had to their lodgings The morrow after faith was plight and contracted betweene them and the same confirmed by covenant and they were dismissed to bring their forces and to shew them before him and so they quartered and lodged in the same camp with the Romanes until by their guidance direction they came unto the enemie The armie of the Carthaginians next unto them was under the conduct of Asdruball neere unto the citie Baetula Before his camp he kept certaine standing guards of horsemen Vpon them the light armed forlorne hope of archers and dartars of the Romane hoast which went before the battaile to skirmish likewise they of the forefront and vaward charged forcibly with their shot yet so contemptuously and in skornefull wise even presently upon their travaile in journey and before they had chosen a peece of ground to encampe in that it was soone seene what hart there was in both parts For the Cavallerie of the enemies fearefully fled and were driven into the camp but the Romanes advaunced with banners displaied hard to the very gates and so for that day their stomacks were onely up and provoked to a fight and then the Romanes pitched their tents Asdruball in the night retired his armie to a mount which in the top had a broad plaine Behinde this hill there ran a river the fore-front thereof and the sides all about the skirts were compassed as it were with a steepe banke standing plumbe upright There lay under this hill top another plaine lower than the other which also was enclosed round about with the like banke as difficult for ascent as the former The next day Asdruball after he saw the enemies standing arraunged before their campe sent downe his Numidian horsemen the light armed Ilanders also of the Baleares and likewise the Africanes Then Scipio rode about all the regiments ensignes and rankes of his armie marshalled as they stood in battaile wise and shewed unto them their enemies how they despaired afore-hand to fight on equall and even ground how they taking the vantage of the hils braved and shewed themselves presuming and trusting upon the place and not upon their owne valour and strength of armes Howbeit quoth hee Carthage had higher wals and yet the Romane soldiours were able to skale and get over neither hills nor castle no nor the very sea stood in their way then nor stopped them of their entrie And as for these high places which the enemies are possessed of they happily may serve their turnes well when they shall take their flight and leape from off the steepe bankes and runne downe-hill apace and so get away But I trow I shall debat them there and lay a blocke in their way on every side Whereupon he commaunded two squadrons the one to keepe the streights of the valley through which the river runneth the other to beset the passage that leadeth from the cittie into the fields and crosseth overthwart the hill side abovesaid Himselfe led the light appointed vantcurriers who the day before had discomfited the guards and wards of the enemies to affront the light armed souldies that were quartered in the neather brow of the hill And first they passed through the roughes were not impeached nor hindered otherwise than by the difficult avenues But afterward when they were come within shot at the very first they were welcommed with a mightie voley of all sorts pouring as it were like haile upon them Himselfe answered them againe and recharged upon them letting drive and discharging the stones which lay strewed all over the ground and were such in manner all as might be welded and flung from them with ease And not onely the soldiers but lackies horse-boies such as followed the camp were intermingled amongst the armed companies And albeit the ascent up the hil was hard and they were pelted and almost overwhelmed with darts and sâ—ones yet being so inured as they were to clime walls and resolute withall they mounted up first to tâ—e top and so soon as they had gotten some even ground where they might have sure footing they found the enemie who was light and nimble and able to runne to and fro and to save himselfe and shift well when he was farre off all the time that they skirmished aloufe and plaied upon one another with light shot now that they came to close fight and to handstrokes not able to stand his ground and so they drave him from his place and with great slaughter chased him and set him backe to the very battaile that stood upon the higher hill Then Scipio having given commaundement to these for to follow on the traine of their victorie and to enter up still upon the maine battaile of the enemies parted the rest of his forces togither with Laelius willing him to coast along and wheele about on the right hand of the mount untill hee found some way of easier ascent himselfe on the left hand fetched no long circuit and compasse untill he came crosse overthwart the flanke of the enemies Hereupon first began their battaile to be disordered whiles they were desirous to turne their wings to oppose their ranks and squadrons against the noises and shouts which rung every where about them In this tumultuous trouble Lelius also was gotten up and while the enemies drew backward and gave ground because they would not be charged behind on their backe the vaward of their part was displayed and lay open and so the Romanes even of the middle battaile also had a lane and spacious roume to get up and enter upon them who never had beene able to have gained the ground and woon the plaine above considering the disadvantage of the steepe banke so long as the rankes had stood unbroken and the elephants were opposed against them before the ensignes in the forefront Downe went the enemies now on every side and were pittiously killed and Scipio who with his left wing encountred the right charged and plaied especially upon the naked sides of the enemies And so by this meanes they had no way left them to flie and escape cleare For the Romane guards on both hands as well on the left as the right had beset all the avenues And as for the gate of the campe the Generall himselfe and the other captaines and officers of the campe had taken it up as they fled that way besides the combersome trouble of the Elephants whom being now affrighted they feared no lesse than their enemies So there died of them 8000. Asdruball who before the conflict had made sure worke with all the money and taken it with him sent the elephants before having rallied as many as he could of them that fled escaped out of the campe he made hast along the river Tagus toward the mountaine Pyrenaeus Scipio being now maister of the enemies campe after he had given to the souldiours all the pillage and spoile but onely the prisoners such as were free men when he came to take
parts in manner by turnes they retired safely into the battaile of footmen Now when as the battels were not past halfe a mile asunder one from another Scipio sounded the retreat and opened his ranks received all the horsemen and light armed souldiours within the middle ward and having divided them in two regiments hee bestowed them for succours and supplies behind the wings Now when the time was come to joyne in medley hee commaunded the Spaniards and those were the maine battaile to take sure footing and go steedily togither faire and softly himselfe out of the right wing for that point he commanded dispatched a messenger to Syllanus Martius willing them to stretch out that wing on the left hand like as they saw him to draw it a length on the right with direction also unto them that they togither with the light horsemen and light appointed footmen should encounter and close with the enemie before that both battailes might meet and joyne togither Thus having enlarged out at full their wings they with three squadrons of footmen and as many cornets of horsemen togither with the light armed skirmishers advanced with full pace directly afront the enemies whiles the rest followed sidewaies a crosse Now there was a void peece of ground in the mids between by reason that the Spaniards ensignes went but slowly forward and the wings had bene in conflict alreadie when the floure and strength of the enemies battaile consisting of old beaten Carthaginian and Africane souldiors were not yet come within the darts shot neither durst they put in to succour them that were in fight for feare they should open the main battaile for the enemie that came directly against them Their wings were much distressed in the fight on every side For the horsemen the light armed souldiours and the skirmishers having wheeled about and set a compasse to environ them ran upon them on their flanks The cohorts of footmen charged upon them afront al to break off their wings from the bodie of the battell And as now in every respect the fight was unequall so the rable of camp-followers Baleare Ilanders raw untrained Spaniards opposed against the approved Romane and Latine soldiors pulled down a side The day went on stil Asdrubal his armie began to faint and no mervaile for they were surprised taken of a sodain betimes in the morning wer forced in hast to enter into the field go to battel before they had refreshed strengthned their bodies And to that purpose Scipio had drawne the day on length and trifled out the time that the battell might be late For it was the seventh houre or one a clocke after noone before the ensigne of footmen charged upon the side points And a good deale later it was ere the maine battailes fought and joined together so that the heat of the noone sunne the paine of long standing in armour and hunger and thirst came all together to enfeeble and spend their bodies before that they came to handstrokes and to buckle with their enemies which was the cause that they stood leaning and resting themselves upon their shields And over and besides all other troubles the Elephants also affrighted and madded with this tumultuous and disordered manner of fight of horsemen skirmishers and light armed souldiours together ran from the wings upon the main battell The captaines therefore themselves being thus tainted as well in courage of heart as in bodily strength gave ground and reculed Howbeit they still kept their arraies as if the whole battell had retired whole and sound by the commaundement of their Generall But when the winners and conquerours on the other part were so much more forward to charge upon them more hotely on every side because they saw them to lose their ground and shrinke backe so as their violence could not well be endured then albeit Asdruball held them still together and did what he could to stay their flight crying eftsoones alowd unto them that there were hils behind them and places of safe retreat if they would retire in good sort moderately and in orders yet when they saw their enemies presse so hard upon them killing and hewing in peeces those that were next unto them feare was above shame and so immediately they shewed their backe parts and ran away all at once as fast as they could Yet at first when they came to the root and foot of the hils they began to make a stand and rallie the souldiours againe into order of battell seeing the Romanes to make some stay of advauncing their ensignes up the hill But afterwards when they perceived them to come lustily forward they began againe to flie afresh and so in feare were forced to take their campe Neither was Scipio himselfe farre from their trench and rampier but in that very brunt had beene maister thereof but that immediately upon the hote gleames of the sunne when hee shineth in a waterie skie full of blacke and rainie clouds there powred downe such store of showers and tempests that hardly could he himselfe after his victorie recover his owne campe And some there were also that made it a scruple and matter of conscience to attempt any more for that day The Carthaginians although they had great reason to repose themselves and take their necessarie rest so wearied as they were with travell and sore wounded especially seeing the night was come and the stormie raine continued yet because their feare and present daunger wherein they stood gave them no time to loiter and slacke their businesse against the next morning that the enemies should earely assaile their campe they gathered up stones from out of the vallies neere about them and piling them one upon another amended the height of their rampier purposing to defend themselves by the strength of their fence seeing small helpe and remedie in force of armes But the falling away of their Confederates was the cause that their departure flight from thence seemed more safe than their abode there would have beene This revolt was begun by Altanes a great lord of the Turdetanes for he with a great power of his followers and retrainers fled from the Carthaginians to the adverse part Whereupon two strong walled townes together with their garrisons were yeelded by the captaines unto Scipio Asdruball therfore fearing least this mischeefe might spread farther now that their minds were once set upon rebellion dislodged about the midnight following and removed Scipio so soone as he was advertised at the breake of the day by those that kept standing watch in their stations that the enemies were gone having sent his horsemen before commanded the standerds and ensignes to bee advaunced and led so speedie a march that if they had gone streight forward and followed their tracks directly they had no doubt overtaken them but beleeving certaine guides that there was a shorter way to the river Baetis they were advised to charge upon them as they passed over But
brought into question and notwithstanding they called unto the Tribunes for to assist them with interposing their negative yet there was not one of them would succour and releeve them but presentment was taken against them and they indited Then the Nobility I meane not them alone who were in trouble but generally the whole Gentrie of the City at once pleaded That they were not the naturall true Noblemen indeede who were to be touched and charged with this crime who if it were not for sinister and indirect courses had easie and open accesse unto all honourable places and promotions but certaine new upstarts and Gentlemen of the first head saying That it was the very case of the Dictator himselfe and his Generall of horse who were rather parties guiltie and offenders themselues than sufficient inquisitors and competent judges and that should they well know and understand when they were once out of their place and office This made Manius to bestirre himselfe who mindfull rather of his good name and reputation than respectiue of his high place and absolute government went up into the common place of audience before all the people and spake to this effect My maisters and friends all Citizens of Rome well assured I am that privie ye are to the whole cariage and course of my former life and besides that even this very honor and dignitie which you have bestowed upon me is able to testifie and approve mine innocencie For to sit upon these inquisitions there was not to be chosen now for Dictatour as oftentimes heretofore according to the dangerous occasions and necessitie of the time a man reputed the best and noblest warrior of all other but such a one as throughout his whole life hath most of all misliked and condemned ambitious conventicles Howbeit for as much as certaine persons of noble linage for what cause it is more meet for you to deeme and judge than for me being a Magistrate to speake without booke as they say and upon no sure ground first have endevoured with all their might and maine to overthrow the processe of the inquisition it self and afterwards seeing they were not able themselves to bring that about notwithstanding they were Patrity have fled to the holds of their very adversaries even the protection of the Tribunes and their negative rather than to justifie themselves and stand to the triall of their cause and at last having there also a repulse thinking all meanes safer than to approve their innocencie have fallen upon us and bashed not privat men as they are to accuse and touch the person of him that is Dictatour to the end therfore that both God and man and all the world may know that as they have assaied to compasse that which they are not able to bring to passe namely to avoid the rendering an account of their life and demeanor so I am readie to set forward their accusations to offer my selfe unto mine adversaries and giving them meanes to call mee to mine answere here I resigne up my Dictatourship And I beseech you ô Consuls if so bee this charge bee laid on you by the Senate to proceed in examination against mee first and this gentleman the Generall of horse M. Fellius that it may appeare how we through our owne innocencie alone and not by the countenance and priviledge of our dignitie and high calling are protected and safe from these slanders and intended crimes Herewith hee gave over his place of Dictatour and after him incontinently M. Fellius yeelded up his roume likewise of Generall over the horse These persons were the first who being charged and put to their triall judicially before the Consuls for to them by order from the Senate was the commission directed notwithstanding all the depositions and testimonies of the Patritij were in every point found unguiltie and acquit P. Philo also albeit hee had so many times attained to the supreme dignities of state after he had atcheeved so many worthie deeds as well in peace as warre yet a man malliced or envied rather of the Nobilitie was put to plead for himselfe and finally absolved But this inquirie into such men of name and qualitie lasted no longer in force as it is usually seene than whiles it was fresh and in the first heat therof From them it began to fall to persons of lesse reckoning and baser account untill such time as by the same conventicles and factions against which it was devised it fell to the ground and was troden underfoot The bruit of these things and more than that the hope of the Campaines revolt whereto certaine had conspired and sworn as ye have heard recalled the Samnites backe againe to Caudium who were turned bent wholly into Apulia that from thence being so neer at hand unto Capua they might if haply any insurrection and trouble presented the ouverture and opportunitie seize upon it and take it perforce from the Romanes Thither came the Consuls with a strong and mightie armie and at the first they staied and lingered about the passes and streights having on the one side the other an ill way of passage unto the enemies Afterwards the Samnites fetching a short compasse about came downe with their armie through the open places into the plains I mean the champaine countrie and fields about Capua And that was the first time that the enemies had a fight one of the others campe Whereupon by light skirmishes on horsebacke oftener than on foot they tried maisteries on either side neither were the Romans one jot discontented with the issue event thereof nor repented of the delay wherby they drew the warre alength Contrariwise the Samnite captaines perceived their forces to weare daily by small losses and their courage to coole and decay evidently by that lingering war Wherupon they came abroad into the field and devided their Cavallerie into wings with a speciall charge to have a more carefull eie backward toward their campe for fear of any impression and assault that way than to the maine battaile which would be guarded safe enough by the infanterie The Coss. marshalled themselves in this manner Sulpitius led the right point of the battel and Petilius the left the right side wheras the Samnits also were arraunged in thinner ranks and files of purpose to compasse and environ the enemies or not to bee compassed and enclosed themselves shewed itself more broad open They on the left hand besides that they stood thicker and more close were by occasion of a suddain policie of Petilius the Cos. further strengthened For those cohorts bands which were reserved apart in the rereward for help at any need kept fresh against all occurrents and hazards of long fight he advanced presently to the forefront in the vaward with all his forces at once charged the enemie at the first encounter forced him to recule When the footmen of the Samnites were thereby troubled and disarraied the horsemen followed close and
the Censureship of Appius Claudius the first that ever distained and polluted the Senate by bringing in the sonnes of Libertines and when he saw that no man accounted that election of Senatours good and lawfull and perceived withall that in the court he had not that backing of citizens which he sought for he entermingled in every Tribe certaine of the most base persons of the Commons and so hee corrupted both the common place and Mars field also In so much as the Election of Flavius was reputed so unworthie an indignitie that most of the gentlemen of Rome laid away their gold rings and rich trapping of their horses which were the ornaments and ensignes of their calling And from that time forward the cittie was devided into two partes One side was maintained and upheld by the true hearted people such as favoured and loved good things the other by the faction of the riffe raffe and skum of the cittie untill the time that Q. Fabius and P. Decius were created Censors Fabius to bring the cittie unto an uniforme accord and to withstand this inconvenience that the Elections of Magistrates should not be caried away by the strong hand of the vilest and most abject persons made a separation of all that base rabble and cast them into foure Tribes and called them Vrbana Which action of his men say was accepted with so great contentment and thankfulnes that upon this good temperature of degrees he purchased the surname of Maximus which in so many victories he had not acquired and obtained By him also by report it was ordained and instituted that on the Ides of Iuly the horsemen rode as it were in a solemne muster and shewed their great horses to the Censor THE TENTH BOOKE OF THE HISTORIES OF T. LIVIVS of Padoa from the foundation of the Cittie of Rome The Breviarie of L. Florus upon the tenth Booke TWo Colonies were planted in Sora and Alba. The Marsians of Carseola were reduced under obedience The fellowship of the Augurs was augmented to the number of nine whereas as before they were wont to be but foure The Law or Edict as touching the appealing to the people was now the third time proposed by Valerius the Consull Two Tribes more were added to the rest Aniensis and Terentina Warre was denounced against the Samnites and fortunately fought with them What time as there was a battaile given to the Tuscanes Vmbrians Samnites and Gaules under the conduct of P. Decius and Quintus Fabius and the Romane armie was in great extremitie of danger P. Decius following the example of his father devowed and exposed himselfe to die voluntarily for to save the host and by his death obained the victorie of that iourney to his countrimen and fellow citizens Papyrius Cursor put to flight an armie of the Samnites who were bound by a solemne oth not to depart out of the battaile without victorie to the end that with more magnanimitie and resolution they should enter into the field The Cense was held and the number taken of the cittizens with the solemne purging and Lustration of the cittie And assessed there were 262322 pols WHEN L. Genutius and Scr. Cornelius were Consuls there was rest in manner from all warres abroad in such sort as they had leasure to place certaine Colonies at Sora and Alba And for Alba there were enrolled 6000 inhabitants to affront the Aequians As for Sora it had sometimes belonged to the Volscians territorie but the Samnites usurped the possession of it and thither foure thousand were sent to inhabite The same yeare the Arpinates and Trebulanes were infranchised free denizens at Rome The Frusinates were fined with the losse of one third part of their lands for they were evidently detected to have sollicited the Hernicks to rebellion and after that the Consull by commission from the Senate had made due inquisition the principall heads of that conspiracie were scourged and beheaded Yet because there should not passe a yeare cleane without warre a journey was made such a one as it was into Vmbria upon newes that there used to yssue forth day by day certaâ—ne men in armes out of a cave and to make rodes into the countrie about Into this cave or peake the Romanes entred with their ensignes displaied where by reason that it was a blind corner they received many a wound and specially by throwing of stones untill such time as they found the other mouth of the cave for it was a thorowfare So they piled a deale of wood together at both endes and set it on fire with the smoke and vapour whereof there were about 2000 armed men driven out of their hole who rushing at last into the flame desirous to escape were smoudred and burnt to ashes When as M. Livius Denter and C. Aemylius were Consuls the Aequians began to warre againe for they hardly could abide and endure that a Colonie should bee planted upon their borders as a frontier-fortresse to bridle them and assaied by all kind of force to winne the same but they were lustily repulsed by the inhabitants onely within the towne Howbeit such a feare they made at Rome because it was not thought credible that the Aequians alone of themselves so distressed as they were would be so hardie as to take armes that in regard of that trouble a Dictatour was named to wit C. Iunius Bubuleus with M. Titintus Generall of the horse Who at the first conflict subdued the Aequians and upon the eight day of his governement returned into the cittie in triumph and now Dictatour dedicated the temple of Sâ—lut which hee had vowed being Consull and had put out to workmen for to be builded while hee was Censor The same yeare a fleet of Greekes under the conduct of Cleonymus a Lacedemonian arrived upon the coast of Italie and wan Thuriae a cittie of the Salentines Against this enemie was the Consull Aemylius sent who in one battell discomfited him and drove him abourd Thus Thuriae was rendered againe to the former inhabitants and the Salentine countrie obtained peace and quietnesse I find in some records that it was Iun Bubulcus the Dictatour who was sent to the Salentines and that Cleonymus before he was to encounter with the Romanes departed out of Italie From thence hee fetched a compasse and doubled the point of Brundusium and sailed with a fore-wind through the middest of the Venice gulfe for that on the left hand the Haven-lesse and harbourlesse coasts of Italie and on the right the Illyrians Liburnians and Istrians fierce nations and for the most part reputed infamous for roving and robbing by the sea side put him in exceeding feare So he arrived at length upon the river of Venice lying farre within the shore there he landed a few to discover the coasts but hearing that the strond that lay out against them was not broad and spacious and when they were past over it there were behind them the plashes as it were overflowed with the sea
attaine in the end to true glorie Let them call you and spare not fearefull for carefull cold and slow for wise and considerate an ill souldiour and ignorant for a skilfull warrior and experienced But be not you dismaied I had leifer heare a wise and sober enemie to fear you than see foolish and brainesicke cittizens to praise you Adventure all things boldly Anniball will contemne you enterprise nothing rashly he shall dread you And yet my purpose is not neither speake I this that you should enter into no action at all but my meaning and advise is that in all your doings you be guided and directed by sage reason not haled and carried away with blind fortune Order the matter so that all things lie within your compasse and at your disposition Stand ever armed and upon your guard Have your eie about you stil and keepe good watch that neither you lose any opportunitie that shall present it selfe unto you nor yeeld unto the enemie any occasion for his advantage Take time and leisure you shall find all things cleere plaine easie and certaine Contrariwise hast maketh wast it is ever to seeke is foreseeth nought but is starke blind The Consull answered to these speeches with no lightsome cheere and gladsome countenance as confessing That all he spake was rather true in substance than easie in execution For faith he if the Generall of horsemen were so violent and not to be endured of you who were his Dictatour soveraigne Commaunder what course shall I take what shift may I make what power and authoritie sufficient am I like to have to sway against my seditious quarrelsome and headie Colleague For mine owne part in my former Consulship I hardly escaped a scouring and much adoe I had to passe through the light fire of the flaming peoples doome and heavie censure wherein I was well scortched and halfe burnt I wish all may be well in the end Howbeit if any thing shall fall out otherwise than well I had rather hazard the pikes and darts of the enemies and leave my life behind me among them than put my selfe to be tried againe by the voices suffrages of angrie testie citizens Paulus had no sooner delivered this speech but as the report goeth he went forth on his journie the cheese LL. of the Senat accompanied him The other Commoner Consull was likewise attended of his favourites the Commons more looked on and gazed at for their multitude and number than regarded for the worth and qualitie of their persons So soone as they were arrived at the campe and that the new armie was intermingled with the old they devided the whole into two camps and ordred the matter so that the new which was the lesser should be neerer to Anniball and in the old the greater number and the whole strength and floure of the maine forces should be quartered Then they sent away to Rome M. Atilius the Consull of the former yeare who excused himselfe by reason of his old age and desired to be gone But they gave unto Cn. Servilius the charge and conduct of one Romane Legion and besides of two thousand horsemen and footemen of their allies in the lesser campe Anniball notwithstanding he well perceived that the power of his enemies was reenforced by one halfe more than before yet wonderous joyfull he was at the comming of these new Consuls For not onely he had nothing left him of victuals which from day to day he brevited for to serve his present neede and no more but also there was no more to be had and nothing remained for to fill his hands with by reason that after the territorie was not safe to travaile in the come from all parts was conveighed unto the strong walled townes and there laid up so that as afterwards it was knowne for certaine he had scarce corne ynough for to serve ten daies and the Spaniards by occasion of the dearth and want were at the point to revolt unto the Romans if they might but espie a good and commodious time therefore Over and besides to the inbred rashnesse and overhastie nature of the Consull fortune also ministred mater to confirme him therein For in a certaine tumultuarie skirmish to stop and impeach the forragers and boothalers of Anniball and which began rather by chaunce as the souldiors happened to encounter one another than upon any considerate counsell aforehand or by direction and commaundement from the Generals the Carthaginians had the soile went by the worse for of them there were 1700 slaine but of Romanes and Confederates not passing 100. And when in the traine of victorie they hotely followed the chase in disarray the Consull Paulus who that day had the absolute commaund for they governed by turnes each one his day restrained and staied them Varro thereat chaufed and frounsed crying out alowd That hee had let the enemie escape out of his hands and if he had not thus given over the pursuit the warre might have been ended at once Anniball tooke this losse and dammage nothing neere the heart but rather made full reckning that he had caught as it were with a bait and fleshed the audaciousnesse of the foolehastie Consull and of the new souldiours especially For he knew as well all that was done amongst the enemies as in his owne campe namely that the Generals were not sutable nor sorting one unto the other and that of three parts of the armie two in a manner were but rawe fresh and untrained souldiours And therefore supposing he had now gotten place and time favourable unto him to contrive and compasse some stratageme the night following he led forth his souldiors carying nothing about them but their armour and abandoned the campefull of all things as wel privat goods and furniture as publike provision and beyond the next hils he bestowed secretly in ambush his footmen well appointed in ordinance of battell on the left hand the horsemen on the right and conveighed all his cariages into the mids between the two flanks to the end that whiles the enemie was busied in rifling and ransaking the tents forlorne as it were and forsaken by the flight of the owners and masters he might surprise him laden encombred with bag and baggage He left behind him in the camp many fires burning to the end that the enemies shold verily thinke and beleeve that under a pretended shew of an armie in campe his purpose was to hold and keepe the Consuls amused still where they were whiles himselfe in the meane time might gaine more ground and escape further away like as he had plaied by Fabius the yere before When day light was come and the Coss. saw first that the standing gards were gone and perceived as they approched neerer an unwonted silence they marvailed much But after they discovered certainely that the campe was abandoned and no person remaining behind there was running of all hands who could run fastest to the pavilions
should passe the seas into Italie Scipio after he was returned to Rome was created Consull And when hee made sute to have the province of Africke Q. Fabius Max. withstood him and so he had the government of Sicilie but with commission to saile over into Affricke in case hee thought it good for the Common-weale Mago the sonne of Amilcar from the lesser Balcare Iland where he had wintered tooke the seas and sailed over into Italie WHen it seemed that Spaine was eased as much of warre as Italie charged therewith by the voiage of Asdruball thither behold all of a suddaine there arose other troubles there equall to the former And as for the provinces of Spaine at that time they were possessed between Romanes and Carthaginians in this manner Asdruball the sonne of Gisgo was retired with his power farre within the countrie even to the Ocean and Gades But the coasts bordering upon our sea and in maner all Spain bending toward the East was held by Scipio and subject to the Roman empire Hanno the new General being passed out of Affricke with a fresh armie entred into the roume of Asdruball the Barchine joined with Mago and when he had put in armes within a short time a great number of men in Celtiberia which lieth in the middest betweene the two seas Scipio sent foorth against him M. Syllanus with tenne thousand foot and five hundred horsemen This Syllanus made such speed by taking as long journies as possibly he could considering how much hindred and troubled he was both by the roughnesse of the waies and also by the streights environned with thicke woods and forrests as most parts of Spaine are that notwithstanding all those difficulties hee prevented not onely the messengers but also the very same and rumour of his comming and by the guidance of certaine fugitive revolts out of Celtiberia hee passed forward from thence to the enemie By the same guides hee had intelligence and was for certaine advertised being now some tenne miles from the enemie that about the very way where hee should march there were two campes namely on the left hand the new armie abovesaid of Celtiberians to the number of more than nine thousand lay encamped and the Carthaginians on the right As for this leaguer it was well defended and fortified with corps de guards with watch and ward both night and day according to the good order and discipline of warre But the other was as much neglected dissolute loose and out of order like as commonly barbarous people and raw souldiours are and such as fear the lesse by reason they are at home within their own countrie Syllanus thinking it good pollicie to set upon them first gave commaundement to march under their ensigns colours and beare toward their left hand as much as they could for fear of being discovered in some place or other by the guards and sentinels of the Carthaginians And himselfe in person having sent before certain vaunt-courriers espials with his armie advaunced apace directly toward his enemie Now was hee approched within three miles of them unespied and not descried at all For why a mountaine countrey it was full of roughs and crags overspread and covered with woods and thickets There in a hollow valley betweene and therefore secret for the purpose hee commaunded his souldiours to sit them downe and take their refection In this meane time the espials came backe and verified the words of the fugitives aforesaid Then the Romanes after they had piled their packes their trusses and baggage in the middest armed themselves and in order of battaile set forward to fight When they were come within a mile of the enemies they were discovered by them who began suddainely to be affraied Mago at the first outcrie and al'arme set spurres to his horse and rode a gallop out of his campe to succour Now there were in the armie of the Celtiberians foure thousand footmen targettiers two hundred horse This troupe being in manner the flower and very strength of the whole armie as it were a full and complete legion he placed in the vaward all the rest which were lightly armed he bestowed in the rereward for to succour and rescue As he led them foorth thus ordered and arraunged they were not well issued without the trench but the Romanes began to launce their javelines and darts against them The Spaniards to avoid this voley of shot from the enemies couched close under their shields and defended themselves afterwards they rose up at once to charge again upon them But the Romanes standing thicke as their manner is received all their darts in their targuets and then they closed man to man and foot to foot began to fight at hand with their swords Howbeit the ruggednesse of the ground as it nothing availed the swiftnes of the Celtiberians whose guise is to run to and fro in skirmish and keepe no ground so the same was not hurtfull at all to the Romanes who were used to a set battell and to stand to their fight onely the streight roume and the trees and shrubs growing betweene parted their ranckes and files asunder so as they were forced to maintaine skirmish either singlie one to one or two to two at the most as if they had been matched to cope together even And look what thing hindered the enemies in their flight the same yeelded them as it were bound hand and foot unto the Romans for to be killed Now when all these targettiers welneere of the Celtiberians were slaine their light armed souldiours and the Carthaginiaus also who from the other campe ran to succour were likewise disarraied discomfited and hewne in peeces So there were two thousand footmen and not above and all the horsemen who scarce began battell fled with Mago and escaped As for Hanno the other Generall together with them who came last and to the verie end of the fray was taken alive But Mago fled still and all the Cavallerie with as many as remained of the old footmen followed after and by the tenth day arrived in the province of Gades and came unto Asdruball The Celtiberians that were but new souldiours slipt into the next woods out of the way and so from thence fled home This fortunat victorie happening in so good a time not so much stifled the present war in the very birth as it cut off the matter and maintenance of future troubles in case the enemies had been let alone and suffered to sollicite and stirre other nations to take armes like as they raised the Celtiberians alreadie Whereupon Scipio having highly commended Syllanus and conceived great hope withall to dispatch quite and make an end of the warres in case himselfe lingered not the matter made long stay pursued the remnant behind and set forward into the utmost province of Spaine against Asdruball But Asdruball who happened then to lie encamped in Boetica for to keepe his allies in obedience and faithfull
coupe whereby their Augurs and Pullarij knew in their learning the pleasure and will of the gods whether they favoured their enterprises or no. The birds that gave signe by their voice and singing they called Ossines quasi ore canentes as the crow raven and owle and thereof came Augurium quasi avium garritus Those that shewed ought by their flight wings were named Alites or Praepetes as the buzzard eagle crane grype swan and broad-winged soules 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The good signes were called Sinistra auspicia quasi sinistima quod sinant fieri whether they came from the left hand or the right In pullets or chickens kept in cages they observed whether they came forth willingly to their meat for to abstaine from it was thought unluckie whereas their feeding heartily was a good signe and called solistimum tripudium quas terripavium terraepudium when some of the meat falleth out of the mouth terram pavit i. beateth upon the ground as it must needs do when they pecked either corne or gobbets called offae B BAlists were certaine warrelike engines for to send out and levell mightie stones to batter shake citie wals made with ropes of sinews and womens haire especially twined togither as appeareth by Venus Calva at Rome unto whom by occasion that the women of the citie parted with their haire for that purpose a temple was dedicated According to the weight of stones or bullets that this engine would carrie they were called Centenariae or Talentariae balistae Basilicae were stately edifiees or halles at Rome at first serving to plead in under couvert wherein they differed from Forae and also to minister justice of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which signifieth a Iudge as well as a King but afterwards they used to meete there in consultation also to negotiate and trassique and these had not onely benches and barres like law-courts but shops also for the better sort of wares and merchandise Bellona The goddesse of warre whose temple stood before the gate Carmentalis neer adjoining therunto was a columne named Bellica from which the Romanes were wont to launce a dart or javelin towards those parts where they intended to make war whereas in former times they sent their heralds to the very confines of their enemies to performe that ceremonie Bigati were the Romane Denarij having the stampe of a charriot drawne with two horses called Biga Baeotrcha The chiefe magistrates of the Boeotians C Caius Cn. Cneus The forenames of sundrie families in Rome Calends was among the Romanes the day of the new Moone which fell out with them ordinarily the first of every moneth so named 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 id est a calando because the pettie Pontisie used then to call the people to the court Calabra and there to pronounce unto them how many daies wer to the Nones of each moneth c. Candidati were they that stood in election and sued for dignities of magistracie during which time they wore whiter and brighter gowns than ordinarie that they might be the more easily seene and discerned a farre off among others Cataphracti as well horse as foot were they that were armed at all peeces with complete harnesse and such horsemen were named Defensores Cataphrati were engines of warre to shoot arrowes or such like offensive weapons far off and by that name was called not onely the instrument it selfe but the arrow or whatsoever was shot out of it as Turneb writeth in his 15 Adversar cap I. Censours Magistrates of State in Rome whose charge was to valew and estimate mens goods and enroll them accordingly in their severall raunges Also to demise unto certaine Fermars called Publicanes the publicke profites of the cittie for a rent and to put foorth the cittie workes unto them to be undertaken at a price Likewise to oversee mens manners whereby oftentimes they would deprive Senatours of their dignitie take from gentlemen their horses of service and their rings displace Commoners out of their owne tribe disable them for giving voices and make them Aerarij Centuries were raunges and degrees of men according to their worth as they were assessed and enrolled by the Censors Centuriasa comitia were those assemblies and elections wherein the people of Rome gave their voices and suffrages according to their haviour and wealth by Centuries And such were at all times most favourable to the nobles Circenses ludi as one would say Circu-enses For in the beginning before the great listes and shew-places called Cirques were built the plot of ground wherein were perfourmed the horse-runnings and other masteries was slanked of the one side with the river and environed on the other with swords Vide Turneb Adversar lib 3 cap.5 Cistophorus A peece of silver coine in Greece and those parts neere adjoyning lesse than Drachma or Denarius so called of the stamp representing a man carrying a panier or casket with holy reliques in Cybeles mysterijs in Bacchi orgijs or Cereris initijs If it be true that 7500 of them goe to the Euboicke talent which conteineth 4000 Denarij it is just our groat sterling but if Denarius have proportionem sesquiquartam to it and that 4 Denarij are 5 Cistophores as Glarean collecteth out of Budaeus it commeth to our teston of 6 pence Cloacina supposed to be the image of Venus found by K. Tatius in the great vault or sinke conveighed under the citie called Cloaca maxima And for that it was not knowne what goddesse it resembled hee gave it the name of that place Others say it is written Cluacina of the old word Cluo to fight for that the Romans and Sabines readie to strike a battaile were by meanes of myrtle braunches consecrated unto Venus pacified and reconciled in that very place where afterwards the said goddesse was by that name worshipped Coemptionalis senex Paulus Manutius upon the familiar Epistles of Cicero giveth this attribute to Scaptius in the end of the third booke of Livie whereas in all editions it is Concionalis Now these Coemptionales senes saith hee were those old men in whose tuition and authoritie men by their last will and testament left their widowes or daughters and without whome they might not passe in Dominium virorum per coemptionem i. be married according to the ceremonie called Coemption whereby the husband and wife seemed to buy one another Cohort was ordinarily a band of 500 souldiours although once or twice in Livie wee read of Quadragenaria cohortes Comitium was a publicke place or Hall within the Forum Romanum where the people used to assemble for audience of justice pleading of causes and other occasions whereupon Comitiales dies were such daies upon the which they might so assemble and meet togither Comitia or Comices were the solemn assemblies of the people at Rome summoned by the magistrates lawfully to choose officers to enact new lawes or cancell old by their voices whereof were three sorts Curiata
receive armed souldiours into the forresse But so soone as they were let in they with their armour smothered and killed her either for that thereby it might bee thought the castle was woon by force or because they would make her an example to posteritie that no traitor should ever thinke to escape unpunished But hereto belongeth a tale namely that the Sabines used commonly on their left armes to wear bracelets of Massie and weightie gold and faire rings besides on their fingers set with precious stones of great value and that she covenanted and agreed with them to have that which they ware on their left hands whereupon shee had their targets in shee l of those golden ornaments heaped upon her Others say that upon agreement and covenant made to deliver that which was on their left hands she demanded their armour and because she seemed to deale deceitfully shee was overtaken therwith and perished by receiving a reward of her owne chusing However it was the Sabines were possessed of the castle From whence the morrow after when as the Romanes armie well appointed in battell ray had taken up and overspread the whole plaine that lieth from mount Palatine to the hill Capitoll they would not come downe on even ground before that the Romanes partly netled with anger and partly pricked with an hot desire to recover the castle againe began with their great disadvantage to climbe against the hill Whereupon the captaines on both sides joined battaile Metius Curtius for the Sabines Hostius Hostilius for the Romanes who albeit he was on the lower ground yet in the forefront most couragiously and stoutly abid the brunt of the conflict But so soone as hee was stroken downe and slaine incontinently the Romanes reculed and gave ground and thus discomfited fled backeward to the old gate of Palatium Romulus himselfe also borne backe with the presse and throng of those that sled lift up his weapons on high towards heaven and cried out saying O Iupiter I Romulus by thy direction guided and ruled have here in this mount Palatine laid the foundation of this cittie and now alreadie have the Sabines by corruption and trecherie got the citadell and fortresse thereof from whence they having passed the midst of the vale betweene make hither in hast with force of armes but thou O father of gods and men vouchsafe yet from hence at leastwise to repulse the enemies deliver the Romans from this so great feare and stay their shamefull flight And here to thee O Iupiter Stator I vow a temple for a memoriall to all posteritie that by thy present helpe this cittie was saved and preserved Thus having once praied as if he had knowne for certaine that his praiers were heard Even here quoth he O yee Romanes dooth Iupiter Opt. Max. i. the best and greatest of all the gods commands you to stay and begin the battell afresh Herewith the Romanes no lesse than if they had been commanded from heaven above made a stand And Romulus in person highed him with all speed to the formost in the vaward Now was Metius Curtius principall leader of the Sabines run downe from the castle and had scattered and chased the Romanes backe as farre as the Forum or common place of Rome at this day reacheth in length and being come within a little of the gate of Palatium he lift vp his voice and cried alovvd Vanquisht we haue these faithlesse friends and hartlesse foes and now know they well it is one thing to ravish maidens and a farre other thing to fight with men In this sort as he braved it out Romulus with a troope of lustie young men made head against him Metius haplie at that time fought on horsebacke whereby he was forced the sooner to recule and the Romanes made after and pursued him The other battell of the Romanes in like manner being much encouraged with the valour of their king discomfited the Sabines Metius with his horse under him affrighted at the noise of them that ran after lept into a marish or bog thereby Which accident considering the danger of so great a person made the Sabines to looke backe to him And hee verily taking heart againe at the calling and encouragement of many his favourites escaped But the Romanes and Sabines both in the middle valley betweene the two hils renue the battell againe where the Romanes got the better hand Then the Sabine dames for whose wrongfull usage all this war arose with their haire hanging loose about their shoulders and renting their garments for very greefe and sorrow past all feare ventured to run amongst the javelins darts as they flew thus hauing thrust themselues violently overthwart betweene them began to part these bloodie armies and to end their deadly feaud Beseeching their owne fathers on the one side and their husbands on the other that they being fathers and sonnes in law would not embrew themselues with so unkind and unnaturall bloudshead nor as parricides murder the young ones newly borne some their graundchildren and others their owne heirs of their bodie begotten If ye our fathers thinke much say they of the affinitie betweene our husbands and you or if yee our husbands are displeased with our mariage bend all your anger and malice against us we are the cause of this warre we are the cause of wounding and killing both husband and father yet will wee rather die than liue either orphans without the one or widowes without the other This thing mooved as well the multitude of soldiours as also the captains and presently of a suddaine all was husht and the fight ceased Whereupon the Generals came foorth to conclude a league Neither made they peace only but one citie of two united their realms joined together in the regiment but the roiall estate they setled in Rome The citie thus being made one of twaine the Romanes for to gratifie the Sabines in some sort were of Cures a towne of the Sabines called Quirites And for a memoriall of that battaile the very place where Curtius after he was gotten out of the deepe marish first set his horsse on firme ground was named Curtius his lake This joius peace ensuing presently upon so cruell war made these women better beloued of their husbands and parents but especially of Romulus himselfe And therefore when hee divided the cittie into thirtie wards or parishes hee called them by their names But it is not left in any record for out of all question the women were farre more in number than so whether those that should give names unto the wards were chosen by age or by their owne dignitie and worthinesse or their husbands degree and calling or by casting lots At the same time were enrolled and ordained three centuries of gentlemen or knights The Ramnenses were so cleaped of Romulus the Titienses of Titus Tatius but of the name and first beginning of the Lucerians the occasion is not certaine So these
two kings not onely raigned together but also governed with great unitie and concord But after certaine yeares the kindred of king Tatius chanced to beat and euill intreat the embassadours of Laurentum And when as the Laurentines pleaded the law of nations for satisfaction of this outrage Tatius his kinsfolke what by favour and what by intreatie prevailed more with him than the just complaint of the others Whereby hee brought vengeance due to them upon his owne head For being come upon a time to Lavinium unto a solemne sacrifice and feast there in an uprore or hurliburly the people ran upon him and so was he slaine Which thing they say Romulus made lesse regard of than was meet either for that fellowship in lordship is neuer faithfull or because he esteemed him not unjustly to be made away Wherupon he forbare indeed to make warre yet to the end the wrong done to the Embassadours together with the murder of the king might bee expiate and purged cleane away the league betweene the citties of Rome and Lavinium was renued But whilest peace verily was beyond mens expectation with them concluded behold another fresh warre arose much neerer than the other and hard almost at their very gates For the people of Fidene supposing the Romans power and riches to encrease overmuch so neere unto them before they should grow to such greatnesse as they were like to doe began first to warre upon them and sending a power of lustie tall souldiours invaded and wasted all the countrey betweene the cittie of Rome and Fidene And taking their way on the left hand for that the Tyber kept from the other they forraied and spoiled as they went to the great feare of the pezants and countrey people So as this suddaine tumult and garboile heard out of the fields into the cittie brought the first newes of the warre Romulus raised therewith for so nigh a warre might beare no delay led forth his armie and encamped within a mile of Fidene and leaving there a competent guard hee departed thence with all his other forces commanding part of his souldiours to lie close in certaine covert places among the thickets in ambushment Himselfe with the greater number and all his horse advanced forward and riding up and downe before their gates after a disordered and bragging manner made semblant of a bravado and all to traine the enemie forth which was the thing he onely sought This kind of horse service was a meanes that the Fidenates lesse suspected and marvelled at their flying which they were to counterfet For whilest the Cavallirie stood unresolved as it were in a mammering whither to slie or fight and the infanterie withall began to retire all at once the enemies in thrunging manner sallied forth of the gates and chased the Romanes so fiercely that in their eager pursute they were drawne to the verie place of ambush Thence the Romanes suddainely arose and charged the flocke of the enemies And to encrease their fright they likewise that were left behind to guard the campe shewed themselves with banners displaied So the Fidenates terrified sundrie waies before well neere that Romulus and his men of armes could reine about their horseheads turned their backes and rodefull gallop towards the towne againe and so much the faster for that they fled now in good earnest themselves that pursued them who a little before made but semblance thereof Yet for all this could they not escape the enemie for the Romans hard at their heeles rushed together with them pelmell into the towne before the gates could be shut against them At this Fidenatian warre spreading so dangerously the Veientians grew angrie in their hearts and began to chase Touched they were also in regard of kindred and alliance for the Fidenates were likewise Tuscanes And fearing least if the Romane forces should thus distresse and lie upon all the borderers they being so neere should not goe free they were the rather pricked forward and thereupon made rodes and entred in armes the confines of Rome spoiling and boothaling more like robbers than professed warriors So without pitching any tents or abiding the comming of their enemies but onely driving and carrying away great booties out of the fields they returne againe to Veij The Romanes contrariwise not â—â—â—ding the enemies in the field but yet provided and resolved to give battell and to hazard all passed over the Tybet Whom the Veientians understanding to be encamping themselves fully minded to come against their cittie issued forth and met them intending to trie the quarell by dint of sword and in open field rather than to be mued up within the town to fight defend themselves from off their houses and wals There the Romane king with the strength onely of his old beaten souldiors without anie other helpe and supplie whatsoever without policie or stratagem had the better and having thus discomfited the enemies he chased them even to their verie wals And for that the cittie was exceeding strong fortified as well by naturall situation as by wals he forbare to assault it But in his returne homeward hee wasted the countrey more upon a mind to revenge than hope of spoile With this defeature the Veientians no lesse subdued than if they had lost a field sent Orantours to Rome to sue for peace unto whom truce was graunted for an hundred yeares but they were amerced to lose part of their lands These were in a manner all the acts that were done both at home and abroad during the reigne of Romulus Whereof none seemed to derogate anie jot from the opinion both of his divine birth and beginning and also of his immortalitie or deification after his death Such was his courageous heart in recovering his grandfires kingdome his policie and wisedome in founding the cittie first and after in establishing and governing the same as well in war as in peace By whose good proceedings it got such strength and so sure footing that for fortie yeeres space after it enjoied peace with salatie Neverthelesse of his commons hee was better beloved than of his nobles but above all his souldiours most heartely affected him of whom he had alwaies about him as squires of the bodie three hundred pensioners armed not onely in time of warre but also of peace whom he called Celeres Thus having atcheeved these noble and immortall deeds as he upon a time assembled al the people upon the plaine at the marish Caprae there to number or muster his armie behold upon a suddaine there arose a tempest with great crackes of thunder which with so thick cloudie a storme covered the king that the people lost the sight of him And never after was Romulus seene on earth The Romane youth after their feare was at length past and that upon so darke and troublesome weather it prooved a faire day againe and calme withall seeing the kings throne emptie albeir they credited the Senators that stood
safetie through so many countries of diuerse tongues and sundrie manners I am of this opinion rather that the man by nature was framed and disposed to vertue and that hee was instructed not so much in strange and forraine sciences as after that strict rule that sterne and severe discipline of the auncient Sabines than whom there was not a nation in times past more precise reformed and void of corruption The Romane Senatours hearing the name of Numa although they saw well enough that the Sabines were like to proove of great reputation and power by chusing their king from among them yet was there none of them so audacious as to preferre either themselues or any one of their bend and faction not any one I say Senator or Cittizen before that man but all in generall with one accord agreed to conferre the kingdome upon Numa Pompilius Who being sent for and come like as Romulus at the founding of the cittie was inaugurate King or attained to the crowne by meanes of Augurie so hee also would needs that the will and counsell of God should be sought for touching his owne election Whereupon hee was by the Augur unto whom for ever after that publicke ministerie or priesthood in regard of honour and reverence by patent belonged brought unto the castle hill and there he set him downe upon a stone with his face towards the South Then the Augur on his left side with head covered tooke his place holding in his right hand a smooth stafte without knot or knob and hooked towards the top which they called Lituus From whence after that he had with good avisement taken a prospect and view towards the cittie and countrey and made his praiers to the gods he limitted the quarters of the heaven from East to West and the parts Southward he appointed for the right hand and those Northward for the left And so farre as ever hee could cast his eie and see forward he imagined to himselfe a marke then shifting his staffe into his left hand and laying the right hand upon Numa his head he praied in this forme O father Iupiter if it may be right and lawfull that his Numa Pompilius whose head I lay my hand upon shall be king of Rome shew I beseech thee some certaine and manifest signes within that compasse and those precincts that I have conceived and set out Then pronounced hee in plaine words what tokens by sight or flight of fowles he would have to appeare Which being once seene Numa was declared king and so came down from the temple or place of prospect abovesaid In this manner being inaugurate and invested in the kingdome hee provideth by good orders lawes and customes to reedifie as it were that cittie which before time had been new built by force and armes Whereunto he seeing that they might not be brought and framed in time of warre whose hearts were alreadie by continuall warfare growne wild and savage and supposing that this fierce people might be made more gentle and tractable through disuse of armes he therefore built the temple of Ianus in the nether end of the street Argiletum in token both of warre and peace with this invention that being open it should signifie that the cittie was in armes and standing shut that all the neighbour countries were in peace and quiet Twise onely after the reigne of Numa was this templeshut once when T. Manlius was Consull after the first Carthaginian warre was done and ended and a second time as God would in our age for us to see when as the Emperour Caesar Augustus after the battell of Actium with Antonius and Cleopatra had obtained peace both by land and sea Numa then having knit the hearts of the borderers about him in firme league and amitie and thereupon closed up the dores of Ianus secured now from all feare and care of dangers abroad yet doubting least through ease and idlenesse their minds might fall to loosenesse and riot whom the dread of enemies and martial discipline had held in aw and in good order devised above all things to strike some fear of God into them and to plant religion in their hearts a policie no doubt with the simple multitude rude in those daies and ignorant most effectuall Which reuerence of God for that it could not sincke not enter well into their heads and take a deepe impression without some devise of a fained miracle he made semblance and gave out that he conversed in the night season and had I wot not what secret conference with the goddesse AEgerâ—a By whose counsell and direction forsooth he ordained such divine service and sacrifices to the gods as to them was most acceptable and to everie god appointed severall priests for the ministerie thereof accordingly But first above all other things he divided the yeare according to the course of the Moone into twelve moneths and for as much as the Moone hath not full thirtie daies to euerie moneth whereby some daies are wanting to make up the just yeare after the revolution and circle of the sunne he by putting the odde daies between everie moneth so disposed and ordered the yeare that in every three twenty years space the daies agreed just to the same point of the sun from whence they began and so made up the void spaces and accomplished fully the tearme of everie yeare He appointed likewise law daies and daies of vacation called Fasts and Nefasti thinking it good that otherwhiles there should bee rest from attendance on the courts and no dealing with the people After this he set his mind about the creation of priests albeit in his owne person he performed very manie sacrifices especially those which at this day pertaine to the priest of Iupiter called Flamen Dialis And supposing that in a cittie so martiall there should succeed more kings like to Romulus than Numa who in proper person would goe forth to warre least haply the divine ministerie that belonged to the king might be neglected he created a Flamin to Iupiter for to be a sacrificer continually resident endued and adorned him with a rich cope or vestiment and with an yvorie chaire of estate upon wheeles called Sella curulis Vnto him he adjoined two Flamines more one for Mars another for Quirinus He instituted also a Nunnerie as it were of religious vestall virgines A priesthood that had the beginning from Alba and suted well with the house from whom the first founder of the cittie was descended And to the end they should attend continually about the church as resiant chaplaines he allowed them an ordinarie fee or pension at the publike charges of the cittie and made them by perpetuall vowed virginitie and other ceremonies to be reverenced and accounted holie Likewise vnto Mars Gradivus he elected twelve priests called Salij and gave unto them a rich purple coat embrodered for an ornament and to weare upon that coat a brasen brestplate and to beare
of young men were more healthie in armour abroad in the open field than at home in the cittie under covert untill himselfe at length fell sicke of a long and lingering disease Then that hautie and courageous stomacke of his together with his lustie and able bodie became so abated that hee who earst before thought nothing lesse befitting a king than to set his mind and busie his braines about religious ceremonies now all upon a suddaine became wholly devoted to all kind of superstition both more and lesse yea and filled the peoples heads besides with holinesse and devotion So as now the verie common sort wishing againe for the old world under the reigne of king Numa were verily persuaded that there was no other remedie left for their sicke and diseased bodies but to obtaine at Gods hand grace and pardon Men say that the king himselfe in perusing and turning over the Commentaries and registers of Numa his predecessor and therein finding certaine hidden and solemne sacrifices that had beene unto Iupiter Elicius retired himselfe and kept close within house to celebrate the same But for that this holie service was neither begun aright nor dulie administred hee had not onely no divine apparition and heavenly vision presented unto him but also incurred the heavie displeasure and wrath of Iupiter whom by his preposterous religion he had thus disquieted and so both himselfe and his whole house were consumed with lightening This Tullus in great glorie and renowne of martiall prowesse raigned two and thirtie yeares When Tullus was dead the governement returned againe as it was from the first beginning ordained unto the Senatours who named and Interregent and he called a parlement wherein the people elected Ancus Martius for their king and the Senatours gave their assent thereto This Ancus Martius was Numa Pompilius his daughters sonne who so soone as hee was come to the crowne hoth in remembrance of his grandfathers glorious governement and also in regard of the raigne of his next predecessor which in other points right excellent and commendable in this onely failed and was not so happie either for that religion was neglected or not with due ceremonies exercised and thinking it a thing most necessarie and of greatest moment to reduce all publicke divine service and sacrifices to the first institution of Numa commanded the Archprelate or Highpriest to make an extract and transcript of all the sacred rites and misteries out of Numa his Commentaries and ingrosse them into one table and to publish them abroad unto the people whereby both his subjects and citizens desirous of peace as also the States thereby adjoining were in good hope that the king would altogether conforme himselfe and take after the customes and ordinances of his grandfather Hereupon the Latins with whom in king Tullus his daies a league was made tooke heart unto them made in-rodes into the countrey about Rome and fetch out booties And when the Romanes demanded restitution they made them a prowd answere supposing belike that the king of Rome would passe the whole course of his raigne in ease and idlenesse sitting still in his chappels and by his holie altars But Ancus was of a meane and indifferent disposition by nature having an eie as well to Numa as to Romulus composed as it were of both For over besides that he thought peace more expedient and necessarie for his grandfires reigne the people being as then but new risen unsetled and fierce withall considering also that himselfe should not easily without taking wrong enjoy the quietnesse which to him happened for that his patience was alreadie tried and not onely tried but also despised and seeing that the State of the present time was fitter for a Tullus to be king than a Numa yet to the end that as Numa in time of peace instituted ceremonies of religion so he might likewise set out to posteritie others concerning warre and that warres should not onely be made but also denounced and proclaimed orderly and in some religious forme of solemnitie he set downe in writing that law and formall order by vertue wherof restitution is demanded which at this day the Fecials or heralds observe like as he received it from the ancient people Aequi. The Embassadour Fecial comming to their borders at whose hands the goods are required againe covering his head with a bonnet or vale of woollen yearne faith thus HE RE O IVPITER GIVE EARE YEE LIMITS AND CONFINES naming them of such and such a countrie LET IVSTICE AND RIGHT HEARKEN ALSO TO VVHAT I SHALL SAY I AM THE PVELICKE MESSENGER OF THE PEOPLE OF ROME OF A IVST AND RELIGIOVS EMBASSAGE AM I COME AND TO MY VVORDS GIVE CREDITE After this rehearseth he all his demands and then calleth Iupiter to witnesse saying IF I VNIVSTLY AND IMPIOVSLY DEMAND THAT SUCH PERSONS SHOULD BE DELIVERED OR SUCH AND SUCH GOODS BE RENDRED UNTO ME THE PUBLICKE MESSENGER OF THE PEOPLE OF ROME THEN LET ME NEVER RETURNE AGAINE TO ENIOY MINE OVVNE COUNTRY These words rehearseth he as he setteth foot and steppeth into the confines the same also he speaketh to him whomsoever he meeteth first the selfesaine words he pronounceth as he entreth within the gate of the citie yea when he is come into the market place he saith the same changing and varying in some few tearmes from the prescript forme of the demand and taking the solemne oth In case then the persons whom he requireth bee not yeelded after three and thirtie daies expired for so manie just are usually graunted then proclaimeth hee warre in this wise HEARE O Iupiter and thou Iuno Quirinus thou YE CELESTIALL SAINTS ALL AND TERRESTRIALL POVVERS YE INFERNALL SPIRITS ALSO LISTEN AND GIVE EARE I CALL YOU ALL TO VVITNESSE AND PROTEST BEFORE YOU THAT THIS NATION naming them whosoever they be IS UNIUST AND DOTH NOT ACCORDING TO RIGHT AND EQUITIE BUT OF THESE MATTERS VVILL VVE CONSULT AT HOME IN OUR COUNTRY VVITH OUR ELDERS AND ASKE THEIR ADVISE HOVV VVE MAY COME BY OUR OVVNE Herewith returneth the messenger unto Rome for counsell and presently the king would in these or such like words sitting in counsell with his Peeres move them in this maner WHEREAS THE PATERPATRAT OR HERALD IN THE BEHALFE OF THE PEOPLE OF ROME AND THEIR QUIRITES HATH TREATED VVITH THE PATERPATRAT OR HERALD IN THE NAME OF THE ANCIENT LATINES AND VVITH THE FOLK OF THE ANCIENT LATINES CONCERNING CERTAINE THINGS DIFFERENCES SUTES AND CAUSES THEREUPON DEPENDING VVHICH THINGS THEY HAVE NEITHER YEELDED NOR PAID NOR PERFORMED AND DONE VVHICH OUGHT TO HAVE BEN PAID YEELDED PERFORMED AND DONE VVHAT IS YOUR IUDGEMENT Speaking to him whose opinion first hee asketh in this case Then saith hee MY ADVISE IS THAT THOSE THINGS BE SOUGHT FOR AND RECOVERED BY PURE FORCE BY IUST AND LAVVFVLL VVAR THIS DO I FVLLY AGREE UNTO THIS DO I DETERMINE RESOLVTELY After him were the other asked in course and when the greater number of them there present accord
Whereat the king was wroth and inscorne and derision of his art as they say Come on Sir Soothsayer quoth he areed and tell me by the flight of your birds whether that may possiblie be done which I now conceive in my mind To which demand Navius who had first made proofe thereof by his learning answered resolutely that it might in very deed bee effected Why then qouth hee I have imagined in my conceit that thou shalt cut a wherstone asunder with a rasor Heretake them to thee and dispatch that which thy fowles foreshew may bee done then as the report goeth without more adoe he cut the wherstone quite a two And in that verie place where this seat was done the Statue or image of Accius was erected with his head covered even in the Comitium at the staires thereof on the left hand of the Curia or counsell house It is reported that the whetstone also was set up in the same place for a memoriall to all posteritie following of that miracle Certes both Auguries and the priesthood and colledge of Augures from that time forward was so highly honoured and had in such reverence that never after was there ought done either in warre abroad or in peace at home but by their counsell and advise Assemblies of people summoned were dismissed armies levied and readie to take the field were discharged yea and the greatest affaires of State were given over and laid aside when the birds allowed not thereof Neither did Tarquine for that time alter the centuries of the horsemen anie whit onely hee redoubled the number so that in three centuries or cornets there were 1300 horse and those later sort who were added to the others bare the names of the former which at this day because they be double are called the sixe centuries Tarquine thus having encreased that part of his power bad the Sabines battell the second time And over and besides that the Romanes armie was in strength well amended he devised also privily a subtile Stratageme and sent certain men to set on fire a mightie stacke of wood lying upon the bancke of Anio and so to cast it into the river the wood burning still by the helpe of the wind and most of it being driven against the piles of the bridge and ther sticking close together with the boats and plancks fired and consumed it cleane This accident both terrified the Sabines in their fight and when they were discomfited troubled them much and hindered their flight so that manie a man having escaped the enemie yet perished in the verie river Whose armour and weapons floting downe the Tyber were knowne at Rome and brought newes thither of this victorie in manner before word could be brought thereof by land In this conflict the horsemen won greatest price and praise For being placed at the skirts of both the wings at what time as the maine battell of their owne footmen were now at the point to recule they charged so forciblie upon the enemie as it is reported from the flanckes where they were marshalled that they not onely staied the Sabine legions pressing hard and fiercely upon those that began to shrinke and give backe but all at once put them to fight The Sabines ran amaine towards the mountaines but few gat thither for the greater number as we said before were by the horsemen driven into the river Tarquinius thinking it good to take the time and follow hard upon them whiles they were frighted after he had sent to Rome the bootie with the prisoners and burned on a great heape together as hee had vowed to Vulcane the spoiles of the enemies marched on still forward and lead his armie into the territorie of the Sabines who albeit they had alreadie sustained an overthrow could not hope for better successe yet because they had no time to consult and advise with themselves with such a power as might on a suddaine in that stirre bee raised met with him Where they once againe were defeated and vanquished and in the end being in dispaire to make their part good they sued for peace Then was Collatia and all the lands about it taken from the Sabines Egerius the kings brothers sonne was left with a garrison at Collatia to keepe that place And as I find upon record the Collatines were yeelded into his hands and the manner of their surrender went in this order First the king demanded thus and said Are yee Embassadors or deputed assignes sent from the people of Collatia to make surrender both of your selves and the Collatines We are quoth they And are the people of Collatia in their owne power and at libertie to doe what they will They are say they Do yee also render up your selves the people of Collatia their town their territorie and lands their waters their limits their temples their houshold stuffe and implements and all things els as well sacred as prophane unto my power and the peoples of Rome We doe yeeld say they Then quoth he doe I accept thereof and receive all into my hands The Sabine warre thus finished Tarquinius returned to Rome in triumph After this he warred upon the old Latines but they never proceeded so farre on any side as to join issue in a generall battell and one set field for all But bringing his power first to one towne and after to another he made a conquest of the whole nation of the Latines So as these townes Corniculum old Ficulnea Cameria Crustumerium Ameriola Medullia Nomentum were recovered from the old Latines or from those that had revolted unto them After all this ensued peace Then was he more earnestly bent to goe forward with his workes begun in time of peace than he was before busied in managing of his warres insomuch as he gave the people no more repose at home than he had in warres abroad For besides that the prepared to compasse the cittie which as yet he had not fortified round about with a stone wall the beginning of which peece of worke was by the Sabine warre interrupted and broken off he divised also certaine draughts or vaulted sinckes from aloft into the Tyber whereby he drained and kept drie the base cittie or lowest grounds about the marketplace and the other vallies betweene hill and hill for that out of the plains and flats they might not easily make riddance and conueiance away of the water Moreover he levelled a large court or plot of ground readie for the foundation of the temple of Iupiter in the Capitoll which he had vowed in the Sabine war his mind even then giving him that one day it should be a stately place At the same time there happened in the court a wonderfull strange thing both in present view and also in consequence For as the report went a young lad whose name was Servius Tullius as he lay asleepe in the sight of manie persons had his head all on a light fire And upon an outcrie raised at the wondering of so
great a matter the king arose and when one of the houshold brought water to quench the flambe he was by the Queene staied And after the stir was somewhat appeased she forbad the boy to be disquieted untill such time as he awoke of himselfe and within a while as the sleepe departed the blaze likewise went out and vanished away Then Tanaquil the Queene taking her husband aside into a secret roome See you this boy qd she whom we so homely keepe and in so poore and meane estate bring up Wot well this and know for certaine that he will one day be a light to direct us in our dangerous troubles and doubtfull affaires hee will bee the cheese pillar and succour of the afflicted state of the kings house Let us therefore cherish and foster with all kindnesse and indulgence the subject matter of so great a publicke and private ornament Wherupon they began to make much of the boy as if he had been one of their owne children and to instruct and traine him up in those arts whereby forward wits are stirred to great enterprises and to atchieve high place of wealth and honour And soone came that to passe which pleased the almightie gods For he proved a yong man indeed of princely nature and towardnesse in such sort that when there should be a sonne in law sought out to match with Tarquinius his daughter in marriage there was not one of all the young gentlemen of Rome to be found comparable to him in anie respect So as the king affianced his daughter unto him This so great honour whereunto he was advanced upon whatsoever cause or occasion it was induceth me to thinke he was not the son of a bondwoman nor that he served whilest he was a little one as a slave I am of their mind rather that report thus When Corniculum was won the wife of Servius Tullius a great lord and principall personage of that citie and there slaine was left great with child and being among other captives knowne whose wife she was in regard of her rare nobilitie onely was by the Queene preserved from servitude and at Rome in Priscus Tarquinius his house was delivered of a child upon which so speciall favour there grew more familiar acquaintance betweene the two ladies the Queen and her selfe and the child also brought up of a little one there in court was both tenderly beloved and also highly regarded But his mothers fortune whose hap was after her countrey was lost to fall into the hands of enemies caused men commonly to thinke that he was the sonne of a bondslave Now in the eight and thirtieth yeare almost after that Tarquinius began his raigne was this Seratus Tullius in right great estimation and credit not onely with the king but also with the nobilitie and commons Then the two sonnes of Ancus who as they alwaies before disdeained in the highest degree that they were by the deceitfull practise of their guardian so unworthily put by the inheritance of their fathers kingdome and that a stranger raigned at Rome one who was not descended of anie neighbour house thereby no nor so much as of Italian bloud so now they began much more to take stomacke and indignation in case that after Tarquinius the kingdome should not returne to them and their line but should still run on end and headlongwise fall unto such base varlets That in the same cittie a hundred yeares almost after that Romulus the sonne of a god and a god himselfe raigned therein during the time he remained here upon the earth a verie bondslave and no better and one borne of a bondwoman should be possessed of the crowne and that it would be a foule staine and dishonour generally to the name of the Romanes but most especially to their house and familie if whilest the issue male of Ancus lived the kingdome of Rome should lie open and be exposed not to strangers alone but which is more to verie bondmen and slaves This ignominie therefore and open wrong they resolve by fine force to put by and avoid howbeit the greevance of this injurie done unto them set them on against Tarquinius himselfe rather than Servius Tullius both for that the king if he lived still would be a more sharp revenger of the murder than a privat person and also if they should happen to kill Servius whomsoever besides the king would vouchsafe for his son in law him was he like to make heir apparent inheritor also of the kingdome For these considerations they lay wait for to murder the king himselfe in this manner There were for the purpose to do this feat two passing stout and sturdie heardmen chosen who having such rusticall yron tooles about them as they were woont both of them to occupie and made a great shew of a most tumultuous brawle and fray in the very porch of the court gate by which means they drew all the kings officers sergeants guard about them then as they called with a lowd voice both the one and the other upon the king in such wise as the noise was heard within the pallace they were convented before his highnes At their first comming they cried out both at once and interrupted one another in all outrageous maner so as by a sergeant they were saine to be restrained commanded to speak by turnes untill at length they gave over their confused brawlings Then one of them for the nones as it was before agreed began his tale and while the king as wholly bent to give eare turned aside towards him the other list his axe aloft and strooke the king on the head and leaving it sticking there still in the wound they whipst out both of them together and ran their waies And whilest they that stood next about Tarquinius tooke him up readie to die the sergeants made after them that were fled and apprehended them Whereupon an outcrie arose and a great concourse of people wondering what the matter might be Tanaquil in this hurliburlie caused the court gates to bee shut and commanded everie one to avoid the place and at one instant with great diligence provideth things requisit to cure the wound as if there were some hope of life and withall if that should faile shee prepareth other meanes and remedies against the worst that might happen Sending therefore in all speed for Servius when she had shewed him her husband halfe dead and alreadie bloudlesse shee tooke him by the right hand and besought him not to suffer either the death of his father in law unrevenged or his wives mother to be a laughing stocke unto the enemies Thine is the kingdome O Servius by right quoth shee if though bee a man and not theirs who by the hands of others have committed a most shamefull and villainous fact Take a good heart therefore and arme thy selfe and follow the guidance and direction of the gods who long since by a divine and heavenly flame burning about
when that way sped but ill then began they to annoy and distresse the enemies by laying siege by casting trenches raising forts and fabriks about the towne During this siege and the standing campe lying there as it falleth out commonly when the warre is rather long and late than hote and cruell there were granted large licences and pasports to and fro betweene the campe and Rome with much liberty and yet more to the Principals of the armie than to the common soldiers And the kings sons had otherwhile good leasure to feast and banket one with another Vpon a time it happened whiles they were drinking making merry with Sexta Tarquinius in his pavilion where Collatinus Tarquinius the sonne of Egertus sat at supper there arose among other good table-talke some arguing about their wives whiles everie man highly praised and wonderously commended his owne And growing to some heat and contention therabout There need not many words for this matter quoth Collatinus for in few howers it may be known how farre my Lacretia surpasseth all the rest And therfore if there be any lustinesse courage of youth in us why mount we not on horsebacke and in our owne persons go and see the natures and dispositions of our wives And as they shal be found and seene taken of a sodaine and not looking for their husbands comming so let every man judge of them and set that downe for the onely triall of this controversie They had all taken their drinke well and were prettily heat with wine Marry content say they all and to horse they go and away they gallop on the spur to Rome Thither were they come by the shutting in of the evening when it grew to be darke and so forward without any stay to Collatia they ride Where they find dame Lucretia not as the kings sons wives whom they had surprised seen afore passing the time away in feasting and rioting with their minions and companions but sitting up farre within night in the middest of her house amongst her maidens hard at wool-work by candle light Whereupon in this debate about their wives the entire praise and commendation rested in Lucretia Her husband and the Tarquines had a loving and courteous welcome at her hands And hee againe for joy of the victorie invited the kings sonnes kindly and made them friendly cheere There at that infant Sextus Tarquinius was bewitched and possessed with wicked wanton lust for to offer violence and villanie unto Lucretia her passing beauty and her approved chastitie set him on fire and provoked him therto But for the present when they had disported themselves all night long like lustie and pleasant youths they returned be times in the morning to the campe A few daies after Sextus Tarquinius unwitting to Collatinus attended with one onely man came to Collatia where he was againe in good and friendly sort received by them in the house that suspected nothing lesse than that whereabout he was come And being after supper brought up into the guest chamber when he thought all about him sure and that every body was fast asleep all set on fire and burning in love hee steppeth with naked sword in hand to Lucretia as she lay sleeping full soundly and bearing down the womans breast with his left hand Peace quoth he Lucretia and not a word I am Sextus Tarquinius I haue my drawne sword in hand if thou once speake thou shalt surely die The seely woman thus starting out of sleepe was sore affright as seeing no remedie but in a manner present death in case she had cried for helpe Then uttered Tarquinius and confessed his amorous passion fell to intreat and intreat againe and with his praiers intermedled threats and went euery way about her not ceassing by all meanes to sift to sound and tempt the womans heart But when he saw her obstinat and invincible and to die for it not relenting one jot then besides the feare of death he presented unto her dishonour and shame pretending that after he had massacred her he would lay by her side in naked bed her own man-servant with his throat cut that it might be voiced abroad that she was taken and killed in filthie adultery For fear of this reproch and infamie see how sinfull lust gat the victory and conquered constant chastity and Tarquinius in great pride and jolitie that he had by assault won the fort of a womans honor departed thence But wofull Lucretia all sorrowing for so heavie a mischance dispatched a messenger to her father at Rome and so forward to her husband at Ardea with this errand That they should come unto her each of them with one faithfull and trustie friend and hereof they must not faile but make all the speed they could for that there was befallen a greevous chance and horrible So there repaired to the Sp. Lucretia her father accompanied with P. Valerius the sonne of Vólesus and Collatinus her husband with L. Iun. Brutus Who both together by chance going backe to Rome encountred in the way his wives messenger Lucretia they found sitting alone in her bedchamber all heavie and sad and she at the comming of these her deerest friends shed teares and wept apace How now my deere qouth her husband is all well No God wot sir quoth she againe For how can ought be well with a woman that is despoiled of her honour and womanhood The print Collatinus of another man is to be seen in thy own bed Howbeit my bodie only is distained my mind and heart remaineth yet unspotted and that my death shall make good and justifie But give me first your right hands and make faithfull promise that the adulterer shall not escape unpunished Sex Tarquinius is the man he it is who this night past entertained as a friend but indeed a very foe in the highest degree hath by force violence taken from hence with him his pleasure a deadly pleasure I may say to me to himselfe also no lesse if yeebe men of courage All of them one after other give their assured word comforted the wofull hearted woman excused her selfe that was but forced and laid all the blame upon him that committed the shamefull act saying It is the mind that sinneth and not the bodie and where there was no will and consent there could be no fault at all Well quoth the what is his due to have see you to that as for me howsoever I quit and assoile my selfe of sinne yet I will not be freed from punishment And never shall there by example of Lucretia any unhonest woman or wanton callot live a day and thus having said with a knife which she had close hidden under her clothes shee stabbed her selfe to the heart and sinking downe forward fell upon the floore readie to yeeld up the ghost Out alas cried her husband and father hereat and whilest they two were in their plaints and mones Bratus drew forth the knife out
their owne among themselves such as might have power to assist the Commons ag ainst the Consuls Item that it might not bee lawfull for any Senatour to beare that office So there were created two Tribunes of the commons C. Licinius and L. Albinus And these elected three other fellow officers unto them Of whom Sicinius the author of the sedition or insurrection was one who were the other twaine is not for certaine knowne Some say there were but two Tribunes created and no more in the mount Sacer and that the sacred law was there made concerning their immunitie During this insurrection and revolt of the commons Sp. Casius Post humuis Cominius entered their Consulships In whose time a league was made with the people of Latium For the establishing whereof one of the Consuls staied behinde at Rome the other was sent unto the Volscian warre who discomsited and put to flight the Volscians of Antium Chasing and driving them into the towne Longula which he wonne And immediatlie he tooke Mucamites a towne of the Vilscians and after that with great force assaulted Corioli There was in campe them among the flowre of gallant youths one Caius Martius A Noble yoong gentleman right politicke of advise active besides and tall of his hands who afterwards was surnamed Coriolanius Whiles the Roman armie lay at siege before Corioli and were amazed whollie upon the townsmen within whom they kept fast shut up and feared no present danger at all from anie forraine warre without behold all on a suddaine the Volscian legions that came from Antium assailed them at which verie instant the enemie also fallied out of the towne Which Martius seeing who by good hap quartered and warded there with a lustie band of elect men not onely repressed and stopped the violence of those that issued and brake upon him but also whiles the gate stood open fiercely rushed in himselfe and having made a foule slaughter of people thereby at his first entrance into the cittie and caught up fire at a venture flung it upon the houses that stood upon and about the wals Whereupon arose a great outcrie of the folke within the towne together with lamentable weeping and wailing of women and children as commonly is seene in such a sight Which at the very first both hardened the Romanes and also troubled the Volscians and no marvell seeing the citie taken before their face for which they were come to rescue Thus were the Volscians of Antium defeited and the town Coriolo won And Martius through his praise so much obscured and stopped the light of the Consull his fame that had it not been ingraven in brasse for a remembrance and monument That there was a league with the Latines and the same made by Sp. Cassius alone for that his companion was absent there had been no record at all but forgotten quite it had been that ever Sp. Cominius warred with the Volscians The same yeare died Menenius Agrippa a man all his life time before beloved indifferently of the Senatours and the Commons but after the insurrection much more deere unto the Commons than before This truchman this mediator for civile attonement this Embassadour and messenger from the Senatours to the commons this reconciler and reducer of the commons home againe into the cittie had not at his death sufficient to defray the charges of his funerals the commons therefore made a purse and a contribution of a Sextant by the poll and were at the cost to interre and burie him worshipfully After this were made Consuls T. Geganius and P. Minutius In which yeare when all was quiet abroad for any warre and the dissention at home healed up cleane and skinned another calamitie farre more greevous entred the cittie First a dearth of corne and all manner of victuals by reason that the grounds upon the departure of the commons were forelet and untilled Hereupon issued femine even such as usually is incident to men besieged And verily the meinie of bondservants yea and the commons too had utterly perished for hunger if the Consuls had not in time made the better provision by sending purveiours all abroad to buy up come not only into Hetruria by coasting along the river on the right hand from Hostia and on the left hand by sea passing through the Volscians countrie even as far as Cumes but also into Sicilie there to lay for graine Such was the hatred of the borderers that Rome was enforced to have need of succour and releefe from a farre Now when they had bought certain corne at Cumes it was no sooner embarked but the ships were staied and arrested there by Aristodemus the tyrant for the goods of the Tarquines whose heire in remainder he was In the Volscian country and Pomptinum they could buy none for mony There the very Purveiors themselves were in danger of violence by the men of the countrey Out of Tuscane there came corne up the Tyber wherewith the commons were sustained and refreshed And considering the streights they were in for want of victuals they had been sore distressed and vexed with warres besides and that in a very ill time and unseasonable for them but that the Volscians who now were in readinesse and upon the point to make warre had a pestilence that raigned hote among them Which heavie crosse and affliction the enemies were so discouraged with that when the plague began to stay even then they continued still afraid The Romanes both at Velitree augmented the number of the inhabitants and also at Norba sending a new Colonie into the mountaines to be a fortresse and strength for all the territorie of Pomptinum Moreover when M. Minutius and A. Sempronius were Consuls great store of corne was brought out of Sicilie and it was debated in the Senate house at what price the commons should be served therewith Many thought the time was now come to wring the commons and keep them under and to recover againe those roialties which by their departure were forcibly wrested and dismembred from the nobilitie But above all others Martivus Coriolanus and utter and capitall enemie to the Tribunes power and authoritie If they will quoth hee have their corne and victuals at the old price let them restore unto the Senatours their auncient right and preheminence Why see I as one brought under the yoke of servitude and put as it were unto my ransome by robbers and theeues these Magistrates of the Commons why see I Sicinius so mightie Shall I endure these indignities longer than I needs must I that could not beare T arquinius to bee King shall I brooke and suffer Sicinius Let him depart aside now and take his commons with him the way is open to mount Sacer and other hils let them carrie away with them the corne out of our posessions and Lordships as they did three yeares ago let them enjoy take for their use and spend the store which they in their follerie and furie haue
was no need that the people thus should gather togither for his meaning was to proceede onely by order of law and not with any violent course And so he cited her to the court minding to commense his action against her and put her in suite Then they that were present to assist her persuaded her to follow Now when they were come before Appius sitting judicially upon his tribunall seate the plaintife or challenger aforesaid declareth against her and telleth a tale full well knowen to the judge himselfe being the authour and deviser of the whole matter and argument Namely that the maiden was borne in his house and by stealth was from thence conveied home to Virginius and so was his supposed and reputed daughter this he averred to have certaine knowledge of by pregnant evidences and witnesses and would make proofe thereof to be most true and let Virginius himselfe be the judge whom the greater part of this wrong deeply touched in the meane while it was but meete and reason that the bond maid should go with her master The friends and advocats of the damosell having alleaged and pleaded in her behalfe that Virginius was absent and emploied in the affaires of common-weale and if he had word therof would not faile but be at home within two daies that it was no reason that whiles a father was away he should be in contention and controversie about his children they required of Appius therefore to defer and put off the hearing of the whole matter untill her fathers comming and that according to a law by himselfe in that case made and provided he would grant her to be at large and stand at libertie for to bring in proofest that she was not bond and that he would not suffer a maiden of those yeares ripe and readie for a husband to be more in hazard and danger of her good name than prejudiced in the triall of her freedome Appius made a long preface and discourse before his decree namely how much he favoured and tendered the cause of libertie and to that effect alledged the selfesame law which the friends of Virginius pretended for their purpose and demaund But so farre forth and no otherwise should there be in that law assured safegard of freedome as the case altered not in circumstance of causes and persons For this priviledge and benefit held onely in those that were claimed to bee free where any man whosoever might goe to law and plead As for her who was in her fathers hand and at his disposition there was no other man els unto whom the Maister that maketh challenge is to yeeld the right of his possession His pleasure therefore was and thus he decreed That the father should be sent for and that in the meane reason hee that made title to her should not bee prejudiced thereby but that he might lead away the wench promising and assuming to have her forthcomming and to present her in court at the returne of him who is pretended and nominated to bee her father Against this injurious decree when as many men rather muttered and murmured than any one durst refuse and contradict it P. Numitorius the maidens uncle by the mothers side and Icilius her espoused husband happened to come in place and having way made them through the throng and prease the multitude thought verily that by the comming especially of Icilius Appius might have been resisted and crossed But then the Lictor pronounced that Appius had passed an order and decree alreadie and put Icilius backe who cried out alowd for so manifest and horrible a wrong had been ynough to have mooved a very Saint and set on fire a right mild natured person Nay Appius quoth he thou hadst more need to set me backe with force of arms if thou wouldest goe cleare away and not be spoken to for that which thou wouldest doe in hucker mucker This maid I tell thee I meane shall goe with me I purpose to have her to my selfe an honest and pure virgine and enjoy her in lawfull marriage as my wedded wife call therefore unto thee all the Lictors besides thou were best that belong to thy companions cause both rods and axes to be made readie I tell thee Icilius his espoused wife shall not abide in any place without hir fathers house What although yee have taken from the Commons of Rome the Tribunes assistance and protection and the priviledge of Appeale two principall bulwarkes for defence of their libertie yee are not therefore allowed to rule and tyrannise and to fulfill your lust upon our children wives too Exercise your rigour and crueltie and spare not upon our backs and sides in scourging us yea upon our necks and heads also in taking them from our shoulders so yee forbeare to assaile our chastitie and honestie Wherunto if any violence shall be offered I will for my part call for the helpe of the Quirites here present in the behalfe of my spouse and Virginius for himselfe will call to the souldiours in regard of his onely daughter we will crie for helpe of God and man and cost it shall our lives before thou goe away with this decree and put it in execution I require and charge thee O Appius therefore to be well advised and looke how farre thou doest proceed Let Virginius when he is come see to his daughter how he dealeth about her and let him know thus much for certaine that if he give place to his plaintifes assertion and forgoe the present possession of her he shall goe seeke his estate and proprietie that he hath in his daughter As for me in this quarrell of maintaining the freedome of my spouse I wil lose my life before I faile in my faithfull promise to her made Hereat the whole multitude was moved and like it was that some mutinie and fray would presently have ensued For the Lictours had hemmed in Icilius on everie side Howbeit they proceeded no farther than to big words and high threats whiles Appius laid hard to Icilius That he did not this so much in the behalfe and defence of Virginius as being himselfe an unrulie person and even alreadie breathing forth a Tribunes spirit sought meanes and picked occasion of an uprore and sedition Howbeit for his part he would not that day minister unto him any matter thereof And that he might now well know that he did not this to feed his malapert saucinesse but in regard of the absence of Virginius and for the name of a father and the tender respect of freedome hee would not that day fit to heare and determine the matter nor award a definitive judgement in that case but would request Mar. Claudius to suspend his action and to forbeare and yeeld so much of his owne right as to suffer the maiden to be bailed and goe under sureties and to be at her libertie untill the next day But in case her father appeared not in court the morrow after he gave Icilius and such
to reclaime their Commons to their due obedience to their Nobles saying moreover That the native countrie the common mother of them all calleth unto the Tribunes and craveth their aid now that the territories are wasted and the cittie at hand to be assaulted Whereupon they all agreed generally o decree a muster and presently to make a levie of souldiors And when the Consuls had pronounced before the whole people then and there assembled that it was no time as then to heare excuses but that all the younger sort should betimes the next morning by day light be readie to attend in Mars field and that after the warre was ended they would find out and appoint a time to enquire into their allegations and reasons that entred not their names and that he should be taken for a traitour and rebell whose excuse they allowed not the whole manhood and youth of the cittie shewed themselves the morrow after in readinesse Each cohort or regiment chose their centineres or captaines and every Regiment had two Senatours for their provost marshals All this was performed by report with such speed and expedition that on the very same daie the standerds and ensignes were by the Questors had forth of the Armorie and chamber of the cittie and brought into Mars field and by the fourth houre or ten a clocke the same day set forward and advaunced out of the field And this new armie with a few bands of old souldiors who willingly of their owne accord followed them marched on and rested at ten miles end The day following they discovered their enemies and at Corbio encamped close unto them And by the third day there was no stay on both hands but they must needes encounter and fight For why The Romanes for anger were sharpe set the enemies againe upon a guiltie conscience that they had so often rebelled were grown desperate Now whereas in the Romane armie the two Consuls were in egall commission yet gave Agrippa place unto his brother Quintius and yeelded unto him the entire and absolute command A course most profitable in the managing and execution of great affaires And being thus preferred he againe in curtesie answered and requited the others gentlenesse and inclination to submission in this wise by imparting unto him all his counsels by parting with him all his honour and praise and by making him his equall who was indeede his interiour and underling In the battaile Quintius commanded the right point Agrippa led the left Sp. Poslbumius Albus the Lieutenant generall had the conduct of the maine battaile And P. Sulpitius the other Lieutenant they set over the horsmen The footmen of the right point fought most valiantly and the Volscians received them with equall valour Sp. Sulpitius with his men of armes brake through the maine battaile of the enemies and albeit he might have retired himselfe the same way againe unto his companie before that the enemies could bring their rankes againe into order that were disaraied yet he thought it better to charge them upon their backs And in one moment he had discomfited and quite defeated his enemies by assailing them behind and thus affrighting them on both sides but that the Volscian and Aequian horsmen recharged him held him plaie in his owne fight and so kept him occupied a good while Thereat Sulpitius said it was no time now to linger and to drive off but to beltirre themselves crying out aloud that they were environed round enclosed within their enemies excluded from their owne fellowes unlesse they set to and bent their whole force quickly to dispatch the horse-fight and that it would not serve to put the horsemen to flight and save their lives but kill both horse and man that none might ride backe againe from thence into the battaile to renew the fight And to make head and resistance against him and his horsemen they were never able since that the maine thicke battaile of footmen had given him ground alreadie Good care they gave to his words and soone harkned to his direction with one entire assault they gave a fierce charge and defeated the whole power of the Cavallerie unhorsed and dismounted a number of them and with their javelins goared both them and their horses And there 's an ende of the horse-service Then they set upon the battaile of the footmen and dispatched messengers unto the Consuls with newes what they had done where also by that time the battaile of the enemies began to shrinke And when tidings came unto the Romanes that were alreadie upon the point of victorie they verely were more encouraged but the Aequians that were about to recuile were strucken with greater feare In the maine battaile first began the overthrow namely whereas the men of armes before had broken the array After them the left point also began to be distressed and driven backe by Quintius the Consull But in the right there was hardest hold and most a doe Where Agrippa being a tall man of his handes and young withall seeing in every part of the battaile things go better than where he was caught the ensignes from the ensigne-bearers advanced them forward his owne selfe yea and fell to flinging some of them against the thickest of his enemies For feare therefore of so shamefull a disgrace the souldiorsbeltirre themselves and freshly assailed the enemie And so on all hands alike they atchieved the victorie and won the field Then came a messenger from Quintius and brought word that he had the better hand and was now readie to give an assault upon the campe but would not breake in and enter thereinto before he knew for certaine that they in the left point also had gotten the upper hand and made an end of the battell In case therfore he had discomfired the enemie he should joine his forces to him that the whole armie altogether might gaine the spoile and pillage of the tents So Agrippa who also for his part was victor came to his brother Consull and the campe of the enemies and met with mutuall congratulation one to the other There finding but a few to defend whom they discomfited in the turning of an hand they brake into the rampier and munitions without conflict or skirmish and so besides the recovery of their owne goods againe which they had lost by the overrunning of the country they gained also a rich bootie and retired back with their whole armie I cannot learn that either they themselves required triumph or the Senat offered them any and no cause appeareth upon record why they should either refuse or not hope for that honor For mine own part so far as I can guesse in so long distance of times seeing that Valerius and Horatius who over and besides the conquest of the Volscians and the Aequians had the honour also of dispatching and finishing the Sabines warre were denied triumph at the Senates hand these Consuls might not with modestie sue for the same having performed but halfe the
good service of the others least if they had gotten it graunted there might have seemed more regard had of the persons than of the deserts But this noble and honourable victorie over the enemies abroad thus atchieved was obscured and foulie distained with a shamefull dome of the people in a controversie of their allies about the bounds and meeres of certaine lands The inhabitants of Aricia and Ardea having warred oftentimes one with the other about some lands in question betweene them and by giving and taking sundrie foiles and overthrows outwearied chose the people of Rome their Vinpire to decide and determine this quarell And when they were come with their counsell to plead the case the Magistrates graunted a court of Assises of the people Where was much arguing and dispute on both sides before them and after the witnesses were deposed and that at length the Tribes should be called to the scrutinie and the people give their voices there steps forth an old father one P. Scaptius a Commoner And I quoth he for my part O Consuls if it be lawfull to speake for the good of the State wil not suffer the people to erre and be deceived in this question When as the Consuls denied him audience as being an old foole and of no credite and commanded bim as he cried still that the publicke cause of the cittie was betraied to behad away he calleth for the assistance of the Tribunes The Tribunes then who lightly are ever over-ruled by the multitude rather than able to rule them yeelded unto the Commons That for as much as they were desirous to heare what the old man could say Scaptius should speak his mind at large Then setteth he the tale on end and beginneth thus I am quoth he fourescore winters old and three on the head of it and even upon that very ground for which all this strife and variance is I served as a souldior when I was no young man neither but one that had been prest to warres and received pay twentie yeares afore And it was I remember well during the siege before Corioli Hither am I now come to give evidence of a thing by long continuance of time worne out cleane and forgotten of other men but fresh in my knowledge and remembrance to wit that the lands thus litigious and in controversie had been sometime within the confines of the Coriolanes and after the winning of Corioli were seised by right of conquest to the Commons of the people of Rome I marvell much therefore by what custome and prescription the Ardeates and Aricines who never had right and interest and were not postlesled of the land so long as Corioli stood in prosperitie should hope to defeat the people of Rome thereof whom being the LL. in fee of the ground they had chosen for their Arbitrator As for mee I have but a small while to live and one foot alreadie is in grave and yet I cannot find in my heart but to that land which whilome I being a young and lustie souldior did my best to fight for and conquered with sword in hand make claime now that I am aged by word of mouth the onelie meanes left mee to recover it I advise the people therefore in good sadnesse that in a vaine respect of bootlesse modestie they condemne not their owne cause nor give away their right The Consuls marking well what audience was given to Scaptius and that he was heard not onely with silence but also with good liking and contentment cried out upon this abominable practise calling both heaven and earth to witnesse and therwith sent for the Lordes of the counsell and joyning with them went to the Tribunes fell in hand with them and instantly besought them not to go forward with this most leud action for the present a more shameful precedent for the time to come namely that Vmpiers and daies-men should convert the thing in suit unto their own and proper vantage especially considering that Admit it were a lawful thing for a judge himselfe to have an eie and regard to his own commoditie yet would there not be so much gained and gotten by comming thus betweene and interverting the land as there would be dammage and hinderance another way in alienating by those hard courses the hearts of their good friends and Allies For the losses verely and cracks of name and credit are such as may not be valued at any price And should the embassadours indeed say they go their waies home with this goodly catch and make report abroad how they have sped should our confederats heare this should our enemies come by the knowledge thereof with what griefe the one with what joy the other Thinke ye that our neighbour nations will impute attribute and ascribe this unto the speech made by Scaptius a prating old busie body one that loveth to heare himselfe speake in assemblies Nay this is certaine well may Scaptius be famous and much talked of in the playing of this pageant but the people of Rome shall incurre the obloquie to have acted the part under the visour of Scaptius of a cunning promoter and a false interceptour to himselfe of other mens right in suite For what judge at any time in a private matter hath done the like as to award the thing in question unto himselfe Why even Scaptius past all shame and grace as he is would never have done it These and such like words spake both Consuls and Senatours alowd in all their hearing But the covetousnesse of men and Scaptius that first set them a longing and their teeth a watering prevailed more than they all The Tribes were called to the Scrutinie of their voices gave judgment That the lands pertained to the common Territorie of the people of Rome Neither can it be denied but it would have so appeared indeed in case it had been tried before other judges But now for all the goodnesse of the cause is not the ignominie of the arbitrement one jote the lesse Nay the Aricines and Ardeates themselves thought not more shamefully and hardly of it than the very Senatours and Peeres of Rome The rest of the yeare continued quiet from all troubles as well domesticall as forraine THE FOVRTH BOOKE OF THE HISTORIES OF T. LIVIVS of Padoa from the foundation of the Cittie of Rome The Breviarie of L. Florus upon the fourth Booke THe law concerning marriage betweene the Nobles and the Commons was proposed and with much ado enacted by the Tribunss of the Communaltie not withstanding the Nobles withstood it Tribunes militarie with full authoritie of Cousuls were created Vnder this kind of Magistracie was the State ruled for certaine yeares both in cittie and in warre The lands of the Ardeates which had been awarded from them by an arbitvement of the people of Rome were restored againe unto them and Coloners sent to inhabite the same In the time of a great dearth and famine at Rome one Sp. Melius a Romane
gracious and reverenced among those of their owne coat and faction All the beginning of the yeare following was at the first on a light fire with hore discord and mutinie when Sp. Farius Q. Servilius the second time Licinius Menenius the third time P. Cloelius M. Horatius and L. Geganius were Tribunes Militarie with Consuls authoritie The matter and cause of which seditious broiles were the debts above specified For the due inquisition whereof and to know to what sums they amounted Sp. Servilius Priscus and Q. Cloelius Siculus were made Censors but stopped they were for doing any thing by occasion of warres For first fearefull messengers in all hast brought word and after the flight of the countrie people confirmed it that the legions of the Volscians were entred into the confines and fell to spoiling everie where the territorie about Rome Notwithstanding which feare and forraine terror so little were the civill discords appeased that contrariwise the Tribunes of the Commons extended their power with more violence to hinder the levie of soldiours untill they had indented and capitulated with the Senatours that so long as the warres lasted no man should either contribute and be charged with any impost or be sued in any action of debt When the Com. took hold once of this easement and libertie the musters were delaied no longer And after they had levied and enrolled two new legions it was thought convenient that the legions should be devided and two armies sent forth into the Volscians countrie So Furius and M. Horatius went on the right hand along the sea coast to Antium Q. Servilius L. Geganius on the left hand by the way of the mountains to Ecerra But on neither side met they with the enemie Whereupon they fell to harrying the countrey not here and there in scattering wise as the Volscians had done after the maner of robbers at starts upon advantage taken of their enemies discord and by stealth for feare of their valour but being a ful power armie of men and justly provoked to anger the longer they continued there the fouler worke they made For the Volscians standing in feare least in the meane while they should be encountred with a power from Rome had made rodes only into the utmost frontiers But contrariwise the Romanes made stay in the enemies land the rather to traine them forth and draw them to a field-fight Having therefore burned up in a manner all the uplandish houses and graunges and some villages also and left behind them no fruitfull tree standing nor the sowne corne for hope of graine and driven away whole booties of men women and cartell which they could light on without the wals they reduced their armies of both sides home again to Rome In this meane while the debtors had some little respit to breath themselves in But so soone as all was quiet from enemies abroad they began afresh to be sued and troubled by their creditours at home And so small hope they had to bee released of their old usurie that they fell into a new by reason of a contribution collected toward a well which the Censors had set out to bee made of square Ashler stone To yeeld unto this imposition and burden the Commons were driven because there was no muster for the Tribunes of the Commons to hinder Forced they were likewise through the might and power of the great men to admit for Tribunes militarie all of the Nobilitie to wit L. Aemylius P. Valerius the fourth time C. Veturius Servius Sulpitius L. and C. Quintiij Cincinnatij By the same strong hand also they prevailed so much that without impeachment of any man all the younger sort tooke the militarie oath so that they levied three armies against the Latines and Volscians who joining their legions together had encamped themselves at Satricum One armie was gathered for the defence of the cittie another to be set out against all suddaine wars if happily elswhere some tumult should arise a third of all other the strongest was under the conduct of P. Valerius L. Aemylius led to Satricum Where finding the enemies embattelled in good array upon a plaine and even ground they charged upon them presently But ere that they had gotten the victorie evidently in sight and were but only in some good hope of having a fair day of their enemies the raine so poured down with huge storms and tempests that it parted both hosts asunder The morrow after began a fresh conflict And for a good while the legions of the Latines especially which by long alliance with the Romanes had learned their manner of warfare stood to it as valiantly and sped as fortunately as the Romanes At length the Romane horsemen that rode in amongst them brake their ranckes and when they were once disarraied the footmen displaied their ensignes and advaunced upon them and looke how much the Romanes battaile set forward so much the enemies gave backward But when they began once to faint in their fight than the violence of the Romanes was intollerable Thus the enemies were discomfited and scattered and flying not toward their campe but to Satricum which was two miles off they were by the horsemen especially beaten downe trode underfoot and slaine Their tents were taken and rifled From Satricum they dislodged the next night after the battaile was fought and marched in great hast as if they fled to Antium And albeit the Roman armie followed them by the trackes hard at heeles yet their footmanship served them better in their feare than it did the Romanes for all their anger So the enemies put themselves within the town wals before the Romanes could overtake them and either cut off the taile of their rereward or force them to stay After this some daies were spent in wasting the countrie For neither were the Romanes sufficiently provided with warlicke engines of batterie and artillerie to assaile their wals nor they well appointed to abide battaile in plaine field Then arose some discord within the towne betweene the Latines and the Antiates The Antiates of one side wearied with calamities that follow long warres wherewith all their life time they had been exercised even to their old age were of mind to yeeld The Latines by reason of their late revolt and rebellion whiles after so long peace their courages continued yet fresh were more forward and earnest to maintaine warres stil. But when they saw on both sides that they might do as they purposed and follow their owne designements without being hindred one of another their strife was soon ended So the Latines leaving their fellowship and societie of peace so unhonest and dishonourable as they thought it departed from them and stood out still to revenge their owne quarrels But the Antiates being well rid of these Counsellors of theirs so crosse unto all wholesome courses tending to their good and safetie yeelded up their towne and countrie to the Romanes But the anger and furiours rage of the Latines
departed the cittie and upon the very banke on this side of Anio pitched his tents In the mid way betweene them and the enemies there was a bridge which they would not breake downe on either part least they should be thought fearfull cowards But about the seising and gaining of that bridge first there was many a skirmish and judged it could not be considering the equall forces of both sides who should be masters of it Then advanced forward unto the bridge void of all guards a mightie tall and bigge Frenchman and as lowd as ever he could set out a throate maketh this challenge Now quoth he let the bravest gallant that Rome hath come forth and spare not to combate if hee dare that the event of us twaine may shewe whether nation is more valiant and warlike The brave Knights and youthes of Rome held their peace a good while both abashed to refuse the challenge and also unwilling to run upon the present hazard of a single fight Then T. Manlius the sonne of Lucius even he who released his father from the Tribunes troubles goeth forth of his quarter unto the Dictatour Without your leave and expresse commandement quoth he ô Noble Soveraigne I would never presume to fight out of my ranke and standing no not if I should see assured victorie before mine eies but if it will please your excellencie to give me licence I will shew unto that beast yonder that so proudly and lustely is come forth leaping before the enemies ensignes and braving as you see that I am descended of that house and race that gave the whole armie of the Gaules the foile and turned them downe the Cliffe Tarpeia Then said the Dictatour unto him God blesse thee T. Manlius On forth a Gods name in this thy dutifull mind and zeale that thou carriest both to father and countrie Go on I say and with the helpe of the gods performe the Romane name to be invincible Then his feeres and companions holpe to arme the younge Gentleman A light footmans shield he takes unto him and a spanish blade by his side more handsome to fight short and close Being thus armed and set out they bring him forth against this vainglorious Gaule set all upon joy full foolishly and as the auncient writers have thought it worth the noting and remembrance scornfully lelling and blaring out his tongue Then the rest departed every man to his owne quarter and warde and the two armed champions were left in the midst more like a festivall spectacle and pageant to behold than any fight at utterance suiting to the manner guise and law of combat considering they were not equally matched if a man should judge by the eie and outward view The one of them of personage mightie and exceeding tall his coate armour of sundrie colours and gay his harnesse glittering and all damasked and engraven with gold The other a man of a middle stature of Souldiors no great shew of armor and that rather fit and handsome than gaudie to behold without any houping singing and joyous vaunting of himselfe without vaine flourishes and shaking of his weapons in the aire but he had an heart full of resolute courage stomacke and close anger within reserving all his fiercenesse and eagernesse unto the very bickerment and triall of fight As they stood thus betweene the two armies and so many men all about looking on in doubtfull suspence between hope and feare the Gaule like as he had beene a huge mountaine aloft over the other readie to fall upon him held forth his target with the left hand to bear off the sword of his enemie comming against him let drive a down-right blow edgelong that it resounded againe upon his shield and did no harme at all The Romane bearing his own sword with the point upward and with his shield having smitten the nether part of his enemies target and turned it aside got with his whole bodie close within him and without the danger of being hurt and when he had wound himselfe betweene his enemies bodie and his sword point he redoubled one or two foines and thrust him up into the bellie at the groine and so overthrew him There lay the Gaule along and tooke up a great ground in length When he was downe without any further mangling and tormenting his carcasse he despoiled him only of his colar of gold which embrued as it was with blood he did about his own neck The Gauls with fear and admiration of this sight wer astonied The Romans with great cheerfulnes came forth of their wards quarters to meet their champion and with great praise congratulation brought him before the Dictator And as they merily cast forth as the maner of soldiors is certain pleasant ditties ballad wise but without artificial skil of poetrie they were heard to surname him Torquatus which afterwards was taken up commonly used became an honorable name to his posteritie the whole house besides Besides all this the Dictator bestowed upon him a coronet of gold for a reward and openly before the whole audience of the armie highly and wonderfully commended that fight of his And certainly that combat was of such consequence made so much to the event of the whole warre that the night next following the host of the Gaules fearfully abandoning their tents departed into the Tyburtine countrie and being drawne into a societie of â—arre with the inhabitants of Tybur and liberally by them relieved with victuals they passed within a while into Campania Which was the cause that the next yeare C. Petilius Balbus the Consull when his fellow M. Fabius Ambusâ—us was by lot sent with commission against the Hernicks led an armie by the appointment of the people against the Tyburtines To the aid of whom when the French were returned out of Campania there was foule spoile havocke made in the Lavicane Tusculane and Albane territories by the leading and conduct no doubt of the Tyburtines And wheras the State stood well contented that the Consull should be the Genererall commaunder against these enemies the Tyburtines this new trouble and tumult of the Gaules caused a Dictatour for to be created And that was Q. Servilius Hala who named for his Generall of horsemen T. Quintius And by the authoritie and assent of the Senatours he vowed to set out the great games in case he sped well in this warre The Dictatour having commaunded the Consull with his armie to tarie still that by his own conduct of warre he might keepe in the Tyburtines tooke the oth of all the yoonger people and there was not one refused to go to the warre Not farre from the gate Collina was this battaile fought in the sight of their parents wives and children Great incouragements doubtlesse to cheere up and animatemen absent and farre off but now before their eies partly for shame and partly for pittie and compassion they set the soldiours all on fire After much
foure and twentie yeares past ye have endured both by land and sea Neither was this beardlesse boy our captaine their but his father Amilcar himselfe even a second Mars as these his supposts would have him But what of that We could not then according to our league hold our hands and let Tarentum in Italie alone like as now we are doing with Saguntum Therefore both God and man tooke the matter in hand and vanquished us in the end and when wee were at arguing and debating the case with discourse of words about this point Whether Nation of the twaine had broken the league the event of warre as an indifferent and equall judge awarded victorie where the right was And Carthage it is against which Anniball even now hath reared mantelets towers and other engines of assault even now battereth shaketh he Carthage walls with the Ram. The ruins of Saguntum God graunt I be a false Prophet will fal upon our heads and the warre begun with the Saguntines we must maintaine against the Romanes How then will some man say shall wee yeeld Anniball unto them I know well how small my authoritie is in this point by reason of the old grudge and enmitie betweene me his father deceased Howbeit as I reioiced that Amilcar was dead for that if hee had lived still wee should ere now have warred with the Romans so this very youth an impe of his I hate detest as the very furie and firebrand of this war whom I would have by my good wil not only to be rendred unto them for to purge expiare the breach of league but if no man would chalenge him for to be punished I would award that he should be caried and transported as far as there is sea or land to be sent away thither from whence we might not once hear of him againe where he might never trouble the quiet peaceable state of this citie any more Over and besides my opinion resolution is that some Embassadors be sent presently to Rome to satisfie the Senat and others also with a message to Anniball that he withdraw his forces from Saguntum with commission to render up Annibal himselfe into the Romans hands according to the tenor of the league a third Embassage likewise to the Saguntines for to make restitution and amends for their harms losses alreadie sustained When Hanno had made an end of his speech it was altogether needlesse that any one man there should make replie and debate the matter with him by way of Oration the whole Senat was so possessed alreadie wrought for Anniball and with one voice they blamed Hanno and sounded it out That he had made a bitterer speech and more favoring of an enemie than Flaccus Valerius himselfe the Romane Embassadour After this the Romane Embassadors had this answere returned That the warre began by the Saguntines and not by Anniball Also that the people of Rome offered them injurie in preferring the Saguntines before the most ancient alliance of the Carthaginians Whiles the Romanes thus spent time in sending Embassages Anniball having wearied his men what with skirmishes and what with trenching and raising mounts and fabrickes he gave them rest some few daies and bestowed certaine good guards toward and keepe the mantelets and other engines of batterie In the meane season he encouraged his souldiours and set their hearts on fire partly by pricking and provoking them to anger against their enemies and partly by tilling them on and alluring them with hope of great rewards But after he had once in a generall assemblie made proclamation That the spoile and pillage should be the souldiours share they were all so enkindled and enflamed that if presently he had sounded the signall of battaile it seemed that no force in the world had been able to resist them The Saguntines as they had some rest from skirmish and continued certainued daies neither assailing nor assailed so they gave not over labouring night and day for to make up a newe wall and countermure on that side of the towne which lay open by reason of breaches But after this grew the assault more hote and furious than before neither wist they well the shouts and al'armes were so divers dissonant on every side whether to come first or where was most need of helpe and succour Anniball himselfe was present in person to encourage and exhort his soldiours where as the rouling tower was driven which was so high that it overlooked all the mures and countrefabrickes of the cittie and being once approched neere the wals furnished as it was in every loft and storie with ordinance of quarell shot brakes and other artillerie beat the defendants from off the wals so as none durst abide upon them Then Anniball taking the time supposing that he had now a good oportunitie presented unto him sent about 500 Affricanes that were pioners with picke-axes mattocks and such like tooles to undermine the wal yea and to dig into it from the very foundation And that was no hard matter to do for that the cement or morter was not hardened and bound with lime but tempered with earth and clay after the old maner of building and therefore the wall came tumbling downe before it was hewen and wrought into and through the wide breaches whole troupes of armed souldiours entered the towne and withall they seized one high place above the rest whereon they planted their artillerie and ordinance of slings and brakes and cast a wall about it that they might have within the very cittie a fort and bastillon of their owne like a castle to overlooke all The Saguntines likewise raised another mure withinforth along that side where the towne as yet was not taken So that on both sides they made fortifications and also fought with all their might and main But the Saguntines defending the inner parts by little and little brought their towne daily into a smaller compasse And by that meanes as also by reason of the long siege as scarsitie and want of all things grewe more and more so the expectation of forraine aide and succour was everie day lesse than other the Romans their onely hope being so farre off and their enemies so neere on every hand Howbeit the suddaine rode and journey of Anniball against the Oretanes and Carpetanes refreshed for a while their troubled and afflicted spirits These two nations being risen upon a discontentment of a streight muster and rigorous levie of souldiours had staied and detained those Muster-maisters that had in commission to take up all sufficient and able men for the warres and so made some shew feare of rebellion but being prevented in the beginning by the speedie comming of Anniball were soone quiet and laid downe their armes But the assault of Saguntum continued neverthelesse For Maharball Himilco his sonne whom Anniball had left behind as Lieutenant so bestirred himselfe that neither the townesmen nor the enemie
Anniball to be yeelded unto you as if he had beseeged Saguntum of his owne head And as for this that you come with now howsoever in words it seeme more mild and smooth in very deede and in truth it is more rude and rigorous for then was Anniball onely charged and demaunded to justice but now are we both urged to acknowledge a fault and also forced to make restitution and satisfaction out of hand as if we had avowed and confessed the action For mine owne part of this mind am I that the case ought thus to be laid and the question brought to this issue not whether Saguntum was besieged by a private person or publick counsell but whether by right or wrongfully For to enquire and examine whether our citizen and subject have done this by our advise or of himselfe pertaineth to us alone as also to censure and punish him accordingly with you we are to debate this point onely Whether it might stand with the league to do it or no. And therefore since it pleaseth you that we should dispute and distinguish betweene the action of a Generall warranted by the publick state and an enterprise proceeding from his owne motife ye shall understand that there was indeede a league betweene you and us contracted by Luctatius the Consull wherein there is a clause comprising the allies of both parties as concerning the Saguntines who as then were none of your confederates there was not one word at all therein but in that league ye will say that was contracted with Asdruball the Saguntines are expressely named and excepted to which I have nothing to pleade but even that which I have learned of you For yee your selves denied that ye were bound to stand to that accord which C. Luctatius your Consull first made with us because it passed neither by consent of the nobles nor graunt of the people Whereupon there was another league anew drawne out and by publick agreement enacted If you then be not tied to observe your leagues unlesse they be auctorised by the nobles or ratified by the people no more can the league of Asdruball oblige us which he concluded without our privitie and knowledge Forbeare therefore to speake either of Saguntum or Iberus and what your mind hath so long conceived let it hatch now at length and bring it forth Then Q. Fabius the Romane Embassador having made a hollow lap within the plait and fold of his side gowne Here quoth he within this lappet we present and offer warre and peace unto you take whether ye will At which word they all cried out at once with as great stomacke and boldnesse Mary even which you will your selfe Whereat he let his robe loose againe Why then there is warre quoth he take it amongst you Let come say they all againe and welcome be it and as willingly as we accept thereof so shall we follow and manage it as throughly This direct demaund and round denouncing of warre seemed more for the honor of the Romans than to make much dispute and argument about the right of the cause and of the covenants a vaine matter before but now especially after the winning and destruction of Saguntum For if the question were to be decided by words and reasoning that league of Asdruball which was exchanged for the former of Luctatius was not the same nor the tenor thereof to be compared seeing that in the accord of Luctatius this branch and proviso was expressely added That it should stand good and be ratified if the people approved thereof but in this of Asdruball there was no such condition at all and besides the covenant for so many yeares space during his life was so established and confirmed and no word to the contrarie that when the very maker and author thereof was dead there was no change and alteration And yet put case they should have stood upon the former alliance the Saguntines were therein well enough comprised and provided for in that the allies of either part were excepted and comprehended For neither was this clause added They who at that time were allies nor yet were they excepted against who afterwards should become or be admitted allies And seeing that it was lawfull to entertaine new confederates who is it that would judge it reasonable either that no man should be received unto amitie for any good desert whatsoever or being once received into protection should not be defended accordingly Provided alwayes that no allies of the Carthaginians should either be sollicited to rebellion or received againe if of themselves they once revolted The Romane Embassadors as they were commanded at Rome passed the seas from Carthage into Spaine for to visit all the cities and to see whether they could either draw them to their societie or withdraw them from the Carthaginians And first they came to the Bargusians where being courteously entertained for weary they were of the Carthaginians government they stirred up many other nations beyond Iberus to have a desire to change for a new world From thence they came to the Volscians whose notable answere reported throughout all Spaine turned away all other States from banding with the Romanes for thus in a solemne assemblie a sage auncient father among them framed his answere With what face can ye Romans require us to preferre your friendship and amitie before the Carthaginians seeing that the Saguntines who did the same have bene more cruelly by you their allies betrayed than by their enemies the Carthaginians destroyed By my advise go and seeke you consederates there where the wofull calamitie and miserie of Saguntum is not knowne The lamentable ruines of which citie as it is a dolefull example so it shall be a notable warning to all nations of Spaine that no man ever after repose trust in the protection and societie of the Romanes Whereupon they were commanded to depart the borders of the Volscians immediatly and in no Diet or Councell of Spaine had they afterwards any better entertainement and more courteous language Thus having in vaine gone through all Spaine they tooke their way into Gaule where they saw a strange sight and a fearefull fashion for all in armour such was the guise and manner of the countrie they cameto their publick assemblies there these embassadors after they had set out in goodly words the greatnesse and glorie of the people of Rome and highly magnified their large empire and dominion and thereupon made request that they would not give the Carthaginians leave who minded to make warre upon Italie for to passe through their cities and townes hereat they set up such a laughter with a certaine grumbling and murmuring that scarcely could the youth be stilled and quieted by the magistrates and elders so sottish so foolish and shamelesse seemed this demaund in their conceit that they should once imagine that the Gaules were such asses as they would be content rather than to let the warre passe into Italie to avert and turne it
this intent even to destroy and extirp the Roman name to set free the whole world out of their servitude bondage no man thought it long then of his travaile from East to West from the setting of the sunne to the rising of the same now when as ye see the greater part by farre of our journey done and past the forrest and mountaine of Pyreneus amid most fierce and cruell nations surmounted that great river Rhodanus passed over maugre the hearts of so many thousand Gaules that would have impeached your passage yea the force of his maine streame overcome now I say when you are within the fight of the Alps to the other side whereof lieth Italie close ye faint as it were and stand still tired at the very gates of the enemies Why what other thing take ye the Alps to be but high hils And imagine they be higher than the cliffes of Pyrenei what there is no land I am sure that reach up to heaven and no place for men unsuperable But for the Alps they are inhabited and they are tilled they breede and feede living creatures and cattaile and are they accessible in deede passable for some few unpassable for whole armies These verie embassadors whom you see here flew not over the Alps with wings neither were their auncestors time out of mind borne and bred there but came from other parts as strangers and inhabited Italie before yea and oftentimes haue gone over the same Alps in huge multitudes together with their wives and children in manner of travailers pilgrimes that seeke new countries to inhabite what should there be unpassable then or impossible for the armed souldiour carying about him nothing but instruments of warre For the winning of Saguntum what perils were adventured what travailes were endured and swallowed for eight moneths space should any thing then seeme so hard and difficult as to stay them in their enterprise once begun who aime at no lesse than to conquer Rome the head citie of the world And have the Gaules indeede forced and woon that in times past which the Carthaginians despaire now to come unto Therefore either ye must confesse your selves inferior in stomack and valor to that nation which so ost these dayes passed by you have ben vanquished or else make reckoning with assured hope that the goodly faire fields that lye betweene Tyberis and the walls of Rome are the end of your iourney When in these termes he had exhorted and encouraged his souldiours he commaunded them to take their repast and repose to cherish and refresh their bodies and to prepare themselves for the march The morrow after he departed crosse from the banks of Rhodanus and entred the inland parts of France not for that it was the more direct way to the Alps but because he thought the further he went from the sea side in so much lesse danger he should be of meeting the Romans with whom he was not minded to fight before he was arrived into Italie After that he had travailed foure dayes journey he came to an Iland where the two rivers Arar and Rhodanus issuing out of sundrie parts of the Alps and taking a direct course after they have run through a good part of the countrey fall at length together and meete in one and the ground lying betweene is called by the name of the Iland Neere there inhabite the Allobroges a nation even in those dayes nothing inferior either in wealth and puissance or in same and reputation to any people or state of the Gaules whatsoever But at that very time there was some discord variance among them by occasion of two brethren who were at strife for the crowne and kingdome the elder whose name was Brancus and had before enjoyed the Seignorie was deposed and thrust out by his yonger brother and a Iustie crew of the youth who as they had lesse right on their side so they were the mightier The deciding of this variance was referred and put over unto Anniball in as good and fit a time for his purpose as he could have wished and he forsooth was made the umpire and judge to determine whether of them should be king who restored the elder to the kingdome like as it would have bene adjudged by the award of the Senators and Nobles of the countrie For which benefit and good turne he was served with victuall and store of all things aboundantly yea and with rayment and apparell which he was driven to provide aforehand for the name that went of the Alps which for their coldnesse were in great discredit Having thus appeased the debate of the Allobroges and minding now to set forward to the Alps he would not go the direct streight way but turned on the left hand to the Tricastnies and from thence passing by the frontires of the Vocontians he matched into the Tricoriahs and never was he stayed or impeached in his journey before that he came to the river Druentia which descending also out of the Alps is of all other rivers in France most hard to be passed over for although it carie with it a mightie force of water yet will it beare no vessell because it is kept and restreined with no banks but running at once by many divers chanels maketh ever new sourds and casteth up new shelves and whirlepits for which cause also a footeman hath much ado to wade therethrough and knoweth not the fourds besides it rolleth downe round stones and pibbles whereby there is no sure nor safe footing for him that would wade through And it chaunced at that time that it swelled and was risen high by fall of raine and by land-flouds and caused them to have very much to doe that passed over it and over and besides all other difficulties they were of themselves troubled and disquieted through their owne fearefulnesse and sundrie cries which they made Publius Cornelius the Consull about three daies after that Anniball dislodged from the banke of Rhodanus was arrived with his armie arraunged in a fouresquare battaille as farre as the place where the enemie was lately encamped purposing without any stay to give him battaile But seeing the hold abandoned and that hee was not like to overtake him being so farre gone forwards hee returned to his ships at sea supposing by that meanes with lesse daunger and difficultie to encounter Anniball as hee descended from the Alpes But leastthat Spaine which was the province allotted unto him should be left disfurnished of Romane succours he sent his brother Cn. Scipio with the greatest part of his forces against Asdruball not so much to defend their old allies and procure new as to drive Asdruball out of Spaine Himselfe with a verie small companie returned to Genua with intent to guard Italie with that armie which was about the Po. Anniball being departed from Druentia marched for the most part through the champion countries and came in peace and quietly to
them out where they were besieged and beleaguerd and notwithstanding that they were by us subdued we made peace contracted amitie with them and afterward when they were molested distressed with the Africanes warre we counted them within our protection In recompense of these good favours and demerits they come against us under the leading of an humorous brainsick and furious yong man to invade and assaile our countrie And I would it had pleased God that we had all this warre for our honor only and reputation and not for our safetie and our lives But we are to fight now not for the holding possession of Sicilie Sardinia as in times past but for our freehold the inheritance of Italie and that which more is there is no armie behind our backs to withstand and make head against the enemie if we chaunce to faile of victorie neither are there any more Alpes which while he is getting over we might have leisure in the meane time to assemble and prepare new forces Here in this very place souldiers must we stand to it and make resistance as if we were fighting under Rome walls Let every man thinke that he is not onely to defend and ward his owne bodie but to protect his wife and little children and let every one regard and take care not for his private affâ—ires and domesticall charge but estsoones consider this That even now the Senate and people of Rome beholdeth and seeth our hardie deeds and lookâ— how our force and valour now speedeth and sheweth itselfe such from henceforth will the state and fortune be of that citie and Empire of Rome These words had the Consull to the Romans But Anniball supposing that his men were first to be encouraged by representation of some deedes and then exhorted with words having marshalled his armie in around compasse as it were to behold some spectacle in a Theatre he set in the middest of them all the prisoners mountainers bound as they were hand and foot and casting downe at their feet the armour and weapons of the Gaules hee demaunded of them by a a truchman or an interpreter Which of them upon condition to be eased of his bands and to have armor an horse of service given him for a prise of victorie would enter into combat and fight at the utterance for his life And when they al answered with one voice That they wold wish no better not one of them but called for a sword and required to fight and therupon the lots were shuffled to be cast and not one there was but wished himselfe to be the man whom fortune would chuse for the combate Then every man as his lot fell in token of cheerefulnesse and contentment of spirit leapt for joy among his fellowes that rejoiced in his behalfe fell a dauncing after their manner and so hastily took armes and weapons all the while that they were in fight there appeared such affection and disposition of mind as well in them that were in the same state and condition as also in those who stood there as spectators only in the multitude to looke on that no lesse happie and fortunate were they accounted whose chaunce it was to die in the place than those who had the upper hand Vpon the fight of some couples that were thus matched in combat hee dismissed them and whiles hee saw them in this good mind so well affected and resolute then hee assembled them all together to an audience and thus by report hee spake unto them My valorous souldiors if in the consideration of your owne fortune yee will anon but beare that mind which even now ye shewed in beholding the example of the state of others the journey is ours and we have the victorie For that was not a dumbe shew and bare pageant but a very mirror and patterne of your owne condition and I wote not whether fortune hath compassed about with harder bonds and greater necessities your owneselves or your prisoners On both hands as well the right as the left enclosed yee are and shut up within two seas and have not so much as one ship to embark in for to escape away and save yourselves Before you neer at hand is the Po a greater river and more violent than Rhodanus behind you are the Alpes to hemme you in the Alpes I say which yee hardly passed when you were in heart and lustie Here must yee either get victorie sirs or lose your lives even where ye have first encountred your enemie and the same fortune which hath laid upon you necessitie of fight presenteth profereth unto you if you go away with victorie such rewards as men use not to wish for greater and more honourable at the hands of the immortall gods If by our manhood and valour wee should but recover and win againe Sicilie and Sardinia which were gotten from our fathers those were rewards and prizes sufficient but now over and besides what riches or treasure the Romanes in so manie triumphs have gathered laid up and held in possession all that will bee ours yea and the owners thereof themselves withall Go to it then a gods name and take arms in assured hope of gaining so rich a bootie and reward Yee have all this while beene long ynough a coursing and chasing the wild beasts in the wide and desart mountaines of Lusitania and Celtiberia and have seene no recompence and fruit of your travailes and daungers it is now high time for you to serve in the warres for good pay and rich rewards and to receive great wages and prises for your labour and painful service you that have measured so long a voiage passed over so many mountains and rivers marched through so many armed warlike nations Here is the place where fortune hath set down the utmost bound pitched the farthest point and limit of your labours here will she give you a condign recompence and salarie after you have served and followed the warres the full time by order and law required Never thinke that the victorie will be so hardly atchieved as the warre in name is counted difficult For oftentimes an enemie of small or no reckoning and regard hath given a bloodie battaile yea most noble States most renowmed and glorious kings have in the verie turning of an hand beene ouerthrowne For setting aside this goodly gay and glittering name onely of the Romanes what is there wherein they are with you to be compared To say nothing of that continual warfare of yours for 20 years space with such valiancie happy successe even from Hercules pillers from the Ocean from the utmost bounds of the earth through so many nations of Spain and most fell and cruell Gauls ye are come thus farre with victorie And now shall ye fight with an armie of new and untrained soldiors who no longer ago than this verie Summer were beaten put to the sword vanquished and besieged by the Gaules an armie to
say a truth not knowne at all to their own captaine and as little acquainted with him And to speake of mine owne person if not borne yet at leastwise brought up in the very tent and roiall pavilion of my father a most noble warriour and renowmed captaine of his time who have subdued Spaine conquered Gaule overcome not only the people of the Alpes but that which is much more the very Alpes themselves Should I make comparison betweene my selfe and this halfe-yeere-Captaine who hath abandoned and left his owne campe and armie Vnto whome if a man should this day present the Carthaginians and Romanes together without their ensignes and colours hee could not tell I dare well say of whether armie hee were the leader and Consull For I make no small account I tell you of this my tall fellowes that there is not one of you all who hath not many a time and often seene and beheld my selfe in person performing some warlike and militarie exploit and unto whome I as beholder and eye-witnesse of his valour cannot recount the time and place of his worthie deed and service Then yee praised and commended me then ye rewarded and honoured me with divers gifts and presents And even I who have been a souldior trained up and taught by you before I was your generall will march in battaile against them that know not one another and are unknowne likewise unto their captaine Which way soever I turne and cast mine eyes mee thinkes I see all full of couragious stomacke and forcible puissance The footmen old beaten and practised souldiours launces and men of armes with bard horses and the light horsemen likewise chosen forth of most hardie and valiant Nations of one side most faithfull and resolute allies on the other doubtie Carthaginians readie to fight as well in countries defence as also for most just and due revenge Wee come of our selves to make warre and wee descend into Italie with banners displaied resolved to fight with so much more courage as they commonly who are assailants have greater stomacke and more hope than the defendants Over and besides our hearts are kindled and our minds pricked on and provoked with sence of injuries and indignities First and formost they required that I your Generall should be delivered unto them as a condemned prisoner at the barre then they would have had all you that were at the assault of Saguntum yeelded up into their hands to be put to most extreame tortures and execution A people they are full of all excessive crueltie insolent and prowd beyond all measure they would have but all in their power and at their disposition they must prescribe limit and set downe with whome wee should warre with whom we may make peace restraining and enclosing us within the terms and bounds of hils and rivers which forsooth we must not passe and they themselves keepe not the limits which they appoint Passe not say they Iberus in any wise meddle not at all with the Saguntines come not neere them Saguntum standeth upon the river Iberus step not one foot forward we advise you It sufficeth not their turne that they have taken from us our auncient Provinces Sicilie and Sardinia unlesse they may have away Spaine too And if I should depart from thence and quit that realme also they would not stay there but will passe over streight into Affricke nay they have sent over this yeare alreadie two Consuls the one into Affricke the other into Spaine nothing have they left for us but that which wee can win and hold with the swords point Well may they bee cowards and play the idle luskes having a place of refuge to retire unto who in their owne countrie and ground may be received when they take their heels and run through waies without daunger to save themselves As for us it stands us upon to play the men and to make account of no meane dessignes betweene victorie and death but upon certaine despaire of all shifts besides either to obtaine victorie or if fortune shall faile and give us the soile chuse rather to die fighting than to be killed flying If this be setled and deepely imprinted in your hearts if this be your resolution I will say once againe The day is yours A more poignant and sharper goad than this to provoke men to victorie never gave the immortal gods to any whatsoever When by these Orations the souldiours hearts of both sides were inflamed to fight the Romanes made a bridge over Ticinus and for defence of the bridge erected a sconce and forte thereupon But Anniball while the enemies were busie at worke sent Maharball with a Comet of Numidians to the number of 500 light horsemen to overrun and wast the territories belonging to the allies of the people of Rome commaunding him withall to make as great-spare of the Gaules as he could and to sollicite and persuade their Nobles and Lords unto rebellion After the bridge was finished the Romane armie passed over into the Insubrians countrey encamped themselves upon certaine hils five miles off from a village where Anniball also lay in campe who seeing there was a battaile toward sent speedily for Maharball backe againe and the horsemen and thinking belike that he could never say ynough to his souldiors admonish them sufficiently to do well animate them to fight he called them all again together to an audience where he proposed promised unto them openly certain assured rewards the hope wherof might incite them to fight namely Imprimis that he would indue them with faire lands in Italy Astrcke or Spaine where they would themselves to have to enjoie to him and to his heires for ever as free hold in frank tenure without service if anyone would chuse to have money rather than land him he would content with silver Item of the Allies as many as hereafter were desirous to be enfranchised citizens of Carthage they should have their free burgeosie and those that had a mind rather to returne home againe he would endeavour and bring about that he should live so well as not one of them would wish for to exchange his stare with any of his neighbours and countrimen whatsoever Last of all looke what bond-servants attended and followed their maisters tothem he promised freedome and that in lieu of them hee would deliver againe unto their maisters two for one of the slaves taken captives in warre And that they might be assured that he would performe all these behests and promises he held with his left hand a Lambe and in the right a flint stone and praied solemnely That if hee failed herein Iupiter and the rest of the gods would so kill him as hee slew that Lambe and presently after his praier done he smote the Lambe on the head and dasht out the braines Whereat they all every one conceived embraced assured hope unto themselves that the gods said Amen and were on their side supposing that the only stay of
that he had over-watched himselfe and the moist nights besides together with the dampe and mist of the foggie fens stuffed his head and filled him full of thewmes and because neither time nor place served for any cure and to take physicke he lost one of his eyes quite Thus after many a man lost many a horse piteously perished when he was gotten out at length of these foule fennes miry marishes in the first dry ground that he came unto he pitched his camp and was certified by his espials vauntcourriers whom he had sent out before that the Romane armie lay about the wals of Aâ—rretium Then with great diligence and carefull enquirie he endeavoured to found the entent and dessignes of the Consull to know the costes and site of the countrie to hearken what waies he travailed to learne what forces he had to be advertised how he was stored and provided of victuals and to understand all other things expedient for his purpose in such a cafe and necessary to be knowne The countrey was most fertile and fruitful as any one in all Italy to wit the goodly champion fields of Tuscane lying betweene Fesulae Arretium plentiful in corne abundant in cattaile richly stored with al good things The Consull was stout and prowd by reason of the former Consulship that he had borne little account he made of the majestie of lawes and authoritie of Senators and as small regard and reverence he had of the gods themselves which rashnesse as it cost him nought but was ingrassed in him by nature so fortune had nourished and mainteined the same with prosperous successe in his affaires at home and warres abroad so as it appeared evidently that since he respected neither God nor man and deigned not to take their counsell and advise he would go rashly to worke and do all in hast hand over head without discretion And to the end he might be more forward to plunge himselfe headlong into these his infirmities and imperfections Anniball devised to anger him and to move his patience Leaving the enemie therefore on his left hand he put himselfe into the way to Fesulae for to wast and spoyle the countrie of Tuscane and shewed to the Consull a farre off what soule worke and havock he possible could make with fire and sword Then Flaminius who of himselfe would not have rested and fate still in case Anniball had bene quiet seeing once the goods of his allies and friends harried and driven away even before his eyes and thinking it tended greatly to his shame and dishonor that a Carthaginian should march thus at his pleasure through the mids of Italie without any empeaching controulement to passe on forward even to besiege and assault the walls of Rome when all others about him sitting in counsaile gave advise for profit and safetie rather than for shew and braverie namely to pause a while and expect the comming of his Colleague that they might with ioynt armies with one heart and with common accord of counsell conduct and mannage the warre and in the meane time with the Cavallerie with Auxiliarie or aid souldiers lightly armed represse the enemie and stay him from spoyling so licentiously at his pleasure in a great chase and choler be rose up anddeparted out of the counsell and presently founded the march and gave the signall of battaile and withall Nay we were best quoth he to remaine and sit here still before the walls of Arretium for this be like is our native countrey and here is our place of habitation as for Anniball let him escape forth of our hands and wast all Italy let him spoyle afore him and overrun all with fire and sword untill he be as farre as Rome walls and let not us in any case once stirre from hence before that the Senators send for C. Flaminius from Arretium as sometimes they called Camillus from Veij With these and such like reprochfull and taunting words he commaunded in all hast the standerds and ensignes to be plucked up and called for his horse He was not so soone mounted on his back but the horse fell presently cast the rider over and over with his head forward and there lay Flaminius the Consull under foote As they all that attended about him were affrighted and troubled in mind at this unluckie prefage and foretoken in the very beginning of his enterprise word moreover was brought unto him that one of the port-ensignes was not able to pull up his ensigne do what he could and putting his whole strength unto it The Consul turning to the messenger What hast thou any letters besides quoth he from the Senat to prohibit me for geving battaile go thy wayes bid them dig up the ensigne with help of spade mattock if their hands be so benummed for feare that they cannot pluck it up and with that began the armie to march The principall leaders and captaines besides that they agreed not but gain said this course were much dismayed and terrified with this twofold prodigious signe but the common souldiers rejoyced and tooke great pleasure to see this forwardnesse and animositie of their Generall having an eye rather to the end of their hope than to the cause which they had to hope so Now Anniball wasted in all manner of hostilitie that he could devise the territories betweene the towne Cotona and the lake Thrasymenus and all to whet the edge of the Consuls stomacke to chase his hote bloud and to provoke him for to be revenged for the harmes and wrongs done to his good friends and allies And come alreadie they were to certaine places naturally made as it were for an ambush whereas the lake Thrasymenus lyeth hard at the foote of the hils of Corrona for there is betweene but a very straight and narrow passage as if there had bene left so much space of ground only for that purpose and nothing else For if a man go but a little further the plaine lieth more open and groweth larger and from thence the hils begin to arise aloft Anniball in the open ground pitched his campe for himselfe with his Africanes onely and the Spanyards to lodge in and make abode The Balearians and the other light armed souldiers he led about behinde the mountaines the horsemen he placed at the very gullet of the streight passage where the little hils handsomely covered and hid them close to the end that so soone as the Romanes were entred in when he had put forth his horsemen against the gullet of the streight all might be enclosed within the lake and the mountaines Flaminius being come to the lake the day before at the sunne setting the morrow after before it was full day light without discovering and cleering the coasts by any skouts and espials sent out before passed through the streights After that his armie began to be spread and displayed more at large as the plaine opened wider he espied and perceived those enimies only which he
were more terrified therewith because it did so many times together Besides in the street called Fornicata toward Campus Martius divers persons were blasted smitten to death with lightening from heaven These prodigious signes were expiate and purged with due remedies out of the aforesaid bookes Embassadours also from the cittie of Pestum brought unto Rome a present of massie bols of beaten gold Thanked they were like as the Neapolitanes before them but the gold was not received At the same time there arived at Ostiafrom K. Hiero a fleet of ships redy rigged furnished with store of victuals The Syracusian Embassadors were brought into the Senate house where they declared That K. Hiero so soone as he heard of the death of C. Flaminius the Consul the defeiture of the armie tooke it so heavily that no proper calamitie of his owne or losse incident unto his kingdome could have troubled him more and touched him neerer and therefore albeit he knew ful well that the grandeur courage of the people of Rome was ordinarily more admirable in their adversitie than in prosperitie and welfare yet he had sent all those things wherewith good friends and faithfull Allies are wont to furnish the associates in time of war praying the LL. of the Senate in any case not to refuse the same but to take all in good worth And first and formost for good luck sake fortunate presage they have brought with them the image of Victorie in gold weighing 320 pound requesting that it wold please them to accept the same to have and to hold it as their owne for ever Moreover they had transported with them 300000 Modios of wheate and 200000 of barley to the end they should be at no fault for victuals and were redy moreover to bring in more according as they should need to what place they would appoint As for footmen heavily armed horsemen he knew well the people of Rome would use none but naturall Romanes or at least wise Latines But forasmuch as he had seen observed in the Roman camp forrain aids consisting of light armed soldiers therfore he had sent 1000 Archers and Slingers a meet and competent power to match with the Baleares Mores and other nations that use shot and to reach their enemie a far off Over and besides these gifts and reall presents they counselled and advised them that the Lord Deputie of Sicilie should passe with his fleet into Affricke both to find the enemie worke and give him his hands full of warre at home and also to affourd him lesse respite and worse opportunitie to send aid and succour to Anniball The Senate returned this answere againe unto the King That King Hiero had done the part of a right good man a singuler friend and allie who ever since that he was entred into amitie with the people of Rome hath held on the same course still in keeping his faithfull alleageance and never failed but at all times and in all places succoured and advanced the state empire of Rome with all bountie and princely munificence which the people of Rome tooke most thankfully as in right they ought As for gold some other cities likewise had brought and offred unto them but accepting onely in good worth their kindnes received it not But the image of Victorie the happie presage and foretoken therof they gladly accepted and for that blessed Saint they appointed dedicated even the Capitoll temple of â—up Opt. Max. to be the seat shrine therof that being consecrated in that castle highest fortresse of the citie of Rome it might be propice and gracious and remain firme and fast to the people of Rome As for the slingers and archers together with the corn they were delivered to the Coss. Five twentie gallies with five ranks of ores to a side were joined to the Navie which was under the conduct of T. Octacilius the Propretor in Sicilie who had commission if he thought it good expedient for the commonweale to passe over into Affricke The Consuls having finished the musters levied soldiers staied a few daies untill their allies were come with aide from the Latines Then were the Soldiers particularly a thing never done before by their Colonels put to their corporall oath and sworne to make their repaire at the Consuls commandement and without their leave not to depart for untill that daie there passed nothing but a sacrament parole simple promise in generall For whensoever the horsemen resorted to their Decuries and footmen to their Centuries both they of the Cavallerie in their Decuries also of the Infantery in their Centuries sware after a sort voluntarily among themselves That they would not abandon their ensignes by way of flight or upon any feare nor go out of their ranks unles it were to fetch either some offensive armour or to smite an enemie or to save the life of a citizen Which having been aforetime a voluntarie covenant accord between themselves was now by the martial Tribunes or Colonels reduced to a formall and solemne oth and bound the soldiers to observe the same of necessitie Yet before the ensignes set forward and marched out of Rome the Consull Varro dealt many hot words and brave orations in the assemblie of the people intimating purporting thus much in effect That the Nobles had called for war in Italie where it was like to remaine long enough and to sticke close by the ribs of the common-weale if she were served with many such Generals as Fabius was As for my selfe qd he I shal I trow vanquish the enimie the first day that I set eie upon him yea and finish the war at once for ever But his collegue Paulus made but on only speech even the day before they were to take their leave of the citie which was not so wel taken of the people for the present as it proved true in the end Wherin he gave Varro no hard words nor girded at him otherwise than thus That hee mervailed much how any captaine before he had experience either of his owne armie or of his enemies and knew the situation of the place and ground and the nature of the countrey sitting as yet within the cittie in his gowne could perfitely tell what he was to do in the field and in armes and be able also to foretell and set downe the very day wherein hee was to encounter and joine in raunged battaile with the enemie For his owne part he would not cast thus afore-hand nor plot his designes counsails before due time season which present occurrences are wont much more to minister unto men than men to fit them to the occurrents that shal happen This wold he wish with al his hart That the enterprises taken in hand warily with discretion might prove as luckie fortunat As for inconsiderat rashnesse besids that it implieth folly hath ever to that day sped but ill
They were not to hope at all for their libertie unlesse that day their enemies were discomsited put to flight This one word of his at length set their bloud in such an heat that they raised a fresh shout as if they had bin cast again into a new mould they charged upon the enemies so violently that they could no longer be resisted withstood First they that fought in the vantguard of the Carthaginians were put out of order then they about their standards and ensignes and last of all the whole battaile was driven backe and reculed Whereupon they faire turned their backes and fled so fast one upon another into their campe in such feare and fright that not so much as at the very gates nor upon the rampiar they staied once turned againe to make head so as the Romans following them hard at heeles into their campe as it were in one traine pell mell made a new skirmish even within the rampiar of their enemies Where the fight was not so combersome by reason of the streightnesse of the roume wherein they were pent but the massacre and execution was as cruell bloudie The prisoners also that were among the enemies in this confused medly and tumult joyned themselves and stucke close togither and having caught up some weapons helped forward the victorie either charging upon the backs of the Carthaginians slew them or else hindred them in their flight and running away So of that great armie there were not all-out two thousand and the most part of them horsemen that escaped with the Generall himself all the rest were either slain or taken prisoners and of militarie ensignes were caried away 40 save twaine Of the victours there died fast upon two thousand All the spoyle but only the prisoners was graunted to the souldiours The cattell also was reserved as many as within thirtie daies the right owners could justly make claime unto for their owne When they were returned laden with booties and pillage into the campe there were almost 4000 of the voluntarie souldious who had fought but faintly and brake not into the campe with the rest who for feare of punishment seized a little hill not farre from the campe and kept it for their hold But the morrow after being fet from thence bythe Colonels they repaired again to the campe at what time as Gracchus had summoned his souldiours to an assembly Where after that the Proconfull first had rewarded his old souldiours with militarie gifts according to each one his prowesse and good service in that battaile then as concerning the voluntaries he said thus much That hee had liever they were all commended by him good and bad one with another than that one of them that day should cast of any punishment and therefore hee pronounced them all free in the name of God to the benefit happinesse and selicitie both of the common-weale and also of themselves At which word they lift up their voyces alowd with exceeding cheerfulnesse and alacritie and one while they clipped and embrased one another in their armes with gratulation and joy another while againe they held up their hands toward heaven wishing and praying at the gods hands all good blessings for the people of Rome and for Gracchus especially Then quoth Gracchus Before that I had made you all alike and to have equall part in the right and priviledge of freedome I would not set upon any of you either the marke of a stout and hardie souldiour or the note of a fainthearred and beastly coward But now that I have discharged my selfe of the trust committed unto me by the Common-weale to the end that all difference betweene prowesse and cowardise should not be forgotten altogither and perish I will take expresse order that the names of all them whose conscience accused them of saint fighting and avoiding the hazard of battaile and therefore erewhile withdrew themselves apart bee brought unto me And when they are cited and called forth every one by his name I will compell them to take a corporall oth quoth hee that unlesse it be upon sicknesse so long as they shall continue in soldierie they neither eat nor drinke but standing upon their feet And this punishment I am sure you will willingly take in good part when yee shall consider better of it and see that you could not have had an easier note of disgrace and shame for your false hearts and slender service Then hee gave the signall to trusse up bag and baggage and sounded the remove and so dislodged thus the souldiours carrying and driving before them their boties all the way disporting themselves so merrilie and jocund returned to Beneventum as if they had come from some great dinner upon a solemne and festivall day and not from fighting a bloudie battaile All the people of Beneventum came forth in great numbers to meet them at the gates welcomed the souldiours bad them joy embraced them and envited them to their houses to give them enterteinment and lodging The bourds were spread in every mans court-yard and furnished with store of viands they willed them to come and make merrie with them and requested Gracchus to give his souldiours leave to feast and make good cheere And Gracchus was content but upon this condition that they should all eat their meales abroad in the open street Then all things was brought forth and set upon the tables at every mans doore The voluntaries tooke their repast and refection either with their caps on their heads or else covered their crownes with white wooll some sitting some standing waiting and serving one another at the table and eat their meat fed with them togither This was such a worthie sight solemnitie that Gracchus after hee was returned to Rome caused the repesentation and resemblance of the celebration of this day to be drawne and portraied in colours and the picture to remaine in the temple of the goddesse Libertie which his father caused to be built in the mount Aventine of certeine fines and forfeits and afterwards there dedicated it Whiles these matters thus passed at Beneventum Anniball having spoiled and harried the territorie about Naples removed toward Nola and there encamped before the town Whom when the Consull understood to be comming he sent for Pomponius the pro-Pretour togither with that armie which lay encamped above Suessula provided to meet with the enemie minding presently to bid him battaile He sent out Claudius Nero with the strength of his horsemenâ— in the dead time of the night at a backe gate that was farthest from the enemie giving him â—n charge to cast about closely and fetch a compasse and faire and softly to follow the enemie as he marched and when he perceived the battaile was begun then to come forward and set uponâ— him behind on his backe But whether it were that Nerâ— missed of the way or having not â—â—me ynough could not put this pollicie in execution I know not In his
cause assigned unto M. Marcellus one of the Consuls that province to governe Presently upon the murder of Hieroâ—yâ—us first the souldiours in the Leontine countrie began to mutine and make an uprore and boldly spake and said That the kings death should be expiate and his obsequies solemnised with sacrificing the bloâ—d of conspiratours But afterwards when they heard often iterated the sweetâ—â—â—me of libertiâ— freedome restored unto them and that there was good hope that the souldiours should have a largesse dealt amongst them out of the kings treasure and be under the commaund of captaines of better qualitie and having besides all this a bederoll rehearsed unto them of the Tyrant his crueltie and soule facts and of more silthie and lothsome lusts their affections were so altered that they suffered the bodie of their king to lie above ground unburied whom a little before they so greatly desired and wished for Now as concerning the conspiratours whiles the rest of them remained behind to assure and possesse themselves of the armie Theodorus and Sosis tooke the kings horses and rode post as hard as ever they could to Syracusa for to surprise upon a suddain all his followers favourites who knew nothing of that which was done fall upon them unawares but they were prevented not onely by the same which above all other things in such cases is most swift but also by a courrier one of the kings servants Whereupon Andronodorus had seized before hand of that part of the citie which is called the Iland togither with the castle and all other places that hee could come at which were thought of any good importance and them he fortified with good gards Theodorus and Sosis being entred within the citie at Hexapylos after the sunne setting in the twy-light and shutting in of the evening and shewing the kings roiall robes all embrued with bloud the ornament attire likewise of his head he passed through Thica called alowd unto the people to fight all at once for their libertie and to arme themselves and willed them to repaire into Acradina The people some of them ran out into the streets others stood in their entries and porches divers looked out at the windowes from within their houses and asked what the matter might be Every place shone with torch and cresset-light and was filled with sundrie garboiles and hurlyburlies As many as were in armes gathered togither in the open places of the citie those that were unarmed tooke downe off the temple of â—up Olympius the spoiles of the Gaules and the Illyrians which the people off Rome had given as a present to king Hiero and which he set alost for a memoriall praying unto Iupiter that hee would vouchsafe them this gracious favour as to bestow those sacred weapons harnish upon them that meant to arme themselves therwith for the defence of their countrie for the maintenance of the churches shrines of the gods and for the recoverie of their libertie This multitude also joined with the Corps de gards that in the principall quarters of the citie were bestowed in places convenient But Andronodorus amongst other places that he fortified made sure also with strong gards of armed men the publike garners of the citie within the Iland There was a place enclosed round about with foure-square stone and built strongly like a fortresseâ— this was possessed by the youth that had bene appointed for to guard and defend that quarter and they sent messengers into the Acradina to signifie that the garners the corne were kept by them to the behoose of the Senate And on the morrow at the breake of day the whole people as well armed as unarmed assembled togither in Acradina within the pallace And there before the altar of Concordia which in that place stood erected one of the principall and chiefe cittizens named Polyneus made an oration unto them all with franknesse of speech enough tending unto libertie and yet seasoned with modestie and moderation in this wise Men qd he that have experience of servitude and other indignities fall to abhorre the same and their stomackes rise against them as known evils But as for civill discord what calamities miseries it bringeth with it the cittizens of Saracose have heard their fathers tell and not seen and tasted themselves That yee have bene so readie to take armes and weapons in hand I commend you for it but I would con you more thanke if yee used them not unlesse ye be driven thereto by extreame necessitie For the present I hold it good my counsell is that embassadours be sent unto Andronodorus to intimate unto him yea and to require and charge him to submit himselfe unto the Senat and people and by them to be ordered to set open the gates of the Iland to put away from about him his guard and deliver up the castle and garrison But in case hee intend under the pretence of being guardian or protectour to the kingdome of another therby to usurpe it to his own use he must be given to understand by mine advise that we will seek to recover our libertie out of the hands of Andronodorus more fiercely forcibly than from Hieronymus And so presently upon this assembly embassadors were sent Then the Senate went togither sat in counsell for as during the raigne of Hiero there was a set and ordinarie publike counsell of State so after his death unto that day the Senatours were neither called togither nor their advise taken or sought in any matter When the embassadours were come unto Andronodorus had delivered their message hee was himselfe verily for his owne part moved with the generall consent of the citizens but especially when hee considered that among other quarters of the cittie possessed by the adverse side that one part also of the Iland which was the strongest was betraied as it were held out against him But when the Embassadors called still upon him to come forth his wife Demâ—rata daughter of king Hiero pussed up still with the proud mind haughtie stomack of a prince and full of the vaine humour and spirit of a woman put him eftsoones in mind of a saying that Denis the Tyrant had evermore in his mouth namely That a man should not ride on horsebacke to be deposed from royall dignitie and estate of tyrannie but be led faire and softly a foot-pace and go to that as a beare to the stake An easie matter quoth she it is for one to yeeld and forgo the possession of high place and honor and a thing that may be done in the turning of an hand whensoever one will but to compasse and attaine thereto is a right hard matter and of all other most difficult You were best therefore to borrow some respite of time of the Embassadours for to take farther deliberation of this maine point and in the mean while to use the advantage thereof to send for the souldiours out of
Here lie buried and entombed the Acarnanians who fighting in defence of their countrie against the violence and iniuries of the Aetolians lost their lives manfully in the field By this meanes when their courages were enkindled and incensed they encamped themselves in their utmost frontiers abiding the comming of their enemies And having dispatched messengers to Philip to give notice unto him in what jeopardie they stood they constrained him to give over that warre which he had in hand considering that Iamphornia was surrendred up into his hands and that he had sped well otherwise in the rest of his affaires The Aetolians upon the first fame that was blowne abroad of that solemne oth taken by the Acarnanians were well cooled and not so hastie to set forward but hearing once of Philip his comming they were driven to retire againe as farre as possiblie they could within their owne confines Neither Philip for his part marched on further than to Cline notwithstanding that hee made great speed afore and tooke long journies for feare that the Acarnanians should bee surprised before hee could reach unto them for so soone as hee heard that the Aetolians were retired hee himselfe also returned unto Pella Levinus in the beginning of the spring tooke the sea and losed from Corcyra and having doubled the point of Leucates and sailed as farre as Naupactum there hee published and gave knowledge That hee would shape his course from thence for Anticyra and that Scopas and the Aetolians should there meet him and be in readinesse This Anticyra is situate in Locris on the left hand as yee enter into the gulfe of Corinth By land it is a small journey thither from Naupactum and as short a cut by sea So within three daies after they began to assaile the cittie on both sides The fiercer assault was from the sea side both because they had in their ships engines of batterie and other ordinance and artillerie of all sorts and also for that the assailants from that part were Romanes So within few daies the citie was yeelded up and delivered againe unto the Aetolians the pillage thereof fell to the Romanes share according to covenant There Laevinus received letters from Rome specifying thus much That he was declared Consull in his absence and P. Sulpitius was comming to succeede him in the province but by occasion that he lay there sick of a long disease he came to Rome later than all men expected M. Marcellus entring his Consulship upon the Ides of March assembled the Senate that day only for forme and order sake for he made open profession there that during the absence of his Colleague he would treat of no matters either concerning the state of the citie or the provinces But this protestation he uttered withall and said That he knew full well that there were many Sicilians in the townes and villages neere unto the citie backbiters and slaunderers of him whom for his owne part he was so far off from hindering but that they might freely for all him divulgate and publish abroad in Rome all those crimes which were devised and spoken against him by his adversaries that were it not that they pretended some feare forsooth to charge the Consull with any matters in the absence of his colleague he would straightwaies give them audience in the Senate but so soone verily as my brother Consull is come home I will not quoth he I assure you suffer any one matter to be debated here before that those Sicilians be sent for into the Senate house And I understand that M. Cornelius hath taken generall search like a muster over all Sicilie to the end there might come a number to Rome with complaints of me he also with letters full of untruths hath buzzed into all mens eares and borne the whole citie in hand that the warre continueth still in Sicilie and all to diminish and abridge my glory The Consull having that day woon the commendation and name of one that knew how to rule and governe his affections dismissed the Senate and it seemed that there would be a generall vacation not of law matters only but of all other things and as it were holiday still untill the other Consull came unto the citie This rest and ydlenesse as the wonted manner is set the commons having nothing els to do a talking and now their tongues walked apace ceasing not to spred rumors That by this long and continuall warre not only the lands and territorie about the citie of Rome especially where Anniball had marched with his cruell armie were wasted but also Italie was in maner dispeopled and laid desolat by reason of so many musters and levies complaining that whole armies were diffeated and put to the sword at Cannae in defence of the Common wealth and that there were two Consuls created both martiall men and warriours over-fierce and eager of fight such as in time of peace and quietnesse were able to find occasions of warre so little was it to be looked for at their hands that in time of war they would seeke for peace and suffer the citie to have any breathing time and intermission These speeches rumoured among the common people were interrupted and stayed by occasion of a Scare-fire that began in sundrie places together about the Forum in the night of that day which was immediatly before the festivall daies of Minerva called Quinquatrus At one and the selfesame time the seven merchants shops and ware-houses which afterwards were turned into five and the shops of the Bankers and mony changers which now are called Nova or the new shops were on fire Divers private mens houses also the fire caught for as then there were no stately halles and palaces of the citie there built Likewise the fire tooke hold of the common prison called Latumtae the Fish-marker hall likewise and the royall gallerie or walking place Hardly could the chappell of Vesta be saved that by the good help paines taking especially of 13 bondslaves whose bondage was bought out at the cities charges and they made freemen The fire continued one night and a day and no man made doubt but it came by mans hand and was the practise of some lewd persons for that the fires began in many places at once and those far distant asunder Whereupon the Consul by the advise and direction of the Senate made proclamation in a solemne ass embly of the people that whosoever would come forth and give notice by whose meanes that fire was procured he should be well rewarded if he were a free-man with a peece of money if bond with freedome In hope of which recompense a certaine slave belonging to the Calavij the Campanes his name was Mannus was induced to bewray the maisters whom he served and five other yong gentlemen of Capua whose fathers had lost their heads by the commaundement of Q. Fulvius Those he appeached to have made the sayd fires and he gave them a warning besides that they intended
concurrent that he had striving to be greater than he disclosed all to Anniball Wherupon both were sent for and convented peremptorily before him As Anniball was sitting upon the Tribunall seat giving audience and dispatch to certeine other matters and that hee might anone the better attend unto Blasius and the action intended against him whiles the plaintife defendant stood apart by themselves from the rest of the people a good way Blasius went in hand again with Dasius and sollicited him for to deliver the citie to the Romans With that Dasius as if the matter had beene too too apparant cried out and said That he bashed not to breake unto him and move him even in the presence and sight of Anniball for to practise treason betray the citie Anniball and all they that were there present gave little credite unto Dasius and the more audacious the thing itselfe was the lesse likelyhood it caried with it of a truth Every man supposed verily it was nothing but emulation envie and cancred malice that caused Dasius to charge upon him that crime which because there was no witnesse to the contrarie he might untruly devise and more freely enforce against him And so for that time they were both discharged the court But Blasius never gave over to follow still this bold enterprise but beat still upon this one point shewing how good and commodious the thing would bee both to themselves in private and to their countrie in common untill hee had wrought him so and woon him to graunt that the Carthaginian garison those were Numidians togither with the citie Salapia should be rendred unto Marcellus But without much bloudshed they could not possibly be thus betraied delivered for they were the most hardy and valiant horsemen by farre of all the Carthaginian armie Wherefore albeit they were taken on a suddaine unprovided and had no use of horses within the cittie yet with such weapons as in such a suddaine tumult and uprore they could catch and come by first they assaied and gave the venture to breake through and escape away and when they saw that they could by no meanes save themselves and get forth they fought it out to the last manfully even unto death so as there were not of them above fiftie left alive and came into the hands of the enemies And surely the losse of this cornet of horsemen was a greater dammage unto Anniball than the forgoing of Salapia for never from that day forward had Anniball the upper hand in cavalerie which was the onely service whereby ever before he most prevailed Much about the same time the castle of Tarentum was streightly distressed for want of victuals and hardly could endure and hold out any longer The only hope that the Romane garrison had which lay there and the captaine thereof M. Livius the Constable of the castle was in the provision sent out of Sicilie For the safe convoy whereof along the coast of Italie there rid at anker a fleet welneere of twentie saile before Rhegium The Admirall of this fleet appointed to wast these victuals from time to time was one Decius Quintius a man of obscure birth and base parentage howbeit for many worthie acts and feats of armes much renowmed in martiall glorie At the first he had the charge but of five ships whereof two of the greatest which were three banked gallies were allowed him by Marcellus afterwards upon his good service when hee had born himselfe bravely in many conflicts he had three more committed unto him those were of five banks of oares untill at last himselfe by calling upon the confederat cities as Rhegium Velia and Pastum for the ships due by covenant unto the people of Rome he had made a pretie Armada as is abovesaid of twentie saile As this fleet had disankered and was gone from Rhegium Democrates with the like Armada for number of Tarentine ships encountered almost five leagues from the citie of Tarentum at a port called Sacriportus It fortuned at that time that the Roman Admirall little looking for any battell came forth under saile onely but about Crotone and Sibaris he had furnished his shippes with rowers also and so his fleet for the bignesse talnesse of the vessels was well appointed and sufficiently armed manned And even then it happened at one time that both the boisterous wind lay and the enemies also were within kenning so as they had scarce time ynough to fit their tackling to make readie their rowers and to set in order their fighting men against a skirmish that was so neere toward There was not lightly seene a greater conflict tought more hotely and fiercely betweene two roiall Armadaes that affronted one another than between these small fleets For why the battel was for a greater matter than all their ships came to The Tarentines mainteined the fight more eagrely because they were desirous to recover their castle out of the Romans hands as they had done their citie after one 100 yeares almost during which time they had been out of the possession thereof hoping thereby if they could be maisters of the sea once by some fortunate and victorious battell to cut off and intercept all hope of victuals from the enemies The Romanes on the other side bestirred themselves as lustily that by keeping the possession of the castle all the world might see that Tarentum was not lost by force cleane strength and valour but betraied by stealth and trecherie So they sounded the battell from both parts and ran affront one at another with the beakes and stemmes of their prows and neither staied rowing amaine forward nor suffered their enemie to part or goe aside from them untill they closed and grappled their ships together by the meanes of yron hookes like hands And so neere they buckled in hote and furious medley that not only they discharged shot aloofe one against another but also they coped together as it were foot to foot at hand strokes with sword fight Their prows and for-ships stucke grappled together while the poups and hin-deckes were driven about with contrarie oares of the adverse part So neere and so thicke withall stood the ships and within so narrow a roume that scarce one dart light into the water in vaine and did no harme With their beake-heads they assailed one another as it had been on land fight and so close they were that the souldiours might passe out of one ship into another as they fought Howbeit two ships there were above all the rest that mainteined a notable fight and in the vauntguard and forefront of the battell invested one another most furiously In that of the Romanes was Quintius himselfe in person in the other of the Tarentines was one Nico surnamed Perco a man not only odious unto the Romans for the publick quarrell betweene both states but also maliciously bent upon a private spight and rancour as banding with that faction which had betraied Tarentum to Anniball This
not away with the societie of men And at the first not knowing whither Anniball intended to go they supposed that he came for to surprise their holds in caves and rocks to take their fortresses and to drive away their people and cattaile as booties But afterwards the fame that went of the Punick warre wherewith now twelve yeeres Italie was plagued and vexed had taught them sufficiently that the Alpes were nothing but the way for the Carthaginians to travaile through And by this time well they knew that two most puissant Cities and States devided and removed one from another by a great space of land and sea betweene strived together and warred for their greatnesse and Soveraigntie Vpon these occasions I say the Alpes were open and passable to Asdruball with ease But looke what time he gained by speedie journeis the same he lost againe by stay about Placentia whiles he lay there in vaine rather beseeging than assailing it He was caried away with a persuasion that the towne seated upon a plaine and champain countrie might soone be forced and woon and the great name that went of that noble Colonie induced him to beleeve that by the overthrow and rasing of that citie he should strike a terror to all the rest But in lying against that towne he not only hindred himselfe much but also stayed Anniball who having heard that he was passed over the Alpes and come downe into Italie so much sooner than he looked for was upon the point to dislodge out of his standing wintering camp For he considered cast in his mind not only what a long tedious peece of worke it is to beseege and assault cities but also well remembred how himselfe after his victorie at Trebia assaied to force that colonie in his returne from thence but might not prevaile The Consuls being departed from the citie and gone divers wayes as it were for two sundrie warres at once distracted mens minds with many cares and troublous imaginations as well in remembrance of those losses and overthrowes which they had received at Anniball his first comming as also in thinking what gods should be so propitious and favorable to the citie and empire of Rome as to prosper the affaires of the State and Common-weale at one time in both places For until then their successe had ben variable alternative and their prosperitie alwaies dilaied with semblable adversitie and againe their losses were recompensed with equall gaines For when in Italie the Common-wealth of Rome went one way downeward headlong to the ground at Thrasymenus and Cannae the fortunate warres another way in Spaine set it upright againe Afterwards when in Spaine one overthrow and deffeature hapned in the neck of another at what time as two noble Captaines were slaine and two valiant armies in part destroyed the happie and luckie hand in Sicilie and Italie made up those breaches and set the reeling state on foote againe For why the very distance of the place so farre remote because one of the warres was mainteined in the farthest part of the world yelded time and respite to breath themselves and gather new strength But now two warres at once are interteined within Italie two most brave warriors and renowmed Captaines enclose betweene them the citie of Rome all dangers come huddle together all the heavie lode and whole burden beareth upon one and the selfesame place and no doubt but whither of those two Captaines first shall get a victorie he will within few daies after joyne his forces to the other The fresh and lamentable remembrance also of the very last yeere wherein two Consuls lost their lives mightily affrighted the harts of the people So as in these perplexities and troubles of minde they accompanied the Consuls as they departed and went into their severall provinces It is moreover in some records found that when Q. Fabius advised and warned M. Livinus being upon his journey toward the warres not rashly and hand over head to give battaile to the enemie before he knew his nature and qualities he full of anger still and discontentments with his fellow citizens made this answer That so soone as ever he could have a sight of his enemies armie he would fight and being asked againe why he would make such hast Mary quoth he either shall I by victorie of mine enemies win singular honor and renowme or by the overthrow of my fellow citizens gaine some harts-ease and contentment if not honest in all respects yet at leastwise such as they have deserved Before that Claudius the Consull was come into his province C. Hostilius Tubulus accompanied with certaine cohorts lightly appointed encountred Anniball as he led his armie and marched by the utter confines and marches of the territorie of Larinum which leadeth to the Salentines and charging upon his disordred armie put them to great trouble slew foure thousand of his men and caried away nine ensignes Q. Claudius who had certaine garizons planted in all the cities of the Salentines country hearing of the enemies comming had removed out of his wintering camp and therefore Anniball because he would not fight with two armies at once by night dislodged out of the territorie of Tarentum and withdrew himselfe into the Brutians country and Claudius turned with his armie to the Salentines againe Hostilius in the way to Capua met with the Consull Claudius at Venusia There out of both armies the Consull picked forth fortie thousand choise footemen and 2500 horsemen for to warre with Anniball The rest of the forces Hostilius was commaunded to leade unto Capua and to deliver them to Q. Fulvius the Proconsull Anniball having assembled his forces from all parts as well those which he had in camp during winter time as those that lay in garison in the Brutians country came as farre as Grumentum in the territorie of the Lucanes upon hope to recover the townes which for feare had revolted to the Romanes Vnto the same place the Romane Cos. making out his espials before to discover and cleere the waies marched from Venusia and about a mile and halfe from the enemie encamped himselfe The Carthaginians had fortified themselves and cast a trench close in a manner to the walls of Grumentum and betweene the camp and the Romanes was some halfe mile A plaine lay in the midst and on the left hand of the Carthaginians and the right hand of the Romanes all along betweene the hils overlooked them bare and naked and of neither part suspected by reason that they had no wood growing upon them nor any lurking places to hide an ambush in Into the plaine betweene they used to put out certaine bands and companies from the Corps de guard of both sides and made light skirmishes not worth the talking of And it seemed that the drift of the Romane Consull was to keepe the enemie in and not to suffer him to go his waies But Anniball desirous to be gone entred the field with all his power in order of
him he drew forth certaine cohorts out of the right wing where he saw they were liker to stand still than to fight and wheeled about behind the enemies battaile and so unwares not only to the enemies but also to his owne men he charged upon the left flanck of the enemies and he bestirred himselfe so nimbly that when he had shewed himselfe on the sides presently he played upon their backs in such sort that now on all hands affront behind and on their flancks downe went the Spaniards and Ligurians and were hewen in peeces yea and the execution reached to the very French There with them was least ado and smallest fight of all for a great many of their fellowes had abandoned their colours and being slipt away in the night lay asleepe all over the fields and such as were there weery with travaile and watching as having bodies that of all things can not away with labour and paines taking were skarce able to beare their corselets on their backs Besides now it was high noone and what with drought and heate together they stood gaping for aire and yeelded their bodies agood either to be massacred or taken captive As for the Elephants there were more of them killed by the hands of governors and guiders that sate upon them than by the enemie that fought against them For their manner was to have about them a carpenters chissell and a mallet and when the beasts began once to rage and to run upon their owne fellowes their maisters would set the said chissell betweene their eares even in the very joynt where the nape of the neck and the head meet together and with his mallet to drive it as hard as he could this was found to be the readiest and most speedie way to kill so mightie and huge a beast when they were past all hope to rule them and keepe them in order And the first inventor and practiser of this feat was Asdrubal a famous and memorable captaine as in many other respects so especially for this battaile He it was that held out to the end exhorting his souldiours to fight fighting also himselfe and adventuring all dangers he it was that when his men were weery and drew back by reason of long toyle and labour incensed them againe one while by faire words and intreatie another while by sharpe checks and rebukes he reclaimed them againe when they were running away he renewed the medley in divers places when it slaked and gave over And at the very last when he saw evidently that the enemie had the honor of the day because he would not remaine alive after so great an armie diffeated that followed his standard and were induced by the reputation and name that went of him he set spurres to his horse and rode among the Squadrons of the Romane horsemen and there as beseemed Amilcars sonne and Annibals brother fighting right manfully was slaine Never during the time of this warre in one field were there so many enemies killed and it seemed now that for losse of captaine and overthrow of armie they might well cry quittance with them for the diffeature at Cannae Slaine there were 56000 enemies 6400 taken prisoners and a rich bootie and pillage gained of all sorts besides gold and silver Moreover there were recovered of Romane citizens above foure thousand who had bene taken prisoners and were among the enemies That comfort they had to make amends for the souldiours that died in this battaile for they woon not the victorie without bloudshed in this field wherein to the number almost of eight thousand Romanes and allies together lost their lives And the conquerours themselves had so much their fill of bloud and slaughter that the next morrow when word was brought unto Livius the Consull that divers Cisalpine Gaules and Ligurians which either were not at the battaile or escaped out of the execution and were going away in one companie all together without a certaine leader without ensignes without any order or commaund and might all be put to the sword and utterly destroyed if there were but one cornet of horsemen sent out after them Nay quoth he let some remaine alive to tell the newes both of our enemies losse and ruine and of our owne vertue and valour And Nero the very next night after the battaile marched with more speede backward than he came thither and within sixe daies returned againe so farre as to his standing leaguer and the enemies All the way as he marched he was not in deed so resorted unto and frequented by so many men by reason that there went no harbengers or messengers before but his comming was welcommed with so great gladnesse and mirth that for very joy the people were welneere besides themselves As for Rome it cannot be uttered and expressed in words sufficiently how men were affected the one way or the other neither how pensive the citie was in doubtfull expectation of the event nor how joyous and jocund againe upon the newes and tidings of the victorie For never one day after the rumour once was blowne thither that Claudius the Consull was gone forth in his expedition from the sun-rising unto the setting departed either Senatour out of the Counsel-chamber from attendance upon the magistrates or the people out of the common-hall The dames of the cittie because other helpe they could yeeld none betooke themselves to their beads and devotions and in every Church went up and downe and plied all the gods with praiers with vowes and humble supplications As the cittie was thus perplexed in suspence first there came some flying newes that two horsemen of Narnia were come out of the battaile and returned to the campe which lay to guard and keepe the streights and passages of Vmbria who had brought word thither that the enemies were defeated At the first they rather lent their eares to heare these tidings than bent their minds to entertain the same as being greater than they might in heart conceive and more joyfull than they could assuredly beleeve the exceeding swiftnes of the rumor hindered the credit therof because it was reported withall that the battel was fought but two daies before Then were letters broght from L. Manlius Acidmus sent out of the campe which confirmed the arrivall of those horsemen of Narnia Those letters were brought through the common place unto the Tribunall of the Pretour wherupon the lords of the Senate were sent for out of the Councel-house But the people kept such a thrusting and thronging about the doore of the Senat that the messenger could not passe thither but was haled and pulled by the people questioning with him and calling hard upon him that the letters should be read at the market crosse and in the Rostra before they were opened in the Senat. But at the last they were restrained by the magistrates and caused to void and hardly could the joy bee conteiued among so unruly people who had no measure nor rule of their
Galleaces of five ranks of ores and the king had 35. Philip for his part because he would be readie at all affaies to meete with the enemie either by land or sea went himselfe in person downe to the sea side as farre as Demetrias and made proclamation that all his forces should by a certaine day meere together at Larissa Vpon the same that went of the kings comming there repaired sundrie Embassies from the consederate States of all parts unto Demetias For the Aetolians having taken hart unto them as well for their societie with the Romanes as upon the comming of Attalus wasted and spoiled their borderers And not only the Acamanians and Boeotians and they that inhabit Euboea were in great feare but also the Achaeans whom over and besides the warre from the Aetolians Machanidas also the Lacedemonian tyrant terrified who encamped himselfe not farre from the confines of the Argives All these States made report what perils were like to ensue both by sea and land to their severall cities and besought the king his aid Moreover there came unto him out of his owne realme no good tidings of peace and quietnesse for that Scerdiletus and Pleuratus were gone out and rebelled and of the nations of Thrace the Medi especially were readie to invade the frontiers adjoyning upon Macedonie in case the king should fortune to be busied and occupied otherwise in any long warres The Boeotians likewise themselves and other nations inhabiting the more inland parts of Greece had geven intelligence that the avenues of the forest Thermopylae where as the narrow gullet of the streights yeldeth small passage were stopped up by the Aetolians with a trench and pallaisade that it might geve no accesse at all unto Philip for to come and defend the cities of the Allies Thus many troubles comming huddle and thick one upon another had bene able to have roused and awakened even a sleepie and slow captaine and made him to looke about him These Embassadors he dispatched and sent away promising every one of them help and succour as time and occasion would permit and willing them each one for the present to provide those things that were most urgent and important Then he sent a garrison unto that citie from whence newes came that Attalus having passed with a fleete from Lemnos had wasted and forraied all the territorie about it And he sent Polyphantes with a small power into Boeotia and Menippus likewise one of his owne captaines and Cavalliers unto Chalcis with a thousand targuartiers called Peltati now the Peltae are certaine small bucklers or targuets nothing unlike unto the Spanish Cetrae unto whom were joyned five hundred Aenians that they might be able to guard all the parts of the Iland himselfe in person went to Scotusa and there he appointed the Rendezvous that all the forces of the Macedonians should be brought thither from Lariffa Newes came unto him there that the Aetolians had summoned and proclaimed a generall Diet or Councell at Heraclea and that K. Attalus would repaire thither to consult about the managing of the whole warre And with an intent by his sodaine comming to trouble this solemne assembly and meeting of the States he tooke great journeis in his march and led his armie toward Heraclea but the Councell was newly dissolved when he arrived thither Howbeit he destroid all the standing corne which now was neere-hand ripe specially in the vale along the Gulfe of the Aenianes and so reduced his armie back againe to Scotusa and there leaving his whole power he retired himselfe to Demetrias attended only with his royall guard And because he might from thence be readie to meete withall sodaine stirres and invasions of the enemies he sent out men of purpose into Phocis Euboea and Peparethus to chuse out certaine high places for beacons from whence the fires might be seene a farre off And himselfe set up one watchtowne upon Ciffaeos a mountaine the top whereof is of an exceeding height that upon the signall of the beacons on fire from a farre he might in the minute of an houre have intelligence so soone as the enemies went about any trouble whatsoever But the Romane Generall and K. Attalus passed the seas from Peparethus to Nicea and from thence failed with their Armada to Euboea unto the citie Oreum which as a man beareth his course from the gulfe of Demetrias to Chalcis and Euripus is the first citie of Euboea that sheweth it selfe upon the left hand And thus it was agreed betweene Attalus and Sulpitius that the Romanes should give the assault from the sea side and the king with his forces on the land Foure daies after the fleete was arrived they presented themselves before the citie to assaile it For that time betweene was spent in secret talke and conference with Plator who was appointed by Philip governor and provost of the citie The citie had within it two Citadels the one commaunding the sea the other situate in the very hart and mids of the towne From thence there is a way under the ground that leadeth to the sea at the end whereof there stood a fabrick or towre five stories high a singular bulwarke and place of defence There at the first began a most sharp and cruell conflict by reason that the turret was well furnished with all kind of shot and artillerie and likewise from out of the ships there was planted much ordinance and many engins bent to impeach and assault the same Now when every mans mind was amused and eye fixed upon this hote and eager fight Plator received and let in the Romanes at the gate of the other citadell that stood over the sea and so in the turning of an hand it was surprised and won The townesmen being expelled and chased from thence retired and betooke themselves into the middle of the citie unto the other fortresse But certaine shouldiers were set of purpose there to shut the gate upon them and so being excluded they were killed and taken prisoners in the mids betweene The garison of the Macedonians stood round together under the castle wall and neither fled openly a maine nor yet began to fight as if they ment to stick to it unto the end For whom Plator obteined pardon of Sulpitius and having embarked them brought them to Demetrium of Phthiotis and there set them ashore and himselfe returned to Attalus Sulpitius bearing himselfe bold for this so good and speedie successe immediatly sailed with his victorious armada against Chalcis Where the event in the end aunswered nothing unto his hope and expectation The sea lying broad and large on both hands gathereth in that place to a narrow roume so as at the first fight it maketh a shew of a double peere or haven opening upon two divers mouths but in very truth ther is not lightly to be found a worse harborogh a more daungerous rode for ships For not only for the exceeding high hils on both sides of
spare of that which was brought out of Italie the old ships he newly repaired and rigged and with them he sent Lelius into Africke for to prey upon the countrie and fetch in prizes the new which rid at Panormus hee drew up to land that they might all winter long lie upon drie gound and be seasoned because they were made in hast of greene timber When he had prepared all things necessarie for warre hee came to the cittie of Saracose which as yet was not in good order and well quieted since the great troubles of the late warres For the Greekes made claime for their goods granted unto them by the Senat of Rome which certaine of the Italian nation deteined and with-held from them by the same violence wherewith in time of warre they had possessed themselves thereof He supposing it meete and requisite to mainteine above all things the credit of the state partly by vertue of an edict commaundement and partly by a civill course and processe of law against such as were obstinate and avowed their wrongs done hee forced them to make restitution to the Syracusians This act of his pleased not onely them but also all the states of Sicilie and therefore they were more willing and forward to helpe him in the warres The same summer there arose in Spain great troubles raised by the meanes of Indibilis the Hergete for no other occasion or reason in the world but because in regard of the high admiration of Scipio all other captaines besides whatsoever were but despised Him they supposed to be the onely Generall that the Romanes had left now that all the rest were slaine by Anniball And hereupon it was thought they that when the two Scipioes were killed they had no other to send into Spaine but him and afterwards when the wars grew hot in Italie he was the onely man sent for over to match with Anniball And over and besides that the Romans had now in Spaine no captains at all but in bare name shew the old experienced armie also was from thence withdrawn All things are out of frame and in great confusion and none there but a disordered sort of raw freshwater soldiors And never they looked to have again the like occasion and opportunitie to recover Spaine out of their hands For hitherto they had been ever in subjection to that day either to the Carthaginians or the Romanes and not alwaies to the one or the other by turnes but otherwhiles to both at once And like as the Carthaginians have beene driven out by the Romanes so may the Romanes bee expelled by the Spaniards if they would hold together So that in the end Spaine being freed from all forraine warre might be restored for ever to the auncient customes and rights of the countrie With these and such like suggestions and discourses hee sollicited and raised not onely his owne subjects and countriemen but the Ausetanes also a neighbour-nation yea and other States and citties that bordered upon his and their confines so as within few daies there assembled together into the territorie of the Sedetanes according to an edict published abroad thirtie thousand foot and fast upon foure thousand horsemen The Romane captaines likewise for their part L. Lentulus and L. Manlius Acidinus least by neglect of the first beginning the warre might grow to a greater head joined their forces together and marching through the countrie of the Ausetanes as peaceably as if they had ben friends notwithstanding they were knowne enemies came to the very place where they were encamped and pitched themselves within three miles of the enemies At the first they assaied by way of Embassage to deale with them and to persuade them to lay aside all armes and hostilitie but they laboured in vaine Afterwards when as the Spanish horsemen gave charge suddainely upon certaine Romanes that were a foraging the Romanes also sent out from their Stations and corps de guard their Cavallerie to rescue so the horsemen skirmished but no memorable act to speake of was effected on the one side or the other The next morrow by sun rising the enemies all shewed themselves armed and in order of battell and braved the Romanes within a mile of their campe The Ausetanes were marshalled in the maine battaile the Ilergetes in the right point and certaine other Spanish nations of base meane account in the left between both those wings and the battell of either hand they left certaine wide and void places whereas when the time served they might put foorth their horsemen The Romanes having embattailed and put themselves in array after their old and usuall manner yet in this one thing followed the example of the enemies in leaving out certaine open waies between the legions for the men of armes to passe through But Lentulus supposing that the use of the horse service would be advantageous to that part which first should send out their Cavallerie into the battaile of the enemies that lay so open with spaces betweene gave commaundement to Ser. Cornelius a knight Marshal or Tribune to will and charge the Cavallerie to set to with their horses and to enter those open lanes betweene the enemies battaillons And himselfe having sped but badly in beginning the fight with footmen so rashly staied no longer but untill hee had brought the thirteenth legion which was set in the left wing opposite to the Ilergetes out of the rereward into the vaward for to succour and strengthen the twelfth legion which alreadie began to shrinke and give ground After that once the skirmish there was equall and fought on even hand hee advaunced forward to L. Manlius who in the forefront of the battell was busie in encouraging his men and sending supplies and succours into all parts where hee saw needfull shewing unto him that all was well and hole in the left point and that he had sent out Cornelius who with his horsemen would like a tempestuous storme come upon them and soon overcast and bespread the enemies round about The word was not so soon spoken but the Roman horsemen were ridden within the thickest of the enemies and not onely disordered the arraies and companies of the footmen but also at once shut up the waies and passages that the Spaniards could not make out with their horsemen And therefore the Spaniards leaving to fight on horsebacke alight on foot The Romane Generals seeing the rankes and files of the enemies disarraied themselves in fright and feare and their ensignes waving up and downe every ways fell to exhorting yea to entreating of their owne infanterie to recharge them with all their force whiles they were thus troubled and disbanded and not suffer them to come into order and reenforce the battell againe And surely the barbarous people had never beene able to abide their violent impression but that Indibiles himselfe their prince and lord together with the men of armes that were now dismounted on foot made head against the ensignes of the
all forcible manner so that he was now at the point to batter and shake the wall with the ram But the sodaine arrivall of the Aetolians enforced him to surcease his enterprise who by the conduct of Aâ—chidamus having passed through the mids of the Macedonian guards and entâ—ed the towne never ceased day nor night to make sallies sorth one while upon their standing watch otherwhils upon their fabricks engines The naturall situation of the place yeelded them good helpe and vantage for the town of Thaumaci is seated on high to a mans thinking as he goeth from Pylae and the gulfe of Malea by the way of Lamia sheweth it selfe alost seeming to overlooke and commaund the streight passage of the forrests called Coele Again when one travaileth and passeth over the craggie rough places and the crooked waies entangled with so many windings and turnings in the vallies of Thessalie is approched once neer to the citie all on a sodain he may discover and discerne before him a mightie large and open plain as it were a wide and vast sea so as a man shall have much adoe to reach with his eye so sarre as these downes lye out everie way under him and see all over them And hereupon by reason of this strange and marvailous prospect the citie is called Thaumaci Over and besides that the high ground affourdeth it securitie it standeth also upon a huge rocke devided into divers crags and broken cliffes These difficulties forced Philip to give over his attempt and namely when he considered and weighed withall that the towne it selfe when it was woon would not quit the painefull labour and pay for the daunger about it Besides the winter was now at hand when hee departed from thence and retired his forces into Macedonie there to harbor Where when all others during the time that they could catch any repose and rest refreshed their spirits and bodies with some recreations and disports Philip onely how much respit soever hee had either of intermission or remission from continuall labour of marching in journey sighting in battell so much more trouble he had in his mind whiles he coursed discoursed with himselfe what the total finall issue might be of this warre whiles he stood not onely in seate of the enemies which persecuted him by sea and land but also in doubt as well of the hearts of his allies as of the affections of his own subjects least the one in hope of the Romanes friendship should revolt and the other even the Macedonians themselves desire novelties and long for a chaunge Therefore hee addressed his embassadours into Achaea both to exact an oth of the Achaeans for their alleageance for they had capitulated in the accord and agreement made yeerely to sweare sealtie unto Philip and also to deliver into their hands Orchomenus Herea Triphylia And when they demaunded also Aliphera the embassadours answered that the citie never pertained to Triphylia but that of right it ought to bee restored unto Philip as being one of them which in the generall counsell and assembly of the Arcadians were assigned and set out for the building of Megalopolis And thus verily he entertained firme alliance with the Achaeans As for the Macedonians he gained their hearts unto him by occasion of Heraclides for seeing that by meanes of him he incurred their exceeding ill will and hard conceit and that he was charged with many greevous crimes he cast him in prison to gratifie his owne subjects whereat the people took great joy and hearts content Then made he preparation for war with as earnest endevor as at any time before he exercised as well the Macedonians as mercenarie soldiors in pay namely to wear their armor and handle their weapons and in the very prime of spring he sent all his forraine aids and light armed souldiours under the leading of Athenagoras into Chaonia by the way of Epirus to seize upon the streight passage neere to Antigonia which the Greekes call Stena Himselfe a few daies after followed with his maine armie more heavily appointed And when hee had well viewed and considered the situation of the countrey how it lay he judged that the quarter coasting upon the river Aous was the meerest place to fortifie and encampe in This river between two hils the one by the peasants of the countrey called Aeropâ—â—s the other Asnaus runneth within a narrow vale and yeeldeth but a small passage upon the bancke side Hee commaunded Athenagoras to gaine and fortifie Asnaus with his light armed souldiours himselfe encamped upon Aeropus And looke what way as the hill was senced with broken and cragged rockes there he kept a small guard of some few souldiours but whereas there was more daunger and easier accesse for the enemie he fortified with trenches rampiers and bulwarkes He planted also and disposed in convenient places a great number of engines to send out quarrels and other shot for to keepe the enemies aloofe The roiall pavillion of the king himselfe was pight before the rampier upon a banke in a most conspicuous place of open sight for to terrifie the enemie and also to encourage and harten his owne men when they should see him so-confident and resolute The Consudi advertised by Charopus the Epirote what passages the king with his armie was possessed of after he had passed the winter in Corcyra himselfe likewise in the beginning of Spring went up into the maine land and held on his march toward the enemie And being advanced almost within five miles of the kings camp he left his legions in a strong fenced place and went himselfe in person forward with certein lightly appointed in espiall to discover the quarters and the morrow after held a consultation Whether he might do better to assay to passe through the place which the enemie kept notwithstanding he saw evidently before his eyes great trouble and hazard in that adventure or to bring his armie about and fetch a compasse the same way whereas the yeare before Sulpitius entred into Macedonie This deliberation held him for certein daves in even balance and suspence untill newes came unto him that T. Quintius was created Consull and having the province of Macedonie allotted unto him made hast thither and was alreadie passed to Corcyra Valerius Antias writeth how Villius was entred the passe aforesaid and because he could not take the streight and direct way by reason that the king and his forces had beset all places followed the valley along through the middle whereof the river Aous runneth and having made a bridge over it in great hast passed over to the banke whereas the king was encamped and there fought a battaile wherein the king was discomfited and put to flight and driven out of his camp that twelve thousand enemies were slaine in that conflict 2200 taken prisoners 132 ensignes woon and caried away besides 230 horse Also that during the combat there was a temple vowed unto Iupiter in case
province lying farre off and there was no one thing that had more empeached and hindered the proceeding of warres to that day than this That in so remote parts the Consull ever of the former yeere was called home before hee were setled in his affaires and when hee should bee emploied most in warres Now have there foure yeeres alreadie gone over our heads since we decreed and concluded to follow the Macedonian warre during which time Sulpitius spent the greater part of his yeer in seeking after the king and his armie Villius when hee should encounter the enemie was called away before hee had effected any exploit as for Quintius he was kept at Rome still for the most part of the yeer in attendance about church matters and sacrifices howbeit the affaires of warres under his conduct were managed so well that if either he had gone sooner into his province or the winter had been later he might have dispatched the warres there and now that he is readie to retire into his standing campe and wintering harbours the report is that hee hath brought the warre to that good passe and forwardnesse that unlesse hee bee not hindered by a new successour in all likelyhood and apparence he will make a finall end there of the next summer With these speeches they prevailed so much that the Consuls for their part promised to bee ordered and set downe by the Senat in this behalfe upon condition that the Tribunes would be content to doe the like Now when of both sides they had referred themselves to a free and absolut consultation the LL. of the Senat assigned to both the Consuls the government of Italie and continued the commaund of the armie still with T. Quintius untill there came another to succeed him Two legions were appointed for the Consull with commission to war upon the Gauls betweene Rome and the Alps who had revolted from the people of Rome And for Quintius ordained it was that there should be sent into Macedonie unto him a new supplie of five thousand foot three hundred horse and three thousand sea-servitours and marriners And likewise that the same L. Quintius Flamininus should be Admirall of the navie as before For the Pretors who were to go into Spaine there was an allowance of eight thousand footmen out of the allies of the Latine nation and foure hundred horsemen so that they dismissed the old soldiors out of Spain and enjoined they were to limit and set out the bonds of their severall provinces whereas the higher Spaine and the lower should part And for Macedonie there were two lieutenants more for the armie appointed to wit P. Sulpitius and P. Villius who had ben Consuls both and in that province Before that either Consuls or Pretours went out into their provinces it was thought good to take order for the prodigious tokens which happened For at Rome the temple of Vulcane and Summanus at Fregellae the wall and a gate of the citie were stricken with lightening At Frusino it appeared light as it had been cleare day in the night season At Asculum a lamb was yeaned having two heads and five feet Also at Formiae two wolves entred into the towne and worried some that were in their way Last of all at Rome there was a wolfe that not onely came into the citie but went forward as far as to the Capitoll C. Acilius a Tribune of the Commons proposed a law that there should bee five colonies conducted to the sea side and there planted two at the mouth of the rivers Vulturnus and Liternus one at Puteoli another in the Burrough town of Salernum to make the fift Buxentum was adjoined to the rest Into every Colonie order was taken that there should bee thirtie housholds sent The three Commissaries called Triumvirs for the conducting of these colonies were created namely M. Servilius Geminus Q. Minutius Thermus T. Sempronius Longus These three had commission to continue in the charge of this office three years After the muster and all other matters accomplished pertaining to God and man that were by the Consuls to be performed then they set forward both into their provinces Cornelius tooke his way directly against the Insubrians who accompanied with the Cenomanes were entred at that time into armes Q. Minutius in his journey bare on the left hand of Italie toward the nether sea and conducting his armie to Genua began with the Ligurians to make warre Claslidium and Litubium townes both of the Ligurians likewise two States of the same nation the Celelates and the Cerdiciates surrendred unto him insomuch as all the countrie on this side the Po were in subjection to the Romanes except the Boians among the Gaules and the Iluates among the Ligurians By report there were fifteene townes containing twentie thousand men which yeelded unto them From thence he led the legions into the territorie of the Boians The armie of the Boians had passed over the Po a little before and joined with the Insubrians and Caenomanes for hearing that the Consuls would warre jointly with both their forces they intended likewise to make themselves more strong by uniting and bringing their power together But the bruit being blowne abroad that one of the Consuls invaded and fired the countrie of the Boians presently there arose a tumult For the Boians demaunded that they all in generall would helpe them in their distresse The Insubrians refused and said That they would not abandon their own confines by which occasion they disbanded The Boians went to the defence of their owne countrie and the Insubrians with the Caenomanes sat them downe upon the bankes of the river Mincius Five miles beneath that place the Consull Cornelius also encamped himselfe neere the said river from whence he sent certaine messengers all about the villages and to Brixia the head cittie of that nation and being advertised sufficiently that the youth was up in arms without the warrant and consent of their auncients and that the Caenomanes joined not with the Insubrians in their rebellion by vertue of publick counsell and authoritie he sent for the principall persons among them and began to labour and deale with them that the Caenomanes would forsake the Insubrians and openly with their ensignes advaunced either to returne into their owne countrie or turne to the Romanes This they could not bring them to howbeit they assured the Consul that in the field they would either sit still and doe nothing or els if any good opportunitie was presented unto them they would aid the Romanes The Insubrians knew nothing of this compiot and yet some doubt suspition they had that their allies haulted and were not found of al four and therefore when there was occasion to lead foorth to fight a field they durst not trust them with either of the two wings and points of the battell for fear if they reculed like false brethren they should hazard the maine chaunce but placed them behind the ensignes in the
heare the demaunds also of the allies Then the Embassadour or agent for king Attalus required that the ships and captives which had beene taken in the sea-fight before Chius should be rendered and that Nicephorium and the temple of Venus which hee had pilled and spoiled should bee restored as good and entier as they were before After him the Rhodians made claime to Peraea a countrie in the continent right over-against their Isle and an auncient appertenance of their siegnorie and demaunded withall that the garrisons should quit Iassus Bargyllae and the citie of the Euromensians and about Hellespontus likewise the cities of Sestos and Abydos Item that Panopolis should be restored unto the Bizantines with the auncient chartre of their franchises and liberties Finally that all the Merchant townes and Ports in Asia might be freed from paying custome Then came upon him the Achaei and chalenged Corinth and Argi as their owne After them when as Phaneas the Pretour of the Aetolians had demaunded in a manner the same that the Romanes had before namely that the kings forces should depart out of Greece adding moreover that those cities should be rendred unto the Aetolians which in times past belonged to their dominion and jurisdiction then one of the heads of the Aetolians named Alexander an eloquent man among them as any other presently inferred and said That he had a long time sitten still and opened not his mouth not because he thought that in all this conference they would grow to any point or conclusion but for that he would not interrupt any of his allies in their speech And as for Philip quoth he he dealeth not soundly and bona fide in treaties of peace no more than ever heretofore he hath managed his warres with vertue and true valour For in all these parlies and conferences he layeth traines and lieth to catch advantages in warre he never striketh a battaile in plaine field nor commeth to close fight hand to hand but in his retreats and flights burneth and sacketh cities and thus being himselfe vanquished spoileth and maketh havock of that which by right is the due reward and recompence of conquerours But the noble Macedonian kings in old time tooke no such courses Their manner was to fight it out in open field and to spare cities and townes all that ever possibly they could to the end that their dominion might be more wealthy and puissant For what kind of pollicie is it for him to ruinate and destroy utterly that about the possession whereof he is in question and reserve nothing for himselfe but only warre This Philip the yeere past hath laid desolate in Thessalie more cities of his allies there than all the enemies have done that ever Thessalie had and hath taken more from the Aetolians themselves while he was a confederate friend with them than all the time that he was their professed enemie Hee hath seized upon Lysimachia expelled their Pretour and chased out the garison of the Aetolians Chios also a citie under his owne subjection he hath rased subverted and quite destroyed By semblable falshood and deceit he is possessed of Thebes in Phthia Echinum Larissa and Pharsalus Philip netled and galled at these words of Alexander commaunded that his ship should approch neerer to the banke to the end that himselfe might be better heard And as he began to frame bitter invectives against the Aetolians principally Phaneas cut him off saying That the quarell was not to be decided by word but with the sword and either he must win it by fine force or yeeld obedience to the mightier That is true quoth Philip and so evident that a blind man may see it jesting merily at Phaneas who was troubled with a paire of bad eies And geven he was by nature to be pleasantly conceited yea and fuller of his frumps ywis than beseemed the majestie of a king so as many times even in treatie of serious matters and of great consequence he could not forbâ—are but make himselfe mery and laugh a good Afterwards he fell to a fit of choler and indignation that the Aetolians should take upon them like Romanes to commaund him out of Greece who if they were put to it were not able upon their knowledge to set downe the bounds of Greece and limit how far it reached For as much as the Agrei the Apodeotes and Amphilochi which take up a great part of Aetolia are not within Greece And what just cause quoth he of complaint have they in that I have not spared some of their allies Why even they themselves hold this old custome for a law namely to permit their youth to take armes and serve against their owne allies so they do it without the publick order and warrant from the State and very often a man may see Aetolians in contrarie armies and come to aid as well the one side as the other As for Chius it was not I that forced it I did no more but aid Prusias my friend and ally in the siege and assault thereof And as touching Lysimachia I defended it against the Thracians but for as much as of necessitie I was called away from the guard thereof unto this warre the Thracians now hold it Thus much by way of answere to the Aetolians Now concerning Attalus and the Rhodians by right I owe them nothing for it was not I but they that began the warre Howbeit for the honor that I beare to the Romanes I will make restitution to the Rhodians of Peraea and restore I will to Attalus the ships and the captives as many as are forthcomming and may be found As for the restitution and making good againe of Nicephorium the temple of Venus what answere should I returne to them that demaund it but this that I will endevour and be at charge of planting new trees which is the onely way and meanes whereby groves and woods that are cut downe and fallen may be recovered againe seeing that ye will needs have it that kings forsooth must commun and reason to and fro about such matters as these In the last place he framed his speech to answere the Achaeans wherein first he began with the benefits and pleasures that Antigonus had done unto that nation then of the favours and good turnes they had received from his owne selfe and withall he commaunded their decrees and edicts to be red conteining all kind of honors as well divine as humane adding moreover the late and fresh revolt of their armie from him and albeit he inveighed sharply against their disloyaltie and treacherie yet he promised to render Argos unto them As for Corinth he would conferre and consult with the Romane Generall and demaund of him whither he thought it reason that he should depart from those cities which he wan by armes and held by right of conquest or dispossesse himselfe of those also which he received from his progenitours as his lawfull inheritance The Acheans and Aetolians addressed themselves to
would say over the river The fight continued long doubtfull The Achaei being of themselves in number a thousand disordred some foure hundred of the other and forced them to recule and afterwards the entier right point of the battaile began to shrinke and geve ground As for the Macedonians so long as their battaillon called Phalanx kept their array and stood close together could not possibly be stirred or removed but after their left side was laid naked and they began to reach out on all hands their long pikes against the enemie charging them acrosse upon the flanke they were presently troubled and first they put themselves in disaray afterwards they turned their backs and last of all flung their weapons from them and ran away for life untill they were come to Bargilia Thither also was Dinocrates fled The Rhodians having followed the chase as long as they had any day to see retired into their camp And for certeine it is knowne if in this traine of victorie they had presently made speede to Stratonicea they might have bene maisters of the towne and never drawne sword for it but whiles they spent time in recovering the burrough townes and forts of Peraea they let this opportunitie slip out of their hands and lost it for ever For in the meane space they that lay in garison and held Stratonicea were encouraged and tooke better heart Dinocrates also anon with those forces of his that remained put himselfe within the walls Then was the towre besieged and assailed all in vaine neither could it be forced and woon but by Antiochus a certeine time after Thus went the affaires in Thessalie in Achaea and in Asia much about one and the selfesame time Philip being advertised that the Dardanians were entred within the confines of his realme and wasted the high countrie of Macedonie albeit he saw that almost in all parts of the world unhappie fortune still followed and coursed both him and his wheresoever they were yet esteeming it more grievous and heavie than death it selfe to be disseized of the possession of Macedonie also he made a levie in great hast out of all his cities of sixe thousand foote and 500 horse with which power of Macedonians he sodainly surprised the enemie unprovided and not ware of his comming about Stobi in Pelagonia Great numbers of men were slaine in conflict but more in the fields such as were disbanded and raunged abroad for greedinesse of bootie and pillage But as many as could make meanes to flie more readily and easily away never stood out the triall of a battaile but returned home into their owne countrey Having thus put life as it were againe into his men by this one expedition and exploit a matter of no consequence to the totall adventure of his whole estate he retired himselfe to Thessalonica The Punick warre was not atchieved and brought to an end so happily and in so good a time for the Romanes who otherwise should have warred at once both against the Carthaginians and Philip but it fel out as well and in as fit a season that Philip was now vanquished just against the time that Antiochus in Syria prepared to levie warre against them For besides that the service was much more easily managed against them single and apart than it would have bene if they had banded both at once and brought their forces together it chaunced also that Spaine about the very same instant brake out to a tumultuous insurrection Antiochus being returned to Antioch there to winter after he had the summer before brought under his subjection all the cities belonging to Ptolomoeus within the country of Coele-Syria was yet never the more at quiet mindfull of peace afterwards For when he had assembled a puissant power both of land and also of sea-forces and purposed to employ the whole strength of his realme he sent afore by land in the beginning of the spring his two sonnes Ardues and Mithridates with a mightie armie commaunding them to attend him at Sardis himselfe in person set forth a voyage by sea with a fleete of a hundred saile of couvert ships with decks and hatches besides two hundred lighter vessels as Galions and Brigantines purposing at one time to assay all the cities in Cilicia Caria coasting along the sea side which were within the dominion of Ptolomaeus and with all to aid Philip as well with shipping as souldiours for as yet Philip was not utterly subdued not the warre with him brought to a finall end Many brave and worthie exploits enterprised the Rhodians both by sea and land in their loyaltie and faithfulnes to the Romanes and for the safegard and defence of all the Greekish nation But no one thing shewed their magnificence more than this that being nothing terrified at that time with such a world of warres threatned against them they sent embassadors to the king to let him understand that if he sailed forward and stayed not his Armada they would encounter him at the Bay of Nephelis which is a promontorie or cape of Cilicia renowmed for the auncient league of the Atheniens And this they did not upon any hatred they bare to his person but to impeach him only for comming to joine with Philip thereby to hinder the Romanes in their good course of setting Greece at libertie At the same time Antiochus was busied in the siege and assault of Coracelium against which he had placed all ordinance and engins of batterie for he was alreadie master of the cities of Zephyrium Soli Aphrodisias and Corycus and having doubled the point of Anemurium a cape or forland also of Cilicia he had woon likewise the citie of Selinus All these and many other forts of that coast being yeelded unto him by composition either for feare or willingly without any assault only Coracesium shut their gates against him and staid his progresse beyond his expectation There the embassadours of the Rhodians had audience And albeit that embassie was such as might have set a king into a fit of choler and chased his bloud yet he tempred his anger and made answere that he would send his embassadors to Rhodes and give them in charge to renew the auncient rights and privileges as well of his owne as of his auncestours with that citie and State and to will them not to stand in feare of the kings comming for that neither they nor any allies of theirs should susteine harme or damage by him For it was no part of his meaning to infringe and breake the amitie which he had with the Romanes as it may appeere as well by his late embassie sent unto them as also by the honorable decrees and answeres made by the Senate and sent unto him For it fortuned that even then the embassadors of king Antiochus were returned from Rome having had a friendly audience there and a gracious dispatch according as the time required for as yet the issue of the warre
The Aetolians that were within the castle could neither abide at the first the shout of those that had seized the cliffe nor afterwards the assault of the Romans from the citie both for that their hearts sailed them were daunted alreadie and also because they were unprovided of all necessaries for to endure any long siege assault considering that women children all the other impotent multitude unmeet to beate arms wer gotten thither in so great numbers that the place was hardly able to receive conteine much lesse to keepe maintaine them and therefore at the first assault they cast downe their weapons and yeelded Among other principall personages of the Aetolians Damocritus also was delivered hee who in the beginning of the war when T. Iuintius desired to see a copie of the Decree of the Aetolians for the sending for Antiochus answered That he would shew it him in Italie when the Aetolians lay there encamped For this proud speech of his the Romanes now conquerours were the gladder that they had gotten him into their hands During the time that the Romanes assailed Heraclea Philip also besieged and battered Lamia according as it was before agreed between them for neere unto Thermopylae at what time as the Consull returned out of Baeotia he met with him of purpose to signifie his joy in the behalfe of him and the people of Rome for their atchieved victorie and also to excuse himselfe by occasion of sicknes that he was not present with him in person in the managing of the wars From thence they patted asunder and took divers waies for to assault these two cities as I said both at once and distant they were one from the other neere 7 miles And for as much as Lamia was seated upon an hill therfore the town discovered and overlooked all the country about but especially on that side toward Heraclea where by reason that it seemeth a lesse compasse it representeth a full prospect to the eye When as the Romans and Macedonians laboring a vie and striving who could doe better were day and night emploied either about their fabricks and pioners worke or else in skirmish and fight the Macedonians found more difficultie than they in this respect that the Romans were busied in platforms mantilers works all above ground but the Macedonians were put to undermine and oftentimes as it falleth out in such stonie craggie ground they met with hard flints rags not minable and such as no yron or steel-toole was able to touch and pierce The king seeing little good done by this meanes and his enterprise going but slowly forward began to sound the townesmen and to tempt them to render the citie using the mediation therein of their chiefe citizens whome he parled withall for this reckoning he made that if Heraclea were forced before it they within the citie would sooner yeeld unto the Romans than to him and so the Consull should win all the thanke to himselfe for levying the siege And nothing was he short of his count for imme diately upon the winning of Heraclea a messenger came unto him from the Consull willing him to surcease the assault and the siege alledging it was more reason that the Romane souldiours who had fought in raunged battell with the Aetolians should have the reward and recompence of the victorie By this means Lamia was abandoned and by the ruine of Heraclea her neighbour citie avoided and escaped the like calamitie of her owne Some few daies before that Heraclea was woon the Aetolians having assembled a Diet at Hypata addressed Embassadours unto Antiochus and Thoas among the rest even hee who aforetime had beene sent unto him His commission and charge was first To request the king that once againe hee would rallie his forces as well by land as at sea and in person passe over into Greece secondly If any other important affaires hindred him yet that hee would send unto them both men and money For as it touched his Highnesse in honour reputation and credit not to see his allies abandoned so it made for the safegard and securitie of his owne realme and royall estate not to suffer the Romanes after they had once deffeited the Aetolians to saile over into Asia at their ease and pleasure with all their forces These were no seigned devises but true remonstances indeed and therefore prevailed the more with the king Whereupon hee delivered money presently to the Embassadours sufficient to destray the charges of the warre and promised certeinly to send men to serve both by land and sea Thoas alone of all the Embassadours hee kept still with him who was not himselfe unwilling to stay behind because hee might be ever at hand to call upon the king for to persorme his word and behest But the winning of Heraclea killed the hearts cleane of the Aetolians in the end and within few daies after that they had dispatched their Embassadours into Asia about the renewing of the warre and sending for the king they laid apart all designments of armes and addressed their Oratours unto the Romanes to crave peace Who as they began to make some speech the Consull cut them off and said he had other matters of greater importance to thinke upon and to dispatch and commaunded them to content themselves with a truce for ten daies and to returne to Hypata and with them he sent L. Valerius Flaccus unto whom they should declare those things that they were about to deliver unto him and whatsoever else they had to say When they were arrived at Hypata the chiefe and principall Aetolians assembled themselves in the lodging of Flaccus consulting with him what course they were to take in their treatie with the Consull And when they went in hand to alledge the auncient rights of the leagues and to lay abroad their good demerits and what they had done for the Romanes Flaccus bad them lay a straw there and speake no more of the priviledge of those covenants and accords which they themselves had broken shewing unto them that they should speed better and gaine more by a simple consession of their trespasse and in recourse oâ—ely to praier and humble supplication for as much as all the hope they might have of safetie rested not in their owne desert and goodnesse of their cause but in the meere clemencie and mercie of the people of Rome promising for his part to assist them and second their petitions as well to the Consull as the Senate of Rome since that thither also they must of necessitie send an embassage This way seemed to them all the best simply for their safetie namely to put themselves to the disposition and devotion of the Romanes for they supposed by this meanes to drive the Romanes for very shame to have regard of them and not to offer hurt or violent outrage to them comming in the habit of poore suppliants and yet withall if any opportunitie of better fortune should in the meane time offer
with which because he would make them equall to the left wing of the enemie hee set up the trinkets or small sailes meaning to make way into the deepe commanding them that followed still to make head and direct their prows against the right wing neere the land Eumenes was the rere-admirall and kept the rereward close together but so soone as they began to bee troubled with taking down e their tackling he set forward with all speed and hast that hee could make and by this time were they in view one of the other Two Carthaginian ships led before the Romane navie which were encountred with three of the kings ships And considering the ods of the number two of the kings came about one And first they wiped away the oares on both sides then they shewed themselves alost with their weapons and bourded her and after they had either overturned or killed the defendants they were masters of that ship The other that was in single fight and assailed but by one seeing the other ship taken by the enemies fled backe into the maine fleet before shee was environned by the three enemies Livius chasing hereat and angrie at the heart advaunced forward with the Admirall ship afront the enemie against her those other two which had enclosed the Carthaginian ship aforesaid hoping to doe the like by this came onward which Livius perceiving commaunded the rowers to let their oares hang in the water on both sides for the more stay and steadinesse of the ship and likewise to cast their yron hookes fashioned like hands for to grapple the enemies ships as they approched and came neere unto them and when they were come to close fight in manner of land-service then to remember the valour of the Romanes and not to hold the kings slaves for men of any worth And with much more facilitie and ease than the two ships before conquered one this one for that gained two By this time the maine fleet on both sides encountred on all sides and fought pell mell Eumenes who being in the rereward came last in place after the conflict was begun perceiving that Livius had disordered the left wing of the enemies made head against the right where he saw them fighting on even hand not long after the left wing began to flie For Polyxenidas so soone as he saw himselfe without all question overmatched in valor of the soldiors caused the trinquets and all the cloth he had to be set up and purposed to flie amaine Those likewise that were toward the land and fought with Eumenes within a while did no lesse The Romans and Eumenes so long as the marriners were able to plie their oares and so long as they were in hope to annoy the taile of the enemies followed the chase lustily ynough but after that they perceived their owne ships charged heavily loaden with victuals follow after to no purpose to lag behind nor like to overtake them which were the swifter because they were the lighter staied at length their pursuit after they had taken 13 ships both with their soldiors mariners sunketen Of the Romane Armada there perished but one Carthaginian which at the first encounter was beset with two ships Polyxenidas never gave over flight but made way stil until he had recovered the haven of Ephesus The Romans abode that day in the place from whence the kings armada came purposing on the morrow to make fresh saile after the enemie And in the mids of their course they met with those 35 Rhodian ships covered conducted by Pisistratus their admirall and taking those also with them they followed the enemie even as far as Ephesus where in the mouth of the haven they rid in order of battel by which bravado having wroong as it were from the enemies a plaine confession that they were vanquished the Rhodians and Eumenes were sent home The Romanes setting their course for Chius first sailed by Phoenicus an haven towne of Erythraea and having cast anker that night the next day they weighed and arived within the Island close to the citie it selfe where having sojourned some few daies especially to refresh their rowers they passed forward to Phocaea Where leaving source quinquereme galeaces the fleet arrived at Canae and because the Winter approched the ships were laid up in their dockes on drie land and for their safetie were trenched and paled about In the yeeres end the Generall assemblie for election of magistrates was holden at Rome wherein were created Consuls L. Cornelius Scipio and C. Laelius For now all men had an eie to the finishing of the warre against Antiochus The next morrow were the Pretours also chosen namely M. Tuccius L. Aurunculeius Cneus Fulvius L. Aemylius P. Iunius and C. Atinius Labeo THE XXXVII BOOKE OF THE HISTORIES OF T. LIVIVS of Padoa from the foundation of the Cittie of Rome The Breviarie of L. Florus upon the seven and thirtith Booke LVcius Cornelius Scipio the Consull having for his lieutenant P. Scipio Africanus according as hee had promised that he would be lieutenant to his brother if Greece and Asia were ordained to bee his province whereas it was thought that C. Lalius for the great credite that hee was in with the Senate should have had that province given him tooke his voiage for to warre against Antiochus and was the first Romane that ever sailed over into Asia as captaine and commaunder of an armie Aemylius Regillus sought fortunately with the aid of the Rhodians before My 〈◊〉 against the voiall navie of Antiochus The sonne of Africanus taken prisoner by Antiochus was first home to his father M. Acilius Glabrio triumphed over Antiochus whome hee had driven out of Greece as also over the Rhodians Afterwards when Antiochus was vanquished by L. Cornelius Scipio with the assistance of king Eumenes the sonne of Attalus king of Pergamus hee had peace graunted unto him upon condition that hee should quit and forgoe all the provinces on this side the mount Taurus And Eumenes by whose helpe Antiochus was overcome had his kingdome enlarged To the Rhodians also for their helping hand certaine citties were given and graunted One Colonie was planted called Bononia Aemylius Regillus who vanquished the captaines of Antiochus in a navall battell obtained also a navall triumph L. Cornelius Scipio who finished the warre with Antiochus had the like surname given him as his brother and was called after Asiaticus WHen L. Cornelius Scipio and C. Laelius were Consuls after order taken for the service of the gods there was no matter treated of in the Senate before the suite of the Aetolians And as their embassadours were instant and earnest because the tearme of their truce was but short so T. Quintius who then was returned out of Greece to Rome seconded them The Aetolians relying more upon the mercie of the Senate than the justice of their cause and ballancing their old good turnes done to the Romanes to the late harmes and trespasses committed used
instant newes came unto him that his successor had landed his armie at Apollonia and was comming by the way of Epirus and Thessalie Now came the Consull with a power of 13000 foote and five hundred horse And by this time was he passed as far as to the vale and levell of Malea and having sent certein afore to summon the citie Hypata and received answere againe that they would do nothing but by a publick decree of the Aetolians because the siege of Hypata should not stay him and Amphissa not yet woon he led his forces against it and sent his brother Africanus before Ere they came the Oppidanes had quit the towne for by this time the wall in many places lay open and naked and were all fled armed and unarmed into a castle which they had imprenable The Consull pitched his tents sixe miles from the towne Thither arrived the Athenian embassadors and first they repaired to P. Scipio who as we have said was gone before the maine armie and afterwards to the Consull intreating for the Aetolians Of the twaine they received a gentler answere at the hands of Africanus who seeking some honest occasion to leave the Aetolian warre set his heart and eye wholly upon Asia and king Antiochus and to this purpose he willed the Atheniens to persuade not only with the Romanes but also with the Aetolians to preferre peace before warre And speedily through the motion and persuasion of the Atheniens there was a solemne embassage of the Aetolians dispatched from Hypata Induced they were the rather to hope for peace by the speech of Africanus for to him they came first who discoursed unto them how that many nations and cities in Spaine first and afterwards in Africke had put themselves under his protection and in them all hee had left greater testimonies of his clemencie and bountie than of his warlike valour and martiall prowesse Thus they had brought the matter as they thought to a good passe and made it sure but when they came before the Consull they had the same answere of him with which they were sent away from the Senate and commaunded to avoid The Aetolians wounded therewith anew seeing they could win nothing neither by the mediation of the Athenien embassage nor the gracious answere of Africanus said they would make report thereof unto their States and countrymen So they returned from thence to Hypata where they were to seeke what to do and could not resolve for neither had they whereof to raise a thousand talents and againe if they should absolutely put themselves into their hands they feared to feele the smart thereof in their bodies Therefore they commaunded the same embassadors to go againe to the Consull and to Africanus and to exhibit a petition that if they were minded indeed and veritie to graunt them peace and not by vaine shew and semblance only to frustrate and delude the hope of poore suppliants they would either rebate them a quantitie of that grand summe of money or else accept so of their absolute surrender that no free citizens might be touched thereby in his person But nothing could be gotten at the Consuls hands for to alter or relent any jote thus was this embassage also sent away as it came and nothing done The Atheniens came after them in place the principall man of whose embassage Echedemus seeing the Aetolians wearied with so many repulses and lamentably to no purpose bewailing the miserable estate of their countrie put them still in some new hope and gave them counsell to crave truce for sixe moneths that they might addresse their Embassadors to Rome and receive and answere from thence shewing unto them that this delay could not augment their present calamitie which could not worse be but contrarywise time and space comming betweene might affoord many accidents whereby their present miserie might be mitigated and alayed So by the advise of Echedemus the same men were sent once againe who had communed before with P. Scipio and by his meanes obteined of the Consull a truce for that terme which was the thing they craved The siege being raysed before Amphissa M. Acilius after he had delivered up his armie into the hands of the Consull resigned his government and departed out of the province and the Consull likewise from Amphissa returned into Thessalie intending through Macedonie and Thracia to conduct his armie into Asia Then Africanus entred into speech with his brother and said The journey which you enterprise L. Scipio I for my part approve and thinke well of but all resteth in the will and pleasure of Philip who if he be fast and faithfull to the state and empire of Rome he will graunt us passage he will affoord us victuals he will furnish us with all things which in so long a voyage are necessarie to the help and sustenance of our armie but if he faile and forsake us once you must make accompt of no safetie and securitie throughout all Thracia therefore I am of advise that the kings affection be first sounded And that will best be done if the messenger who shall be dispatched unto him may come upon him on a sodaine and take him unprovided and having no time to put any presented plot in practise T. Sempronius Gracchus a most nimble and active yong gentleman was at that time chosen for the furest person to performe this action who taking fresh post horses all the way as he rode with incredible celeritie made such speede that from Amphissa for thence he had his dispatch in three dayes space he arrived at Pella The king was at a feast or banket when he came and wine he had taken full liberally And finding him thus disposed to solace and recreate his spirits he had no reason to suspect that he was minded and inclined to any change or alteration and so for that time this guest was bidden welcome and had good cheere made him The morrow after he saw the provision of victuals in great store readie for the armies he beheld the bridges made over the rivers and the high waies mended and prepared where passage was difficult With these intelligences he returned to the Consull with as great speed as he went and met him at Thaumaci From whence the armie in much joy and with greater and more assured hope entred into Macedonie where all was provided to their hands The king at their comming received t hem right stately and at their departure conducted them on the way as royally Very willing redie and courteous he shewed himselfe which Africanus much liked and highly commended being a man as in all other things singular so in allowing of elegancie and humanitie if it were without superfluitie and excesse nothing nice and streight-laced Thus they held on their journey unto Hellespontus passing through Macedonie and Thrace and Philip still accompanied them and provided all things for their use afore-hand After the battaile fought at sea neere Corycum Antiochus having had all the winter time
to purvey forage and fewell were directed to those very quarters whereas the parlie abovesaid should be kept The Colonels thought it the surer place for them because they were to have the Consuls guard also opposed for their defense against the enemie howbeit they set another Corps de guard of their owne consisting of 600 horsemen neerer to the camp Now by reason that Attalus assured the Consull so certeinely that their Princes would come and that the matter might be soone knit up and dispatched he departed out of the camp with the same guard of horsemen as before and when he had marched almost five miles forward and was not far short of the place appointed he discovered all of a sodaine the Gaules riding full gallop against them in most furious maner as enemies whereupon he staied the march and made a stand commaunding the horsemen to make readie their weapons and resolve to fight The first charge shock he received right valiantly stepped not back one foot but afterwards as the multitude preased stil upon him he began to give ground recule but so as he brake not the ranks of his troups But in the end when they found more danger in longer stay than commoditie and help in keeping their arraies they all at once turned their horse heads fled When they were disarraied once the Gaules pursued hard and killed them and no doubt a great part of them had died for it but that the forragers guard of 600 horse aforesaid came in to reskue them For they hearing a far off the fearesull cry of their fellowes made readie their armour horses and being fresh and in hart entred upon the fight that was given over by their wearied and discomfited companions whereupon fortune quickly changed and the feare turned from the loosers to the winners for at the first encounter the Gaules were put to flight and withall the said foragers fewellers came running out of the fields and from all parts made head affronted the Gaules in so much as they could neither flie readily nor escape surely because the Romans with their fresh horses followed them in chase and they themselves were alreadie tired few therfore went away with life not one was taken prisoner for the greater part by ods paid derely by the losse of their lives for violating this their parly under the colour of truth and fidelitie The Romanes whiles their stomacks were inflamed with anger the very next day came against them with the puissance of all their forces But the Consull emploied two whole daies himselfe in viewing and discovering the situation nature of the hill because he would not be ignorant of anything requisit Vpon the third day after he had first taken the auspices presages of the birds and afterwards killed a sacrifice he led forth his armie devided into 4 battailons Two of them were to mount up the mids of the hill and the other two he set in the sides to flanke the wings of the Gaules and to march up against them The Tectosages and Trocmians who were the whole floure and strength of the enemies made their maine battaile in the mids consisting of 50000 men and because ther was no use of horse among those rough uneven rocks the cavallerie alight on foot to the number of 10000 those they put in the right wing The Cappadocians with Ariarates and the auxiliarie Morzians who arose to the number almost of 4000 men held the left The Consull like as before in the mount Olympus marshalled his light armour for skirmish in the forefront of the vaward and gave order to have ready at hand as great store of darts other shot of al sorts as he had before When they approched one another all things answered both of the one side the other like as in the former conflict saving that the courage of the victors increased in regard of their fortunat successe and the harts of the enemies were much abated and daunted For albeit themselves had not yet beene foiled and vanquished yet they tooke the overthrow and loste of their countrymen for their owne And therefore as the beginning of the battaile was sutable so the issue was semblable For the Gaules battaile was overspred and covered againe as it were with a cloud of light shot And not one of them durst run forth out of his raunge for feare he should discover his whole body and lay it open to take all that came and keeping still together as they did the thicker they stood the fairer marke they were for the enemies to levell at and the more wounds they received The Consull perceiving they were alreadie of themselves troubled and supposing that if he set forward and presented unto them the ensignes of the legions they would immediatly all of them file received the light armed loose shot the rest of the auxiliarie souldiers within his own ranks siles and then advanced his legions The Gauls affrighted with the fresh remembrance of the late defeature overthrow of the Tolistobogians carying also about themselvs the darts sticking in their bodies weary besides with long standing afoote and overcharged likewise with many a wound could not abide so much as the first onset and shout of the Roman legions Then began they to take their heeles and flie toward their camp but few of them recovered it and gat within the rampier and other defences The greater number fled here and there on both hands and dispersed themselves into all parts as it tooke them in the head and as every man in this confused fright caught a way by himselfe The conquerors followed them still even hard to the very camp and all the way charged upon their backs and bear them downe Which done they staid and stuck still in the camp for desire of pillage and there was not one that followed one foot after The Gauls in the wingsstood to it longer by reason that it was later ere they were set upon but able they were not to abide the first charge and shot of the Romanes darts The Consull who could not possibly pluck those out of the camp that were once entred in for greedines of spoiling and rifling the tents sent out those immediatly that were in the wings to follow the enemies in chase still forward These pursued them a certeine space howbeit in this flight for in truth it was no fight at all there were not above eight thousand that left their carkases behind them all the rest recovered the other side of the river Halys Many of the Romanes remained that night within the enemies camp the rest the Consull brought back againe to his owne The next day he tooke accoumpt and survey of the prisoners and prizes which was so great as a man would conceive that a nation of all others most gree die of pilling and spoiling might possibly rake and heape together for so many yeeres as they held all those parts within the
also take away the same then qd he I must needs quit my hold and leese them but in so doing they shall to gratifie their fickle inconstant vaine allies men of no regard and good for nothing do meer and manifest wrong to a far better and more faithfull friend For nothing is there in the world more thanklesse and lesse while accepted than libertie especially with them who know not how to use it and by abuse thereof will soone spill the grace of such a benefit Then the Romane Delegates having heard the reasons and allegations of both parties pronounced sentence That the Macedonian garisons should quit the cities abovesaid and the realme of Macedonie be confined within the auncient bounds and limits As touching the injuries which they complained to have bene reciprocally offred from one to another there was a forme and course of law to be set downe which should conteine a processe and manner how the matters betweene the Macedonians and the other nations might be reformed and composed Hereat the king was highly offended and displeased but the Delegates went their wayes toward Thessalonica to visit likewise the cities of Thrace and to heare their causes where the embassadors of king Eumenes made a speech to this effect If the pleasure of the Romanes be that the two cities Aenus and Maronea shall be free it is not for us in modestie to say any more but advertise and admonish them to leave the same in reall and not in verball libertie and not suffer a guift by them graunted to be impeached or intercepted by another But if they have lesse care and consideration of the cities and states planted in Thracia yet more meete and reason it is that those places which sometimes were subject to Antiochus should fall to Eumenes rather than to Philip by way of recompence for war-service in regard as well of the merits of his father Attalus during the warre against Philip as of his owne deserts who during the warre with Antiochus was personally present in all travailes and daungers both by sea and land And to this effect hee hath besides an award of the ten Delegates passed alreadie before-hand who in the graunt and donation of Chersonesus and Lysimachia have no doubt geven Maronea and Aenus likewise to be as dependances and parcels of a greater gift considering the neerevicinitie and neighbourhood of those other cities For as concerning Philip what hath he deserved at the hands of the people of Rome what right of seignorie can he pretend why he should plant garisons in these cities so farre remote and distant as they be from the marches and frontiers of Macedonie I wish yee would call for the Maronites and heare what they can say who are able to enforme you more fully and certainely in all respects of the whole state of these cities Then were the embassadors of the Maronites called in who affirmed That the king had a garison not in one place onely of their citie as he had in other cities besides but in many quarters thereof at one time so as Maronea was pestered full with Macedonians And therefore say they the kings favorites and flatterers are they that rule all and beare the sway they and none but they may bee allowed to speake both in Senat at the counsell table and in generall assemblies before the people they go away with all honors and dignities and either are invested therin themselves or els confer them upon whom they please The best men who stand either for defence of freedome or in maintenance of the lawes either are driven their country and banished or sit a cold and blow their nailes for any advancement they come unto and being subject and thrall to persons of no worth stand still like cyphtes and hold their peace Somewhat they said moreover in briefe as touching the right of their limits to wit That Q. Fabius Labeo at what time as he was in those parts confined Philip within the bounds of the old kings-street or high way which directly leadeth to Paroreia in Thrace and in no place turneth and declineth toward the sea but Philip afterwards had made a new causey and drawne it with a compasse about within which he empaled and tooke in the cities and territories also of the Maronites To these chalenges Philip began farre otherwise than he did of late against the Thessalians and Perrhoebeans and in this wise he spake I have quoth he no matter to debate either with the Maronites or Eumenes but now at this present I am to contest even with you my maisters of Rome at whose hands I have seene thus long that I can obteine no reason and equitie I thought it meete and right that the Macedonian cities which had revolted from me during the time of truce should be rendred againe unto me not for any great increase of seigniorie that therby should have accrewed unto my kingdome for small towns they are god wot and situate upon the utmost frontiers but because their precedent and example might have imported much to reteine the rest of the Macedonians in their dutie and alleageance In no wise it would bee graunted During the Aetolian warre I was enjoyned by the Consull Acilius to besiege and assault the citie Lamia and after I had beene toiled out and wearied with maintaining skirmishes raising fabrickes planting ordenance and engines against it even when I was at the very point to skale the walls and force the cittie the Consull reclaimed and called mee away yea and compelled me to levie the siege and withdraw my forces from thence And for to make mee some part of amends for this wrong done permitted I was to winne againe and conquer certaine small piles and forts rather than citties of Thessalie Perrhoebia and Athamania And even those also I may say unto you Q. Caecilius yee have taken from mee within these few daies And now forsooth of late the embassadours of Eumenes also and God will have presumed upon this as a thing graunted and without all question That more reason it is for Eumenes to have and enjoy that which belonged to Antiochus than for me But my judgement is farre otherwise And why Eumenes could never have continued in his realme unlesse the Romanes I will not say had vanquished king Antiochus but surely if they had not waged warre against him And therefore is hee endebted unto you and you no waies beholden unto him As for my kingdome so farre was it off that any part or quarter of it should bee in hazard and jeopardie that when Antiochus of his owne meere motion offered to buy my societie with three thousand talents and fiftie covered shippes of warre together with all those citties in Greece which I held in possession aforetime I refused all and disdained his alliance yea and I prosessed openly even before that M. Acilius came over with his armie into Greece that I was his enemie and together with that Consull was emploied in what
from all parts sallie foorth To the foure extraordinarie cohorts hee adjoyned two other under the conduct of M. Valerius a Lieutenant commanded them to breake forth at the false posterne gate called Extraordinaria within the gate Principalis on the right hand he embattailed the Hastati or Iavelineres of the first legion the Principes of the same legion in the arrierguard to second them commanded both by M. Servilius L. Sulpitius Kn. marshals or Tribunes militarie The third legion hee marshalled full against the other gate Principalis on the left hand This chaunge onely was here for that the Principes were set in the front and the Hastati behind in the taile of them Sex Iulius Caesar and L. Aurelius Cotta two militarie Tribunes had the leading of this legion Q. Fulvius Flaccus a Lieutenant having the conduct of the right wing was placed at the gate Questoria Two cohorts and the Triarij of two legions had commaundement to stay behind for the defence of the campe The Generall himselfe in person rode all about from gate to gate exhorting and encouraging his men using all the forcible meanes hee possibly could devise to provoke and whet the stomackes of his souldiours and to give a poinant edge to their courage and choler one while reproching his enemies for their falshood and treacherie who having craved peace and obtained truce during the time of the said truce against all law of nations were come to assaile the campe another while shewing and declaring unto them what shame indignitie it was for the Roman armie to be besieged by the Ligurians who more truly may be accounted theeves and robbers than go for warlike enemies If quoth he you should escape from hence not by your owne vertue and valour but through the helpe and succour of others with what face shall any of you be able to meet I say not those souldiours who have vanquished Anniball diffeated Philip and subdued Antiochus the mightiest kings and greatest commaunders of our age but even them who many a time have hunted chased the very same Ligurians like bruite beasts over the wilds and forrests as they fled and hewed them a peeces in the end That which the Spaniards that which the Gaules that which the Macedonians Carthaginians dare not enterprise namely to approach and enter upon the rampier of the Roman campe shall a Ligurian enemie adventure to do shall he of his owne accord presume to besiege and assail our camp whom heretofore when we beat all the blind bushes by-woods thickets to start him out we had much a do to find he lay so close and lurked so covertly At these words the souldiers set up a consonant crie in token of applause answered him with a general shout saying There was no fault on their part seeing that no man had given them the signall to yssue foorth and make a sallie For let him once but say the word to sound the trumpet hee should see and find that both Romanes and Ligurians were the same still as before-time Now the Ligurians kept two campes on the neere side of the mountaines affront the Romane leaguer from whence for the first daies so soone as the sun was up they used to advance their ensignes and march forward well armed and raunged in battell array but then they put no armours upon their backs nor tooke weapon in hand before they had filled their bellies well with meat and their nolles with wine they came forth I say dispearsed and out of order as who hoped and trusted assuredly that the enemies would not march under their ensigns without their rampier Against them comming thus in disarray the Romanes issued forth at once out of all the gates in one instant with a mightie shout which not onely they who were within the campe set up but also the lackies scullions launders and other drudges that follow the campe redoubled This was such an unlooked for occurrent to the Ligurians that they were set in as great an affright therewith as if they had been surprised and beset all about with sodaine ambushments For a small while there was some shew of a conflict such as it was but anon they tooke their heeles and fled for life but as they fled they left their lives behind them in every place Then the men of armes had the signall given to mount on horsebacke to pursue them and not suffer one to escape alive and so in this fearefull rout they were driven to take their campe for safetie but in the end were disseized and turned out of it also That day were slaine of the Ligurians not so few as fifteen thousand and 2500 taken prisoners Within three daies after the whole nation of the Ligurian Ingaunes yeelded absolutely and put in their hostages A search was made for all the pilots and mariners who had exercised pyracie on the sea and they were all laid up fast in prison Semblably C. Matienus one of the Duumvirs or warden s of the navie met with two and thirtie ships of that sort belonging to men of warre upon the coast of Liguria and bourded them To carie these newes to Rome and letters to the Senate L. Aurelius Cotta and C. Sulpitius Cotta were sent to Rome who also were to require that L. Aemylius when his time was expired might depart out of his province and bring his souldiors from thence with him and so discharge them of service Both these demaunds were graunted by the Senate and a solemne procession besides was ordeined in all churches and chappels and at every shrine and altar for three daies space The Pretors also were commaunded Petilius to casse and dismisse the legions of the citie and Fabius to remit the Latine allies the levying and mustering of their souldiours Also there was order given to the Pretor of the citie for to write unto the Consuls and give them to understand that the Senat thought it meet and reason that the subitarie souldiors who were enrolled in hast for the sodaine tumult and alarme should with all speed be licensed to depart The same yeere the colonie of Gravisca was planted in the territorie of Tuscane which in times past had been conquered from the Tarquinians and five acres of land was set out to everie man The Triumvirs who had the charge thereof to distribute these lands were C. Calpurnius Piso P. Claudius Pulcher and C. Terentius Istra A yeere it was of note in regard of the drought that happened and the dearth of corn and all other fruits of the earth For recorded it is that in sixe moneths space it never rained one drop The same yeere it fortuned that as certaine plow-men and labourers plowed and digged somewhat deepe within the ground in the lands of L. Petilius a secretarie which lands lay under the hill Ianiculum there were found two coffers of stone each of them about eight foot long and foure foot broad the lids and covers wherof were bound and
Epitotes and in one word all Greece besides have and use with the Macedonians we also may have and hold the same How is it then that we alone like cursed and damned creatures should thus practise to abandon the common law of men and as it were renounce all humane societie Be it that Philip when time was did somewhat and gave us just cause armed as he was and ever warting upon us to passe this decree and edict against him what hath Perseus deserved Perseus I say the new king a harmlesse prince that never did us injurie nay who is willing and seeketh by courtesies and good turnes to cancell and rase out all former quarrels and enmities of his father why are we the onely enemies that he hath in the world And yet I might full well and truly say that from the former kings of Macedonie we haue received so great favours and benefits that in regard thereof we should put up and forget the wrongs of Philip alone if haply he have done us any at leastwise now after he is dead and his head laid Indeed at what time as the Romane fleet rid in the harbor of Cenchreae and the Consull lay encamped with his armie before Elatia wee sat in counsell three daies together debating divising Whether we should band with the Romanes or side to Philip And albeit the present feare of the Romanes before our eies might have made us in our opinions to encline somewhat and leane toward them yet there was something in it doubt lesse that it was so long ere wee could resolve and to say a trueth it was the auncient acquaintance and amitie that we had with the Macedonians and the great benefits which in old time we had received from their kings Why then me thinkes those selfe same regards should be of some force and efficacie to moove us if not to be their speciall best friends yet at least wise not to bee their principall and greatest enemies Let us not Callicrates make semblance and shew of that which we are not in hand withall and is no point of this present question There is no motive made of a newe societie there is no person about to draw any capitulations of a new alliance wherein we should rashly enwrap and entangle ourselves and betied to any inconvenience Onely let there be a mutuall commerce between us and an alternative intercourse of yeelding and demaunding right to and fro as appertaineth let us not by interdicting and forbidding them to enter and trafficke within our countrie debarre our selves likewise from all negotiation and dealing with them in their kingdome that by this meanes our slaves may have no place of retreat and refuge to flie unto And what prejudice is this to the Roman confederacie Wherfore make we thus of a finall thing evident so great a matter and suspicious Wherfore raise we such troubles of nothing Wherfore seeke we to draw others into jelousie hatred with the Romans and all this to find means of courting and flattering them If there will be warre Perseus yee may be sure maketh no doubt but that we altogether will follow the Romans yet so long as the peace holdeth surcease suspend we in some sort our malice and hatred for the while it ended for ever it may not bee When the same men who had consented to the kings letters before gave their accord now also to this propose the chiefe and principall persons among them tooke great indignation and disdaine that Perseus should seeme to demaund and obtaine that by a few lines in writing which he deemed was not worth the sending an embassage Whereupon the time was deserved and no decree passed at this Session Afterwards were embassadours addressed unto them from the king at what time as a Diet was holden in Megalopolis but the side which was for the Romanes and feared to give them occasion of displeasure and offence did what they could to debarre them of accesse and entrance into the Counsell And much about this time by reason of these jarres the Aetolians grew enraged among themselves and by discharging their mutuall furie in killing one another had like to have brought the state to a finall ruine and desolation But being wearie thereof they in the end as well of the one side as the other sent their Embassadours to Rome and also laboured at home to have the quarrell taken up and to be made friends and reconciled together Howbeit this was crossed by a new mischiefe that came betweene which also rubbed the former gauls and fretted the old sores For whereas certaine Hypateans exiled persons being of the faction of Proxenus were promised libertie to returne home againe into their countrie with safe conduct also granted by Eupolemus one of the chiefe principall men of the citie so it was that fourscore of them men of marke and qualitie whome to meet upon the way as they returned Eupolemus himselfe went out with the multitude after they had bin friendly received with courteous greetings salutations and shaking of hands had no sooner entred within the gate of the cittie but they were massacred notwithstanding they pleaded the faithfull promise of protection and called the gods to witnesse but all in vaine By this occasion the civill war betweene them waxed much hotter than before and turned in the end to a light fire Now there arived C. Valerius Laevinus Ap. Claudius Pulcher C. Memmius M. Popilius and L. Canuteius as sent from the Senate of Rome Before these commissioners the embassadors from both factions appeared at Delphi and debated the matter with great earnestnes and vehamiencie where Proxenus seemed to have the better hand as well in right of the cause as through his eloquent tongue Proxenus I say who within few daies after dranke a cup of poison of h is wives tempering where of he died and she condemned therefore departed into exile The like madnesse haunted the Candiots also and distracted them with intestine dissention But upon the comming of Q. Mutius the lieutenant generall who was sent accompanied with a fleet of ten saile to appease their debates they sell to some tearmes of peace and attonement There had bene a truce also before of sixe monthes but afterwards the warre flamed out much more terrible The Lycians likewise at the same time were infested and plagued with warre by the Rhodians But my meaning is not neither is it any part of my purpose to describe the warres of sorreine nations nor to discourse of the circumstances how they proceeded for enough I have to do and more than I can well discharge to write the acts onely of the people of Rome The Celtiberians in Spaine who being subdued and tamed by force of armes had submitted to Tib. Gracchus remained quiet all the time that M. Titmius the Pretour continued there in government But immediatly upon the arrivall of Appius Claudius they revolted and began to shew themselves in open action of rebellion by
who depend wholly and only upon you In this last speech he came neere unto the LL. of the Senat and touched them to the quick But for the present no man might know any thing but only that the king had been in the Senat so silent were they all and kept the counsel-house close shut with secrefie But after the warre was brought to an end then came abroad both what the king spake and what answere was returned to him againe Some few daies after the Senate sat to give audience unto the embassadours of king Perscus but having their minds and eares both possessed aforehand by king Euâ—nenes all the defence that the embassadours made and all the entreatie they used was rejected Besides the stoutnes used by Harpalus the principall person of the embassie moved their patience and exasperated their stomackes For he said that indeed the kings desire and endevour to bee credited and beleeved in his Apologie and defence That he neither had said nor done any thing founding to hostilitie mary in case he perceived and saw that they came upon him thus and would needs picke quarrels and give occasions of warrre he would stand upon his guard and defend himselfe with a resolute and valiant courage For the hazard of the field was common and the issue of warre uncertaine Now all the cities of Greece and Asia both would rather than their lives have knowne what the embassadours of Perseus and what Eumenes had done in the Senate for in regard of his comming most of the states supposing verify that hee would stirre coales and make lome worke had sent their embassadours to Rome pretending colourably other matters in semblance but indeed to listen after news and among the rest was the embassage of the Rhodians and the chiefe thereof was one Satyres who made no question nor doubt but that Eumenes had done their errand and put their cittie and Perseus together in all the criminall matters laid to his charge And therefore hee made all the meanes that possibly hee could by the meditation of patrons friends and acquaintance to debate the matter with king Eumenes before the bodie of the Senate which when he had obtained his tongue walked at large and overbold hee was and too round with the king in broad invectives and intempe rate tearms namely that he had solicited and stirred up the nation of the Lycians against the Rhodians was an heavier friend unto Asia than Anttochus had bene Which speech of his as it was palusible enough pleasing to the States of Asia for they likewise by this time inclined to affect and favour Perseus so it was unsaverie altogether and odious to the Senate and nothing profitable to themselves and their cittie But contratriwise this banding and conspiracie against Eumenes wan him the more grace and favor among the Romanes so as they did him all the honor they could gave him most rich and costly presents and endowed him with a curule chaire of estate and a staffe or scepter both of yvorie After these embassages had their dispatch and were dismissed Harpalus returned into Macedonie in all speed and hast possible relating unto the king how hee had left the Romanes not preparing as yet for warre but so farre out with him so highly offended that it appeared evidently it would not belong are they began And Perseus againe for his part besides that he looked for no other was well enough pleased therwith presuming upon the floure strength of his forces But above all other he maliced Eumenes most with whose bloud he laid the first foundation of the warre for the suborned one Evander a Candiot and captaine under him of certaine auxiliarie souldiours and three Macedonians besides whose service and ministrie he had used in the like feats to murder the king Hee gave them letters addressed to one Praxo an hostesse of his a jollie dame in Delphi and of greatest credite and wealth among them For assured hee was that Eumenes minded to go up to Delphi there to sacrifice unto Apollo These traitors together with Evander set forward to execute this their dessigned enterprise they looked all about and sought for nothing but the opportunitie of some place or other Now as men ascend from Cirrha to the temple before they come to any place much peopled and frequented with houses there stood a mound or mud-wal on the left hand of the path or way rising somewhat higher than the foundation and ground-worke along which wall there was passage for one by one no more for on the right hand the earth was broken downe and fallen and a breach made of some good depth Behind that mound aforesaid these traitors had hidden themselves raised some steps like staires to the end that from above as from the top of a wal they might discharge their shot upon king Eumenes as he passed by Before him their marched from the sea at the first a sort of his friends and followers together with his guard intermingled one with another but afterwards as the way grew more streight and narrow the traine waxed thinner But when they were once come to the place where they could not goe but by one at once Pantaleon one of the States and princes of Aetolia with whom the king had begun some communication entred first into the narrow path aforesaid with that the knaves that lay in waite behind rose up and rolled downe two huge stones whereof the one smote the king upon the head the other aslonished his shoulder And verily all the rest of his friends and followers seeing him fall with the blow fled some one way some another only Pantaleon staied behind all fearlesse to protect and guard the king The murderous villaines might have fetched a short compasse about the wall and soone runne to the king to make sure worke and dispatch him quite but they supposing they had done the deed alreadie fled to the fitch of the mount Pernaslus and made such hast that when one of their companie hindered and staied their running because he dragged behind and could not keepe pace and follow them hard at heeles through those steepe and blind waies they made no more adoe but killed him outright for feare least if the were taken hee should bewray and disclose the whole treason The body of the king lay along on the ground first his friends came running about him then his guard houshold servants When they reared him up they found him astonied with the stroke and altogether senselesse in a traunce howbeit by some heat remaining and the beating of his heart they perceiued there was some life but little or no hope they had that he could escape and live Some there were of his guard and pensioners about him that made pursuite after these murderers by their tracts and when they had held on their chase as farre as to the crest of Pernassus wearying themselves to no purpose they gave over and returned as
to Perseus And as for Lucretius and Hortensius they knew full well that it had bene better more for their safetie to have shut their gates against them than to receive them into their citie For such as had excluded them forth as namely they of Emathia Amphipolis Maronea Aenus remain still entier in good estate but with us say they the temples have bin robbed of all their beautifull ornaments and utterly spoiled by these sacriledgers C. Lucretius hath carried all away by water over to Antium and hath led away into bondage and captivitie the persons free borne So as the goods and fortunes of the allies of the people of Rome both have bene and daily are pilled and rifled For according to the use fashion brought up by C. Lucretius Hortensius likewise houseth his marriners as well in summer as winter and our houses are full of a rable of these sailers and sea-men in such sort as our wives and children bee forced to converse among such groomes as make no account at all what either they say or doe Hereupon thought good it was to send for Lucretius into the Senate that he might see his accuser answere face to face purge himselfe of these chalenges But when he was come in place be heard much more in presence than had bene spoken against him in his absence Over and besides there shewed themselves and joined together against him two other more stout adversaries and bitter accusers to wit M. Iuventius T alva and Cn. Ausidius And these two not onely coursed him before the Senat but also having drawne him perforce into the generall assembly of the people and charged him before them with many reproches tooke out processe also and arrested him to make his appearance and answere judicially at a day before the people Then Q. Maenius the Pretour by order from the Senate answered the Chalcidians in this manner Whereas yee alleadge and say That yee have well deserved of the people of Rome both heretofore and also in this present war now in hand the Senat knoweth all that to be true accepteth the same thankfully in the best part as of right they ought As touching your grievaunces and complaints for the levyed parts which C. Lucretius hath plaied and which L. Hortensius still practiseth both Pretours of Rome the same neither have bene nor are committed done by the will and allowance of the people of Rome For who would not judge so of it that knoweth how they levyed warre upon king Perseus and his father Philip before him for to enfranchise Greece and set it at libertie and not that their allies and friends should thus hardly be intreated by their magistrates and governours sent from hence Write therfore they would unto L. Hortensius the Pretour to let him understand that the Senate is not well pleased with these prankes of his which the Chalcidians complaine of Also if any free-borne persons were become thrall and bound that withall convenient speed he should take order to seek the map and restore them again to their former freedome Last of all that they deemed it meet reason that no sailer or martiner but onely the maisters of ships should bee lodged and enterteined in your houses And these were the contents of the letters written unto Hortensius by commaundement from the Senate Vnto the embassadours were gifts sent to every one as much as came to two thousand Asses As for Miccion he was allowed his carriage in chariots at the charges of the cittie and order given that he should with all ease ride in them to Brundusium As for C. Lucretius when the day of appearance was come the Tribunes commensed an action against him before the people to be fined at a million of Asses And in a generall assembly and Sesston holden for this purpose cast hee was and condemned by the suffrages of all the tribes even thirtie five and no sewer In Liguria no memorable exploit was that yeere performed for neither the enemies entred into armes nor the Consull led his legions into their countrie and when he was assured of peace for that yeare hee discharged the souldiours of two Romane legions within 60 daies after his first comming into the province As for the armie of the Latine allies hee brought it early into the citties of Luna and Pisa there to winter and then himselfe with the cavallerie visited most of the citties in the province of Gaule In no place was there any warre but in Macedonie how beit they had in suspition Gentius and the king of the Illyrians Therefore the Senate ordeined to send from Brundusium eight ships readie rigged and fully furnished unto the lieutenant C. Furius at Issa who was governour of the Iland with the guard and strength of two Issean vessels in which were put abourd and shipped two thousand souldiours which Q. Menius the Pretour by a warrant directed out of the Senate enrolled in that quarter of Italie which lieth opposite to Illyricum In like manner the Consull Hostilius sent Appius Claudius into Illyricum with foure thousand footmen for to defend the people in those parts who not content with those forces of his owne which hee had brought with him thither demaunded here and there aids and succours of the allies until hee had put in armes eight thousand men of divers and sundrie nations And after hee had made his progresse through all that region hee set him downe and rested at Lichnidum a citie of the Dassaretians Not sarre from thence there stood a frontier towne called Vseana and for the most part raunged under the obedience of Perseus There were within it one thousand citizens and a small garrison of Cretensians for their better safeguard and defence From thence there came to Claudius secret courriers advertising him that if he would approach neerer with his armie there would be some readie at hand to betray the towne into his hands and woorth the adventure it was say they and would quit for all the paines for able it was with pillage to enrich not himselfe and his friends only but also all his soldiors The hope of this cheat fitting so well his covetous humour so blinded his spirit and understanding that he had not the sence to keep with him any one of those courriers that came unto him nor the wisedome to demand hostages for assurance of this enterprise which was to be exploited by stealth fraud ne yet the forecast to send our escouts espies or so much reason mother-wit as to require their oth bond of faithfull promise Only at the day appointed he departed from Lychnidum and within twelve miles of that cittie toward which he went he encamped Then by night at the reliefe of the fourth watch he removed and set forward leaving behind him a regiment of some thousand for the guard of the camp At length to the citie they come disordered in a long traine marching nothing close but farre asunder
money for money gifts for gifts there was no proportion nor comparison betweene them And therefore as that fresh late triumph was more resplendent glorious than this so considered in it selfe without other respect it was not to be found fault withal despised Anicius within few daies had vanquished and throughly tamed the nation of the Illyrians both by sea and land prowd and mightie bearing themselves stout and bold for their strong and fenced forts The king hee tooke prisoner and those of the kings race and roiall bloud He shewed in triumph many field ensigns besides other spoiles and moveable goods of the king Likewise of gold seven and twentie pound weight and of silver nineteene besides 3000 Denarij and a hundred and twentie thousand peeces of Illynan silver in coine Before his chariot were led king Gentius with his wife children Caâ—ventius also the kings brother and certaine noblemen of Illyricum Out of the pillage hee gave unto his footmen five and fortie Denarij a peece to every Centurion a double proportion and unto the horsemen a triple To the allies of the Latine nation he allowed as much as to citizens the sailers and marriners he made equall with the footmen Herein he surmounted the triumph of Acmylius for that his souldiours followed after his triumphant chariot more jocound and merry and the Generall was praised and extolled in many a dittie and ballad Antias writeth That of his bootie there was raised as much money as came to twentie millions of Sestertij over and above the gold silver that went into the common treasurie But because I could not see how possibly such a summe should be made I have set downe mine author for the thing now chuse you whether you will beleeve him King Gentius with his wife children and brother was by order from the Senate led to Spolerium there to be kept in ward all the captives besides were at Rome cast into prison and there lay But when the Spoletines refused to take the charge and custodie of him the rest these princes were translated from thence to Igiturvium There remained besides of the Illyrian prizes two hundred and twentie barkes which being taken from king Gentius Q. Cassius by the ordinance of the Senate gave and distributed among the citizens of Corphu Apollonia and Dyrrhachium The Consuls that yeere after they had onely wasted the territories of the Ligurians because they could never traine the enemies foorth to fight having done no memorable service returned to Rome for the choise of new magistrates in the roume of the old And so the first comitiall or court day that came they created Consuls M. Claudius Marcellus and C. Sulpitius Gallus The morrow after were elected for Pretors L. Linius L. Apulcius Saturninus A. Licinius Nerva P. Ruulius Calvus P. Quintilius Varus and Marcus Fonteius These Pretours had their governement in this manner two for the jurisdiction within the cittie two for Spaine the other for Sicilie and Sardinia This yere leapt and the leap day was the morrow after the feast Terminalia That yeere died C. Claudius the Augur and in his place the colledge of the Augurs chose T. Quintius Flamininus Also M. Fabius Pretor the Flamin of Quirinus the same yere departed this life This yeere also came king Prusius to Rome with his sonne Nicomedes He entred into the citie with a great traine attending upon him from the gate he went directly to the common place and the tribunall of Q. Cassius the Pretour And when there was a great concourse of people about him from all parts he said that his comming was to worship the gods which are the presidents of the cittie of Rome as also to salute the people of Rome and withall to shew his own joy and to wish theirs for their happie victorie over the two kings Perseus and Gentius and for that by subduing the Macedonians and Illyrians they had enlarged their seignorie and dominion And when the Pretour made an offer to call a Senate for him even that present day it he would so himselfe he desired two daies respite to see the temples of the gods to view the cittie and to visite his good friends and acquaintance L. Cornelius Scipio the treasurer was appointed to goe about with him and shew him all who also had bene sent as farre as to Capua for to meet him upon the way also for him and his traine about him there was a sufficient house taken up where he was kindly and liberally interteined The third day after he came into the Senate where after he had congratulated in their behalfe for their late victorie he recounted his owne demerites and good deserts during the warre and then requested that he might have leave to pay his vowes and namely to sacrifice at Rome in the capitoll ten head of greater beasts and one at Preneste to Fortune For that he said those vowes were made for the victorie of the people of Rome Also that the league and alliance with him might bee renued Item that the land woon by conquest from king Antiothus which beeing not by the people of Rome given unto any the Gaules notwithstanding held in possession might be conveied unto him by a deed of gift Last of all hee recommended his sonne Nicomedes to the Senate He found much favour among all them who had beene Generals of armies in Macedonie And therefore he obteined directly all other suits that he made onely as touching the said lands this aunswere he had That they would send certein commissioners to see and view the thing And if it appeared fell out that the foresaid land appertained to the people of Rome and was not passed away by gift to any alreadie they would repute king Prusias the worthiest man of all other to receive that donation at their hands But if it never belonged to king Antiochus and so was plaine and evident that the people of Rome had no right unto it or if the Gaules had a graunt thereof alreadie Prusias then must bee content and pardon them if they were unwilling to gratify him with any gifts prejudicial injurious to another Neither could a thing being never so freely given be an acceptable gift which he knew the doner may take away from the doné at his pleasure As for Nicomedes his son they would willingly recieve him into their protection at his hands so recommended And how carefull and tender the people of Rome was over kings children committed unto them to keep may appear by Prolomaeus the K. of Aegypt With this answer was Prusias dismissed Order was given that he should be presented with a certaine summe of festerces and with silver plate to the quantitie of 50 pound weight Also they ordained that his sonne Nicomedes should have gifts proportionable to that summe which was given Masgaba the sonne of Masanissa also that beasts and all other things apperteining to sacrifices should be allowed unto the king out of the cittie-chamber
TOPOGRAPHIE OF ROME IN ANCIENT TIME THE FIRST BOOKE CHAP. I. The Situation of the Cittie BEfore we enterprise to shew the edifices and buildings of the cittie of Rome somwhat would be premised of the site thereof Begin therefore we will at the very habitation of the immortall gods with the invocation of whome the Poets are woont in every hard and difficult worke to lay their first ground and make their entrance The Capitoll hill where it is broadest exceedeth not 800 foot in length it lyeth out toward the Northwest 1500. It hath a point or wing on either side in fashion of a semicircle and in compasse containeth well-neere seven furlongs From this mount as it runneth out in length the Palatine hill is divided by a valley of the same breadth or somewhat more making a square with 4 angles of unequal sides conteining 1200 paces For the one of 600 foot boundeth upon the Capitoline hill a second of 700 foot bendeth to the Northeast the third being almost twice as long looketh toward the Southeast and the mount Coelius the fourth which of all others is biggest and comprehendeth the lists or shew-place called Circus maximus directly regardeth the Aventine On the second side thereof there is one plaine reaching from the head and top of the Forum Rom. to the utmost skirt of the hill Quirinalis which bendeth toward the Suburra and taketh up in breadth 500 foot but it lyeth out in length almost a mile from both fronts betweene the Capitoll the Forum Nervae and the mount Coelius in like maner from the said mount Coelius and Palatine Suburra and the Esquiliae as farre as to the Church of Saint Marcelline A second plaine there is under the other point and top of the Capitoll neere the Theatre of Marcellus which stretcheth out 500 foot from the mount it selfe as farre as to the Tyber and anon over-against the valley from the crooked reach and course of the river and the nouke whereby the Aventine is divided from the Palatine it spreadeth broader but afterwards betweene the said hills it groweth narrow untill yee come to Coeliolus and the very gate Capena where the Aventine is parted from Coeliolus onely by the breadt of the street or high way The length of this plain is likewise a mile having on the right hand Tyber and the Aventine on the left the Capitoline mount the Palatine and Coelius Then followeth the mount Coelius separate from the Palatine by a plaine resembling a pyramidall forme of a spire so as the Base thereof conteineth 500 foot neere to the Amphitheatre Divided also from the same it is by the street Appia fast by the grand Cirque which reaching to the gate Capena leaveth on the left hand a valley 600 foot broad betweene Coelius and Coeliolus lying out in length 4 Stadia and within a while to the walls which joyne close to the mount Coelius as farre as to the gate Asinaria This hill then from thence lyeth along the citie wall for 4 Stadia toward the Northeast From hence the walls meet affront for the space of two Stadia even to the gate Naevia from whence as they turne to the Northeast it is parted from the Esquiliae by the street Labicana and anon shewing it selfe affront neere Saint Marcellines it beareth forward as farre as to the Amphitheatre Thus keeping no certeine forme it taketh in circuit about 2500 paces Moreover the Coeliolus is enclosed within the said valley the street Appia and all along Northeast and Southeast with the cittie walls and hath in compasse well-neere a mile The Aventine seemeth to containe two hilles the broader part whereof toward the Tyber and in like manner in length from Tyber along the walles and anon neere the gate Hostiensis is divided and cut with a crooked street-way which leadeth to the angle of the grand Cirque and the mount Coelius leaving the other part thereof divided on the right hand from the mount Coelius by the street Appia untill you come to the gate Capena It had in compasse 18 Stadia as Dionysius also testifieth and on the Southeast a most spatious and large plaine of 4 unequall sides toward the South containing almost sixe Stadia VVestward five somewhat lesse Eastward but toward the Tyber not above foure The Esquiliae on the South part is divided with the street Labicana on the Northwest with the valley lying betweene Coelius Palatinus and it selfe on the North the Suburra and from the Viminall hill the street called Patricius parteth it untill a man come to the bath of Diocletian In circuit it containeth about foure miles and hath no certaine forme in so much as Varro not without good reason thinketh it two hills and cutteth it into many parts The Viminall hill on the VVest side regardeth the Quirinall having about a furlong space the plaine Suburralying betweene on the North it hath the valley Quirinalis Betweene the same hills there lyeth as it were 4 jugera in breadth but about a quarter of a mile in length And anon it joyneth to the Quirinall and Esquiliae along the wall of the cittie by a continuall row of many arches whereby these mountains are made even The compasse thereof taketh up two miles and an halfe the forme thereof is longwise and the breadth not in every part alike but variable The Quirinall mount on the left hand directly from the tower called Militiarum for the space of 4 Stadia over-looketh the levell plot of the citie which lyeth VVestward but on the right hand as cleerely appeareth by that which we have said it is opposite to the Viminalis on the third side Northward for the space of six Stadia it lieth to the hill called Hortulorum It hath a valley lying betweene in breadth foure jugera reaching neere to the gate Salaria and in the whole compasse it taketh almost three miles Next to it is the little hill Hortulorum although it standeth without the old pomaerie of the citie for the space of 3 Stadia it beareth over the valley Martia lying betweene it and Tyber It carieth in length along the wall of the citie from the gate Flumentana to Collina a full mile more than any other sides The circumference thereof is much about 18 Stadia There remaineth now the mount Ianiculus on the other side of Tyber the one halfe thereof and not above is conteined within the walls from the Vatican Plaine for the space of three Stadia whereas it stretcheth toward the South it adjoyneth to the river the other part thereof is enclosed within the walls for the compasse of five Stadia Moreover above the Vatican plaine there is a little hill of the same name which putteth foorth two points like hornes the one toward Ianiculum the other Northward much like a bow full bent the convexitie or outward compasse whereof containeth a mile Now will we run over the plaine and base plot of the cittie which beginning at the Capitoll hill neere the gate Flaminia
it were supposed to have been certaine secret mysteries of Numa And yet there be that thinke verily the ashes of the French Senones were there bestowed CHAP. XIX The Comitium the temple of Venus Genitrix The statues and images that were in the Comitium and Romane Forum Caesars statue and pillar VVHere the Comitium was from what place it began in what part of the citie it ended we have shewed before in the 15 chapter of this book Called it was Comitiū as Plutarch saith for that Romulus and Tatius were woont to meet togither in this place to make covenants between them In which place afterwards the Senate and people of Rome assembled when they would decree any thing for the good of the C.VV. and namely when Consuls Tribunes Consular and such magistrates were created and other affaires concluded where of authors make mention in all their writings That place was neere the Senaculuin at the very foot of the mount Palatine This Comitium was open above-head for many yeeres whereupon oftentimes albeit assemblies were summoned yet they were empeached holding for them fearing some tempestuous weather toward Long time after when Anniball came into Italie they set a rouse over it and afterwards Caesar repaired it againe In this Comitium the plaies were many times exhibited In the same as Livie-reporteth the bookes of Sibylla were burnt In like manner many leaud and outrageous acts were committed in the assemblies there whereof elsewhere we will speake In the Comitium stood the statue of Cocles which being afterwards strucken with fire from heaven was translated into the court-yard of Vulcan In the cantons angles of the Comitium were the statues likewise of Pythagoras and Alcibiades Also in the ascent and stairs therof on the left hand of the Curia stood the image of 〈◊〉 togither with his wherstone and rasour The image resembling the Mother goddesse was set up in the Forum They that worshipped this goddesse were of this opinion that the stone whereof shee was made could not possibly be consumed with fire which they guessed hereby for that albeit many fires were made in the night especially at her image yet it took no hurt therby and therfore gave they out that there was such vertue herein as I have said And from hence it came that in all streets almost they began to worship her and to crect altars and little chappels unto her The temple of Venus Genetrix as is shewed before was in the Forum Iust before this temple stood the statue of Caesar carrying a blazing star upon the head In like manner a Columne of Caesar made of Numidian marble 20 foot high there remained Before the temple of Castor there was the statue of Q. Martius in horsmans habit of Tremellius clad in a side gowne of M. Atticus covered with a vaile CHAP. XX. The columne called Mania the pillar Horatia the houses of Caesar Constantine and Domitian The temple and court-yard of the said Caesar. IN that part of the Forum was the columne Moenia where stood the pallace of Portius Called Moenia it was of Moenius the Censor for hee when as he sold unto Cato his house and when Flaccus the other Censor gave order that the palace aforesaid should there be built reserved in the sale so much space for himselfe as a pillar or columne would take up upon the which he might put out a loft to juttie forth made of joists and bourds upon them from which place both he and his posteritie might behold the sport of sword-fencers And this priviledge hee obtained whereupon others also as many as might bee allowed were as industrious and built them columnes in the Forum There stood a rock of stone also in the Forum whereupon the spoiles of the three twinnes Curiatij were hanged In like manner the pillar called Horatia The houses of Caesar Constantine and Domitian beautified the Forum Likewise the court and cloister of Minerva and the shops of Bankers as well old as new The dead corps of Caesar was brought out of the Curia into the Forum and enterred in that place where afterwards they built unto him an altar and temple Likewise in the Forum the manner of the Romanes was to lay downe their magistracie CHAP. XXI Caesars Forum the palace of Paulus and his Librarie BEsides the temple of Saturne or the common treasurie wherof we have written before in the 16 chapter of this booke in the Romane Forum toward the Northeast was Caesars Forum even in that very place which seemeth lower than the rest behind the temple of Faustina There was the temple of Venus Genitrix about which Caesar made a cloister and a Forum not of wares and marchandise to be sold but for them that repaired thither for justice in law matters In this Forum among other statues whereof there were many and those most faire and beautifull he suffered his owne to be made all armed The Forum it selfe contained but a small compasse but it was most excellently set out The very level of the plot stood him in an hundred millions of Asses and above Caesar purchased with 1500 talents Paulus Aemilius the colleague of C. Marcellus in his Conshulship to be his friend and to stand with him Paulus having received this summe of mony built in the mids of the Forum neere to the temple of Castor and Pollux a most excellent and wonderfull pallace of Phrygian columnes which afterwards they named Basilici Pauli A Librarie also the same Paulus erected neere unto his owne Basilici CHAP. XXII The Forum of Augustus the galleries of Antonius Faustina and Livia Caesars house THe Romane Forum those also of Iulius Caesar and Augustus were as it is well knowne neere one to another That of Augustus they affirme to have been at the image of Marforius in the most frequented place of the citie it was but little in compasse as the other of Caesars but excellently well adorned with brave statues and other things For it had the statues of Castor and Pollux with the victorie of Alexander the Great the image also of Corvinus and of the raven that upon his helmet fought Also Apollo in yvorie and besides these other ensignes and ornaments of vertue and valour In this Hall or Forum publicke justice was administred and the judges from thence were empanelled herein they debated in councell of wars of triumphes and other weightie affaires From hence they used to goe when they tooke journey into their provinces with soveraigne commaund Hither they that returned victors brought the ensigns and tokens of their victorie This Forum being by time decaied Hadrian reedified This Forum had two porches wherein were the statues set out and decked in triumphant maner Augustus dwelt in the street Sacra in a house not so large and stately but marveilously furnished by his neece Livia And Augustus not able to abide this wastfull superfluitie of riches pulled it downe and laid it even with the ground in the void plot and court-yard whereof was
followed Anniball hard and so soone as they were come to Cannae had him in sight where they fortified two campes of like distance almost asunder as at Gerion and devided their forces like as before The river Aufidus ran close by both these campes and yeelded waâ—â—ing places according as either of them had occasion and neede but not without some skuffling and skirmish But from the lesser camp which lay on the farther side of Aufidus the Romanes had more libertie to water because upon the farther banke there was planted no skonce nor gard of the enimie Anniball having possessed himselfe of a good plot of ground to his mind commodious and meete for the service of horsemen in which kind of forces he was invincible ordred his battailons in array and by putting out certaine Numidian light horse made a bravado and bad the Consuls battaile And even then it fell out that both the Romane camps were disquieted and troubled anew what with the mutinie of the soldiours and what with the disagreement and jarring of the Consuls whiles Paulus laid hard unto Varro and set before his eyes the rashnesse of Sempronius and Flaminius and Varro againe hit him home and twit him with the example of Fabius which made so goodly a shew in the eyes of feareful idle cowardly captaines both of them fell to protesting calling God and man to witnesse the one giving out that the fault was not in him that Anniball was now Lord welneere of all Italy alreadie and why because himselfe was kept short and tyed fast enough by his colleague and the soldiours whose hote bloud was up and who were eager of fight had their weapons even plucked out of their hands Aemylius on the other side complaining that if ought should happen amisse unto the Legions thus betrayed and offred wilfully and unconsideratly to the daunger of doubtfull battaile notwithstanding he were not blameworthy but innocent altogether yet should he be the first that smarted and be partaker of the mischiefe and misfortune and yet he would gladly see whither they who were so readie and hastie of their tongue to speake would be as nimble and active of their hands to fight when the time came Thus whiles they spend time in chopping logick and quarelling one with another rather than in good and sober consultations Anniball who had stood arranged a good part of the day readie to fight minding to retire his other forces into his camp sent forth certaine Numidians out of the battaile to charge upon the Romanes on the other side of the river who from the lesser camp went for water These being a disordred and confused multitude were not fully landed on the banke but with the shout only and tumult of the Numidians they were discomfited and put to flight whereupon the enemie rode further even to the standing Corps de guard quartered before the rampier and hard at the very gares of the Romane campe This was such an indignitie offred to the Romanes to see themselves now thus braved and bearded even in the very camp by the auxiliarie souldiers and the raskal sort of the enemies that there was no other thing stayed the Romanes from passing the river presently and embattailing themselves but only this that it was Paulus his turne that day to have the soveraigne commaund of all And therefore the morrow after when it came to Varro his course for to rule without any advise of his companion he put forth the signall of battaile with all his forces put in order of battaile went over the river Paulus also followed after him as one who might well enough mislike and disallow the purpose of his colleague but otherwise could neither will not choose but second him take part in the execution Being once over the river they joyne also the forces which they had in the smaller camp unto the other and in this maner they ordred the battaile In the right point which was neerer to the river was aranged the Roman Cavallerie and after them the footmen The left pointal without forth was flanked with the horsmen of the associates within forth stood their Infantery but in the middle part were bestowed the archers and loose shot close to the maine battaile of the Romane Legions and of all the rest of light armed auxiliarie souldiours consisted the vantgard The Consuls led both the points Terentius the left Aemylius the right Cn. Servilius had the conduct of the maine battaile Now Anniball by the breake of day having sent before the Baleare slingers and his other light armour passed over the river and marshalled them in battaile aray ever as they came to land The horse as well Gaules as Spanyards he opposed in the left point neere to the banke even against the horsemen of the Romanes the right consisted of the Numidian light horse and the maine battaile was strengthned fortified with his Infanterie but in such maner as the Africanes flanked both in maner of wings and betweene them were bestowed the Gaules and the Spanyards in the midst A man that had seene the Africanes would have taken most of them for Romanes so armed were they with Romane armour gotten much of it at 〈◊〉 but most all at Thrasymenus The Frenchmen and Spanyards had targuets neere of one fashion but their swords were unlike and farre differing Those of the Gaules were very long and not pointed But the Spanyard whose manner is rather to fight with the thrust and to foyne than to slash and strike edgelong had handsome short curtilasses and sharp at the point And after this sort stood these two nations armed before the rest terrible to behold both for the bignesse of their persons and also for their habite and attire The Gaules all from the navell upward naked the Spanyards with linnen wastcotes or jackets glittering wondrous bright bordred and embrodred with purple and skarlet The complet number of all as well horse as footemen that stood embattailed amounted as they report unto fortie thousand foote and ten thousand men of armes These Captaines had the leading of the two points to wit Asdruball commanded the left Maharball the right Anniball himselfe in person with his brother Mago conducted the middle battaile The sunne shone sidewise upon the flanks both of the one and also of the other armie very indifferent and commodious to both parts were it that they were so placed and marshalled of set purpose or chanced at adventure so to stand the Romanes with their faces full South the Carthaginians into the North. But the wind which the inhabitants of that countrie call Vuliurnus arose and blew full upon the faces of the Romanes and raysed such store of dust and drave it so upon their dyes that it tooke away their sight and prospect The cry and shout began on both sides and the Auxiliarie souldiours put themselves forth first to skirmish and charged one another with their light shot Then the left point of
the Gaules and Spanish men of armes encountred and ran ful upon the right hand of the Romans Cavallerie nothing at all after the order of horse-service for they were of necessitie to affront one another streight forward as having no roume left about them to fling out and ride at large being flanked on the one hand with the river and enclosed on the other with the battallon of footemen Whereupon I say they were forced to charge full butt from both parts directly before them so long as their horses stood close and thrust togither but at length when they began to stir winse the riders man to man fell to take hold and clasp one another every man to pluck his enemie besides his horse so as now they were driven much what to fight on foot This conflict was rather sharpe than long and to be short the Romane Cavallerie was discomfited and put to flight And anon as the horse made an end of their fight began the medley of the foote also At the first the Gaules and Spanyards equall to their enemies both in force and courage mainteined the conflict right hardily and kept their order and arraies At length the Romanes cast about and devised on what side and with what forme of a close battailon to force back that pointed squadron of the enemies raunged very thin and by so much the weaker and bearing out withall from the rest of the battaile Now when they had once driven them to recule and to give ground the Romanes preased on still at one instant and with the same violence perced through them as they fled for feare headlong untill they were entred as far as to the very midst of the vantgard maine battaile and finding none able to stand in their way and make resistance they gained in the end the very rereward of the Affricanes who having drawen in from both sides their skirts and wings stood together strong and firmely kept their ground The Gaules and Spanyards continued still in the midst somewhat advanced without the rest of the battaile Now when this pointed squadron was driven in by the Romanes and made even equal first with the front of the battaile and afterwards upon further enforcement gave way for them to passe in a lane through the midst thereof by that time the Affricanes charged upon their flanks and whiles the Romanes unwarily were engaged overfarre within them they came about them on the skirts within a while hauing stretched out spread their wings inclosed the enemies round on their backs also Hereupon the Romanes who had performed one battaile and conflict in vaine were forced to give over the Gaules Spanyards whom they had disarayed and put to flight and were to begin a fresh fight with the Africanes and that to their owne great disadvantage not only because they being enclosed and pent up in a streight roume were to deale with them that had compassed them all about and were at libertie but also because they being weried were to maintaine a new skirmish with those that were fresh in hart and lustie And now by this time in the left point of the Romanes battaile where the horsemen of their associates were marshalled to affront the Numidians they were falne to close fight which at the first these Numidians began but coldly and faintly after the deceitfull manner of Carthaginians unto whome they were sib and neere neighbours For 500 of them or thereabout having besides their usuall Iavelins darts which they commonly cary short daggers or skaines hidden under their cuirasse harnesse made semblance of riding away from their owne companies siding to the Romanes with their bucklers at their backs all of a sodain dismounted from their horses and throwing their bucklers targets speares at their enemies feet were received within the main battell and from thence conducted to the hindmost in the rereward were commaunded there to abide behind at their backe And untill such time as the medley joined on all sides they continued quiet But when they saw every mans eye and mind busied and occupied in the conflict then they caught up those bucklers that lay strewed and scattered among the dead bodies all abroad and plaied upon the battell of the Romans from behind and what with wounding their backes and cutting their hamstrings they made foule worke carnage among them and more than that raised a greater feare and tumult by farre Now when the Romanes in one place were frighted and ran away and in another fought for life armed only with despaire of all meanes to escape Asdruball who had the charge of that side caused the Numidian horsemen who fought but coldly with those that stood affront them to be withdrawn from the mids of the battell and sent them to pursue the enemies in the chase And to the Affricanes overwearie now with execution and killing rather than with any other fight hee joined the Gaules and Spanish footmen to assist them On the other side of the battell Paulus albeit at the very first shocke and encounter he was sore wounded with a bullet from out of a sling yet often times hee made head against Anniball and kept his battaillons close and thicke together yea and in diverse places renued the medley and evermore the Romane horsemen guarded and protected him But at the last they left their horses because the Consull his strength failed him to rule his owne and to 〈◊〉 him Whereupon there was one brought word unto Anniball that the Consull had commaunded his men of arms to light afoot Then qd Anniball as the report goeth Yea marry But how much gladder would I be if hee delivered them into my hands bound hand foot And surely the horsemen fought so after they were alighted as if there had been no doubt but that the enemies had the victorie Howbeit although they had the worse yet they chose rather to die in the place than to flie and the Victours angred at the heart with them for thus staying the accomplishment of the victorie went downe with them and killed outright all those whome they could not make to give ground and yeeld And yet a few such as were wearied with much toile overcharged with many wounds they enforced to recule Anon they were all disbanded and scattered asunder and as many as could recovered their horses and fled away Cn. Lentulus a Colonell seeing as he rode by the Consull sitting all agore bloud upon a stone Ah L. Aemylius quoth he whom the gods ought of right to regard and save as being the onely guiltlesse man and innocent of this daies worke and unhappie overthrow take here this horse of mine while some vigour and strength remaineth in you Able I am to mount you upon him to accompanie protect you also Come I say and make not this battell more cursed and sorrowful by the death of a Consull Without it ywis we have cause ynough alreadie and too much of dolorous