostle in his first Book de Romano Pontifice cap. 23. yet upon better thoughts he rejects it utterly in his 4th Book upon that argument Cap. 22. and so I leave it Thus having shewn in what estate the Church was founded by our Saviour and in what terms he left it unto his Apostles we must next see what course was taken by them to promote the same what use they made of that authority which was trusted to them CHAP. II. The foundation of the Church of Hierusalem under the Government of Saint James the Apostle and Simeon one of the Disciples the two first Bishops of the same 1. Matthias chosen into the place of Judas 2. The coming of the Holy Ghost and on whom it fell 3. The greatest measure of the Spirit fell on the Apostles and so by consequence the greatest power 4. The several Ministrations in the Church then given and that in ranking of the same the Bishops are intended in the name of Pastors 5. The sudden growth of the Church of Hierusalem and the making of Saint James the first Bishop there 6. The former point deduced from Scripture 7. And proved by the general consent of Fathers 8. Of the Episcopal Chair or Throne of Saint James and his Successors in Hierusalem 9. Simeon elected by the Apostles to succeed S. James 10. The meaning of the word Episcopus and from whence borrowed by the Church 11. The institution of the Presbyters 12. What interest they had in the common business of the Church whilst S. James was Bishop 13. The Council of Hierusalem and what the Presbyters had to do therein 14. The Institution of the Seven and to what Office they were called 15. The names of Ecclesiastical functions promiscuously used in holy Scripture OUR Saviour Christ having thus Authorized his Apostles to Preach the Gospel over all the World to every Creature and given them power as well of ministring the Sacraments as of retaining and remitting sins as before is said thought fit to leave them to themselves Luk. 24.49 only commanding them to tarry in the City of Hierusalem until they were indued with further power from on high whereby they might be fitted for so great a work Act. 1.9 And when he had spoken those things while they beheld he was taken up and a Cloud received him out of their sight No sooner was he gone to the Heavenly glories but the Apostles with the rest withdrew themselves unto Hierusalem as he had appointed where the first care they took was to fill up their number to surrogate some one or other of the Disciples in the place of Judas that so the Word of God might be fulfilled Psal 69.26 which he had spoken by the Psalmist Episcopatum ejus accipiat alter A business of no small importance and therefore fit to be imparted unto all the Brethren not so much that their suffrage and consent herein was necessary as that they might together joyn in prayer to Almighty God Act. 1.21
which they had wrongfully received So little influence had the Presbyters in the essential parts of Ordination as that their bare reading of the words though required to it by the Bishop was adjudged enough not only to make them liable to the Churches Censure but also for their sakes to make void the Action Nay so severe and punctual was the Church herein that whereas certain Bishops of those times whether consulting their own case or willing to decline so great a burthen had suffered their Chorepiscopi aswell those which were simply Presbyters as such as had Episcopal Ordination for two there were to perform this Office Concil Gangrens Can. 13. Concil Antioch l. Can. 10. it was forbidden absolutely in the one limited and restrained in the other sort as by the Canons of the two ancient Synods of Gangra and Antioch doth at full appear It is true indeed that anciently as long for ought I know as there is any Monument or Record of true Antiquity the Presbyters have joyned their hands to and with the Bishops in the performance and discharge of this great Solemnity And hereof there are many evidences that affirm the same as well in matter of fact as in point of Law Saint Cyprian one of the ancientest of the Fathers which now are extant Cyprian Ep. 33. or l. 2. ep 5. affirms that in the ordination of Aurelius unto the Office of a Reader in the Church of Carthage he used the hands of his Colleagues Hunc igitur à me à Collegis qui praesentes aderant ordinatum sciatis as he reports the matter in a Letter to his charge at Carthage Where by Colleagues it is most likely that he means his Presbyters first because that Epistle was written during the time of his retreat and privacy what time it is not probable that any of his Suffragan Bishops did resort unto him and secondly because those words qui praesentes aderant are so conform unto the practice of that Church in the times succeeding For in the fourth Council of Carthage held in the year 401. Concil Car. 4. Can. 3. it was Decreed that when a Presbyter was ordained the Bishop blessing him and holding his hand upon his head etiam omnes Presbyteri qui praesentes sunt manus suas juxta manum Episcopi super caput illius teneant all the Presbyters which are present shall likewise lay their hands upon his head near the hands of the Bishop Id. Can. 12. And in the same Council it was further ordered that the Bishop should not ordain a Clergy-man sine consilio clericorum suorum without the counsel of his Clergy which also doth appear to be Cyprians practice in the first words of the Epistle before remembred But then it is as true withal that this conjunction of the Presbyters in the solemnities of this Act was rather ad honorem Sacerdotii quam essentiam operis more for the honour of the Priesthood than for the essence of the work Nor did the laying on of the Presbyters hands confer upon the party that was ordained any power or order but only testified their consent unto the business and approbation of the man according to the purpose and intent of the last of the two Canons before alledged And for the first Canon if you mark it well it doth not say that if there be no Presbyters in place the Bishop should defer the Ordination till they came but Presbyteri qui praesentes sunt if any Presbyters were present at the doing of it they should lay their hands upon his head near the Bishops hands So that however anciently in the purest times the Presbyters which were then present both might and did impose hands with the Bishop upon the man to be ordained and so concurred in the performance of the outward Ceremony yet the whole power of Ordination was vested in the person of the Bishop only as to the essence of the work And this appears yet further by some passages in the Civil Laws prescribed for the ordering of Ecclesiastical Ministers by which upon neglect or contempt thereof the Presbyters were not obnoxious unto punishment that joyned with the Bishop because they had no power to hinder what he meant to do But the Bishop only qui ordinat or qui ordinationem imponit he in whom rested the authority by laying on or by withholding of his hands either to frustrate or make good the action he was accomptable unto the Laws if he should transgress them for which consult Novell Constitut 123. Cited by B. Bilson c. 13. Sozomen Hist Eccl. l. 4. c. 23. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ca. 16. and Novell Constitut 6. And so it also stood in the Churches practice as appeareth plainly by the degradations of Basilius Eleusius and Elpidius three ancient Bishops because that amongst other things they had advanced some men unto holy Orders contrary to the Laws and Ordinances of the Church of which Elpidius was deposed on no other reason but on that alone Now had the Presbyters been agents in ordaining as well as the Bishop and the imposing of their hands so necessary that the business could not be performed without them there had been neither equity nor reason in it to let them scape Scot-free and punish the poor Bishops only for that in which the Presbyters were as much in fault Against all this I meet with no Objection in Antiquity but what hath casually been encountred in the former passages This present age doth yield one and a great one too which is the case of the Reformed Churches beyond the Seas who finding an aversness of the Bishops at the first to give them Orders unless they would desert the work of Reformation which they had in hand were fain to have recourse to Presbyters for their Ordinations in which estate they still continue That thus it was August Con. in fine appeareth by the Augustan Confession the Authors and Abettors of the which complain that the Bishop would admit none unto sacred Orders Nisi jurent se puram Evangelii Doctrinam nolle docere except they would be sworn not to Preach the Gospel according to the grounds and Principles of their Reformation For their parts they professed Non id agi ut dominatio excipiatur Episcopis that they had no intention to deprive the Bishops of their Authority in the Church but only that they might have liberty to Preach the Gospel and be eased of some few Rites and Ceremonies which could not be observed without grievous sin This if it could not be obtained and that a Schism did follow thereupon it did concern the Bishops to look unto it how they would make up their account to Almighty God So that the Bishops thus refusing to admit them into holy Orders which was the publique ordinary Door of entrance into the Ministery of the Church necessity compelled them at the last to enter in by private ways and impose hands on one another In which
The like he also proves by the electing of Matthias Bishop in the place of Judas which was performed in medio Discentium in the middest of the Disciples and in the chusing of the seven done in the face of all the People This is the sum of what is there delivered by St. Cyprian and out of this I find three Corollaries or Conclusions gathered Smectymn p. 34. First that the special Power of judging of the worthiness and unworthiness of a man for the Prelacy was in the brest of the People Secondly The special Power of chusing or rejecting to his place according as they judged him worthy or unworthy resided in the People Thirdly That this power did descend upon the People de Divina Autoritate by Divine authority These are the points collected from St. Cyprians words which with the words themselves out of the which they are collected are to be taken into consideration because the weight of all this business doth rest upon them And first as for St. Cyprians words there is no such command of God touching Eleazar Pamel Annot. in Cypr. fol. 68. in any Bibles now remaining as is there laid down which thing Pamelius well observed And more than so the Text of Scripture now remaining is contrary to that which is there alledged God willing or commanding Moses to bring Aaron and Eleazar his son up into Mount Hor whither the people neither did nor might ascend Government of the Church c. 15. Numb 20.27 c. as it is well observed by our learned Bilson So that Eleazar not being chosen by the People but by God immediatly and his Ordination solemnized on the top of the Mount Moses and Aaron being only at the doing of it this can be no good Argument that the Election of the Prelate doth specially pertain unto the People And therefore it is very probable that Cyprian met with some corrupted Copy of the Book of God or else that we have none but corrupted Copies of the books of Cyprian As for the Election of Matthias Acts 1.15 though it was done in medio Discentium in the presence of the Disciples as the Scripture tells us yet surely the Disciples had no hand in the Hection the calling of an Apostle being too high a work for any of the sons of men to aspire unto ibid. ver 24. peculiar only to the Lord our God to whom the choice is also attributed in holy Scripture As for the Seven being they were to be the Stewards of the People in the disposing of their goods for the common benefit of the Church as before was noted good reason that the Election should be made by them whose goods and fortunes were to be disposed of So that there is no Law of God no Divine Ordinance of his expressed in Scripture by which the People are entituled either unto a special power of chusing their Bishops or to a necessary presence of the action though there be many good and weighty reasons which might induce the Fathers in the Primitive times not only to require their presence but sometimes also to crave their approbation and consent in the Elections of the Prelate Now for the presence of the People that seemeth to be required on this reason chiefly that their testimony should be had touching the life and behaviour of the party that was to be Ordained lest a wicked and unworthy person should get by stealth into the function of a Bishop it being required of a Bishop by St. Paul amongst other things that he must have a good report And who more able to make this report than the People are 1 Tim. 3. quae plebs viz. singulorum vitam plenissime novit who being naturally inquisitive Cypr. Epi. 68. know each mans life and hath had experience of his Conversation And as for their consent there wanted not some reasons why it was required especially before the Church was setled in a constant maintenance and under the protection and defence of a Christian Magistrate For certainly as our Reverend Bilson well observeth Bilson's perpetual Government c. 15. the People did more willingly maintain more quietly receive more diligently hear and more heartily love their Bishops when their desires were satisfied in the choice though merely formal of the man than when he was imposed upon them or that their fancies and affections had been crossed therein But yet I cannot find upon good authority that the special power of chusing or rejecting did reside in them though indeed somewhat did depend upon their approbation of the party and this no otherwise than according to the custom of particular Churches In Africk as it seems the use was this that on the death or deposition of a Bishop Cypr. Ep. 68. Episcopi ejusdem Provinciae quique proximi conveniant the neighbouring Bishops of the Province did meet together and repair unto that People who were to be provided of a Pastor that so he might be chosen praesente Plebe the People being present at the doing of it and certifying what they knew of his Conversation And this appears to be the general usage per Provincias fere universas through almost all parts of Christendom Where plainly the Election of the new Prelate resided in the Bishops of the same Province so convened together and if upon examination of his life and actions there was no just exception laid against him manus ei imponebatur he was forthwith ordained Bishop and put into possession of his place and Office But it was otherwise for a long while together in the great Patriarchal Church of Alexandria in which the Presbyters had the Election of their Bishop Presbyteri unum ex se Electum as St. Hierom noteth Hieron ad Euagrium the Presbyters of that Church did chuse their Bishop from amongst themselves no care being had for ought appeareth in the Father either unto the Peoples consent or presence And this continued till the time of Heraclas and Dionysius as he there informeth us of whom we shall speak more hereafter But whatsoever interest either the Clergy in the one Church or the People challenged in the other there is remaining still a possession of it in the Church of England the Chapter of the Cathedral or mother-Mother-Church making the Election in the name of the Clergy the King as Caput Reipublicae the head and heart also of his people designing or commending a man unto them and freedom left unto the People to be present if they will at his Election and to except against the man as also at his Confirmation if there be any legal and just exception to be laid against him Next for the Ordination of the Presbyters it was St. Cyprians usual custom to take the approbation of the People along with him as he himself doth inform us in an Epistle of his to his charge at Carthage inscribed unto the Presbyters and Deacons and the whole body of the people In ordinandis clericis
the first time that ever these Sabbath Doctrines peeped into the light For Dr. Bound the first sworn servant of the Sabbath hath in his first edition thus declared himself Page 31. that he sees not where the Lord hath given any authority to his Church ordinarily and perpetually to sanctifie any day except that which he hath sanctified himself and makes it an especial argument against the goodness of the Religion in the Church of Rome that to the seventh day they have joined so many other days Page 32. and made them equal with the seventh if not superiour thereunto as well in the solemnity of divine Offices as restraint from labour So that we may perceive by this that their intent from the beginning was to cry down the holy days as superstitious Popish Ordinances that so their new found Sabbath being placed alone and Sabbath now it must be called might become more eminent Nor were the other though more private effects thereof of less dangerous nature the people being so insnared with these new devices and pressed with rigours more than Jewish that certainly they are in as bad condition as were the Israelites of old when they were captivated and kept under by the Scribes and Pharisees Some I have known for in this point I will say nothing without good assurance who in a furious kind of zeal like the mad Prophetess in the Poet have run into the open streets yea and searched private Houses too to look for such as spent those hours on the Lords day in lawful pastimes which were not destinate by the Church to Gods publick service and having found them out scattered the company brake the Instruments and if my memory fail me not the Musitians head and which is more they thought that they were bound in conscience so to do Others that will not suffer either baked or roast to be made ready for their Dinners on their Sabbath day lest by so doing they should eat and drink their own damnation according to the doctrine preached unto them Some that upon the Sabbath will not sell a pint of Wine or the like Commodity though Wine was made by God not only for mans often infirmities but to make glad his heart and refresh his spirits and therefore no less requisite on the Lords day than on any other Others which have refused to carry provender to an Horse on the supposed Sabbath day though our Redeemer thought it no impiety on the true Sabbath day indeed to lead poor Cattel to the Water which was the motive and occasion of M. Brerewoods learned Treatise So for the female sex Maid-servants I have met with some two or three who though they were content to dress their meat upon the Sabbath yet by no means would be persuaded either to wash their Dishes or make clean their Kitchen But that which most of all affects me is that a Gentlewoman at whose House I lay in Leicester the last Northern Progress Anno 1634. expressed a great desire to see the King and Queen who were then both there And when I proferd her my service to satisfie that loyal longing she thanked me but refused the favour because it was the Sabbath day Unto so strange a bondage are the people brought that as before I said a greater never was imposed on the Jews themselves what time the consciences of that people were pinned most closely on the sleeves of the Scribes and Pharisees But to go forwards in my story it came to pass for all the care before remembred that having such a plausible and fair pretence as sanctifying a day unto the Lord and keeping a Commandment that had long been silenced it got strong footing in the Kingdom as before is said the rather because many things which were indeed strong avocations from Gods publick Service were as then permitted Therefore it pleased King James in the first entrance of his Reign so far to condescend unto them as to take off such things which seemed most offensive To which intent he signitied his loyal pleasure by Proclamation dated at Theobald May 7. 1603. that Whereas he had been informed that there had been in tormer times a greet neglect in keeping the Sabbath day for better obserbing of the same and for abeiding of all impious prophanarion of it be straitly charged and commanded that no Bear-baiting Bull baiting Enterludes common Plays or other like disordered or unlawful exercises or pastimes be frequented kept or used at any time hereafter upon any Sabbath day Not that his purpose was to debar himself of lawful pleasures on that day but to prohibit such disordered and unlawful pastimes whereby the common people were withdrawn from the Congregation they being only to be reckoned for Common Plays which at the instant of their Acting or representing are studied only for the entertainment of the common people on the publick Theaters Yet did not this though much content them And therefore in the Conference at Hampton Court it seemed good to D. Reynolds who had been made a party in the cause to touch upon the prophanation of the Sabbath for so he called it and contempt of his Majesties Proclamation made for the reforming of that abuse of which be earnestly desired a straiter course for reformation thereof to which he found a gentral and unanimous assent Nor was there an assent only and nothing done For presently in the following Convocation it pleased the Prelates there assembled to revive so much of the Queens Injunction before remembred as to them seemed fitting and to incorporate it into the Commons then agreed of only a little alteration to make it more agreeable to the present times being used therein That then they ordered in the Canon for due celebrution of Sundays and holp days Can. 13. viz. All manner of persons within the Church of England shall from beneeforth celebrote and heep the Lords day commonly called Sunday and other Holy days according to Gods holy will and pleasure and the Diders of the Church of England prescribed in that behalf i.e. in hearing the Word of God read and taught in pribate and publich Prapert in acknowledging their offences to God and amendment of the same in reconciling themselves charitably to their Neighbours where displeasure had been in offentimes receibing the Communion of the Body and Blood of Christ using all godly and scber conversation The residue of the said Injunction touching work in Harvest it seemed fit unto them not to touch upon leaving the same to stand or fall by the statute of King Edward the sixth before remembred A Canon of an excellent composition For by enjoyning godly and sober conversation and diligent repair to Church to hear the Word of God and receive the Sacrament they stopped the course of that prophaneness which formerly had been complained of and by their ranking of the holy days in equal place and height with Sunday and limiting the celebration of the same unto the Orders in that case
touching the divine Decrees upon occasion of Gods denounced Judgment against the Ninevites 5. His constant opposition to the Predestinarians and the great increase of his Adherents 6. The Articles collected out of Barrets Sermon derogatory to the Doctrine and persons of the chief Calvinians 7. Barret convented for the same and the proceedings had against him at his first conventing 8. A form of Recantation delivered to him but not the same which doth occur in the Anti-Arminianism to be found in the Records of the Vniversity 9. Several Arguments to prove that Barret never published the Recantation imposed upon him 10. The rest of Barrets story related in his own Letter to Dr. Goad being then Vice-Chancellor 11. The sentencing of Barret to a Recantatation no argument that his Doctrine was repugnant to the Church of England and that the body of the same Vniversity differed from the heads in that particular THIS great breach being thus made by Fox in his Acts and Monuments was afterwards open'd wider by William Perkins an eminent Divine of Cambridge of great esteem amongst the Puritans for his zeal and piety but more for his dislike of the Rites and Ceremonies here by Law established of no less fame among those of the Calvinian party both at home and abroad for a Treatise of Predestination published in the year 1592. entituled Armilla Aurea or the Golden Chain containing the order of the causes of salvation and damnation according to Gods Word First written by the Author in Larin for the use of Students and in the same year translated into English at his Request by one Robert Hill who afterwards was Dr. of Divinity and Rector of St. Bartholomews Church near the Royal Exchange In the Preface unto which discourse the Author telleth us that there was at that day four several Opinions of the order of Gods Predestination The first was of the old and new Pelagians who placed the cause of Gods Predestination in than in that they hold that God did ordain men to life or death according as he did foresee that they would by their natural free-will either reject or receive Grace offered The second of them who of some are termed Lutherans which taught that God foreseeing that all man-kind being shut under unbelief would therefore reject Grace offered did hereupon purpose to choose some to salvation of his meer mercy without any respect of their faith or good works and the rest to reject being moved to do this because he did eternally fore-see that they would reject his Grace offered them in the Gospel The third of Semi-palagian Papists which ascribe Gods Predestination partly to mercy and partly to mens foreseen Preparations and meritorious works The fourth of such as teach that the cause of the execution of Gods Predestination is his mercy in Christ in them which are saved and in them which perish the fall and corruption of man yet so as that the Decree and Eternal Counsel of God concerning them both hath not any cause besides his will and pleasure In which Preface whether he hath stated the opinions of the parties right may be discerned by that which hath been said in the former Chapters and whether the last of these opinions ascribe so much to Gods mercy in Christ in them that are saved and to mans natural Corruption in them that perish will best be seen by taking a brief view of the opinion it self The Author taking on him to oppugn the three first as erroneous and only to maintain the last as being a truth which will bear weight in the ballance of the Sanctuary as in his Preface he assures us Now in this book Predestination is defined to be the Decree of God by the which he hath ordained all men to a certain and everlasting Estate that is Golden chain either to salvation or condemnation to his own Glory He tells us secondly that the means for putting this decree in execution were the creation and the fall 3. Ibid. p. 52. That mans fall was neither by chance or by Gods not knowing it or by his bare permission or against his will but rather miraculously not without the Will of God but yet without all approbation of it Which passage being somewhat obscure may be explained by another some leases before In which the Question being asked Whether all things and actions were subject unto Gods Decree He answereth Yes surely and therefore the Lord according to his good pleasure hath most certainly decreed every both thing and action whether past present or to come together with their circumstances of place time means and end And then the Question being prest to this particular what even the wickedness of the wicked The answer is affirmative Yes he hath most justly decreed the wicked works of the wicked Ibid. 29. For if it had not pleased him they had never been at all And albeit they of their own natures are and remain wicked yet in respect of Gods decree they are to be accounted good Which Doctrine though it be no other than that which had before been taught by Beza yet being published more copiously insisted on and put into a more methodical way it became wondrous acceptable amongst those of the Calvinian party both at home and abroad as before was said Insomuch that it was Printed several times after the Latin edition with the general approbation of the French and Belgick Churches and no less than 15. times within the space of twenty years in the English tongue At the end of which term in the year 1612. the English book was turned by the Translator into Questions and Answers but without any alteration of the words of the Author as he informs us in the last page of his Preface after which it might have sundry other impressions that which I follow being of the year 1621. And though the Supra-lapsarians or rigid Calvinists or Supra-creatarians rather as a late judicious Writer calls them differ exceedingly in these points from many of their more moderate Brethren distiguished from them by the name of Sub-lapsarians yet in all points touching the specifying of their several supposed Degrees they agree well enough together and therefore wink at one another as before was noted Notwithstanding the esteem wherewith both sorts of Calvinists entertained the book it found not the like welcome in all places 〈◊〉 Dedi nor from all mens hands Amongst other Parsons the Jesuite gives this censure of him viz. That by the deep humour of fancy he hath published and written many books with strange Titles which neither he nor his Reader do understand as namely about the Concatenation or laying together of the causes of mans Predestination and Reprobation c. Jacob van Harmine afterwards better known by the name of Arminius being then Preacher of the Church of Amsterdam not only censured in brief as Parsons did but wrote a full discourse against it entituled Examen Predestinationis Perkinsanae which gave the first
of the Ninevites before the year 1574. being ten years before the preaching of Harsnets Sermon at St. Pauls Cross and more than twenty years before the stirs at Cambridge betwixt him and Whitacres In all which time or at lest the greatest part thereof he inclined rather unto the Melancthonian way according to the Judgment of the Church of England in laying down the Doctrine of Prodestination than to that of Calvin For fifteen years it is confest in a Letter sent by some of the heads of Cambridg to William Lord Burleigh then Chancellour of the University Anti-Arminian p. 256. bearing date March the 8. 1595. That he had taught in his Lectures preached in Sermons determined in the Schools and printed in several books a contrary Doctrine unto that which was maintained by Dr. Whitacres and had been taught and received in the University ever since the beginning of her Majesties Reign which last though it be gratis dictum without proof or evidence yet it is probable enough that it might be so Cartwright that unextinguished Firebrand being Professor in that place before him and no greater care taken in the first choice of the other before recited to have had the place than to supply it with a man of known aversness from all points of Popery And it seems also by that Letter that Baroe had not sown his seed in a barren soil but in such as brought forth fruit enough and yielded a greater increase of Followers than the Calvinians could have wished For in one place the Letter tells us that besides Mr. Barret of whom we shall speak more anon There were divers others who there attempted publickly to teach new and strange Oinions in Religion as the Subscribers of it call them And in another place it tells us of Dr. Baroe that he had many Disciples and Adherents whom he emboldned by his Example to maintain false Doctrine And by this check it may be said of Peter Baroe in reference to that University indangered to be overgrown with outlandish Doctrines as the Historian doth of Caius Marius with reference to the state of Rome in fear of being over-run by the Tribes of the Cymbri which were then breaking in upon it Actum esset de repub nisi Marius isti seculo contigisset the Commonwealth had then been utterly overthrown if Marius had not been then living Now as for Barret before mentioned he stands accused so far forth as we can discern by the Recantation which some report him to have made for preaching many strange and erroneous Doctrines that is to say 1. Anti-Armini p. 56. That no man in this transitory life is so strongly underpropped at lest by the certainty of saith that is to say as afterwards he explained himself by Revelation that he ought to be assured of his own salvation 2. That the faith of Peter could not fail but that the faith of other men might fail our Lord not praying for the faith of every particular man 3. That the certainty of perseverance for the time to come is a presumptuous and proud security forasmuch as it is in its own nature contingent and that it was not only a presumptuous but a wicked Doctrine 4. There was no distinction in the faith but in the persons believing 5. That the forgiveness of sins is an Article of the Faith but not the forgiveness of the sins particularly of this man or that and therefore that no true Believer either can or ought believe for certain that his sins are forgiven him 6. That he maintained against Calvin Peter Martyr and the rest cencernthose that are not saved that sin is the true proper and first cause of Reprobation 7. That he had taxed Calvin for lifting up himself above the high and Almighty God And 8thly That he had uttered many bitter words against Peter Martyr Theodore Beza Jerom Zanchius and Francis Junius c. calling them by the odious names of Cavinists and branding them with a most grievous mark of Reproach they being the Lights and Ornaments of our Church as is suggested in the Articles which were exhibited against him For having insisted or at lest touched upon these points in a Sermon preached at St. Maries on the â—9 of April Anno 1595. all the Calvinian heads of that University being laid together by Whitacres and inflamed by Perkins took fire immediately And in this Text he was convented on the fifth of May next following at nine of the clock in the morning before Dr. Some then Deputy Vice-Chancellour to Dr. Duport Dr. Goad Dr. Tyndal Dr. Whitacres Dr. Barwell Dr. Jegon Dr. Preston Mr. Chatterton and Mr. Claton in the presence of Thomas Smith publick Notary by whom he was appointed to attend again in the afternoon At which time the Articles above mentioned were read unto him which we alledged to be erroneous and false Et repugnantes esse religioni in regno Angliae legitima Authoritate receptae ac stabilitae that is to say contrary to the Religion received and established by publick Authority in the Realm of England To which Articles being required to give an Answer he confest that he had published in his Sermon all these positions which in the said Articles are contained sed quod contenta in iisdem Religioni Ecclesiae Angelicanae ut praefertur omnino non repugnant but denied them to be any way repugnant to the Doctrine of the Church of England Whereupon the Vice-Chancellour and the forenamed heads entring into mature deliberation and diligently weighing and examining these Positions because it did manifestly appear that the said Positions were false erroneous and likewise repugnant to the Religion received and established in the Church of England adjudged and declared that the said Barret had incurred the Penalty of the 45. Statute of the University de concionibus And by vertue and tenour of that Statute they decreed and adjudged the said Barret to make a publick Recanation in such words and form as by the Vice-Chancellour and the said heads or any three or two of them should be tendred to him or else upon his refusal to recant in that manner to be perpetually expelled both from his Colledg and the University binding him likewise in an Assumpsit of 40 l. to appear personally upon two days warning before the Vice-Chancellour or his Deputy at what time and place they should require It appears afterwards by the Register of the University that Barret being resummoned to appear before him though none but Goad Tyndal Barwell and Preston were present at that time with the Vice-Chancellour or his Deputy for I know not which a Recantation ready drawn was delivered to him which he was commanded to publish solemnly in St. Maries Church on Saturday the 10th of May then next ensuing And it is confidently affirmed by the Author of the Arminianism and his Eccho too that the said Recantation was publickly made by the said Barret at the time and place therein appointed Anti-Arminian p. 61.
And hereof the first Author seems to be so confident that he doth not only tell us that this Recantation was made accordingly but that it was not made with that Humility and Remorse which was expected it being said that after the reading thereof he concluded thus Haec dixi intimating thereby that he consented not in his heart to that which he had delivered by his tongue This is the total of the business concerning Barret in the Anti-Arminianism in which there is somewhat to be doubted and somewhat more to be denied And first it is to be doubted whether any such Recautation consisting of so many Articles and every Article having his abjuration or Recantation subjoined unto it was ever enjoined to be made for though the Author of the book affirmeth in one place that the whole Recantation in the same manner and form as there we find it was exemplified and sent unto him under the hand of the Register of the University pag. 62. yet he contesseth within few lines after that no such matter could be found when the heads of Houses were required by an Order from the House of Commons in the last Session of Parliament Anno 1628. to make certificate to them of all such Recantations as were recorded in their University Register and of this Recantation in particular And though it be hereupon inferred that this Precantation was imbezilled and razed out of the Records of the University by some of the Arminian party the better to suppress the memory of so great a foil yet it may rather be believed that many false Copies of it were dispersed abroad by those of the Calvinian faction to make the man more odious and his Opinions more offensive than might stand with Truth The truth is that a Recantation was enjoyned and delivered to him though not the same nor in the same form and manner as before laid down Barret confessing in his Letters of which more anon that a Recantation was imposed on him and expected from him But then it is to be denied as a thing most false that he never published the Recantation whatsoever it was which the Heads enjoyned and required at his last Convention For first It is acknowledged in the Authors own Transcript of the Acts that though he did confess the Propositions wherewith he was charged to be contained in his Sermon yet he would never grant them to be contrary to the Doctrine of the Church of England and therefore was not likely to retract the same Secondly It is plain by Barrets said Letters the one to Dr. Goad Master of Kings the other to Mr. Chadderton Master of Emanuel Colledg that neither flattery nor threatnings nor the fear of losing his subsistence in the University should ever work him to the publishing of the Recantation required of him And thirdly It appears by the Letters from the heads above mentioned to the Lord Treasurer Burleigh that Barret had not made the Recantation on the 8th of March which was full ten months after the time appointed for the publishing of it And on these terms this business sheweth the Author his Errour to affirm with all confidence for if the one doth the other must that Barret made this Recantation in St. Maries Church on the tenth of May Anno 1595. Barret declaring in his Letter to Dr. Goad about nine months after that he would never make it And the Heads signified to the Lord Treasurer Burleigh on the eighth of March heing ten months after that at that time he had not made And who should believe in the present case Barret that saith he would never do it and the Heads who say he had not done it on the eighth of March or that they say upon the credit of a false and malitious Copy purposely spread abroad by the Puritan faction to defame the man that he had published it on the 10th of May ten months before I find also in the Title to this Recantation as it stands in the Anti-Arminianism p. 46. that Mr. Harsnet of Pembrook Hall is there affirmed to have maintained the supposed Errours for which Barret was condemned to a Recantation and 't is strange that Harsnet should stand charged in the Title of another mans sentence for holding and maintaining any such points as had been raked out of the dunghil of Popery and Pelagianism as was there affirmed for which he either was to be questioned in his own person or not to have been condemned to the Title of a sentence passed on another man Which circumstance as it discredits the Title so the Title doth as much discredit the reality of the Recantation adeo mendaciorum natura est ut cohaerere non possint saith Lactantius truly The rest of Barrets story shall be told by himself according as I find it in a Letter of his to Dr. Goad then being Vice-Chancellour written about nine months after the time of his first conventing as by the Letter doth appear which is this that followeth A copy of Mr. Barret's Letter to Dr. Goad MY Duty remembred to your Worship c. Sir according to your appointment I have conferred with Mr. Overald and Mr. Chadderton Mr. Overald after once Conference refused to talk of these points any more saying it needed not For Mr. Chadderton he is a learned man and one whom I do much reverence yet he hath not satisfied me in this point For I required proof but of these two things at his hands viz. That una fides did differre specie ab alia and that it was aliud donum ab alio but he did neither But for the first whereas he should have proved it did differre specie he proved it did differre numero and that but out of the Master of the Sentences whose Authority notwithstanding I do not impugn And for the other that it should be Aliud donum he proveth out of St. Augustine that fides daemonum is not alia à fide Christianorum which no man ever denied for fides Daemonum is not Donum at all so that it cometh not in Question so that I being here unsatisfied of one party meaning Mr. Chadderton and rather confirmed of the other party I do hold my Positions as before And for the Retractation I purpose not to perform it Yet that the peace of the University and the Church may be preserved I do solemnly promise to keep my Opinion to my self so that in this regard my humble suit unto your Worship and hearty prayer to God is this that you would suffer me to continue in the University without molestation though I live but in disgrace amongst you yet I regard it not so I may be quiet For my intent is to live privately at my Book until such times as by continual Conference with those that are of contrary Judgment I may learn the truth of your Assertions which when I have learned I promise before God and your Worship not to conceal But if you and the rest of your
Assistants whom I reverence do purpose to proceed in disquieting and traducing me as you have done by the space of three quarters of this year and so in the end mean to drive me out of the University I must take it patiently because I know not how to redress it but let God be judg between you and me These things I leave to your Worships favourable consideration for this I must needs say and peradventure it may tend to your credit when I shall report it that above the rest hitherto I have found you most courteous and most just I leave your Worship to Gods Direction and holy tuition expecting a gracious Answer Your daily Beadsman WILLIAM BARRET But here perhaps it may be said that though Barret might be as obstinate in refusing to publish the Recantation as this Letter makes him yet it appears by the whole course of those proceedings that his Doctrines were condemned by the heads of the University as being contrary to that which was received and established in the Church of England And that it was so in the Judgment of those men who either concurred in his Censure or subscribed the Letter to the Lord Treasurer Burleigh above-mentioned is a thing past question But this can be no Argument that Barrets Doctrines were repugnant to the Church of England because these Heads either in favour of Dr. Whitacres or in respect to Mr. Perkins were pleased to think no otherwise of them for if it be we may conclude by the same Argument that the Church of Rome was in the right even in the darkest times of ignorance and superstition because all those who publickly opposed her Doctrines were solemnly enjoyned by the then prevailing party to a Recantation and which is more it may be also thence concluded that the Doctrine maintained by Athanasius touching Christs Divinity was contrary to that which had been taught by the Apostles and men of Apostolical spirits because it was condemned for such by some Arrian Bishops in the Council or rather Conventicle of Tyre which was held against him 2. It cannot be made apparent that either Dr. Duport the Vice-Chancellor who was most concerned or Dr. Baroe the Lady Margarets Professour for Divinity there had any hand in sentencing this Recantation Not Dr. Baroe because by concurring to this Sentence he was to have condemned himself Nor Dr. Duport for I find his place to be supplyed and the whole action govern'd by Dr. Some which shews him to be absent at that time from the University according to the stile whereof the Title of Procancellarius is given to Dr. Some in the Acts of the Court as appears by the Extract of them in the Anti-Arminianisin p. 64. compared with p. 63. But thirdly admitting that the Heads were generally thus enclined yet probably the whole body of the University might not be of the same Opinion with them those Heads not daring to affirm otherwise of Barrets Doctrine in their Letter to the Lord Treasurer Burleigh than that it gave just offence to many And if it gave offence unto many only it may be thought that it gave no offence to the Major part or much less to all for if it had the writers of the Letter would not have been so sparing in their expressions as to limit the offence to many if they could have said it of the most But of this we shall speak more in the following Chapter when we shall come to feel the pulse of the University in the great competition between Wotton and Overald after Whitacres death Of which Opinion Harsnet was we have seen before And we have seen before that Baroe had many Disciples and Adherents which stood fast unto him And thereupon we may conclude that when Dr. Baroe had for fourteen or fifteen years maintained these Opinions in the Schools as before was shewed which are now novelized by the name of Arminianism and such an able man as Harsnet had preached them without any Controul when the greatest audience of the Kingdom did stand to him in it There must be many more Barrets who concurred with the same Opinions with them in the University though their names through the Envy of those times are not come unto us CHAP. XXI Of the proceedings against Baroe the Articles of Lambeth and the general calm which was in Oxon touching these Disputes 1. The differences between Baroe and Doctor Whitacres the addresses of Whitacres and others to Archbishop Whitgift which drew on the Articles at Lambeth 2. The Articles agreed on at Lambeth presented both in English and Latin 3. The Articles of no authority in themselves Archbishop Whitgift questioned for them together with the Queens command to have them utterly supprest 4. That Baroe neither was deprived of his Professorship nor compelled to leave it the Anti-Calvinian party being strong enough to have kept him in if he had defired it 5. A Copy of the Letter from the Heads in Cambridg to the Lord Treasurer Burleigh occasioned as they said by Barret and Baroe 6. Dr. Overalds encounters with the Calvinists in the point of falling from the Grace received his own private judgment in the point neither for total nor for final and the concurrence of some other learned men in the same Opinion 7. The general calm which was at Oxon at that time touching these Disputes and the Reasons of it 8. An answer to that Objection out of the Writings of judicious Hooker of the total and final falling 9. The disaffections of Dr. Bukeridge and Dr. Houson to Calvins doctrines an Answer to the Objection touching the paucity of those who opposed the same 10. Possession of a Truth maintained but by one or two preserves it sacred and inviolable for more fortunate times the case of Liberius Pope of Rome and that the testimonies of this kind are rather to be valued by weight than tale FROM Barret pass we on to Baroe betwixt whom and Dr. Whitacres there had been some clashings touching Predestination and Reprobation the certainty of Salvation and the possibility of falling from the Grace received And the heats grew so high at last that the Calvinians thought it necessary in point of prudence to effect that by power and favour which they were not able to obtain by force of Argument To which end they first addressed themselves to the Lord Treasurer Burleigh then being their Chancellor acquainting him by Dr. Some then Deputy Vice-Chancellor with the disturbances made by Barret thereby preparing him to hearken to such further motions as should be made unto him in pursuit of that Quarrel But finding little comfort there they resolved to steer their course by another compass And having prepossest the most Reverend Archbishop Whitgift with the turbulent carriage of those men the affronts given to Dr. Whitacres whom for his learned and laborious Writings against Cardinal Bellarmine he most highly favoured and the great inconveniences like to grow by that publick discord they gave themselves good hopes of
to be affirmed by the Bishops of Rochester Oxon and St. Davids in a Letter to the Duke of Buchingham August 2. 1625. In which they signifie unto him that the said Articles being agreed upon and ready to be published it pleased Queen Elizabeth of famous memory upon notice given how little they agreed with the practice of piety and obedience to all Government to cause them to be suppressed and that they had so continued ever since till then of late some of them had received countenance at the Synod of Dort Next touching the effect produced by them in order to the end so proposed so far they were from appeasing the present Controversies and suppressing Baroe and his party that his disciples and Adherents became more united and the breach wider than before And though Dr. Baroe not long after deserted his place in the University yet neither was he deprived of his Professorship as some say not forced to leave it on a fear of being deprived as is said by others For that Professorship being chosen from two years to two years according to the Statutes of the Lady Margaret he kept the place till the expiring of his term and then gave off without so much as shewing himself a Suiter for it Which had he done it may be probable enough that he had carried it from any other Candidate or Competitor of what rank soever The Anti-Calvinian party being grown so strong as not to be easily overborn in a publick business by the opposite faction And this appears plainly by that which followed on the death of Dr. Whitacres who died within few days after his return from Lambeth with the nine Articles so much talk'd of Two Candidates appeared for the Professorship after his decease Wotton of Kings Collegd a professed Calvinian and one of those who wrote against Mountague's Appeal Anno 1626. Competitor with Overald of Trinity Colledg almost as far from the Calvinian doctrine in the main Platform of Predestination as Baroe Harsnet or Barret are conceived to be But when it came to the Vote of the University the place was carried for Overald by the Major part which as it plainly shews that though the doctrines of Calvin were so hotly stickled here by most of the Heads yet the greater part of the learned Body entertained them not so doth it make it also to be very improbable that Baroe should be put out of his place by those who had taken in Overald or not confirmed therein if he had desired And therefore we may rather think as before is said that he relinquished the place of his own accord in which he found his Doctrine crossed by the Lambeth Articles and afterwards his peace distracted dy several Informations brought against him by the adverse faction and thereupon a Letter of Complaint presented to the Lord Treasurer Burleigh subscribed by most of those who before had prosecuted Barret to his Recantation Which Letter giving very great light to the present business as well concerning Barret as Baroe though principally aimed at the last I think worthy of my pains and the Readers patience and therefore shall subscribe it as hereafter followeth A Copy of the Letter sent from some of the Heads in Cambridge to the Lord Burleigh Lord High Treasurer of England and Chancellor of the University RIGHT HONOURABLE our bounden duty remembred we are right sorry to have such occasion to trouble your Lordship but the peace of this University and Church which is dear unto us being brought into peril by the late reviving of new Opinions and troublesom Controversies amongst us hath urged us in regard of the places we here sustain not only to be careful for the suppressing the same to our power but also to give your Lordship further information hereof as our honourable Head and careful Chancellor About a year past amongst divers others who here attempted publickly to teach new and strange Opinions in Religion one Mr. Barret more boldly than the rest did preach divers Popish Errors in St. Maries to the just offence of many which he was enjoyned to retract but hath refused so to do in such sort as hath been prescribed with whose fact and Opinions your Lordship was made acquainted hy Dr. Some the Deputy Vice-Chancellour Hereby offence and division growing as after by Dr Baroes publick Lectures and determinations in the Schools contrary as his Auditors have informed to Dr. Whitacres and the sound received Truth ever since her Majesties Reign we sent up to London by common consent in November last Dr Tyndal and Dr. Whitacres men especially chosen for that purpose for conference with my Lord of Canterbury and other principal Divines there that the Controversies being examined and the truth by their consents confirmed the contrary Errours and contentions thereabouts might the rather cease By whose good travel with sound consent in Truth such advice and care was taken by certain Propositions containing certain substantial points of Religion taught and received in this University and Church during the time of her Majesties Reign and consented unto and published by the best approved Divines both at home and abroad for the maintaining of the same truth and peace of the Church as thereby we enjoyed here great and comfortable quiet until Dr. Baroe in January last in his Sermon Ad Clerum in St. Maries contrary to restraint and Commandment from the Vice-Chancellour and the Heads by renewing again these Opinions disturbed our peace whereby his Adherents and disciples were and are too much emboldned to maintain false doctrine to the corrupting and disturbing of this University and the Church if it be not in time effectually prevented For remedy whereof we have with joint consent and care upon complaint of divers Batchelors of Divinity proceeded in the examination of the cause according to our Statutes and usual manner of proceeding in such causes whereby it appeareth by sufficient Testimonies that Dr. Baroe hath offended in such things as his Articles had charged him withal There is also since the former another Complaint preferred against him by certain Batchelors in Divinity that he hath not only in the Sermon but also for the space of this fourteen or fifteen years taught in his Lectures preached in his Sermons determined in the Schools and printed in several books divers points of doctrine not only contrary to himself but also contrary to that which hath been taught and received ever since her Majesties Reign and agreeable to the Errors of Popery which we know your Lordship hath always disliked and hated so that we who for the space of many years past have yielded him sundry benefits and favours here in the University being a stranger and forborn him when he hath often heretofore busie and curious in aliena Republica broached new and strange questions in Religion now unless we should be careless of maintaining the truth of Relgiion established and of our duties in our places cannot being resolved and confirmed in the truth of the
thirty sixth Canon Directions to the Vice-Chancellor Heads c. Jan. 18. 1616. that no man in the Pulpit or Schools be suffered to maintain Dogmatically any point of doctrine that is not allowed by the Church of England that none be suffered to preach or lecture in the Towns of Oxon or Cambridg but such as were every way conformable to the Church hoth in doctrine and discipline and finally which most apparently conduced to the ruin of Calvinism that young Students in Divinity be directed to study such books as be most agreeable in doctrine and discipline to the Church of England and excited to bestow their time in the fathers and Councils Schoolmen Histories and Controversies and not to insist too long upon Compendiums and abbreviations making them the grounds of their study in Divinity This seemed sufficient to bruite these doctrines in the shell as indeed it was had these directions been as carefully followed as they were piously prescribed But little or nothing being done in pursuance of them the Predestinarian doctrines came to be the ordinary Theam of all Sermons Lectures and Disputations partly in regard that Dr. Prideaux who had then newly succeeded Dr. Rob. Abbot in the Chair at Oxon had very passionately exposed the Calvinian Interest and partly in regard of the Kings declared aversness from the Belgick Remonstrants whom for the reasons before mentioned he laboured to suppress to his utmost power And yet being careful that the Truth should not fear the worse for the men that taught it he gave command to such Divines as were commissionated by him to attend in the Synod of Dort An. 1618. not to recede from the doctrine of the Church of England in the point of Vniversal Redemption by the death of Christ A point so inconsistent with that of the absolute and irrespective decree of Reprobation and generally of the whole Machina of Predestination and the points depending thereupon as they are commonly maintained in the Schools of Calvin that fire and water cannot be at greater difference But this together with the rest being condemned in the Synod of Dort and that Synod highly magnified by the English Calvinists they took confidence of making those disputes the Subject of their common discourses both from the Pulpit and Press without stint or measure and thereupon it pleased his Majesty having now no further fear of any dangers from beyond the Seas to put some water into their Wine or rather a Bridle into their mouths by publishing certain Orders and directions touching Preachers and preaching bearing date the 4th of August 1622. In which it was enjoyned amongst other things Directions of preaching and Preachers That no Preacher of what Title soever under the degree of a bishop or Dean at least do from henceforth presume to teach in any popular Auditory the deep points of Predestination Election Reprobation or of the Vniversality Efficacy Resistability or Irresistability of Gods Grace but rather leave those Theams to be handled by learned men and that modestly and moderately by use and application rather than by way of positive Doctrine as being fitter for Schools and Vniversities than for simple Auditors The violating of which Order by Mr Gabriel Bridges of Corpus Christi Colledg in Oxon by preaching on the 19. of January then next following against the absolute decree in maintenance of universal Grace and the co-operation of mans free-will prevented by it though in the publick Church of the University laid him more open to the prosecution of Dr. Prideaux and to the censure of the Vice-Chancellor and the rest of the Heads than any preaching on those points or any of them could possibly have done at mother time Much was the noise which those of the Calvinian party were observed to make on the publishing of this last Order as if their mouths were stopped thereby from preaching the most necessary doctrines tending towards mans salvation But a far greater noise was raised upon the coming out of Mountagues answer to the Gagger in which he asserted the Church to her primitive and genuine doctrines disclaimed all the Calvinian Tenents as disowned by her and left them to be countenanced and maintained by those to whom they properly belonged Which book being published at a time when a Session of Parliament was expected in the year 1624. The opportunity was taken by Mr. Yates and Mr. Ward two of the Lecturers or Preachers of Ipswich to prepare an Information against him with an intent to prosecute the same in the following Session A Copy whereof being come into Mountagues hands he flies for shelter to King James who had a very great estimation of him for his parts and learning in which he had over-mastred they then though much less Selden at his own Philologie The King had already served his own turn against the Remonstrants by the Synod of Dort and thereby freed the Prince of Orange his most dear Confederate from the danger of Barnevelt and his faction Archbishop Abbot came not at him since the late deplorable misfortune which befell him at Branzil and the death of Dr. James Mountague Bishop of Winton left him at liberty from many importunities and sollicitations with which before he had been troubled so that being now master of himself and governed by the light of his own most clear and excellent Judgment he took both Mountague and his dectrines into his Protection gave him a full discharge or quietus est from all those Calumnies of Popery or Arminianism which by the said Informers were laid upon him iucouraged him to proceed in finishing his just Appeal which he was in hand with commanded Dr. Francis White then lately preferred by him to the Deanry of Carlisle and generally magnified not long before for his zeal against Popery to see it licensed for the Press and finally gave order unto Mountague to dedicate the book when printed to his Royal self In obedience unto whose Command the Dean of Carlisle licensed the book with this approbation That there was nothing contained in the same but what was agreeable to the publick Faith Doctrine and Discipline established in the Church of England But King James dying before the book was fully finished at the Press it was published by the name of Appello Caesarem and dedicated to King Charles as the Son and Successor to whom it properly belonged the Author touching in the Epistle Dedicatory all the former passages but more at large than they are here discoursed of in this short Summary And thus far we have prosecuted our Discourse concerning the Five Points disputed between the English Protestants the Belgick Remonstrants the Melancthonian Lutherans together with the Jesuits and Franciscans on the one side the English Calvinists the Contra Remonstrants the Rigid Lutherans and the Dominican Fryers on the other side In the last part whereof we may observe how difficult a thing it is to recover an old doctrinal Truth when overborn and almost lost by the
Parliament in their own personal capacities and not as the representative body of the Clergy yet the poor Clergy found it some respect unto them to be thus honoured in their Heads and were the more obliged to obey such Acts as were established in that Court wherein these heads ha dopportunity of interceding if perhaps any thing were propounded which might be grievous to the Clergy and many times a power of hindring and divertring if not by Voice and Numbers yet by strength of reasons They were not altogether Slaves and Bond-men whilest the Church held that remnant of her ancient Rights for whilest the Heads retained that Honour the body could not chuse but rejoyce in it and be cherished by it But since they have been stripped of that by what unworthy Arts the World knows too well they are become of such condition that the most despicable Tradesman in a Corporate Town is more considerable in the eye of the State and hath a greater interesse in the affairs thereof than the greatest Prelate and to say truth than all the Clergy of the Realm For being there are three Ingredients which make up a Freeman as Sir Francis Bacon well observed in his speech concerning the Post-nati that is to say 1. jus Civitatis which did inable a man to buy and sell and to take Inheritances 2. jus suffragii a Voice in the passing of Laws and Election of Officers and 3. jus honoris a capability of such Offices and Honours as the State could give him the Clergy by this means are limited to the first right only and utterly excluded from the other two and thereby put into a worse condition than the meanest Freeman in the Kingdom Insomuch that whereas every needy Artizan if he be free of any Corporate Town or City every Cottager that dwelleth in an ancient Burrough and every Clown which can lay claim to forty shillings per Annum of Freehold either for life or of Inheritance hath a Voice in Parliament either in person or by Proxy and is not bound by any Law but what himself consents to in his Representatives the Clergy only of this Realm as the case now stands being out of the greatest States of this Kingdom as is acknowledged expresly in terminis by Act of Parliament 8 Eliz. c. 1. are neither capable of place there in their personal capacities nor suffered to be there in their Procurators as of old they were nor have so much as any Voice in chusing of the Knights and Burgesses which represent the body of the people generally I know it hath been said in reply to this that the Clergy may give Voices at the Election of the Knights and Burgesses and that it is their own neglect if they do it not But I know too that this is only yielded unto such of the Clergy as are possessed of Lands and Houses in those several places where such Elections are to be made and not then neither in most places except it be to make a party for particular ends especially where some good man or the main cause it self it concerned therein which as it totally excludeth the greatest part of the Clergy from having any Voice at all in these Elections the greatest part of the Clergy the more the pity having neither Lands nor Houses to such a value in fee simple so it gives no more power unto those that have than what of necessity must serve I am sure occasionally it may to their own undoing For to say truth those that give out that the Clergy may give Voice at such Elections use it but as a shift for the present turn intending nothing less indeed as hath oft been seen than that the Clergy should be capable of so great a trust The reason is because there is not any Freeman of a City or a Corporate Town who hath a Voice in the Election of a Citizen to serve in Parliament nor almost any Cottager or Free-holder who hath a Voice in the Election either of a Knight or Burgess but is directly eligible to the place himself Of Citizens and Burgesses Elected from the very meanest of the people we have many instances and shall have more according as they find their strength and have received a taste of the sweets of Government And for the chusing of the Knights of the several Shires it is determined by the Statutes that as 40 s. Land of Free-hold per Annum 8 Hen. 6. c. 7. is enough to qualifie a Clown for giving a Voice at the Election so the same Clown if he have 20 l. Land per Annum is capable of being chosen for a Knight of the Shire as appears plainly and expresly by the Statute Law For though the Writ directed to the several and respective Sheriffs prescribe a choice of dues milites gladio cinctos yet we know well that by the Statute of King Henry 6. which is explanatory in this case of the Common Law such notable Esquires or Gentlemen 23 Hen. 6.15 born of the same Counties as shall be able to the Knights are made as capable as a dubbed Knight to attend that service and he that hath no more than 20 l. per Annum either in Capite or Socage is not only able by the Law to be made a Knight 1 Ed. 2. c. 1. but was compelled thereunto even by the Statute-Law it self until the Law was lately altered in that point 17 Carol. c. 1. And on the other side it is clera enough for there have been of late some experiments of it that though a Clergy-man be born an Esquire or Gentleman for they are not all born ex fece Plebis as the late Lord Brook forgetting his own poor Extraction hath been pleased to say and though he be possessed of a fair Estate descended to him from his Ancestors L. Brook against Episcopacy or otherwise possessed of some Lands or Houses in Town Burrough or City whereby he stands as eligible in the eye of the Law as any Lady-Gentleman of them all yet either he is held uncapable and so pretermitted or if returned rejected at the House it self to his soul reproach It is a Fundamental constitution of the Realm of England that every Freeman hath a Voice in the Legislative power of Parliament And so acknowledged in a Writ of Summons of K. Edw. 1. and it is a Rule in Politicks quod omnes tangit ab omnibus tractari debet Which being now denied to the English Clergy reduceth them to that condition which St. Paul complains of and makes them no otherwise accounted of by the common people than as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the filth and off-scouring of the world to this very day This tempts me to a brief dicussion of a Question exceeding weighty in it self but not so much as thought of in this great Disfranchisement the slavery obtruded lately on the English Clergy that is to say whether that any two of the three Estates conspiring or agreeing
Doctrine in the Points disputed under the new establishment made by Queen Elizabeth 1. The Doctrine of the second Book of Homilies concerning the wilful fall of Adam the miserable estate of man the restitution of lost man in Jesus Christ and the universal redemption of all mankind by his death and passion Page 601 2. The doctrine of the said second Book concerning universal grace the possibility of a total and final falling and the co-operation of mans will with the grace of God Page 602 3. The judgment of Reverend Bishop Jewel touching the universal redemption of man-kind by the death of Christ Predestination grounded upon faith in Christ and reached out unto all them that believe in him by Mr. Alexander Nowel ibid. 4. Dr. Harsnet in his Sermon at St. Pauls Cross Anno 1584. sheweth that the absolute decree of Reprobation turneth the truth of God into a lie and makes him to the Author of sin Page 603 5. That it deprives man of the natural freedom of his will makes God himself to be double-minded to have two contrary wills and to delight in mocking his poor Creature Man ibid. 6. And finally that it makes God more cruel and unmerciful than the greatest Tyrant contrary to the truth of Scripture and the constant Doctrine of the Fathers Page 604 7. The rest of the said Sermon reduced unto certain other heads directly contrary to the Calvinian Doctrine in the points disputed ibid. 8. Certain considerations on the Sermon aforesaid with reference to the subject of it as also to the time place and persons in and before which it was first preached Page 605 9. An Answer to some Objections concerning a pretended Recantation falsly affirmed to have been made by the said Mr. Harsnet ibid. 10. That in the judgment of the Right Learned Dr. King after Bishop of London the alteration of Gods denounced judgments in some certain cases infers no alteration in his Councils the difference between the changing of the will and to will a change Page 606 11. That there is something in Gods decrees revealed to us and something concealed unto himself the difference between the inferiour and superiour causes and of the conditionality of Gods threats and promises ibid. 12. The accomodating of the former part of this discourse to the case of the Ninevites Page 607 13. And not the case of the Ninevites to the case disputed ibid. CHAP. XIX Of the first great breach which was made in the Doctrine of the Church by whom it was made and what was done towards the making of it up 1. Great alterations made in the face of the Church from the return of such Divines as had withdrawn themselves beyond Sea in the time of Queen Mary with the necessity of imploying them in the publick service if otherwise of known zeal against the Papists Page 609 2. Several examples of that kind in the places of greatest power and trust in the Church of England particularly of Mr. Fox the Martyrologist and the occasion which he took of publishing his opinion in the point of Predestination ibid. 3. His Notes on one of the Letters of John Bradford Martyr touching the matter of Election therein contained ibid. 4. The difference between the Comment and the Text and between the Author of the Comment and Bishop Hooper Page 612 5. Exceptions against some passages and observations upon others in the said Notes of Mr. Fox ibid. 6. The great breach made hereby in the Churches Doctrine made greater by the countenance which was given to the Book of Acts and Monuments by the Convocation Anno 1571. Page 613 7. No argument to be drawn from hence touching the approbation of his doctrine by that Convocation no more than for the Approbation of his Marginal Notes and some particular passages in it disgraceful to the Rites of the Church attire of the Bishops ibid. 8. A counterballance made in the Convocation against Fox his Doctrine and all other Novelisms of that kind Page 614 CHAP. XX. Of the great Invocation made by Perkins in the publick Doctrine the stirs arising thence in Cambridge and Mr. Barrets carriage in them 1. Of Mr. Perkins and his Doctrine of Predestination with his recital of the four opinions which were then maintained about the fame Page 614 2. The sum and substance of his Doctrine according to the Supralapsarian or Supra-creatarian way Page 615 3. The several censures past upon it both by Papists and Protestants by none more sharply than by Dr. Rob. Abbots after Bishop of Sarum Page 616 4. Of Dr. Baroe the Lady Margarets Professor in the Vniversity and his Doctrine touching the divine Decrees upon occasion of Gods denounced Judgment against the Ninivites ibid. 5. His constant opposition to the Predestinarians and the great increase of his Adherents Page 617 6. The Articles collected out of Barrets Sermon derogatory to the Doctrine and persons of the chief Calvinians ibid. 7. Barret convented for the same and the proceedings had against him at his first conventing Page 618 8. A Form of Recantation delivered to him but not the same which doth occur in the Anti-Arminianism to be found in the Records of the Vniversity ibid. 9. Several Arguments to prove that Barret never published the Recantation imposed upon him Page 619 10. The rest of Barrets story related in his own Letter to Dr. Goad being then Vice-Chancellor ibid. 11. The sentencing of Barret to a Recantation no argument that his Doctrine was repugnant to the Church of England and that the body of the same Vniversity differed from the heads in that particular Page 620 CHAP. XXI Of the proceedings against Baroe the Articles of Lambeth and the general calm which was in Oxon touching these Disputes 1. The differences between Baroe and Dr. Whitacres the address of Whitacres and others to Arch-bishop Whitgift which drew on the Articles of Lambeth Page 621 2. The Articles agreed on at Lambeth presented both in English and Latine Page 622 3. The Articles of no authority in themselves Archbishop Whitgift questioned for them together with the Queens command to have them utterly supprest ibid. 4. That Baroe neither was deprived of his Professorship nor compelled to leave it the Anti-Calvinian party being strong enough to have kept him in if he had desired it Page 623 5. A Copy of the Letter from the Heads in Cambridge to the Lord Treasurer Burleigh occasioned as they said by Barret and Baroe Page 624 6. Dr. Overalds encounters with the Calvinists in the point of falling from the grace received his own private judgment in the point neither for total nor for final and the concurrence of some other Learned men in the same opinion Page 625 7. The general calm which was at Oxon at that time touching these disputes and the Reasons of it ibid. 8. An Answer to that Objection out of the writings of judicious Hooker of the total and final falling Page 626 9. The disaffections of Dr. Bukeridge and Dr. Houson to Calvins