horse to ride from place to place as we had occasion for that the streâ—tes of Mosco are very fowle and mirie in the Summer The 18 of September there were giuen vnto master Standish doctor in Phisick and the rest of our men of our occupations certaine furred gownes of branched veluet and gold and some of red damaske of which master Doctors gowne was furred with Sables and the rest were furred some with white Ermine and some with gray Squirel and all faced and edged round about with blacke beauer The 1 of October in the morning we were commanded to come vnto the Emperors court and when we came thither we were brought vnto the Emperor vnto whom we did our duties accordingly wherupon he willed vs to dine with him that day and so with thanks vnto his maiestie we departed vntill dinner time at which time we came and found the tables couered with bread and salt as at the first after that we were all set vpon one side of the table the Emperors maiestie according to his accustomed maner sent vnto euery man a piece of bread by some of the Dukes which atteâ—ded on his highnesse And whereas the 14 of September we were serued in vessels of gold we were now serued in vessels of siluer and yet not so abundantly as was the first of gold they brought drinke vnto the table in siluer boles which conteined at the least sixe gallons a piece and euerie man had a smal siluer cuppe to drinke in another to dip or to take his drinke out of the great boll withall the dinner being ended the Emperour gaue vnto euery one of vs a cup with meade which when we had receiued we gaue thanks and departed Moreouer whensoeuer the Emperors pleasure is that any strauger shall dine with him he doth send for them in the morning and when they come before him he with his owne mouth biddeth them to dinner and this order he alwaies obserueth The 10 of October the Emperour gaue vnto M. Standish 70 rubles in money and to the rest of our men of occupations 30 rubles apiece The 3 of Nouember we dined againe with the Emperour where we were serued as before The 6 of December being S. Nicholas day we dined againe at the Emperours for that is one of the principall feasts which the Moscouites hold we were serued in siluer vessels and ordered in all points as before and it was past 7 of the clocke at night before dinner was ended The Emperors maiestie vseth euery yeare in the moneth of December to haue all his ordinance that is in the citie of Mosco caried into the field which is without the Suburbs of the citie and there to haue it planted and bent vpon two houses of Wood filled within with earth against which two hoâ—ses there were two faire white markes set vp at which markes they discharge all their ordinance to the ende the Emperour may see what his Gunners can doe They haue faire ordinance of brasse of all sortes bases faulcons minions sakers culuerings cannons double and royall basiliskes long and large they haue sixe great pieces whose shot is a yard of height which shot a man may easily discerne as they flee they haue also a great many of morter pieces or porguns out of which pieces they shoote wild fire The 12 of December the Emperors Maiestie and all his nobility came ino the field on horsebacke in most goodly order hauing very fine Iennets Turkie horses garnished with gold siluer abundantly The Emperors maiestie hauing on him a gowne of rich tissue a cap of skarlet on his head set not only with pearles but also with a great number of rich and costly stones his noble men were all in gownes of cloth of gold which did ride before him in good order by 3. 3. and before them there went 5000 harquebusiers which went by 5 and 5 in a rank in very good order euery of them carying his gun vpon his left shoulder and his match in his right hand and in this order they marched into the field where as the foresayd ordinance was planted And before the Emperors maiestie came into the field there was a certaine stage made of small poles which was a quarter of a mile long and about three score yardes off from the stage of poles were certaine pieces of ice of two foot thicke and sixe foote high set vp which ranke of ice was as long as the stage of poles and as soone as the Emperors maiestie came into the field the harquebusiers went vpon the stage of poles where they setled themselues in order And when the Emperors maiestie was setled where he would be and where he might see all the ordinance discharged and shot off the harquebusiers began to shoot off at the banke of ice as though it had â—in in any skirmish or battel who ceased not shooting vntill they had beaten all the ice flat on the ground After the handguns they shot off their wild fire vp into the aire which was a goodly sight to behold And after this they began to discharge the smal pieces of brasse beginning with the smallest and so orderly bigger and bigger vntill the last and biggest When they had shot them all off they began to charge them againe and so shot them al off 3 times after the first order beginning with the smallest and ending with the greatest And note that before they had ended their shooting the 2 houses that they shot vnto were beaten in pieces yet they were very strongly made of Wood and filled with earth being at the least 30 foote thicke This triumph being ended the Emperour departed and rode home in the same order that he came foorth into the field The ordinance is discharged euery yeare in the moneth of December according to the order before mentioned On Christmas day we were all willed to dine with the Emperors Maiestie where for bread meat and drinke we were serued as at other times before but for goodly and rich plate we neuer saw the like or so much before There dined that day in the Emperors presence aboue 500 strangers and two hundred Russes and all they were serued in vessels of gold and that as much as could stand one by another vpoÌ„ the tables Besides this there were foure cupbords garnished with goodly plate both of gold siluer Among the which there were 12 barrels of siluer conteining aboue 12 gallons a piece and at each end of euery barrell were 6 hoâ—pes of fine gold this dinner continued about sixe houres Euery yeare vpon the 12 day they vse to blesse or sanctifie the riuer Moscua which runneth through the citie of Mosco after this maner First they make a square hole in the ice about 3 fadoms large euery way which is trimmed about the sides edges with white boords Then about 9 of the clocke they come out of the church with procession towards the riuer
Ambassadours men hauing the winde faire and came within two cables length of this his moskita where hee to his great content beholding the shippe in such brauery they discharged first two volies of small shot and then all the great ordinance twise ouer there being seuen and twentie or eight and twentie pieces in the ship Which performed he appointed the Bustangi-Bassa or captaine of the great and spacious garden or parke to giue our men thankes with request that some other day they would shew him the like sporte when hee would haue the Sultana or Empresse a beholder thereof which few dayes after at the shippes going to the Custome-house they performed The grand Signiors salutation thus ended the master brought the ship to an anker at Rapamat neere the ambassadors house where hee likewise saluted him with all his great ordinance once ouer and where he landed the Present the deliuerie whereof for a time was staied the cause of which staie it shall neither be dishonorable for our nation or that woorthie man the ambassador to shew you At the departure of Sinan Bassa the chiefe Vizir and our ambassadors great friend toward the warres of Hungarie there was another Bassa appointed in his place a churlish and harsh natured man who vpon occasion of certaine Genouezes escaping out of the castles standing toward the Eurine Sea nowe called the blacke Sea there imprisoned apprehended and threatened to execute one of our Englishmen called Iohn Field for that hee was taken thereabouts and knowen not many dayes before to haue brought a letter to one of them vpon the solliciting of whose libertie there fell a iarre betweene the Bassa being nowe chiefe Vizir and our ambassador and in choler he gaue her maiesties ambassador such words as without sustaining some great indignitie hee could not put by Whereupon after the arriuall of the Present he made an Arz that is a bill of Complaint to the grand Signior against him the maner in exhibiting where of is thus performed The plaintifes expect the grand Signiors going abroad from his pallace either to Santa Sophia or to his church by the sea side whither with a Perma that is one of their vsuall whirries they approch within some two or three score yards where the plaintife standeth vp and holdeth his petition ouer his forehead in sight of the grand Signior for his church is open to the Sea side the rest sitting still in the boat who appointeth one of his Dwarfes to receiue them and to bring them to him A Dwarfe one of the Ambassadors fauorites so soone as he was discerned beckned him to the shore side tooke his Arz and with speed caried it to the grand Signior Now the effect of it was this that except his highnesse would redresse this so great an indignitie which the Vizir his slaue had offered him and her maiestie in his person he was purposed to detaine the Present vntill such time as he might by letters ouer-land from her maiestie bee certified whither she would put vp so great an iniurie as it was Whereupon he presently returned answere requesting the ambassador within an houre after to goe to the Douan of the Vizir vnto whom himselfe of his charge would send a gowne of cloth of gold and commaund him publikely to put it vpon him and with kind entertainment to embrace him in signe of reconciliation Whereupon our ambassador returning home tooke his horse accompanied with his meÌ„ and came to the Vizirs court where according to the grand Signiors command he with all shew of kindnesse embraced the ambassador and with curteous speeches reconciled himselfe and with his own hands put the gowne of cloth of gold vpon his backe Which done hee with his attendants returned home to the no small admiration of all Christians that heard of it especially of the French and Venetian ambassadors who neuer in the like case against the second person of the Turkish Empire durst haue attempted â—o hold an enterprise with hope of so friendly audience and with so speedie redresse This reconciliation with the great Vizir thus made the ambassador prepared himselfe for the deliuerie of the Present which vpon the 7 of October 1593. in this maner he performed The Ascension with her flags and streamers as aforesaid repaired nigh vnto the place where the ambassador should land to go vp to the Seraglio for you must vnderstand that all Christian ambassadors haue their dwelling in Pera where most Christians abide from which place except you would go 4 or 5 miles about you cannot by land go to Constantinople whereas by Sea it is litle broder then the Thames Our Ambassador likewise apparelled in a sute of cloth of siluer with an vpper gowne of cloth of gold accompanied with 7 gentlemen in costly sutes of Sattin with 30 other of his men very well apparelled and all in one liuerie of sad French russet cloth gownes at his house tooke boate at whose landing the ship discharged all her ordinance where likewise attended 2 Bassas with 40 or 50 Chauses to accompany y e ambassador to the court also horses for the ambassador his gentlemen very richly furnished with Turkish seruants attendaÌ„t to take the horses wheÌ„ they should light The ambassador thus honorably accompanied the Chauses foremost next his men on foote all going by two and two himselfe last with his Chause and Drugaman or Interpreter and 4 Ianissaries which he doeth vsually entertaine in his house to accompany him continually abroad came to the Seraglio about an English mile from the water side where first hee passed a great gate into a large court much like the space before White hall gate where he with his gentlemen alighted and left their horses From hence they passed into an other stately court being about 6 store in bredth and some 10 score yards long with many trees in it where all the court was with great pompe set in order to entertaine our ambassador Upon the right hand all the length of the court was a gallerie arched ouer and borne vp with stone pillars much like the Roiall Exchange where stood most of his guard in rankes from the one end to the other in coâ—tâ—â—aray with round head pieces on their heads of mettall and gilt ouer with a great plume of fethers somewhat like a long brush standing vp before On the left hand stood the Cappagies or porters and the Chauses All these courtiers being about the number of 2000. as I might well gesse most of them apparelled in cloth of gold siluer veluet sattin and scarlet did together with bowing their bodies laying their hands vpon their brests in curteous maner of salutation entertain the Ambassador who likewise passing between them turning himself somtime to the right hand and sometime to the left answered them with the like As he thus passed along certaine Chauses conducted him to the Douan which is the seat of Iustice where certaine
vnderstood the Tartars sayd that they would appoint vs poste horses and a guide vnto Corrensa And immediately demanding gifts at our hands they obtained them Then receiuing the same horses from which they dismounted together with a guide wee tooke our iourney vnto Corrensa But they riding a swift pace sent a messenger before vnto the sayd duke Corrensa to signifie the message which we had deliuered vnto them This duke is gouernour of all them which lie in guard against the natioÌ„s of the West least some enemy might on the sudden and at vnawares breake in vpon them And hee is said to haue 60000. men vnder him How they were receiued at the court of Corrensa Chap. 21. BEing come therefore vnto his court hee caused our tent to bee placed farre from him and sent his agents to demaund of vs with what we would incline vnto him that is to say what giftes we would offer in doing our obeisance vnto him Unto whome wee answered that our lord the Pope had not sent any giftes at all because he was not certaine that wee should euer bee able to come at them for we passed through most dangerous places Notwithstanding to our abilitie we will honour him with some part of those things which haue bene by the goodnes of God the fauour of the Pope bestowed vpoÌ„ vs for our sustenance Hauing receiued our gifts they conducted vs vnto the Orda or tent of the duke we were instructed to bow thrise with our left knee before the doore of the tente and in any case to beware lest wee set our foote vpon the threshold of the sayd doore And that after we were entred wee should rehearse before the duke and all his nobles the same wordes which wee had before sayde kneeling vpon our knees Then presented wee the letters of our lord the Pope but our interpreter whome we had hired and brought with vs from Kiow was not sufficiently able to interpret them neither was there any other esteemed to bee meete for the same purpose Here certaine poste horses and three Tartars were appoynted for vs to conduct vs from hence with al speede vnto duke Bathy This Bathy is the mightieâ—â— prince among them except the Emperour they are bound to obey him before all other princes We began our iourney towards his court the first tuesday in Lent and riding as fast as our horses could trot for we had fresh horses almost thrise or foure times a day we posted from morning till night yea very often in the night season also and yet could we not come at him before Maundie thursday All this iourney we went through the land of Comania which is al plaine ground and hath foure mighty riuers running through it The first is called Neper on the side whereof towards Russia duke Corrensa Montij marched vp and downe which Montij on tâ—e other side vpon the plaines is greater then he The second is called Don vpon the banke whereof marcheth a certain prince hauing in mariage the sister of Baty his name is Tirbon The third is called Volga which is an exceeding great riuer vpon the bankes whereof duke Bathy marcheth The fourth is called Iaec vpon which two Millenaries doe march on each side of the riuer one All these in the winter time descend down to the sea in summer ascend backe by the bankes of the said riuers vp to the mountains The sea last named is the Great sea out of which the arme of S. George proceedeth which runneth by Constantinople These riuers do abound with plenty of fiâ—hes but especially Volga they exonerate theÌ„selues into the Grecian sea which is called Mare maior Ouer Neper we went many daies vpon the ice Along the shore also of the Grecian sea we went very dangerously vpon the ice in sundry places that for many daies together For about the shore the waters are frozen three leagues into the sea But before we came vnto Bathy two of our Tartars rode afore to giue him intelligence of all the sayings which we had vttered in the presence of Corrensa How we were receiued at the court of the great prince Bathy Chap. 22. MOreouer when we came vnto Bathy in the land of Comania we were seated a good league distant from his tabernacles And when we should be conducted vnto his court it was tolde vs that we must passe between two fires But we would by no means be induced thereunto Howbeit they said vnto vs you may passe through without al danger for we would haue you to doe it for none other cause but only that if you intend any mischiefe against our lord or bring any poyson with you fire may take away all euill Unto whom we answered that to the end we might cleare ourselues from all suspition of any such matter we were contented to passe through When therefore we were come vnto the Orda being demanded by his agent Eldegay with what present or gift we would do our obeisance Wee gaue the same answere which we did at the court of Corrensa The gifts being giuen and receiued the causes of our iourney also being heard they brought vs into the tabernacle of the prince first bowing our selues at the doore being admonished as before not to tread vpon the threshold And being entred we spake vnto him kneeling vpon our knees deliuered him our letters and requested him to haue interpreters to translate them Who accordingly on good friday were sent vnto vs and we together with them diligently translated our sayd letters into the Russian Tartarian and Saracen languages This interpretation was presented vnto Bathy which he read attentiuely noted At length wee were conducted home againe vnto our owne lodging howbeit no victuals were giuen vnto vs except it were once a litle Millet in a dich the first night of our comming This Bathy caries himselfe very stately magnificently hauing porters and all officers after the maner of the Emperour and sittes in a lofty seate or throne together with one of his wiues The rest namely as well his brethren and sonnes as other great personages sit vnderneath him in the midst vpon a bench and others sit downe vpon the ground behinde him but the men on the right hand and the women on the left He hath very faire and large tentes of linnen cloth also which were once the kings of Hungaria Neither dare any man come into his tent besides them of his owne family vnles he be called be he neuer so mighty and great except perhaps it be knowen that it is his pleasure Wee also for the same cause sate on the left hand for so doe all ambassadors in going but in returning from the Emperour we were alwaies placed on the right hand In the middest stands his table neare vnto the doore of the tent vpon the which there is drinke filled in golden and siluer vessels
of his subiects Of his age and demeanour and of his seale Chap. 28. THis Emperour when hee was exalted vnto his gouernment seemed to bee about the age of fourty or fourty fiue yeeres He was of a meane stature very wise and politike and passing serious and graue in all his demeanour A rare thing it was for a man to see him laugh or behaue himselfe lightly as those Christians report which abode continually with him Certaine Christians of his familie earnestly and strongly affirmed vnto vs that he himselfe was about to become a Christian. A token and argument whereof was that hee reteined diuers Cleargie men of the Christians Hee had likewise at all times a Chappell of Christians neere vnto his great Tent where the Clearkes like vnto other Christians and according to the custome of the Graecians doe sing publiquely and openly and ring belles at certaine houres bee there neuer so great a multitude of Tartars or of other people in presence And yet none of their Dukes doe the like It is the manner of the Emperour neuer to talke his owne selfe with a stranger though he be neuer so great but heareth and answeareth by a speaker And when any of his subiects howe great soeuer they bee are in propounding anie matter of importaunce vnto him or in hearing his answeare they continue kneeling vpon their knees vnto the ende of their conference Neither is it lawfull for any man to speake of any affaires after they haue beene determined of by the Emperour The sayde Emperour hath in his affaires both publike and priuate an Agent and Secretary of estate with Scribes and all other Officials except aduocates For without the noyse of pleading or sentence giuing all things are done according to the Emperours will and pleasure Other Tartarian princes do the like in those things which belong vnto thē But be it known vnto al men that whilest we remained at the said Emperors court which hath bin ordained and kept for these many yeeres the saide Cuyne being Emperor new elect together with al his princes erected a flag of defiance against the Church of God the Romane empire and against al Christian kingdomes and nations of the West vnlesse peraduenture which God forbid they will condescend vnto those things which he hath inoined vnto our lord the Pope to all potentates and people of the Christiās namely that they wil become obedient vnto him For except Christendom there is no land vnder heauē which they stand in feare of and for that cause they prepare themselues to battel against vs. This Emperors father namely Occoday was poisoned to death which is the cause why they haue for a short space absteined from warre But their intent and purpose is as I haue aboue said to subdue the whole world vnto themselues as they were commanded by Chingis Can. Hence it is that the Emperor in his letters writeth after this maner The power of God Emperour of all men Also vpon his seale there is this posie ingrauen God in heauen and Cuyne Can vpon earth the power of God the seale of the Emperour of all men Of the admission of the Friers and Ambassadours vnto the Emperour Chap. 29. IN the same place where the Emperour was established into his throne we were summoned before him And Chingay his chiefe secretary hauing written downe our names and the names of them that sent vs with the name of the Duke of Solangi of others cried out with a loude voice rehearsing the said names before the Emperour and the assembly of his Dukes Which beeing done ech one of vs bowed his left knee foure times they gaue vs warning not to touch the threshold And after they had searched vs most diligently for kniues and could not find any about vs we entred in at the doore vpon the East side because no man dare presume to enter at the West doore but the Emperour onely In like maner euery Tartarian Duke entreth on the West side into his tent Howbeit the inferiour sort doe not greatly regard such ceremonies This therefore was the first time when we entred into the Emperours tent in his presence after he was created Emperour Likewise all other ambassadours were there receiued by him but very fewe were admitted into his tent And there were presented vnto him such abundance of gifts by the saide Ambassadours that they seemed to be infinite namely in Samites robes of purple and of Baldakin cloth silke girdles wrought with golde and costly skinnes with other gifts also Likewise there was a certaine Sun Canopie or small tent which was to bee caried ouer the Emperours head presented vnto him being set full of precious stones And a gouernour of one Prouince brought vnto him a companie of camels couered with Baldakins They had saddles also vpon their backs with certaine other instruments within the which were places for men to sitte vpon Also they brought many horses mules vnto him furnished w t trappers and caparisons some being made of leather◠and some of iron And we were demanded whether we would bestow any gifts vpō him or no But wee were not of abilitie so to doe hauing in a maner spent all our prouision There were also vpon an hill standing a good distance from the tents more then 500. carts which were all ful siluer and of gold and silke garments And they were all diuided betweene the Emperour and his Dukes and euery Duke bestowed vpon his owne followers what pleased him Of the place where the Emperor and his mother tooke their leaues one of another and of Ieroslaus Duke of Russia Chap. 30. DEparting thence we came vnto another place where a wonderfull braue tent all of red purple giuen by the Kythayans was pitched Wee were admitted into that also and alwaies when we entred there was giuen vnto vs ale and wine to drinke sodden flesh when we would to eate There was also a loftie stage built of boords where the Emperours throne was placed being very curiously wrought out of iuorie wherein also there was golde and precious stones and as we remember there were certain degrees or staires to ascend vnto it And it was round vpon the top There were benches placed about the saide throne whereon the ladies sate towarde the left hand of the Emperour vpon stooles but none sate aloft on the right hande and the Dukes sate vpon benches below the said throne being in the midst Certaine others sate behinde the Dukes and euery day there resorted great companie of Ladies thither The three tents whereof we spake before were very large but the Emperour his wiues had other great and faire tentes made of white felt This was the place where the Emperour parted companie with his mother for she went into one part of the land and the Emperour into another to execute iustice For there was taken a certaine Concubine of this Emperour which had poysoned his father
or fountaines the water of which so soone as it entereth into the lake becommeth hard salte like vnto ice And out of those salte pittes Baatu and Sartach haue great reuenues for they repayre thither out of all Russia for salte and for each carte loade they giue two webbes of cotton amounting to the value of half an Yperpera There come by sea also many ships for salt which pay tribute euery one of them according to their burden The third day after wee were departed out of the precincts of Soldaia we found the Tartars Amongst whome being entered me thought I was come into a new world Whose liâ—e and maners I wil describe vnto your Highnes aswell as I can Of the Tartars and of their houses Chap. 2. THey haue in no place any setled citie to abide in neither knowe they of the celestiall citie to come They haue diuided all Scythia among themselues which stretcheth from the riuer Danubius euen vnto the rising of the sunne And euery of their captaines according to the great or or small number of his people knoweth the bounds of his pastures and where he ought to feed his cattel winter and summer Spring and autumne For in the winter they descend vnto the warme regions southward And in the summer they ascend vnto the colde regions northward In winter when snowe lyeth vpon the ground they feede their cattell vpon pastures without water because then they vse snow in stead of water Their houses wherein they sleepe they ground vpon a round foundation of wickers artificially wrought and compacted together the roofe whereof consisteth in like sorte of wickers meeting aboue into one little roundell out of which roundell ascendeth vpward a necke like vnto a chimney which they couer with white felte and oftentimes they lay morter or white earth vpon the sayd felt with the powder of bones that it may shine white And sometimes also they couer it with blacke felte The sayd felte on the necke of their house they doe garnish ouer with beautifull varietie of pictures Before the doore likewise they hang a felt curiously painted ouer For they spend all their coloured felt in painting vines trees birds and beastes thereupon The sayd houses they make so large that they conteine thirtie foote in breadth For measuring once the breadth betweene the wheele-ruts of one of their cartes I found it to be 20 feete ouer and when the house was vpon the carte it stretched ouer the wheeles on each side fiue feete at the least I told 22. oxen in one teame drawing an house vpon a cart eleuen in one order according to the breadth of the carte and eleuen more before them the axletree of the carte was of an huge bignes like vnto the mast of a ship And a fellow stood in the doore of the house vpon the forestall of the carte driuing forth the oxen Moreouer they make certaine fouresquare baskets of small slender wickers as big as great chestes and afterward from one side to another they frame an hollow lidde or couer of such like wickers and make a doore in the fore side thereof And then they couer the sayd chest or little house with black felt rubbed ouer with tallow or sheeps milke to keepe the raine from soaking through which they decke likewise with painting or with feathers And in such chests they put their whole houshold stuffe treasure Also the same chests they do strongly bind vpon other carts which are drawen with camels to y e end they may wade through riuers Neither do they at any time take down the sayd chests from off their carts When they take down their dwelling houses they turne the doores alwayes to the South next of all they place the carts laden with their chests here there within half a stones cast of y e house insomuch that the house standeth between two ranks of carts as it were between two wals The matrons make for theÌ„selues most beautiful carts which I am not able to describe vnto your maiestie but by pictures onlie for I would right willingly haue painted al things for you had my skill bin ought in that art One rich Moal or Taâ—tar hath 200. or 100. such cartes with chests Duke Baatu hath sixteene wiues euery one of which hath one great house besides other little houses which they place behind the great one being as it were chambers for their maidens to dwel in And vnto euery of the said houses do belong 200. cartes When they take their houses from off the cartes the principal wife placeth her court on the West frontier and so all the rest in their order so that the last wife dwelleth vpon the East frontier and one of the said ladies courts is distant from another about a stones cast Whereupon the court of one rich Moal or Tartar will appeare like vnto a great village very few men abiding in the same One woman will guide 20. or 30. cartes at once for their countries are very plaine and they binde the cartes with camels or oxen one behind another And there sittes a wench in the foremost carte driuing the oxen and al the residue follow on a like pace When they chance to come at any bad passage they let them loose and guide them ouer one by one for they goe a slowe pace as fast as a lambe or an oxe can walke Of their beds and of their drinking pots Chap. 3. HAuing taken downe their houses from off their cartes and turning the doores Southward they place the bed of the master of the house at the North part thereof The womens place is alwaies on the East side namely on the left hand of the good man of the house sitting vpon his bed with his face Southwards but the mens place is vpon y e West side namely at the right hand of their master Men when they enter into the house wil not in any case hang their quiuers on the womens side Ouer the masters head there is alwayes an image like a puppet made of felte which they call the masters brother and another ouer the head of the good wife or mistresse which they call her brother being fastened to the wall and aboue betweene both of them there is a little leane one which is as it were the keeper of the whole houâ—e The good wife or mistresse of the house placeth aloft at her beds feete on the right haâ—d the skinâ—e of a Kidde stuffed with wooll or some other matter and neare vnto that a litle image or puppet looking towards the maidens and women Next vnto the doore also on the womens side there is another image with a cowes vdder for the women that milke the kine For it is the duety of their women to milke kine On the other side of the doore next vnto the men there is another image with the vdder of a mare for the men which milke mares And when they come together to drinke and make merie they sprinckle parte
of their drinke vpon the image which is aboue the masters head afterward vpon other images in order then goeth a seruant out of the house with a cuppe full of drinke sprinckling it thrise towards the South and bowing his knee at euery time and this is done for the honour of the fire Then perfourmeth he the like superstitious idolatrie towards the East for the honour of the ayre and then to the West for the honour of the water lastly to the North in the behalfe of the dead When the maister holdeth a cuppe in his hande to drinke before he tasteth thereof hee powreth his part vpon the ground If he drinketh sitting on horse backe hee powreth out part thereof vpon the necke or maine of his horse before hee himselfe drinketh After the seruaunt aforesaide hath â—o discharged his cuppes to the fower quarters of the world hee returneth into the house and two other seruants stand ready with two cuppes and two basons to carrie drinke vnto their master and his wife sitting together vpon a bed And if he hath more wiues then one she with whome hee slept the night before sitteth by his side the daye following and all his other wiues must that day resorte vnto the same house to drinke and there is the court holden for that day the giftes also which are presented that daye are layd vp in the chests of the sayd wife And vpon a bench stands a vessell of milke or of other drinke and drinking cuppes Of their drinkes and how they prouoke one another to drinking Chap. 4. IN winter time they make excellent drinke of Rise of Mill and of honie being well and high coloured like wine Also they haue wine brought vnto them from farre countries In summer time they care not for any drinke but Cosmos And it standeth alwaies within the entrance of his doore and next vnto it stands a minstrell with his fidle I sawe there no such citerns and vials as ours commonly be but many other musicall instruments which are not vsed among vs. And when the master of the house begins to drinke one of his seruants cryeth out with a lowde voice HA and the minstrell playes vpon his fidle And when they make any great solemne feast they all of them clap their hands daunce to the noyse of musique the men before their master and the women before their mistresse And when the master hath drunke then cries out his seruant as before and the minstrell stayeth his musique Then drinke they all around both men and women and sometimes they carowse for the victory very filthily and drunkenly Also when they will prouoke any man they pul him by the eares to the drinke and so lug and draw him strongly to stretch out his throate clapping their handes and dauncing before him Moreouer when some of them will make great feasting and reioycing one of the company takes a full cuppe and two other stand one on his right hand and another on his left and so they three come singing to the man who is to haue the cuppe reached vnto him still sâ—nging and dauncing before him and when he stretcheth foorth his hand to receiue the cuppe they leape suddenly backe returning againe as they did before and so hauing deluded him thrâ—câ— or fower times by drawing backe the cuppe vntill he be merie and hath gotten a good appetite then they giue him the cuppe singing and dauncing and stamping with their feete vntill he hath done drinking Of their foode and victuals Chap. 5. COncerning their foode and victuals be it knowen vnto your Highnesse that they do without al difference or exception eat all their dead carrions And amongst so many droues it cannot be but some cattell must needes die Howbeit in summer so long as their Cosmos that is their mares milke lasteth they care not for any foode And if they chance to haue an oxe or an horse dye they drie the flesh thereof for cutting it into thin slices and hanging it vp against the Sunne and the wind it is presently dried without salt and also without stenche or corruption They make better puddings of their horses then of their hogs which they eate being new made the rest of the flesh they reserue vntill winter They make of their oxe skins great bladders or bags which they doe wonderfully dry in the smoake Of the hinder part of their horse hides they make very fine sandals pantofles They giue vnto 50. or an 100. men the flesh of one ram to eat For they mince it in a bowle with salt and water other sauce they haue none and then with the point of a knife or a litle forke which they make for the same purpose such as wee vse to take roâ—ted peares or apples out of wine withal they reach vnto eueryone of the company a morsell or twaine according to the multitude of guestes The master of the house before the rams flesh be distributed first of all himselfe taketh thereof what he pleaseth Also if he giueth vnto any of the company a speciall part the receiuer therof must eat it alone and must not impart ought therof vnto any other Not being able to eate it vp all he caries it with him or deliuers it vnto his boy if he be present to keepe it if not he puts it vp into his Saptargat that is to say his foure square buget which they vse to cary about with them for the sauing of all such prouision and wherein they lay vp their bones when they haue not time to gnaw them throughly that they may â—urnish them afterward to the end that no whit of their food may come to nought How they make their drinke called Cosmos Chap. 6. THeir drinke called Cosmos which is mares milke is prepared after this maner They fasten a long line vnto 2. posts standing firmely in the ground vnto the same line they tie the young foles of those mares which they mean to milke Then come the dains to stand by their foles gently suffering themselues to be milked And if any of them be too vnruly then one takes her fole puts it vnder her letting it suck a while and presently carying it away againe there comes another man to milke the said mare And hauing gotten a good quantity of this milke together being as sweet as cowes milke while it is newe they powre it into a great bladder or bag and they beat the said bag with a piece of wood made for the purpose hauing a club at the lower ende like a mans head which is hollow within and so soone as they beat vpon it it begins to boile like newe wine to be sower and sharp of taste and they beate it in that maner till butter come thereof Then taste they thereof and being indifferently sharpe they drinke it for it biteth a mans tongue like the wine of raspes when it is drunk After a man hath taken a draught therof it leaueth behind it a
taste like the taste of almon milke and goeth downe very pleasantly intoxicating weake braines also it causeth vrine to be auoided in great measure Likewise Caracosmos that is to say black Cosmos for great lords to drink they make on this maner First they beat the said milke so long till the thickest part thereof descend right downe to the bottome like the lees of white wine and that which is thin and pure remaineth aboue being like vnto whay or white must The said lees or dregs being very white are giuen to seruants aâ—d will cause them to sleepe exceedingly That which is thinne and cleare their masters drinke â— and in very deed it is marueilous sweete and holesome liquor Duke Baatu hath thirty cottages or granges within a daies iourney of his abiding place euery one of which serueth him dayly with the Caracosmos of an hundreth mares milk and so all of them together euery day with the milke of 3000. mares besides white milke which other of his subiects bring For euen as the husbandmen of Syria bestow the third part of their fruicts and carie it vnto the courts of their lords euen so doe they their mares milke euery third day Out of their cowes milke they first churne butter boyling the which butter vnto a perfect decoction they put it into rams skinnes which they reserue for the same purpose Neither doe they salte their butter and yet by reason of the long seething it putrifieth not and they keepe it in store for winter The churnmilke which remaineth of the butter they let alone till it be as sowre as possibly it may be then they boile it and in boiling it is turned all into curdes which curds they drie in the sun making them as hard as the drosse of iron and this kind of food also they store vp in sachels against winter In the winter season when milke faileth them they put the foresaid curds which they cal Gry-vt into a bladder and powring hot water thereinto they beat it lustily till they haue resolued it into the said water which is thereby made exceedingly sowre and that they drinke in stead of milke They are very scrupulous and take diligent heed that they drinke not fayre water by it selfe Of the beastes which they eat of their garments and of their maner of hunting Chap. 7. GReat lords haue cottages or granges towards the South from whence their tenants bring them Millet and meale against winter The poorer sort prouide themselues of such necessaries for y e exchange of rams of other beasts skins The Tartars slaues fil their bellies with thick water are therewithall contented They wil neither eaâ—e mise with long tailes nor any kinde of mise with short tailes They haue also certaine litle beasts called by theÌ„ Sogur which lie in a caue twenty or thirty of them together al the whole winter â—â—eeping there for the space of sixe moneths and these they take in great abundance There are also a kind of conies hauing long tayles like vnto cats on the outside of their tailes grow blacke white haires They haue many other small beasts good to eat which they know and discerne right well I saw no Decre there but a fewe hares but a great nuÌ„ber of Roes I saw wild asses in great abundance which be like vnto Mules Also I saw another kind of beast called Artak hauing in al resemblance the body of a ram crooked hornes which are of such bignes that I could scarce lift vp a paire of them with one hand of these hornes they make great drinking cups They haue Falcons Girfalcons other haukes in great plenty all which they cary vpon their right hands they put alwaies about their Falcons necks a string of leather which hangeth down to y e midst of their gorges by the which string wheÌ„ they cast them off the fist at their game with their left hand they bow downe the heads breasts of the sayd haukes least they should be tossed vp downe beaten with the wind or least they should soare too high Wherefore they get a great part of their victuals by hunting hauking Concerning their garments and attire be it knowen vnto your Maiestie that out of Cataya other regions of the East out of Persia also and other countries of the South there are brought vnto them stuffes of silke cloth of gold cotton cloth which they weare in time of summer But out of Russia Moxel Bulgaria the greater Pascatâ—r that is Hungaria the greater and out of Kersis all which are Northerne regions full of woods also out of many other countries of the North which are subiect vnto them the inhabitants bring them rich and costly skins of diuers sortes which I neuer saw in our countries where withal they are clad in winter And alwaies against winter they make themselues two gownes one with the fur inward to their skin another with the furre outward to defend them from wind snow which for the most part are made of woolues skins or Fox skins or els of Papions And wheÌ„ they sit within the house they haue a finer gowne to weare The poorer sort make their vpper gowne of dogs or of goats skins When they goe to hunt for wild beasts there meets a great company of them together inuironing the place round about where they are sure to find some game by litle litle they approch on al sides til they haue gotten the wild beasts into the midst as it were into a circle then they discharge their arrowes at them Also they make theÌ„selues breeches of skins The rich Tartars somtimes fur their gowns with pelluce or silke shag which is exceeding soft light warme The poorer sort do line their clothes with cottoÌ„ cloth which is made of the finest wooll they can pick out of the courser part of the said wool they make felt to couer their houses and their chests and for their bedding also Of the same wool being mixed with one third part of horse haire they make all their cordage They make also of the said felt couerings for their stooles and caps to defende their heads from the weather for all which purposes they spend a great quantity of their wooll And thus much concerning the attyre of the men Of the fashion which the Tartars vse in cutting their haire and of the attire of their women Chap. 8. THe men shaue a plot foure square vpon the crownes of their heads and from the two formost corners they shaue as it were two seames downe to their temples they shaue also their temples and the hinder part of their head euen vnto the nape of the necke likewise they shaue the forepart of their scalp downe to their foreheads vpon their foreheads they leaue a locke of hayre reaching downe vnto their eye browes vpon the two hindermost corners of of their heads they haue two lockes also
in this wise First and foremost there goe certaine young men with ware tapers burning and one carying a great lanterne then follow certaine banners then the crosse then the images of our Lady of S. Nicholas and of other Saints which images men carie vpon their shoulders after the images follow certaine priests to the number of 100 or more after them the Metropolitane who is led betweene two priests and after the Metropolitan came the Emperour with his crowne vpon his head and after his maiestie all his noble men orderly Thus they followed the procession vnto the water when they came vnto the hole that was made the priests set theÌ„selues in order round about it And at one side of the same poole there was a scaffold of boords made vpon which stood a faire chaire in which the Metropolitan was set but the Emperours maiestie stood vpon the ice After this the priests began to sing to blesse and to sense and did their seruice and so by that time that they had done the water was holy which being sanctified the Metropolitane tooke a litle thereof in his hands and cast it on the Emperour likewise vpon certaine of the Dukes then they returned againe to the church with the priests that sate about the water but that preasse that there was about the water when the Emperor was gone was woÌ„derful to behold for there came aboue 5000 pots to be filled of that water for that Moscouite which hath no part of that water thinks himselfe vnhappy And very many went naked into the water both men and women and children after the prease was a litle gone the Emperours Iâ—nnets and horses were brought to drinke of the same water and likewise many other men brought their horses thither to drinke and by that means they make their horses as holy as themselues All these ceremonies being ended we went to the Emperour to dinner where we were serued in vessels of siluer and in all other points as we had bene beforetime The Russes begin their Lent alwaies 8 weekes before Easter the first weeke they eate egs milke cheese butter and make great cheare with pancakes and such other things one friend visiting another from the samâ— Sunday vntil our Shrofesunday there are but few Russes sober but they are drunke day by day and it is accompted for no reproch or shame among them The next weeke being our firâ—t weeke or Lent or our clensing weeke beginning our Shrofesunday they make and keepe a great fast It is reported and the people do verily beleeue that the Metropolitan neither eateth nor drinketh any maner of thing for the space of seuen dayes and they say that there are many religious men which doe the like The Emperors Maiestie eateth but one morsel of bread and drinketh but one draught of drinke once in the day during that weeke and all men thaâ— are of any reputation come not out of their houses during that time so that the streetes are almost void of company sauing a few poore folkes which wander to and fro The other sixe weekes they keepe as we do ours but not one of them will eate either butter cheese egs or milke On Palme sunday they haue a very solemne procession in this maner following First they haue a tree of a good bignesse which is made fast vpon two sleds as though it were growing there and it is hanged with apples raisins figs and dates and with many other fruits abundantly In the midst of y e same tree stand 5 boyes in white vestures which sing in the tree before the procession after this there followed certaine yong men with waxe tapers in their hands burning a great lanterne that al the light should not go out after them followed two with long banners sixe with round plates set vpon long staues the plates were of copper very ful of holes and thin then followed 6 carying painted images vpon their shoulders after the images followed certaine priests to the number of 100 or more with goodly vestures wherof 10 or 12 are of white damaske set and imbrodered round about with faire and orient pearles as great as pease and among them certaine Saphires and other stones After them followed the one halfe of the Emperours noble men then commeth the Emperors maiestie and the Metropolitane after this maner First there is a horse couered with white linnen cloth down to y e ground his eares being made long with the same cloth like to an asses eares Upon this horse the Metropolitane sitteth sidelong like a woman in his lappe lieth a faire booke with a crucifix of Goldsmiths worke vpon the couer which he holdeth fast with his left hand and in his right hand he hath a crosse of gold with which crosse he ceaseth not to blesse the people as he rideth There are to the number of 30 men which spread abroad their garments before the horse and as soone as the horse is past ouer any of them they take them vp againe and run before and spred them againe so that the horse doth alway go on some of them They which spred the garments are all priests sonnes and for their labours the Emperour giueth vnto them new garments One of the Emperors noble men leadeth the horse by the head but the Emperour himselfe going on foote leadeth the horse by the ende of the reine of his bridle with one of his hands and in the other of his hands he had a branch of a Palme tree after this followed the rest of the Emperours Noble men and Gentlemen with a great number of other people In this order they went from one church to another within the castle about the distance of two flights shot and so returned againe to the Emperours Church where they made an end of their seruice Which being done the Emperours maiestie and certaine of his noble men went to the Metropolitane his house to dinner where of delicate fishes and good drinks there was no lacke The rest of this weeke vntill Easter day they kept very solemnely continuing in their houses for the most part and vpon Munday or Thursday the Emperour doth alwayes vse to receiue the Sacrament and so doe most of his nobles Upon good Friday they continue all the day in contemplation and prayers and they vse euery yere on good Friday to let loose a prisoner in the stead of Barrabas The night following they go to the Church where they sleepe vntill the next morning at Easter they haue the resurrection after euery of the Lents they eat flesh the next weeke following Friday Saturday and all They haue an order at Easter which they alwaies obserue and that is this euery yere against Easter to die or colour red with Brazell a great number of egs of which euery man and woman giueth one vnto the priest of their Parish vpon Easter day in the morning And moreouer the common people vse to carie in their hands one
woman be not beaten with the whip once a weeke she will not be good and therefore they looke for it orderly the women say that if their husbands did not beate them they should not loue them They vse to marry there very yong their sonnes at 16. and 18. yeeres olde and the daughters at 12. or 13. yeeres or yonger they vse to keepe their wiues very closely I meane those that be of any reputation so that a man shall not see one of them but at a chance when she goeth to church at Christmas or at Easter or els going to visite some of her friends The most part of the women vse to ride a sleide in saddles with styrrops as men do and some of them on sleds which in summer is not commendable The husband is bound to finde the wife colours to paint her withall for they vse ordinarily to paynt themselues it is such a common practise among them that it is counted for no shame they grease their faces with such colours that a man may discerne them hanging on their faces almost a flight shoote off I cannot so well liken them as to a millers wife for they looke as though they were beaten about the face with a bagge of meale but their eye browes they colour as blacke as ieat The best propertie that the women haue is that they can sowe well and imbroder with silke and golde excellently Of their buriall VVHen any man or woman dieth they stretch him out and put a new paire of shooes on his feete because he hath a great iourney to goe then doe they winde him in a sheet as we doe but they forget not to put a testimonie in his right hand which the priest giueth him to testifie vnto S. Nicholas that he died a Christian man or woman And they put the coarse alwayes in a coffin of wood although the partie be very poore and when they goe towards the Church the friends and kinsemen of the partie departed carrie in their hands small waxe candles and they weepe and howle and make much lamentation They that be hanged or beheaded or such like haue no testimonie with them how they are receiued into heauen it is a wonder without their pasport There are a great number of poore people among them which die daily for lacke of sustenance which is a pitifull case to beholde for there hath beene buried in a small time within these two yeeres aboue 80. persons young and old which haue died onely for lacke of sustenance for if they had had straw and water enough they would make shift to liue for a great many are forced in the winter to drie straw and stampe it and to make bread thereof or at the least they eate it in stead of bread In the summer they make good shift with grasse herbes and rootes barks of trees are good meat with them at all times There is no people in the world as I suppose that liue so miserably as do the pouerty in those parts and the most part of them that haue sufficient for themselues and also to relieue others that need are so vnmerciful that they care not how many they see die of famine or hunger in the streets It is a countrey full of diseases diuers and euill and the best remedie is for anie of them as they holde opinion to goe often vnto the hote houses as in a maner euery man hath one of his owne which hee heateth commonly twise euery weeke and all the housholde sweate and wash themselues therein The names of certaine sortes of drinkes vsed in Russia aud commonly drunke in the Emperours Court. THe first and principall meade is made of the iuice or liecour taken from a berrie called in Russia Malieno which is of a marueilous sweete taste and of a carmosant colour which berry I haue seene in Paris The second meade is called Visnoua because it is made of a berry so called and is like a black gooseberrie but it is like in colour and taste to the red wine of France The third meade is called Amarodina or Smorodina short of a small berry much like to the small rezin and groweth in great plentie in Russia The fourth meade is called Chereunikyna which is made of the wilde blacke cherry The fift meade is made of hony and water with other mixtures There is also a delicate drinke drawn from the root of the birch tree called in the Russe tongue Berozeuites which drinke the noble men and others vse in Aprill May and Iune which are the three moneths of the spring time for after those moneths the sapp of the tree dryeth and then they cannot haue it The voyage of Master Anthony Ienkinson made from the citie of Mosco in Russia to the citie of Boghar in Bactria in the yeere 1558 written by himselfe to the Merchants of London of the Moscouie companie THe 23. day of April in the yeere 1558. hauing obtained the Emperor of Russia his letters directed vnto sundry kings and princes by whose dominions I should passe I departed from Mosco by water hauing with mee two of your seruants namely Richard Iohnson Robert Iohnson and a Tartar Tolmach with diuers parcels of wares as by the inuentory appeareth and the 28. day we came to a town called Collom distant from the Mosco 20. leagues passing one league beyond the saide Collom we came vnto a riuer called Occa into the which the riuer Mosco falleth and looseth his name and passing downe the said riuer Occa 8. leagues we came vnto a castle called Terreuettisko which we left vpon our right hand and proceeding forward the second day of May we came vnto another castle called Peroslaue distant 8. leagues leauing it also on our right hand The third day we came vnto the place where olde Rezan was situate beeing now most of it ruined and ouergrowen and distant from the said Peroslaue 6. leagues the 4. day we passed by a castle called Terrecouia from Rezan 12. leagues the 6. day we came to another castle called Cassim vnder the gouernment of a Tartar prince named Vtzar Zegoline sometime Emperour of the worthy citie of Cazan and now subiect vnto the Emperour of Russia But leauing Cassim on our left hand the 8. day we came vnto a faire town called Morom from Cassim 20. leagues where we took the sonne and found the latitude 56. degrees and proceeding forward the 11. day we came vnto another faire town castle called Nyse Nouogrod situated at the falling of the foresaid riuer Occa into the worthie riuer of Volga distant from the saide Moron 25. leagues in the latitude of 56. degrees 18. minutes Frō Rezan to this Nyse Nouogrod on both sides the said riuer of Occa is raised the greatest store of ware and hony in all the land of Russia We carried at the foresaid Nyse Nouogrod vntil the 19. day for the comming of a captain which was sent by the
see all the solemnitie The Emperor comming out of his Pallace there went before him the Metropolitan Archbishops Bishops and chiefest Monkes and Clergie men with very rich Copes and Priestes garments vpon them carying pictures of our Ladie c. with the Emperours Angell banners censers and many other such ceremonious things singing all the way The Emperour with his nobilitie in order entred the Church named Blaueshina or Blessednes where prayers and seruice were vsed according to the maner of their Church that doâ—e they went thence to the Church called Michael the Archangell and there also vsed the like prayers and seruice and from thence to our Lady Church Prechista being their Cathedrall Church In the middest thereof was a chaire of maiestie placed wherein his Auncestors vsed to sit at such extraordinarie times his robes were then changed and most rich and vnualuable garments put on him being placed in this Princely seate his nobility standing round about him in their degres his imperiall Crowne was set vpon his head by the Metropolitane his Scepter globe in his right hand his sword of Iustice in his left of great riches his 6. Crownes also by which he holdeth his kingdomes were set before him and the Lord Boris Pheodorowich was placed at his right hand then the Metropolitan read openly a booke of a small volume with exhortations to the Emperour to minister true Iustice to inioy with tranquilitie the Crowne of his auncestors which God had giuen him and vsed these words following Through the will of the almighty without beginning God which was before this world whom we glorifie in the Trinitie one onely God the Father the Sonne and the holy Ghost maker of all things worker of all in all euery where fulfiller of all things by which will and working he both liueth and giueth life to man that our only God which enspireth euery one of vs his only children with his word to discerne God through our Lord Iesus Christ and the holy quickning spirit of life now in these perilous times establish vs to keep the right Scepter and suffer vs to raigne of our selues to the good profit of the land to the subduing of the people together with the enemies the maintenance of vertue And so the Metropolitaâ— blessed and layd his crosse vpon him After this he was taken out of his chaire of Maiestie hauing vpon him an vpper robe adorned with precious stones of all sorts orient pearles of great quantitie but alwayes augmented in riches it was in waight two hundred pounds the traine and parts thereof borne vp by 6. Dukes his chiefe imperiall Crowne vpon his head very precious his staffe imperiall in his right hand of an vnicornes horne of three foot and a halfe in length beset with rich stones bought of Merchants of Ausburge by the old Emperour in An. 1581. and cost him 7000. Markes sterling This Iewel M. Horsey kept sometimes before the Emperor had it His scepter globe was caried before him by the prince Boris Pheodorowich his rich cap beset with rich stones and pearles was caried before him by a Duke his 6. Crownes also were caried by Demetrius Iuanowich Godonoua the Emperors vncle Mekita Romanowich the Emperors vncle Stephan Vasiliwich Gregory Vasiliwich Iuan Vasiliwich brothers of the blood royal Thus at last the Emperor came to the great Church doore and the people cried God saue our Emperour Pheodor Iuanowich of al Russia His horse was there ready most richly adorned with a couering of imbrodered pearle and precious stones saddle and all furniture agreeable to it reported to be worth 300000 markes sterling There was a bridge made of 150. fadome in length three maner of waies three foote aboue ground and two fadome broad for him to goe from one Church to the other with his Princes and nobles from the presse of the people which were in number infinite and some at that time pressed to death with the throng As the Emperour returned out of the Churches they were spred vnder foot with cloth of gold the porches of the Churches with red velvet the bridges with scarlet and stammell cloth from one church to another and as soone as the Emperor was passed by the cloth of gold veluet and scarlet was cut and taken of those that could come by it euery man desirous to haue a piece to reserue it for a monument siluer and gold coyne then mynted of purpose was cast among the people in great quantitie The lord Boris Pheodorowich was sumptuously and richly attired with his garments decked with great orient pearle beset with al sorts of precious stones In like rich maner were appareled all the family of the Godonouaes in their degrees with the rest of the princes and nobilitie whereof one named Knez Iuan Michalowich Glynsky whose robe horse and furniture was in register found worth one hundred thousand markes sterling being of great antiquitie The Empresse being in her pallace was placed in her chaire of Maiesty also before a great open window most precious and rich were her robes and shining to behold with rich stones and orient pearle beset her crowne was placed vpon her head accompanied with her Princesses and Ladies of estate then cried out the people God preserue our noble Empresse Irenia After all this the Emperour came into the Parliament house which was richly decked there he was placed in his royall seat adorned as before his 6. crownes were set before him vpon a table the basin and ewer royall of gold held by his knight of gard with his men standing two on each side in white apparell of cloth of siluer called Kindâ—y with scepters and battle axes of gold in their hands the Princes and nobilitie were all placed according to their degrees all in their rich roabs The Emperour after a short oration permitted euery man in order to kisse his hande which being done he remoued to a princely seate prepared for him at the table where he was serued by his nobles in very princely order The three out roomes being very great and large were beset with plate of golde and siluer round from the ground vp to the vaâ—ts oâ—e vpon the other among which plate were many barrels of siluer and golde this solemnitie and triumph lasted a whole weeke wherein many royall pastimes were shewed and vsed after which the chiefest men of the nobilitie were elected to their places of office dignitie as the Prince Boris Pheodorowich was made chiefe Counseller to the Emperor Master of the horse had the charge of his person Liuetenant of the Empire and Warlike engins Gouernor or Liuetenant of the Empire of Cazan and Astracan and others to this dignitie were by Parliament and gift of the Emperor giuen him many reuenues and rich lands as there was giuen him and his for euer to inherite a prouince called Vaga of 300. English miles in length and 250. in bredth with many townes and great villages populous and wealthy his yeerely reuenue out of that
bought or solde When their fishing is done their manner is to drawe their carbasses or boates on shore and there to leaue them with the keele turned vpwardes till the next spring tide Their trauaile to and fro is vpon sleddes drawen by the Olen Deere which they vse to turne a grasing all the Sommer time in an Island called Kildyn of a verie good soyle compared with other partes of that Countrey and towards the Winter time when the snowe beginneth to fall they fetch them home againe for the vse of their sledde The description of the regions people and riuers lying North and East from Moscouia as the way from Moscouia to the riuer Petzora and the Prouince Iugaria or Iuhra and from thence to the riuer Obi. Likewise the description of other countreys and regions euen vnto the Empire of the great Can of Cathay taken out of Sigismundus ab Herberstein THE dominion of the Prince of Moscouia reacheth farre toward the East and North vnto the places which we will now describe As concerning which thing I translated a book y t was presented vnto me in the Moscouites tongue and haue here made a briefe rehearsall of the same I will first therefore describe the iourney from Moscouia to Petzora and so to Iugaria and Obi. From Moscouia to the citie of Vologda are numbred fiue hundred versts one verst conteyning almost the space of an Italian myle From Vologda to Vstiug toward the right hand descending with the course of the riuer of Vologda and Suchana with whom it ioyneth are counted fiue hundred verstes where within two versts of the towne called Strelze and hard by the citie of Vstiug Suchana ioyneth vnto Iug which runneth from the South from whose mouth vnto the springs of the same are numbred fiue hundred versts But Suchana and Iug after they ioyne together lose their first names and make but one riuer named Dwina by the which the passage to the citie of Colmogro conteineth fiue hundred versts from whence in the space of sixe dayes iourney Dwina entreth into the North Ocean at sixe mouthes And the greatest part of this iourney consisteth by Nauigation For by lande from Vologda vnto Colmogro passing ouer the riuer Vuaga are a thousand verstes Not farre from Colmogro the riuer Pienega running from the East on the right hand for the space of seuen hundred versts falleth into Dwina From Dwina by the riuer Pienega by the space of two hundred versts they come to a place called Nicholai from whence within halfe a verst ships haue passage into the riuer Kuluio which hath his originall from a lake of the same name towarde the North from whose springs is eight daies viage to the mouth of the same where it entreth into the Ocean Sayling by the coasts of the right hand of the sea they passe by the regions of Stanuwische Calunczscho and Apnu And sayling about the promontorie or cape of Chorogoski Nosz Stanuwische Camenekh and Tolstickh they come at length into the riuer Mezen and from thence in the space of sixe dayes to a village of the same name standing in the mouth of the riuer Pieza by the which againe ascending toward the left hand sommer East they come to the riuer Piescoia from whence sayling for the space of fiue versts they come into two lakes in the which are seene two wayes whereof one on the right side goeth to the riuer Rubicho by the which they passe to the riuer Czircho Other by an other and shorter way bring their ships from the lake directly into Czircho from whence except they be hindered by tempest they come in the space of three weekes to the riuer and mouth of Czilma flowing into the great riuer Petzora which in that place is two versts in breadth Sayling from thence they come in the space of sixe dayes to the Towne and castle of Pustosero neare vnto the which Petzora entreth into the North Ocean at sixe mouthes The inhabitants of this place are men of simple wit they receiued the faith of Christ and were baptised in the yeare M.D.xviii From the mouth of Czilma vnto the mouth of the riuer Vssa going by Petzora is one moneths viage Vssa hath his springs in the mountaine Poyas Semnoi being on the left hand toward the sommer East and springeth out of a great stone of the same mountaine called Camen Bolschoi From the springs of Vssa to the mouthes of the same are numbered more then a thousand versts Furthermore Petzora runneth from this south winter part from whence ascending from the mouthes of Vssa vnto the mouthes of the riuer Stzuchogora is three weekes viage They that described this vyage sayd that they rested betweene the mouthes of the riuers of Stzuchogora and Potzscheriema and left their victuals there which they brought with them from Russia Beyond the riuers of Petzora and Stzuchogora toward the mountaine Camenipoias and the sea with the Ilands thereabout and the Castle of Pustosero are diuers and innumerable nations which by one common name are called Samoged that is such as eate themselues They haue great increase of foules birdes and diuers kindes of beastes as Sables Marternes Beuers Otters Herntelines Squirrels and in the Ocean the beast called a Mors Also Uesse white Beares Wolues Hares Equiwoduani great Whales and a fish called Semsâ— with diuers other The people of these nations come not to Moscouia For they are wilde and flee the company and society of other men From the mouthes of Stzuchogora sayling vp the riuer vnto Poiassa Artawische Cameni and Poiassa the greater is three weekes vyage Furthermore the ascending to the mount Camen is three dayes iourney from the which descending they come to the riuer Artawischa and from thence to the riuer Sibut from whence they passe to the Castle of Lepin and from Lepin to the riuer Sossa The people that inhabite the region by this riuer are called Vuogolici Leauing Sossa on the right hande they come to the great riuer Obi that springeth out of the lake Kitaisko the which with all the haste they could make they could scarcely passe ouer in one day the riuer being of such breadth that it reacheth fourescore versts The people also that dwell about the riuer are called Vuogolici and Vgritzschi From the Castle of Obea ascending by the riuer of Oby vnto the riuer Irtische into the which Sossa entereth is three moneths iourney In these places are two Castles named Ierom and Tumen kept by certaine Lords called Knesi Iuhorski being tributaries to the great Duke of Moscouia as they say Here are diuers kinds of beasts and furres From the mouth of the riuer Irtische to the Castle of Grustina is two moneths iourney from whence to the lake Kitai by the riuer Oby which I said to
here against we were be calmed The 22 we had sight of another small Iland called Catza which is desolate and on the left hand and on the right hand a very dangerous Iland called Pelagosa this is also desolate and lyeth in the midst of the sea betweene both the maines it is very dangerous and low land and it hath a long ledge of rockes lying out sixe miles in to the sea so that many ships by night are cast away vpon them There is betweene Catza and Pelagosa 30 miles and these two Ilands are distant from Venice 400 miles There is also about twelue miles eastward a great Iland called Augusta about 14 miles in length somewhat hillie but well inhabited and fruitfull of vines corne and other fruit this also we left on the left hand we haue hitherto kept our course from Rouignio East southeast This Iland is vnder the Signiorie or gouernement of Ragusa it is distant from Ragusa 50 miles and there is by that Iland a greater named Meleda which is also vnder the gouernement of Ragusa it is about 30 miles in length and inhabited and hath good portes it lyeth by East from Augusta and ouer against this Iland lyeth a hill called Monte S. Angelo vpon the coast of Puglia in Italy and we had sight of both landes at one time The 23 we sayled all the day long by the bowline alongst the coast of Ragusa and towardes night we were within 7 or 8 miles of Ragusa that we might see the white walles but because it was night we cast about to the sea minding at the second watch to beare in againe to Ragusa for to know the newes of the Turkes armie but the winde blew so hard and contrary that we could not This citie of Ragusa paieth tribute to the Turke yerely fourteene thousand Sechinos and euery Sechino is of venetian money eight liuers and two soldes besides other presents which they giue to the Turkes Bassas when they come thither The Venetians haue a rocke or cragge within a mile of the said towne for the which the Raguseos would giue them much money but they doe keepe it more for the name sake then for profite This rocke lieth on the Southside of the towne and is called Il cromo there is nothing on it but onely a Monasterie called Sant Ieronimo The maine of the Turkes countrie is bordering on it within one mile for the which cause they are in great subiection This night wee were put backe by contrarie windes and ankered at Melleda The 24 being at an anker vnder Melleda we would haue gone on land but the winde came so faire that we presently set sayle and went our course and left on the right hand of vs the forenamed Iland and on the left hand betweene vs and the maine the Iland of Zupanna and within a mile of that vnder the maine by East another Iland called Isola de Mezo This Iland hath two Monasteries in it one called Santa Maria de Bizo and the other Sant Nicholo Also there is a third rocke with a Frierie called Sant Andrea these Ilands are from the maine but two miles and the channell betweene Melleda and Zupanna is but foure or fiue miles ouer by gesse but very deepe for we had at an anker fortie fathoms The two Ilands of Zupanna and Mezo are well inhabited and very faire buildings but nothing plentie saue wine onely This night toward sunne set it waxed calme and we sayled little or nothing The 24 we were past Ragusa 14 miles and there we mette with two Uenetian ships which came from Cyprus we thought they would haue spoken with vs for we were desirous to talke with them to knowe the newes of the Turkes armie and to haue sent some letters by them to Venice About noone we had scant sight of Castel nouo which Castell a fewe yeeres past the Turke tooke from the Emperour in which fight were slaine three hundred Spanish souldiers besides the rest which were taken prisoners and made gallie slaues This Castell is hard at the mouth of a channell called Boca de Cataro The Uenetians haue a hold within the channell called Cataro this channell goeth vp to Budoa and further vp into the countrey About sunneset we were ouer against the hilles of Antiueri in Sclauonia in the which hilles the Uenetians haue a towne called Antiueri and the Turkes haue another against it called Marcheuetti the which two townes continually skirmish together with much slaughter At the end of these hils endeth the Countrey of Sclauonia and Albania beginneth These hilles are thirtie miles distant from Ragusa The 27 we kept our course towards Puglia and left Albania on the left hand The 28. we had sight of both the maines but we were neerer the coast of Puglia for feare of Foystes It is betweene Cape Chimera in Albania and Cape otranto in Puglia 60 miles Puglia is a plaine low lande and Chimera in Albania is very high land so that it is seene the further Thus sayling our course along the coast of Puglia we saw diuerse white Towers which serue for sea-markes About three of the clocke in the after noone we had sight of a rocke called Il fano 48 miles from Corfu and by sunne set we discouered Corfu Thus we kept on our course with a prosperous winde and made our way after twelue mile euery houre Most part of this way we were accompanied with certaine fishes called in the Italian tongue Palomide it is a fish three quarters of a yard in length in colour eating and making like a Makarell somewhat bigge and thick in body and the tayle forked like a halfe moone for the which cause it is said that the Turke will not suffer them to be taken in all his dominions The 29 in the morning we were in sight of an Iland which we left on our left hande called Cephalonia it is vnder the Uenetians and well inhabited with a faire towne strongly situated on a hill of the which hill the Iland beareth her name it hath also a very strong fortresse or Castle and plentie of corne and wine their language is Greeke it is distant from the maine of Morea thirtie miles it is in compasse 80 miles One houre within night we sayled by the towne standing on the South cape of Cephalonia whereby we might perceiue their lights There come oftentimes into the creekes and riuers the Turkes foystes and gallies where at their arriuall the Countrey people doe signifie vnto their neighbours by so many lights as there are foistes or gallies in the Iland and thus they doe from one to another the whole Iland ouer About three of the clocke in the afternoone the winde scanted and wee minded to haue gone to Zante but we could not for that night This Iland of Zante is distant from Cephalonia
and durst doe nothing which was to our cost Being come within sight of Ierusalem the maner is to kneele downe and giue God thankes that it hath pleased him to bring vs to that holy place where he himselfe had beene and there we leaue our horses and go on foote to the towne and being come to the gates there they tooke our names and our fathers names and so we were permitted to go to our lodgings The gouernor of the house met vs a mile out of the towne and very curteously bade vs all welcome and brought vs to the monasterie The gates of the citie are all couered with yron the entrance into the house of the Christians is a very low narrow doore barred or plated with yron and then come we into a very darke entry the place is a monastery there we lay dieted of free cost we fared reasonable well the bread and wine was excellent good the chambers cleane all the meat well serued in with cleane linnen We lay at the monasterie two dayes friday and saturday and then we went to Bethlem with two or three of the friers of the house with vs in the way thither we saw many monuments as The mountaine where the Angell tooke vp Abacuck by the haire and brought him to Daniel in the Lions denne The fountaine of the prophet Ieremie The place where the wise men met that went to Bethlem to worship Christ where is a fountaine of stone Being come to Bethlem we sawe the place where Christ was borne which is now a chappell with two altars whereupon they say masse the place is built with gray marble and hath bene beautifull but now it is partly decayed Neere thereto is the sepulchre of the innocents slaine by Herod the sepulchres of Paul of Ierome and of Eusebius Also a litle from this monasterie is a place vnder the ground where the virgine Mary abode with Christ when Herod sought him to destroy him We stayed at Bethlem that night and the next day we went from thence to the mountaines of Iudea which are about eight miles from Ierusalem where are the ruines of an olde monasterie In the mid way from the monasterie to Ierusalem is the place where Iohn Baptist was borne being now an olde monasterie and cattell kept in it Also a mile from Ierusalem is a place called Inuentio sanctae crucis where the wood was found that made the crosse In the citie of Ierusalem we saw the hall where Pilat sate in iudgement when Christ was condemned the staires whereof are at Rome as they told vs. A litle from thence is the house where the virgin Mary was borne There is also the piscina or fishpoole where the sicke folkes were healed which is by the wals of Ierusalem But the poole is now dry The mount of Caluaria is a great church and within the doore therof which is litle and barred with yron and fiue great holes in it to looke in like the holes of tauerne doores in London they sit that are appointed to receiue our money with a carpet vnder them vpon a banke of stone their legs a crosse like tailors hauing paid our money we are permitted to go into the church right against the church doore is the graue where Christ was buried with a great long stone of white marble ouer it and rayled about the outside of the sepulchre is very foule by meanes that euery man scrapes his name and marke vpon it and is ill kept Within the sepulchre is a partition in the further part thereof is a place like an altar where they say masse and at the doore thereof is the stone whereupon the Angell sate when he sayde to Marie He is risen which stone was also rowled to the doore of the sepulchre The altar stone within the sepulchre is of white marble the place able to conteine but foure persons right ouer the sepulchre is a deuise or lanterne for light and ouer that a great louer such as are in England in ancient houses There is also the chappell of the sepulchre and in the mids thereof is a canopie as it were of a bed with a great sort of Estridge egges hanging at it with tassels of silke and lampes Behinde the sepulchre is a litle chappell for the Chaldeans and Syrians Upon the right hand comming into the church is the tombe of Baldwine king of France and of his sonne and in the same place the tombe of Melchisedech There is a chappell also in the same church erected to S. Helen through which we go vp to the place where Christ was crucified the stayres are fiftie steps high there are two altars in it before the high altar is the place where the crosse stood the hole whereof is trimmed about with siluer and the depth of it is halfe a mans arme deepe the rent also of the mountaine is there to be seene in the creuis wherein a man may put his arme Upon the other side of the mount of Caluarie is the place where Abraham would haue sacrificed his sonne Where also is a chapell and the place paued with stones of diuers colours There is also the house of Annas the high Priest and the Oliue tree whereunto Christ was bound when he was whipt Also the house of Caiphas and by it the prison where Christ was kept which is but the roome of one man and hath no light but the opening of the doore Without Ierusalem in the vally of Iosaphat is a church vnder the ground like to the shrouds in Pauls where the sepulchre of the virgin Mary is the staires be very broad and vpon the staires going downe are two sepulchres vpon the left hand lieth Iosaphat and vpon the right hand lieth Ioachim and Anna the father and mother of the virgin Mary Going out of the valley of Iosaphat we came to mount Oliuet where Christ praied vnto his father before his death and there is to be seene as they tolde me the water blood that fell from the eyes of Christ. A litle higher vpon the same mount is the place where the Apostles â—ept and watched not At the foot of the mount is the place where Christ was imprisoned Upon the mountaine also is the place where Christ stood when he wept ouer Ierusalem and where he ascended into heauen Now hauing seene all these monuments I with my company set from Ierusalem the 20 day of August and came againe to Ioppa the 22 of the same moneth where wee tooke shipping presently for Tripolis and in foure dayes we came to Mecina the place where the ships lie that come for Tripolis The citie of Tripolis is a mile and a halfe within the land so that no ship can come further then Mecina so that night I came thither where I lay nine daies for passage and at last we imbarked our selues in a good ship of Venice called the new Naue Ragasona We entred the ship the second of September the
Constantinople there the Marchant and the Pilot landed At this bridge is an house of the great Turkes with a faire Garden belonging vnto it neere the which is a point called Ponta S. Stephano and there the shippe ankered that day The 26 day the ship came to â—â—e seuen Towers and the 27 we came neerer The 29 there came three gallies to bring vs vp further and when the shippe came against the great Turks palace we shot off all our ordinance to the number of foure and thirty pieces Then landed our Ambassadour and then we discharged foure and twenty pieces who was receiued with more then fifty or threescore men on horsebacke The ninth of April he presented the great Bassa with siâ—e clothes foure cannes of siluer double gilt and one piece of fine holland and to three other Bassas that is to say the second Bassa which is a gelded man and his name is Mahomet Bassa to the third who maried the great Turks sister and to the fourth whom they call Abraham Bassa to euery one of these he gaue foure clothes Now before the great Bassa and Abraham Bassa at their returne from the Court and as we thinke at other times but at that time for a certaine there came a man in maner of a foole who gaue a great shout three or foure times crying very hollowly the place rebounded with the sound and this man say they is a prophet of Mahomet his armes and legges naked on his feet he did weare woodden pattens of two sorts in his hand a flagge or streamer set on a short speare painted he carried a mat and bottels and other trumpery at his backe and sometimes vnder his arme on his head he had a cappe of white Camels haire flat like an helmet written about with letters and about his head a linnen rowle Other seruingmen there were with the sayd Bassas with red attire on their heads much like French hoods but the long flappe somewhat smaller towardes the end with scuffes or plates of mettall like vnto the chape of an ancient arming sword standing on their foreheads like other Ianisaries These Bassas entertained vs as followeth First they brought vs into a hall there to stand on one side and our Ambassadour and gentlemen on the other side who sate them downe on a bench couered with carpets the Ambassadour in the midst on his left hand sate our gentlemen and on his right hand the Turkes next to the doore where their master goeth in and out the common sort of Turkes stayed in the Court yard not suffered to come neere vs. When our Ambassadour had sitten halfe an houre the Bassas who sate by themselues in an inner small roome sent for him to whom the Ambassadour and his gentlemen went they all kissed his hand and presently returned the Ambassadour onely excepted who stayed there and a Turks chaus with him with the Ambassadour and his gentlemen went in also so many of our men as there were presents to cary in but these neither kissed his hand nor taried After this I went to visit the church of Santa Sophia which was the chiefe church when it was the Christians and now is the chiefe see and church of primacie of this Turke present before I entred I was willed to put off my shoes to the end I should not prophane their church I being a Christian. The pillers on both sides of the church are very costly and rich their Pulpets seemely and handsome two are common to preach in the third reserued onely for their Paschall The ground is couered with Mats and the walles hanged with Tapistry They haue also Lamps in their churches one in the middle of the church of exceeding greatnesse and another in another part of the church of cleane golde or double gilded full as bigge as a barrel Round about the church there is a gallery builded vpon rich and stately pillers That day I was in both the chappels in one of the which lieth the Turkes father and fiue of his sonnes in tombes right costly with their turbents very white and cleane shifted as they say euery Friday they be not on their heads but stand on mouldes made for that purpose At the endes ouer and about their tombes are belts like girdles beset with iewels In the other chappell are foure other of his sonnes and one daughter in like order In the first chappell is a thing foure foot high couered with greene beset with mother of pearle very richly This is a relique of Mahomet and standeth on the left side of the head of the great Turks tombe These chappels haue their floores couered and their walles hanged with Tapistrie of great price I could value the couering and hangings of one of the chappels at no lesse then fiue hundred poundes besides their lamps hanging richly gilded These chappels haue their roofes curiously wrought with rich stone and gilded And there lie the bookes of their Lawes for euery man to reade The 11 day of April the shippe came to the Key of the Custome house The 16 the Ambassadour and we his men went to the Captaine Bassa who is Admirall of the seas his name is Vchali he would not receiue vs into his house but into his gallie to deliuer our present which was as followeth Foure pieces of cloth and two siluer pots gilt grauen The poope or sterne of his gally was gilded both within and without and vnder his feet and where he sate was all couered with very rich Tapistry Our Ambassadour and his gentlemen kissed his hand and then the gentlemen were commanded out and our Ambassadour sate downe by him on his left hand and the chaus stood before him Our men might walke in the gally fore and after some of vs caried and some went out againe The gally had seuen pieces of brasse in her prowe small and great she had thirty bankes or oares on either side and at euery banke or oare seuen men to rowe The 18 day the shippe went from the Key And 21 the Admirall tooke his leaue of the great Turke being bound to the Sea with sixe and thirty gallies very fairely beautified with gilding and painting and beset with flags and streamers all the which gallies discharged their ordinance and we for his farewell gaue him one and twenty pieces Then he went to his house with his gallies and the 22 he went to the Sea and the Castle that standeth in the water gaue him foureteene or sixteene pieces and when he came against the Turks Seraglio he shot off all his caliuers and his great pieces and so hee went his way The 24 our Ambassadour went to the Court whose entertainement with the order thereof followeth When wee came first on â—and there was way made for vs by two or three Bassaes and diuers chauses on horsebacke with their men on foot to accompany our Ambassadour to the Court. Also they brought horses for him
or fourescore thousand men These two captaines being of one religion with the foure kings which were Moores wrought meanes with them to betray their owne king into their hands The king of Bezeneger esteemed not the force of the foure kings his enemies but went out of his city to wage battell with them in the fieldes and when the armies were ioyned the battell lasted but a while not the space of foure houres because the two traitourous captaines in the chiefest of the fight with their compaines turned their faces against their king and made such disorder in his army that as astonied they set themselues to flight Thirty yeeres was this kingdome gouerned by three brethren which were tyrants the which keeping the rightfull king in prison it was their vse euery yeere once to shew him to the people and they at their pleasures ruled as they listed These brethren were three captaines belonging to the father of the king they kept in prison which when he died left his sonne very yong and then they tooke the gouernment to themselues The chiefest of these three was called Ramaragio and sate in the royall throne and was called the king the second was called Temiragio and he tooke the gouernment on him the third was called Bengatre and he was captaine generall of the army These three brethren were in this battell in the which the chiefest and the last were neuer heard of quicke nor dead Onely Temiragio fled in the battel hauing lost one of his eyes when the newes came to the city of the ouerthrow in the battell the wiues and children of these three tyrants with their lawfull king kept prisoner fâ—ed away spoiled as they were the foure kings of the Moores entred the city Bezeneger with great triumph there they remained sixe moneths searching vnder houses in all places for money other things that were hidden and then they departed to their owne kingdomes because they were not able to maintaine such a kingdome as that was so farre distant from their owne countrey When the kings were departed from Bezeneger this Temiragio returned to the city and then beganne for to repopulate it and sent word to Goa to the Merchants if they had any horses to bring them to him and he would pay well for them and for this cause the aforesayd two Merchants that I went in company withall carried those horses that they had to Bezeneger Also this Tyrant made an order or lawe that if any Merchant had any of the horses that were taken in the aforesayd battell or warres although they were of his owne marke that he would giue as much for them as they would and beside he gaue generall safe conduct to all that should bring them When by this meanes he saw that there were great store of horses brought thither vnto him hee gaue the Merchants faire wordes vntill such time as he saw they could bring no more Then he licenced the Merchants to depart without giuing them any thing for their horses which when the poore men saw they were desperate and as it were mad with sorrow and griefe I rested in Bezeneger seuen moneths although in one moneth I might haue discharged all my businesse for it was necessary to rest there vntill the wayes were cleere of theeues which at that time ranged vp and downe And in the time I rested there I saw many strange and beastly dâ—eds done by the Gentiles First when there is any Noble man or woman dead they burne their bodies and if a married man die his wife must burne herselfe aliue for the loue of her husband and with the body of her husband so that when any man dieth his wife will take a moneths leaue two or three or as shee will to burne her selfe in and that day being come wherein shee ought to be burnt that morning shee goeth out of her house very earely either on horsebacke or on an eliphant or else is borne by eight men on a smal stage in one of these orders she goeth being apparelled like to a Bride carried round about the City with her haire downe about her shoulders garnished with iewels and flowers according to the estate of the party and they goe with as great ioy as Brides doe in Venice to their nuptials shee carrieth in her left hand a looking glasse and in her right hand an arrow and singeth thorow the City as she passeth and sayth that she goeth to sleepe with her deere spowse and husband She is accompanied with her kindred and friends vntill it be one or two of the clocke in the afternoone then they goe out of the City and going along the riuers side called Nigondin which runneth vnder the walles of the City vntill they come vnto a place where they vse to make this burning of women being widdowes there is prepared in this place a great square caue with a little pinnacle hard by it foure or fiue steppes vp the foresayd caue is full of dried wood The woman being come thither accompanied with a great number of people which come to see the thing then they make ready a great banquet and she that shall be burned eateth with as great ioy and gladnesse as though it were her wedding day and the feast being ended then they goe to dancing and singing a certeine time according as she will After this the woman of her owne accord commandeth them to make the fire in the square caue where the drie wood is and when it is kindled they come and certifie her thereof then presently she leaueth the feast and taketh the neerest kinseman of her husband by the hand and they both goe together to the banke of the foresayd riuer where shee putteth off all her iewels and all her clothes and giueth them to her parents or kinsefolke and couering herselfe with a cloth because she will not be seene of the people being naked she throweth herselfe into the riuer saying O wretches wash away your â—innes Comming out of the water she rowleth herselfe into a yellow cloth of foureteene braces long and againe she taketh her husbands kinseman by the hand and they go both together vp to the pinnacle of the square caue wherein the fire is made When she is on the pinnacle shee talketh and reasoneth with the people recommending vnto them her children and kindred Before the pinnacle they vse to set a mat because they shall not see the fiercenesse of the fire yet there are many that will haue them plucked away shewing therein an heart not fearefull and that they are not affrayd of that sight When this silly woman hath reasoned with the people a good while to her content there is another woman that taketh a pot with oile and sprinckleth it ouer her head and with the same she anoynteth all her body and afterwards throweth the pot into the fornace and both the woman and the pot goe together into the fire and presently the people that are
saue your goods from the Arabians which be alwayes there abou ts robbing and in the night when your boates be made fast it is necessarie that you keepe good watch For the Arabians that bee theeues will come swimming and steale your goods and flee away against which a gunne is very good for they doe feare it very much In the riuer of Euphrates from Birra to Felugia there be certaine places where you pay custome so many Medines for a some or Camels lading and certaine raysons and sope which is for the sonnes of Aborise which is Lord of the Arabians and all that great desert and hath some villages vpon the riuer Felugia where you vnlade your goods which come from Birra is a little village from whence you goe to Babylon in a day Babylon is a towne not very great but very populous and of great traffike of strangers for that it is the way to Persia Turkia and Arabia and from thence doe goe Carouans for these and other places Here are great store of victuals which come from Armenia downe the riuer of Tygris They are brought vpon raftes made of goates skinnes blowne full of winde and bordes layde vpon them and thereupon they lade their goods which are brought downe to Babylon which being discharged they open their skinnes and carry them backe by Camels to serue another time Babylon in times past did belong to the kingdome of Persia but nowe is subiect to the Turke Ouer against Babylon there is a very faire village from whence you passe to Babylon vpon a long bridge made of boats and tyed to a great chaine of yron which is made fast on either side of the riuer When any boates are to passe vp or downe the riuer they take away certaine of the boates vntill they be past The Tower of Babel is built on this side the riuer Tygris towardes Arabia from the towne about seuen or eight miles which tower is ruinated on all sides and with the fall therof hath made as it were a litle mountaine so that it hath no shape at all it was made of brickes dried in the sonne and certaine canes and leaues of the palme tree layed betwixt the brickes There is no entrance to be seene to goe into it It doth stand vpon a great plaine betwixt the riuers of Euphrates and Tygris By the riuer Euphrates two dayes iourney from Babylon at a place called Ait in a fielde neere vnto it is a strange thing to see a mouth that doth continually throwe foorth against the ayre boyling pitch with a filthy smoke which pitch doth runne abroad into a great fielde which is alwayes full thereof The Moores say that it is the mouth of hell By reason of the great quantitie of it the men of that countrey doe pitch their boates two or three inches thicke on the out side so that no water doth enter into them Their boates be called Danec When there is great store of water in Tygris you may goe from Babylon to Basora in 8 or 9 dayes if there be small store it will cost you the more dayes Basora in times past was vnder the Arabians but now is subiect to the Turke But some of them the Turke cannot subdue for that they holde certaine Ilandes in the riuer Euphrates which the Turke cannot winne of them They be theeues all and haue no setled dwelling but remoue from place to place with their Camels goates and horses wiues and children and all They haue large blew gownes their wiues eares and noses are ringed very full of rings of copper and siluer and they weare rings of copper about their legs Basora standeth neere the gulfe of Persia and is a towne of great trade of spices and drugges which come from Ormus Also there is great store of wheate â—yce and dates growing thereabout wherewith they serue Babylon and all the countrey Ormus and all the partes of India I went from Basora to Ormus downe the gulfe of Persia in a certaine shippe made of boordes and sowed together with cayro which is threede made of the huske of Cocoes and certaine canes or strawe leaues sowed vpon the seames of the bordes which is the cause that they leake very much And so hauing Persia alwayes on the left hande and the coast of Arabia on the right hande we passed many Ilandes and among others the famous Ilande Baharim from whence come the best pearles which be round and Orient Ormus is an Island in circuit about fiue and twentie or thirtie miles and is the driest Island in the world for there is nothing growing in it but onely salt for their water wood or victuals and all things necessary come out of Persia which is about twelue miles from thence All the Ilands thereabout be very fruitfull from whence all kinde of victuals are sent vnto Ormus The Portugales haue a castle here which standeth neere vnto the sea wherein there is a Captaine for the king of Portugale hauing vnder him a conuenient number of souldiers wherof some part remaine in the castle and some in the towne In this towne are marchants of all Nations and many Moores and Gentiles Here is very great trade of all sortes of spices drugs silke cloth of silke fine tapestrie of Persia great store of pearles which come from the Isle of Baharim and are the best pearles of all others and many horses of Persia which serue all India They haue a Moore to their king which is chosen and gouerned by the Portugales Their women are very strangely attyred wearing on their noses eares neckes armes and legges many rings set with iewels and lockes of siluer and golde in their eares and a long barre of golde vpon the side of their noses Their eares with the weight of their iewels be worne so wide that a man may thrust three of his fingers into them Here very shortly after our arriuall wee were put in prison and had part of our goods taken from vs by the Captaine of the castle whose name was Don Mathias de Albuquerque and from hence the eleuenth of October he shipped vs and sent vs for Goa vnto the Uiceroy which at that time was Don Francisco de Mascarenhas The shippe wherein we were imbarked for Goa belonged to the Captaine and carried one hundred twentie and foure horses in it All marchandise carried to Goa in a shippe wherein are horses pay no custome in Goa The horses pay custome the goods pay nothing but if you come in a ship which bringeth no horses you are then to pay eight in the hundred for your goods The first citie of India that we arriued at vpon the fift of Nouember after we had passed the coast of Zindi is called Diu which standeth in an Iland in the kingdome of Cambaia and is the strongest towne that the Portugales haue in those partes It is but litle but well stored with marchandise for here they lade many great shippes with diuerse commodities for
experience there was no good to be done that way which I thinke he first put in proofe to trie if by that terror he could get the vpper towne hauing no other way to put it in hazzard so speedily and which in my conscience had obtained the towne had not the defendants bene in as great perill of their liues by the displeasure of their king in giuing it vp as by the bullet or sword in defending the same For that day before the assault in the view of our army they burnt a cloister within the towne and many other houses adioyning to the castle to make it more defensible whereby it appeared how little opinion themselues had of holding it against vs had not God who would not haue vs suddenly made proud layed that misfortune vpon vs. Hereby it may appeare that the foure canons and other pieces of battery promised to the iourney and not performed might haue made her Maiesty mistresse of the Groine for though the mine were infortunate yet if the other breach had bene such as the earth would haue held our men thereon I doe not thinke but they had entred it thorowly at the first assault giuen which had bene more then I haue heard of in our age And being as it was is no more then the Prince of Parma hath in wiâ—ning of all his townes endured who neuer entred any place at the first assaultâ— nor aboue three by assault The next day the Generall hearing by a prisoner that was brought in that the Conde de Andrada had assembled an armie of eight thousand at Puente de Burgos sixe miles from thence in the way to Petance which was but the beginning of an armie in that there was a greater leauie readie to come thither vnder the Conde de Altemira either in purpose to relieue the Groine or to encampe themselues neere the place of our embarking there to hinder the same for to that purpose had the marquesse of Seralba written to them both the first night of our landing as the Commissarie taken then confessed or at the least to stop our further entrance into the Countrey for during this time there were manyâ— incursions made of three or foure hundred at a time who burnt spoyled and brought in victuals plentifully the Generall I say hearing of this armie had in purpose the next day following to visite them agaynst whom hee caried but nine Regiments in the vantgard were the Regiment of Sir Roger Williams Sir Edward Norris and Colonell Sidney in the Battaile that of the Generall of Colonell Lane and Colonel Medkerk and in the Rereward Sir Henrie Norris Colonell Huntley and Colonell Brets Regiments leauing the other fiue Regiments with Generall Drake for the guard of the Cloister and Artillerie About ten of the clocke the next day being the sixt of May halfe a mile from the campe we discouering the enemy Sir Edward Norris who commanded the vantgard in chiefe appointed his Lieutenant Colonell Captaine Anthonie Wingfield to command the shot of the same who diuided them into three troups the one he appointed to Captaine Middleton to be conducted in a way on the left hand another to Captaine Erington to take the way on the right hand and the body of them which were Musquetiers Captaine Wingfield tooke himselfe keeping the direct way of the march But the way taken by Captaine Middleton met a little before with the way held by Captaine Wingfield so as he giuing the first charge vpon the enemy was in the instant seconded by Captaine Wingfield who beat them from place to place they hauing very good places of defence and crosse walles which they might haue held long till they betooke them to their bridge which is ouer a creeke comming out of the Sea builded of stone vpon arches On the foot of the further side whereof lay the Campe of the enemy very strongly entrenched who with our shot beaten to the further end of the bridge Sir Edward Norris marching in the point of the pikes without stay passed to the bridge accompanied with Colonell Sidney Captaine Hinder Captaine Fulford and diuers others who found the way cleare ouer the same but through an incredible volley of shot for that the shot of their army flanked vpon both sides of the bridge the further end whereof was barricaded with barrels but they who should haue guarded the same seeing the proud approch we made forsooke the defence of the barricade where Sir Edward entered and charging the first defendant with his pike with very earnestnesse in ouerthrusting fell and was grieuously hurt at the sword in the head but was most honourably rescued by the Generall his brother accompanied with Colonell Sidney and some other gentlemen Captaine Hinder also hauing his Caske shot off had fiue wounds in the head and face at the sword and Captaine Fulford was shot into the left arme at the same encounter yet were they so thorowly seconded by the Generall who thrust himselfe so neere to giue encouragement to the attempt which was of wooderfull difficulty as their brauest men that defended that place being ouerthrowen their whole army fell presently into rout of whom our men had the chase three miles in foure sundry wayes which they betooke themselues vnto There was taken the Standerd with the Kings armes and borne before the Generall How many two thousand men for of so many consisted our vantgard might kill in pursuit of foure sundry parties so many you may imagine fell before vs that day And to make the number more great our men hauing giuen ouer the execution and returning to their standes found many hidden in the Uineyards and hedges which they dispatched Also Colonell Medkerk was sent with his regiment three miles further to a Cloister which he burnt and spoiled wherein he found two hundred more put them to the sword There were slaine in this fight on our side onely Captaine Cooper and one priuate souldier Captaine Barton was also hurt vpon the bridge in the eye But had you seene the strong baricades they had made on either side of the bridge and how strongly they lay encamped thereabouts you would haue thought it a rare resolution of ours to giue so braue a charge vpon an army so strongly lodged After the furie of the execution the Generall sent the vantgard one way and the battell another to burne and spoile so as you might haue seene the countrey more then three miles compasse on fire There was found very good store of munition and victuals in the Campe some plate and rich apparell which the better sort left behinde they were so hotly pursued Our sailers also landed in an Iland next adioyning to our ships where they burnt and spoiled all they found Thus we returned to the Groine bringing small comfort to the enemy within the same who shot many times at vs as we marched out but not once in our comming backe againe The next day was spent in shipping our artillery landed for the
although they be diligently by arte husbanded and seene vnto and the cause thereof are the Northerne driuing winds which comming from the sea are so bitter and sharpe that they kill all the yoong tender plants and suffer scarse any thing to grow and so is it in the Islands of Meta incognita which are subiect most to East Northeastern winds which the last yere choaked vp the passage so with ice that the fleet could hardly recouer their port Yet notwithstanding all the obiections that may be the countrey is habitable for there are men women children sundry kind of beasts in great plenty as beares deere hares foxes and dogs all kinde of flying fowles as ducks seamewes wilmots partridges larks crowes hawks and such like as in the third booke you shall vnderstand more at large Then it appeareth that not onely the middle zone but also the Zones about the poles are habitable Which thing being well considered and familiarly knowen to our Generall captaine Frobisher aswell for that he is thorowly furnished of the knowledge of the sphere and all other skilles appertaining to the arte of nauigation as also for the confirmation he hath of the same by many yeres experience both by sea and land and being persuaded of a new and nerer passage to Cataya then by Capo de buona Sperança which the Portugals yerely vse he began first with himselfe to deuise and then with his friends to conferre and layed a plaine plat vnto them that that voyage was not onely possible by the Northwest but also he could proue easie to be performed And further he determined and resolued with himselfe to go make full proofe thereof and to accomplish or bring true certificate of the truth or els neuer to returne againe knowing this to be the only thing of the world that was left yet vndone whereby a notable minde might be made famous and fortunate But although his will were great to performe this notable voyage whereof he had conceiued in his minde a great hope by sundry sure reasons and secret intelligence which here for sundry causes I leaue vntouched yet he wanted altogether meanes and ability to set forward and performe the same Long time he conferred with his priuate friends of these secrets and made also many offers for the performing of the same in effect vnto sundry merchants of our countrey aboue 15 yeres before he attempted the same as by good witnesse shall well appeare albeit some euill willers which challenge to themselues the fruits of other mens labours haue greatly iniured him in the reports of the same saying that they haue bene the first authours of that action and that they haue learned him the way which themselues as yet haue neuer gone but perceiuing that hardly he was hearkened vnto of the merchants which neuer regard vertue without sure certaine and present gaines he repaired to the Court from whâ—nce as from the fountaine of our Common wealth all good causes haue their chiefe increase and maintenance and there layed open to many great estates and learned men the plot and summe of his deuice And amongst many honourable minds which fauoured his honest and commeâ—dable enterprise he was specially bound and beholding to the right honourable Ambrose Dudley earle of Warwicke whose fauourable minde and good disposition hath alwayes bene ready to countenance and aduance all honest actions with the authours and executers of the same and so by meanes of my lord his honourable countenance he receiued some comfort of his cause and by litle and litle with no small expense and paine brought his cause to some perfection and had drawen together so many aduenturers and such summes of money as might well defray a reasonable charge to furnish himselfe to sea withall He prepared two small barks of twenty and fiue and twenty tunne a piece wherein he intended to accomplish his pretended voyage Wherefore being furnished with the foresayd two barks and one small pinnesse of ten tun burthen hauing therein victuals and other necessaries for twelue moneths prouision he departed vpon the sayd voyage from Blacke-wall the 15 of Iune anno Domini 1576. One of the barks wherein he went was named The Gabriel and the other The Michael and sailing Northwest from England vpon the 11 of Iuly he had sight of an high and ragged land which he iudged to be Frisland whereof some authors haue made mention but durst not approch the same by reason of the great store of ice that lay alongst the coast and the great mists that troubled them not a litle Not farre from thence he lost company of his small pinnesse which by meanes of the great storme he supposed to be swallowed vp of the Sea wherein he lost onely foure men Also the other barke named The Michael mistrusting the matter conueyed themselues priuily away from him and returned home with great report that he was cast away The worthy captaine notwithstanding these discomforts although his mast was sprung and his toppe mast blowen ouerboord with extreame foule weather continued his course towards the Northwest knowing that the sea at length must needs haue an ending that some land should haue a beginning that way and determined therefore at the least to bring true proofe what land and sea the same might be so farre to the Northwestwards beyond any man that hath heretofore discouered And the twentieth of Iuly he had sight of an high land which he called Queene Elizabeths Forland after her Maiesties name And sailing more Northerly alongst that coast he descried another forland with a great gut bay or passage diuiding as it were two maine lands or continents asunder There he met with store of exceeding great ice all this coast along and coueting still to continue his course to the Northwards was alwayes by contrary winde deteined ouerthwart these straights and could not get beyond Within few dayes after he perceiued the ice to be well consumed and gone either there ingulfed in by some swift currents or indrafts carried more to the Southwards of the same straights or els conueyed some other way wherefore he determined to make proofe of this place to see how farre that gut had continuance and whether he might carry himselfe thorow the same into some open sea on the backeside whereof he conceiued no small hope and so entred the same the one and twentieth of Iuly and passed aboue fifty leagues therein as he reported hauing vpon either hand a great maine or continent And that land vpon his right hand as he sailed Westward he iudged to be the continent of Asia and there to be diuided from the firme of America which lieth vpon the left hand ouer against the same This place he named after his name Frobishers streights like as Magellanus at y e Southwest end of the world hauing discouered the passage to the South sea where America is diuided from the continent of that land which lieth vnder the South
with the Minion two bow-shoote from the Spanish fleete where we ankered all that night and the next morning wee weyed anker and recouered an Island a mile from the Spaniards where a storme tooke vs with a North winde in which we were greatly distressed hauing but two cables and two ankers left for in the conflict before we had left three cables and two ankers The morrow after the storme being ceased and the weather faire we weied and set sayle being many men in number and but small store of vicâ—uals to suffice vs for any long time by meanes whereof we were in despaire and feare that we should perish through famine so that some were in minde to yeelde themselues to the mercy of the Spaniards other some to the Sauages or Infidels and wandring thus certaine daies in these vnknowen seas hunger constrained vs to eate hides cats and dogs mice rats parrats and munkies to be short our hunger was so great that wee thought it sauourie and sweete whatsoeuer wee could get to eate And on the eight of October wee came to land againe in the bottome of the bay of Mexico where we hoped to haue found some inhabitants that wee might haue had some reliefe of victuals and a place where to repaire our ship which was so greatly bruised that we were scarse able with our weary armes to keepe foorth the water being thus oppressed with famine on the one side and danger of drowning on the other not knowing whereto find reliefe wee began to be in wonderfull despaire and we were of many mindes amongst whom there were a great many that did desire our Generall to set them on land making their choise rather to submit themsâ—lues to the mercie of the Sauages of Infidels then longer to hazard themselues at sea where they â—ery well sawe that if they should remaine together if they pâ—rished not by drowning yet hunger would inforce them in the ende to eate one another to which request our Generall did very willingly agree considering with himselfe that it was necessary for him to lessen his number both for the safetie of himselfe the rest and therupon being resolued to set halfe his people ashore that he had then left aliue it was a world to see how suddenly mens minds were altered for they which a little before desired to be set on land were now of another minde and requested rather to stay by meanes whereof our Generall was inforced for the more contentation of all mens minds and to take away all occasions of offence to take this order First he made choice of such persons of seruice and accounâ— as were needefull to stay and that being done of those which were willing to goe he appointed such as he thought might be best spared and presently appointed that by the boat they should bee set on shore our Generall promising vs that the next yeere he would either come himselfe or else send to fetch vs home Here againe it would haue caused any stony heart to haue relented to heare the pitifull mone that many did make and howe loth they were to depart the weather was then somewhat stormy and tempestuous and therefore we were to passe with great danger yet notwithstanding there was no remedy but we that were appointed to goe away must of necessitie doe so Howbeit those that went in the first boat were safely set on shore but of them which went in the second boate of which number I my selfe was one the seas wrought so high that we could not attaine to the shore and therefore we were constrained through the cruell dealing of Iohn Hampton captaine of the Minion and Iohn Sanders boat swaine of the Iesus and Thomas Pollard his mate to leape out of the boate into the maine sea hauing more then a mile to shore and so to shift for our selues and either to sinke or swimme And of those that so were as it were throwen out and compâ—lled to leape into the sea there were two drowned which were of captaine Blands men In the euening of the same day it being Munday the eight of October 1568 when we were all come to shore we found fresh water whereof some of our men drunke so muchâ— that they had almost cast themselues away for wee could scarse get life of them for the space of two or three houres after other some were so cruelly swollen what with the drinking in of the salt water and what with the eating of the fruit which wee fâ—und on land hauing a stone in it much like an almond which fruit is called Capule that they were all in very ill case so that we were in a maner all of vs both feeble faint and weake The next morning being Tewsday the ninth of October we thought it best to trauell along by the sea coast to seeke out some place of habitation whether they were Christians or Sauages we were indifferenâ— so that we might haue wherewithall to sustaine our hungry bodies and so departing from an hill where we had rested all night not hauing any drie threed about vs for those that were not wet being not throwen into the sea were thorowly wet with raine for all the night it rained cruelly As we went from the hil and were come into the plaine we were greatly troubled to passe for the grasse and weedes that grewe there higher then any man On the left hand we had the sea and vpon the right hand great woods so that of necessitie we must needs passe on our way Westward through those marshes and going thus suddenly we were assaulted by the Indians a warlike kind of people which are in a maner as Canibals although they doe not feede vpon mans flesh as Canibals doe These people are called Chichimici and they vse to weare their haire long euen down to their knees they doe also colour their faces greene yellow red and blew which maketh them to seeme very ougly and terrible to beholde These people doe keepe warres against the Spaniards of whom they haue bene oftentimes very cruelly handled for with the Spaniards there is no mercy They perceiuing vs at our first comming on land supposed vs to haue bene their enemies the bordering Spaniards and hauing by their forerunners descried what number we were and how feeble and weake without armour or weapon they suddenly according to their accustomed maner when they encounâ—er with auy people in warlike sorte raised a terrible and huge crie and so came running fiercely vpon vs shooting off their arrowes as thicke as haile vnto whose mercy we were constrained to yeeld not hauing amongst vs any kind of armour nor yet weapon sauing one caliuer and two old rustie swords whereby to make any râ—sistance or to saue our selues which when they perceiued that wee sought not any other then fauour and mercie at their handes and that we were not their enemies the Spaniards they had compassion on vs and came and caused vs all to sit
haue 200 stripes on horsebacke and after to be committed to the gallies for the space of 8 yeeres Then was called Iohn Keyes and was adiudged to haue 100 stripes on horsebacke and condemned to serue in the gallies for the space of 6 yeeres Then were seuerally called the number of 53 one after another and euery man had his seuerall iudgement some to haue 200 stripes on horsebacke and some 100 and condemned for slaues to the gallies some for 6 yeeres some for 8 and some for 10. And then was I Miles Philips called and was adiudged to serue in a monasterie for 5 yeeres without any stripes and to weare a fooles coat or S. Benito during all that time Then were called Iohn Storie Richard Williams Dauid Alexander Robert Cooke Paul Horsewell and Thomas Hull these sixe were condemned to serue in monasteries without stripes some for 3 yeeres and some for foure and to weare the S. Benito during all the said time Which being done and it now drawing toward night George Riuely Peter Momfrie and Cornelius the Iriâ—hman were called and had their iudgement to be burnt to ashes and so were presently sent away to the place of execution in the market place but a little from the scaffold where they were quickly burnt and consumed And as for vs that had receiued our iudgement being 68 in number we were caried backe that night to prison againe And the next day in the morning being good Friday the yeere of our Lord 1575 we were all brought into a court of the Inquisitors pallace where we found a horse in a readinesse for euery one of our men which were condemned to haue stripes and to be committed to the gallies which were in number 60 and so they being inforced to mount vpon horsebacke naked from the middle vpward were carried to be shewed as a spectacle for all the people to behold throughout the chiefe and principall streetes of the citie and had the number of stripes to euery one of them appointed most cruelly laid vpon their naked bodies with long whips by sundry men appointed to be the executioners thereof and before our men there went a couple of criers which cried as they went Behold these English dogs Lutherans enemies to God and all the way as they went there were some of the Inquisitors themselues and of the familiars of that rakehel order that cried to the executioners Strike lay on those English heretiks Lutherans Gods enemies and so this horrible spectacle being shewed round about the citie they returned to the Inquisitor a house with their backes all gore blood and swollen with great bumps and were then taken from their horses carried againe to prison where they remained vntill they were sent into Spaine to the gallies there to receiue the rest of their martirdome and I and the 6 other with me which had iudgement and were condemned amongst the rest to serue an apprentiship in the monastery were taken presently and sent to certaine religious houses appointed for the purpose Chap. 6. Wherein is shewed how we were vsed in the religious houses and that when the time was expired that we were adiudged to serue in them there came newes to Mexico of M. Francis Drakes being in the South Sea and what preparation was made to take him and how I seeking to escape was againe taken and put in prison at Vera Cruz and how againe I made mine escape from thence I Miles Philips and William Lowe were appointed to the blacke Friers where I was appointed to be an ouerseer of Indian workmen who wrought there in building of a new church amongst which Indians I learned their language or Mexican tongue very perfectly and had great familiaritie with many of them whom I found to be a courteous and louing kind of people ingenious and of great vnderstanding and they hate and abhorre the Spaniardes with all their hearts they haue vsed such horrible cruelties against them and doe still keepe them in such subiection and seruitude that they and the Negros also doe daily lie in waite to practise their deliuerance out of that thraldome and bondage that the Spaniardes doe keepe them in William Lowe he was appointed to serue the Cooke in the kitchin Richard Williams and Dauid Alexander were appointed to the gray Friers Iohn Story and Robert Cooke to the white Friers Paul Horsewel the Secretary tooke to be his seruant Thomas Hull was sent to a Monastery of priests where afterward he died Thus we serued out the yeeres that we were condemned for with the vse of our fooles coates and we must needs confesse that the Friers did vse vs very courteously for euery one of vs had his chamber with bedding diet and all things cleane and neat yea many of the Spaniards and Friers themselues do vtterly abhorre and mislike of that cruell Inquisition and would as they durst bewaile our miseries and comfort vs the best they could although they stood in such feare of that diuelish Inquisition that they durst not let the left hande know what the right doth Now after that the time was expired for which we were condemned to serue in those religious houses we were then brought againe before the chiefe Inquisitor and had all our fooles coates pulled off and hanged vp in the head church called Ecclesia Maior and euery mans name and iudgement written thereupon with this addition An heretike Lutheran reconciled And there are also all their coates hanged vp which were condemned to the gallies with their names and iudgements and vnderneath his coat Heretike Lutheran reconciled And also the coats and names of the three that were burned whereupon were written An obstinate heretike Lutheran burnt Then were we suffered to goe vp and downe the countrey and to place our selues as we could and yet not so free but that we very well knew that there was good espiall alwayes attending vs and all our actions so that we durst not once speake or looke awry Dauid Alexander Robert Cooke returned to serue the Inquisitor who shortly after maried them both to two of his Negro women Richard Williams maried a rich widow of Biskay with 4000 Pezos Paul Horsewell is maried to a Mestisa as they name those whose fathers were Spaniards and their mothers Indians and this woman which Paul Horsewell hath maried is sayd to be the daughter of one that came in with Hernando Cortes the Conquerour who had with her in marriage foure thousand Pezos and a faire house Iohn Storie is maried to a Negro women William Lowe had leaue and licence to goe into Spaine where he is now married for mine owne part I could neuer throughly settle my selfe to marry in that countrey although many faire offers were made vnto me of such as were of great abilitie and wealth but I could haue no liking to liue in that place where I must euery where see and know such horrible idolatrie committed and durst not once for my life speake against it and
others in that order All which came very well to passe for as it drew towards night when most of the Wagoners were gone to draw vp their wagons in this sort I being alone had quickly filed off my boltes and so espying my time in the darke of the euening before they returned downe the hill againe I conueyed my selfe into the woods there adioyning carrying my bolts and manacles with me a few biscuits and two smaâ—l cheeses And being come into the woods I threw my yrons into a thicke bush and then couered them with mosse and other things and then shifted for my selfe as I might all that night And thus by the good prouidence of Almightie God I was freed from mine yrons all sauing the collar that was about my necke and so got my libertie the second time Chap. 7. Wherein is shewed how I escaped to Guatimala vpon the South sea and from thence to the port of Cauallos where I got passage to goe into Spaine and of our arriuall at Hauana and our comming to Spaine where I was againe like to haue bene committed prisoner and how through â—he great mercy of God I escaped and came home in safetie into England in February 1582. THe next morning day light being come I perceiued by the Sunne rising what way to take to escape their hands for wâ—en I fledde I tooke the way into the woods vpon the left hand and hauing lâ—ft that wâ—y that went to Mexico vpon my right hand I thought to kâ—â—pe my course as the woods and mountaines lay sâ—ill direct South as neere as I could by meanes wher of I was sure to conuey my selfe farre ynouâ—h from that way that went to Mexico And as I was thus going in the woods I saw many great fires made to the North not past a league from the mouâ—taine where I was and trauailing thus in my bootes with mine yron coller abâ—ut my necke and my bread and cheese the very same forenoone I mette with a company of Indians which were hunting of Deere for their sustenance to whom I spake in the Mexican tongue and told them how that I had of a long time bin kept in prison by the cruel Spanyards and did desire them to helpe me fâ—â—e to off mine yron coller which they willingly â—id reioycing greatly with me that I was thus escaped out of the Spanyards hands Then I desired that I might haue one of them to guide mee out of those desert mountaines towardes the South which they also most willingly did and so they brought mee to an Indian towne 8. leagues distant from thence named Shalapa where I stayed three dayes for that I was somewhat sickely At which towne with the gold that I had quilted in my dublet I bought me an horse of one of the Indians which cost mee 6. pezos and so trauailing South within the space of 2. leagues I happened to ouertake a gray Frier one that I had bene familiar withall in Mexico whom then I knewe to be a zealous good man and one that did much lament the crueltie vsed against vs by the Inquisitors and truely hee vsed me very courteously and I hauing confidence in him did indeede tel him that I was minded to aduenture to see if I could get out of the sayd countrey if I could finde shipping and did therefore pray him of his ayde direction and aduise herein which he faithfully did not onely in directing me which was my safest way to trauaile but he also of himselfe kept me company for the space of three dayes and euer as we came to the Indians houses who vsed and intertained vs well hee gathered among them in money to the value of 20. pezos which at my departure from him hee freely gaue vnto mee So came I to the citie of Guatimala vpon the South sea which is distant from Mexico about 250. leagues where I stayed 6. dayes for that my horse was weake And from thence I trauailed still South and by East seuen dayes iourney passing by certaine Indian townes vntill I came to an Indian towne distant from Mexico direct South 309. leagues And here at this towne enquiring to go to the Port de Cauallos in the Northeast sea it was answered that in trauailing thither I should not come to any towne in 10. or 12. dayes iourney so heere I hired two Indians to be my guides and I bought hennes and bread to serue vs so long time and tooke with vs things to kindle fire euery night because of wilde beastes and to dress our meate and euery night when we rested my Indian guides would make two great fires betweene the which we placed our selues and my horse And in the night time we should heare the Lions roare with Tygres Dunces and other beastes and some of them we should see in the night which had eyes shining like fire And trauailing thus for the space of twelue dayes wee came at last to the port of Cauallos vpon the East sea distant from Guatimala South and by East two hundreth leagues and from Mexico 450. or thereabouts This is a good harborough for shippes and is without either castle or bulwarke I hauing dispatched away my guides went downe to the Hauâ—n where I saw certaine ships loden chiefly with Canary wines where I spake with one of the Masters who asked me what Countrey man I was and I told him that I was â—oâ—ne in Granadoâ— he said that then I was his countreyman I required him that I might passe home with him in his ship paying for my passage and he said yea so that I had a safe conduct or letter testâ—monial to shew that he might incurre â—o danger for said he it may be that you haue killed some man or he indebted and would therefore run away To that I answered that there was not any such cause Wel in the end we grew to a price that for 60. pezos he would cary me into Spaine a glad man was I at this good hap and I quickly solde my horse and made my prouision of hennes and bread to serue me in my passage And thus within 2. dayes after we set saile and neuer stayed vntill we came to Hauana which is distant from puerto de Cauallos by sea 500. leagues where we found the whole fleete of Spaine which was bound home from the Indies And heere I was hired for a souldier to serue in the Admiral ship of the same fleete wherein the General himself went There landed while I was here 4. ships out of Spaine being all full of souldiers and ordinance of which number there were 200. men landed here 4. great brasse pieces of ordinance although the castle were before sufficiently prouided 200. men more were sent to Campeche certaine ordinance 200. to Florida with ordinance and 100. lastly to S. Iohn de Vllua As for ordinance there they haue sufficient and of the very same which was ours which we had in the Iesus and those others which
Neither doth Bathy at any time drinke nor any other of the Tartarian princes especially being in a publique place but they haue singing and minstrilsie before them And alwaies when hee rides there is a canopie or small tent caried ouer his head vpon the point of a iaueline And so doe all the great princes of the Tartars their wiues also The sayd Bathy is courteous euough vnto his owne men and yet is hee had in great awe by them he is most cruel in fight he is exceedingly prudent and politique in warre because he hath now continued a long time in martiall affaires How departing from Bathy they passed through the land of Comania and of the Kangittae Chap. 23. MOreouer vpon Easter euen we were called vnto the tent and there came forth to meete vs the foresaid agent of Bathy saying on his masters behalfe that we should go into their land vnto the Emperor Cuyne deteining certaine of our company with this pretence that they would send them backe vnto the Pope to whom we gaue letters of al our affaires to deliuer vnto him But being come as farre as duke Montij aforesaid there they were kept vntill our returne Upon Easter day hauing said our praiers and taken a slender breakfast in the company of two Tartars which were assigned vnto vs by Corensa we departed with many teares not knowing whether we went to death or to life And we were so feeble in bodie that we were scarce able to ride For all that Lent through our meat was Millet onely with a little water and salte And so likewise vpon other fasting dayes Neither had we ought to drinke but snowe melted in a skillet And passing through Comania we rode most earnestly hauing change of horses fiue times or oftener in a day except when we went through deserts for then we were allowed better and stronger horses which could vndergoe the whole labour And thus farre had we trauailed from the beginning of Lent vntill eight dayes after Easter The land of Comania on the North side immediately after Russia hath the people called Morduyni Byleri that is Bulgaria magna the Bastarci that is Hungaria magna next vnto the Bastarci the Parositae and the Samogetae Next vnto the Samogetae are those people which are sayd to haue dogges faces inhabiting vpon the desert shores of the Ocean On the South side it hath the Alani the Circassi the Gazari Greece and Constantinople also the land of Iberia the Cathes the Brutaches who are said to be Iewes shauing their heads all ouer the landes also of Scythia of Georgia of Armenia of Turkie On the West side it hath Hungaria and Russia Also Comania is a most large and long countrey The inhabitantes whereof called Comani the Tartars slewe some notwithstanding fled from them and the rest were subdued vnder their bondage But most of them that fled are returned againe Afterward wee entred the lande of the Kangitâ—ae which in many places hath great scarcetie of waters wherin there are but fewe inhabitants by reason of the foresayd defect of water For this cause diuers of the seruants of Ieroslaus duke of Russia as they were traueiling towards him into the land of Tartaria died for thirst in that desert As before in Comania so likewise in this countrey wee found many skulles and bones of dead men lying vpon the earth like a dunghill Through this countrey we were traueiling from the eight day after Easter vntill Ascension day The inhabitants therof were Pagans and neither they nor the Comanians vsed to till the ground but liued onely vpon cattell neither built they any houses but dwelled in tents These men also haue the Tartars rooted out and doe possesse and inhabite their countrey howbeit those that remained are reduced into their bondage How they came vnto the first court of the new Emperour Chap. 24. MOreouer out of the land of the Kangittae we entered into the countrey of y e Bisermini who speake the language of Comania but obserue the law of the Saracens In this countrey we found innumerable cities with castles ruined many towns left desolate The lord of this country was called Soldan Altâ— who with al his progenie was destroyed by the Tartars This country hath most huge mountains On the South side it hath Ierusalem and Baldach and all the whole countrey of the Saracens In the next territories adioyning doe inhabite two carnall brothers dukes of the Tartars namely Burin and Cadan the sonnes of Thyaday who was the sonne of Chingis Can. On the North side thereof it hath the land of the blacke Kythayans and the Ocean In the same countrie Syban the brother of Bathy remaineth Through this countrie we were traueiling from the feast of Ascension vntil eight daies before the feast of S. Iohn Baptist. And then we entred into the land of the blacke Kythayans in which the Emperour built an house where we were called in to drinke Also the Emperours deputy in that place caused the chiefe men of the citie and his two sonnes to daunce before vs. Departing from hence wee founde a certaine small sea vpon the shore whereof stands a little mountaine In which mountaine is reported to be a hole from whence in winter time such vehement tempests of winds doe issue that traueilers can scarcely and with great danger passe by the same way In summer time the noise in deede of the winde is heard there but it proceedeth gently out of the hole Along the shores of the foresaid sea we trauailed for the space of many dayes which although it bee not very great yet hath it many islandes and wee passed by leauing it on our left hande In this lande dwelleth Ordu whome wee sayde to bee auncient vnto all the Tartarian dukes And it is the Orda or court of his faher which hee inhabiteth and one of his wiues beareth rule there For it is a custome among the Tartars that the Courts oâ— Princes or oâ— noble men are not dissolued but alwayes some women are appointed to keepe and gouerne them vpon whom certain gifts are bestowed in like sort as they are giuen vnto their Lords And so at length we arriued at the first court of the Emperour wherein one of his wiues dwelt Howe they came vnto Cuyne himselfe who was forthwith to be chosen Emperour Chap. 25. BUt because we had not as yet seene the Emperour they would not inuite vs nor admit vs into his Orda but caused good attendance and entertainement after the Tartars fashion to be giuen vnto vs in our owne tent and they caused vs to stay there and to refresh our selues with them one day Departing thence vpon the euen of Saint Peter and Saint Paul wee entered into the land of the Naymani who are Pagans But vpon the very feast day of the saide Apostles there fel a mightie snowe in that place and wee
going from Baatu to Mangu-Can and in returning likewise and the West side in comming home from Baatu into Syria A man may trauel round about it in foure moneths And it is not true which Isidore reporteth namely that this Sea is a bay or gulfe comming forth of the Ocean for it doeth in no part thereof ioyne with the Ocean but is inuironed on all sides with lande Of the court of Baatu and howe we were interteined by him Chap. 21. AL the region extending from the West shore of the foresaid sea where Alexanders Iron gate otherwise called the citie of Derbent is situate and from the mountaines of Alania all along by the fennes of Meoâ—is whereinto the riuer of Tanais falleth and so forth to the North Ocean was wont to be called Albania Of which countrey Isidore reporteth that there be dogs of such an huge stature and so fierce that they are able in fight to match bulles and to master lions Which is true as I vnderstand by diuers who tolde me that there towardes the North Ocean they make their dogges to draw in carts like oxen by reason of their bignesse and strength Moreouer vpon that part of Etilia where we arriued there is a new cottage built wherein they haue placed Tartars and Russians both together to ferrie ouer and transport messengers going and comming to and fro the court of Baatu For Baatu remaineth vpon the farther side towards the East Neither ascendeth hee in Sommer time more Northward then the foresaide place where we arriued but was euen then descending to the South From Ianuarie vntill August both he and all other Tartars ascend by the banks of riuers towards cold and Northerly regions and in August they begin to returne backe againe We passed downe the streame therefore in a barke from the foresaid cottage vnto his court From the same place vnto the villages of Bulgaria the greater standing toward the North it is fiue dayes iourney I wonder what deuill caried the religion of Mahomet thither For from Derbent which is vpon the extreame borders of Persia it is aboue 30. daies iourney to passe ouerthwart the desert and so to ascend by the banke of Etilia into the foresaid countrey of Bulgaria All which way there is no citie but onely certaine cottages neere vnto that place where Etilia falleth into the sea Those Bulgarians are most wicked Saracens more earnestly professing the daÌ„nable religion of Mahomet then any other nation whatsoeuerâ— Moreouerâ— when I first beheld the court of Baatu I was astonied at the sight thereof for his houses or tents seemed as though they had bene some huge and mighty citie stretching out a great way in length the people ranging vp and downe about it for the space of some three or foure leagues And euen as the people of Israel knew euery man on which side of the tabernacle to pitch his tent euen so euery one of them knoweth right well towards what side of the court he ought to place his house when he takes it from off the cart Wherupon the court is called in their language Horda which signifieth the midst because the gouernour or chieftaine among them dwels alwaies in the middest of his people except onely that directly towards the South no subiect or inferiour person placeth himselfe because towards that region the court gates are set open but vnto the right hand and the left hand they extend theÌ„selues as farre as they will according to the conueniencie of places so that they place not their houses directly opposite against the court At our arriual we were conducted vnto a Saracen who prouided not for vs any victuals at all The day following we were brought vnto the court and Baatu had caused a large tent to be erected because his house or ordinarie tent could not containe so many men and women as were assembled Our guide admonished vs not to speake till Baatu had giuen vs commandement so to doe and that then we should speake our mindes briefly Then Baatu demanded whether your Maiestie had sent Ambassadours vnto him or no I answered that your Maiestie had sent messengers to Ken-Can and that you would not haue sent messengers vnto him or letters vnto Sartach had not your Highnes bene perswaded that they were become Christians because you sent not vnto them for any feare but onely for congratulation and curtesies sake in regard that you heard they were conuerted to Christianitie Then led he vs vnto his pauilion and wee were charged not to touch the cordes of the tent which they account in stead of the threshold of the house There we stoode in our habite bare-footed and bare-headed and were a great and strange spectacle in their eyes For indeed Frier Iohn de Plano Carpini had byn there before my coÌ„ming howbeit because he was the Popes messenger he changed his habit that he might not be contemned Then we were brought into the very midst of the tent neither required they of vs to do any reuerence by bowing our knees as they vse to doe of other messengers Wee stood therefore before him for the space wherein a man might haue rehearsed the Psalme Miserere mei Deus and there was great silence kept of all men Baatu himselfe sate vpon a seate long and broad like vnto a bed guilt all ouer with three staires to ascend thereunto and one of his ladies sate beside him The men there assembled sate downe scattering some on the right hand of the saide Lady and some on the left Those places on the one side which the women filled not vp for there were only the wiues of Baatu were supplied by the men Also at the very entrance of the tent stoode a bench furnished with cosmos and with stately great cuppes of siluer and golde beeing richly set with precious stonesâ— Baatu beheld vs earnestly and we him and he seemed to me to resemble in personage Monsieur Iohn de beau mont whose soule resteth in peace And hee had a fresh ruddie colour in his countenance At length he commanded vs to speake Then our guide gaue vs direction that wee should bow our knees speak Wherupon I bowed one knee as vnto a man then he signified that I should kneele vpon both knees and I did so being loath to contend about such circumstaunces And again he commanded me to speak Then I thinking of praier vnto God because I kneeled on both my knees began to pray on this wise Sir we beseech the Lord from whom all good things doe proceed and who hath giuen you these earthly benefites that it would please him hereafter to make you partaker of his heaueÌ„ly blessings because the former without these are but vain and improfitable And I added further Be it knowen vnto you of a certainty that you shal not obtain the ioyes of heauen vnles you become a Christian for God saith Whoseouer beleeueth is baptized shal be saued but he that
ouer that huge and waste desert which is in dimensions like vnto the Ocean Sea Our guide therefore directed vs as we were going on our iourney vnto many of their habitations And they marueiled exceedingly that we would receiue neither gold nor siluer nor precious and costly garments at their hands They inquired also concerning the great Pope whether he was of so lasting an age as they had heard For there had gone a report among them that he was 500. yeeres olde They inquired likewise of our countreis whether there were abundance of sheep oxen horses or no Concerning the Ocean Sea they could not cōceiue of it because it was without limits or banks Upon the euen of y e feast of Al Saints we forsook the way leading towards the East because the people were now descended very much South and we went on our iourney by certaine Alpes or mountaines directly Southward for the space of 8. dayes together In the foresaid desert I saw many asses which they cal Colan being rather like vnto mules these did our guide his companions chase very eagerly howbeit they did but lose their labour for the beastes were two swift for them Upon the 7. day there appeared to the South of vs huge high mountaines and we entred into a place which was well watered and fresh as a garden and found land tilled and manured The eight day after the feast of All Saints we arriued at a certain towne of the Saracens named Kenchat the gouernour whereof met our guide at the townes end with ale and cups For it is their maner at all townes and villages subiect vnto them to meet the messengers of Baatu and Mangu-Can with meate and drinke At the same time of the yere they went vpon the yce in that countrey And before the feast of S. Michael we had frost in the desert I enquired the name of that prouince but being now in a strange territorie they could not tell mee the name thereof but onely the name of a very smal citie in the same prouince And there descended a great riuer downe from the mountaines which watered the whole region according as the inhabitants would giue it passage by making diuers chanels and sluces neither did this riuer exonerate it selfe into any sea but was swallowed vp by an hideous gulfe into the bowels of the earth and it caused many fennes or lakes Also I saw many vines and dranke of the wine thereof How Ban was put to death and concerning the habitation of the Dutch men Chap. 25. THe day following we came vnto another cottage neere vnto the mountains And I enquired what mountains they were which I vnderstood to be the mountains of Caucasus which are stretched forth continued on both parts to the sea from the West vnto the East and on the West part they are conioyned vnto the foresaid Caspian sea wherinto the riuer of Volga dischargeth his streams I enquired also of the city of Talas wherein were certaine Dutchmen seruants vnto one Buri of whom Frier Andrew made mention Concerning whom also I enquired very diligently in the courts of Sartach Baatu Howbeit I could haue no intelligence of them but onely that their lord master Ban was put to death vpon the occasion following This Ban was not placed in good and fertile pastures And vpon a certain day being drunken he spake on this wise vnto his men Am not I of the stocke and kinred of Chingis Can as well as Baatu for in very deede he was brother or nephew vnto Baatu Why then doe I not passe and repasse vpon the banke of Etilia to feed my cattel there as freely as Baatu himselfe doeth Which speeches of his were reported vnto Baatu Whereupon Baatu wrote vnto his seruants to bring their Lorde bound vnto him And they did so Then Baatu demanded of him whether he had spoken any such words And hee confessed that he had Howbeit because it is the Tartars maner to pardon drunken men he excused himselfe that he was drunken at the same time Howe durst thou quoth Baatu once name mee in thy drunkennesse And with that hee caused his head to be chopt off Concerning the foresaid Dutchmen I could not vnderstand ought till I was come vnto the court of Mangu-Can And there I was informed that Mangu-can had remoued them out of the iurisdiction of Baatu for the space of a moneths iourney from Talas Eastward vnto a certaine village called Bolac where they are set to dig gold and to make armour Whereupon I could neither goe nor come by them I passed very neere the saide citie in going forth as namely within three dayes iourney thereof but I was ignorant that I did so neither could I haue turned out of my way albeit I had knowen so much From the foresaide cottage we went directly Eastward by the mountaines aforesaid And from that time we trauailed among the people of Mangu-Can who in all places sang and daunced before our guide because hee was the messenger of Baatu For this curtesie they doe affoord eche to other namely the people of Mangu-Can receiuing the messengers of Baatu in maner aforesaide and so likewise the people of Baatu intertaining the messengers of Mangu-Can Notwithstanding the people of Baatu are more surlie and staute and shewe not so much curtesie vnto the subiectes of Mangu-Can as they doe vnto them A fewe dayes after wee entered vpon those Alpes where the Cara Catayans were woont to inhabite And there wee found a mightie riuer insomuch that wee were constrained to imbarke our selues and to saile ouer it Afterward we came into a certaine valley where I saw a castle destroyed the walles whereof were onely mudde and in that place the ground was tilled also And there wee founde a certaine village named Equius wherein were Saracens speaking the Persian language howbeit they dwelt an huge distance from Persia. The day following hauing passed ouer the foresaide Alpes which descended from the great mountains Southward we entred into a most beautiful plaine hauing high mountaines on our right hande and on the left hande of vs a certaine Sea or lake which containeth fifteene dayes iourney in circuite All the foresayde plaine is most commodiously watered with certaine freshets distilling from the said mountaines all which do fall into the lake In Sommer time wee returned by the North those of the saide lake and there were great mountaines on that side also Upon the forenamed plaine there were wont to bee great store of villages but for the most part they were all wasted in regarde of the fertile pastures that the Tartars might feede their cattel there Wee found one great citie there named Cailac wherein was a mart and great store of Merchants frequenting it In this citie wee remained fifteene dayes staying for a certaine Scribe or Secretarie of Baatu who ought to haue accompanied our
goe They are alwaies in their saffron coloured iackets which be very straight being laced or buttened from the bosome right downe after the French fashion And they haue a cloake vpon their left shoulder descending before and behind vnder their right arme like vnto a deacon carying the houssel-boxe in tâ—ne of lent Their letters or kind of writing the Tartars did â—eceiue They begin to write at the top of their paper drawing their lines right downe and so they reade and multiply their lines from the left hand to the right They doe vse certaine papers and characters in their magical practises Whereupon their temples are full of such short scroules hanged round about them Also Mangu-Can hath sent letters vnto your Maiestie written in the language of the Moals or Tartars and in the foresayd hand or letter of the Iugures They burne their dead according to the anncient custome and lay vp the ashes in the top of a Pyramis Now after I had sit a while by the foresaid priests and entred into their temple and seene many of their images both great and small I demanded of them what they beleeued concerning God And they answered We beleeue that there is onely one God And I demaunded farther Whether do you beleue that he is a spirit or some bodily substance They saide We beleeue that he is a spirite Then said I Doe you beleeue that God euer tooke mans nature vpon him They answered Noe. And againe I said Sithence ye beleeue that he is a spirit to what end doe you make so many bodily images to represent him Sithence also you beleeue not that hee was made man why doe you resemble him rather vnto the image of a man then of any other creature Then they answered saying we frame not those images whereby to represent God But when any rich man amongst vs or his sonne or his wife or any of his friends deceaseth hee causeth the image of the dead party to be made and to be placed here and we in remembrance of him doe reuerence thereunto Then I replyed you doe these things onely for the friendship and flatterie of men Noe said they but for their memory Then they demanded of me as it were in scoffing wise Where is God To whom I answered where is your soule They said in our bodies Then saide I is it not in euery part of your bodie ruling and guiding the whole bodie and yet notwithstanding is not seene or perceiued Euen so God is euery where and ruleth all things and yet is he inuisible being vnderstanding and wisedome it selfe Then being desirous to haue had some more conference with them by reason that mine interpreter was weary and not able to expresse my meaning I was constrained to keepe silence The Moals or Tartars are in this regard of their sect namely they beleeue that there is but one God howbeit they make images of felt in remeÌ„brance of their deceased friends couering them with fiue most rich and costly garments and putting them into one or two carts which carts no man dare once touch and they are in the custody of their soothsayers who are their priests concerning whom I will giue your Highnesse more at large to vnderstand hereafter These soothsayers or diuiners do alwaies attend vpon the court of Mangu and of other great personages As for the poorer or meaner sorte they haue them not but such onely as are of the stocke and kindred of Chingis And when they are to remoue or to take any iourney the said diuiners goe before them euen as the cloudie piller went before the children of Israel And they appoint ground where the tents must be pitched and first of al they take down their owne houses after them the whole court doth the like Also vpon their festiual daies or kalends they take forth the foresayd images and place them in order round or circle wise within the house Then come the Moals or Tartars and enter into the same house bowing themselues before the said images and worship them Moreouer it is not lawfull for any stranger to enter into that house For vpon a certaine time I my selfe would haue gone in but I was chidden full well for my labour Of diuers and sundry nations and of certaine people which were wont to eate their owne parents Chap. 28. BUt the foresayd Iugures who liue among the Christians and the Saracens by their sundry disputations as I suppose haue bene brought vnto this to beleeue that there is but one onely God And they dwelt in certaine cities which afterward were brought in subiâ—ction vnto Chingis Can whereupon he gaue his daughter in mariage vnto their king Also the citie of Caracarum it selfe is in a manner within their territory and the whole countrey of king or Presbyter Iohn of his brother Vut lyeth neere vnto their dominions sauing that they inhabite in certaine pastures Northward and the sayde Iugures betweene the mountaines towardes the South Whereupon it came to passe that the Moals receiued letters from them And they are the Tartars principall scribes al the Nestorians almost can skill of their letters Next vnto them between the foresaid mountaines Eastward inhabiteth the nation of Tangut who are a most valiant people and tooke Chingis in battell But after the conclusion of a league hee was set at libertie by them and afterward subdued them These people of Tangutâ— haue oxen of great strength with tailes like vnto horses and with long shagge haire vpon their backes and bellyes They haue legges greater then other oxen haue and they are exceedingly fierce These oxen drawe the great houses of the Moals and their hornes are slender long streight and most sharpe pointed insomuch that their owners are fame to cut off the endes of them A cowe will not suffer her selfe to be coupled vnto one of them vnles they whistle or sing vnto her They haue also the qualities of a Buffe for if they see a man clothed in red they run vpon him immediately to kill him Next vnto them are the people of Tebet men which were wont to eate the carkases of their deceased parents that for pities sake they might make no other sepulchre for them then their owne bowels Howbeit of late they haue left off this custome because that thereby they became abominable and odious vnto al other nations Notwithstanding vnto this day they make fine cups of the skuls of their parents to the ende that when they drinke out of them they may amidst all their iollities and delights call their dead parents to remembrance This was tolde mee by one that saw it The sayd people of Tebet haue great plentie of golde in their land Whosoeuer therefore wanteth golde diggeth till he hath found some quantitie and then taking so much thereof as will serue his turne he layeth vp the residue within the earth because if he should put it into his chest or storehouse hee is of opinion that God
forsooth in deed Out of Bristowe and costes many one Men haue practised by nedle and by stone Thider wardes within a litle while Within twelue yere and without perill Gon and come as men were wont of old Oâ— Scarborough vnto the costes cold And nowe so fele shippes this yeere there ware That moch losse for vnfreyght they bare Island might not make hem to bee fraught Unto the Hawys thus much harme they caught Then here I ende of the commoditees For which neede is well to kepe the seas Este and Weste South and North they bee And chiefly kepe the sharpe narrow see Betweene Douer and Caleis and as thus that foes passe none without good will of vs And they abide our danger in the length What for our costis and Caleis in our strength An exhortation for the sure keeping of Caleis ANd for the loue of God and of his blisse Cherish yee Caleis better then it is See well thereto and heare the grete complaint That true men tellen that woll no lies paint And as yee know that wriâ—ing commeth from thence Doe nâ—t to England for slought so great offence But that redressed it bee for any thing Leste a song of sorrow that wee sing For litle weaâ—th the foole who so might these What harme it were good Caleis for to lese What wo it were for all this English ground Which wel câ—nceiued the Emperour Sigismound Thaâ— of all â—oyes made it one of the moste That Caleis was subiect vnto English coste Hun thought it was a iewel most of all Aâ—d so the same in Latine did it call And if yee wol more of Caleis heare and knowe I cast to write within a litle scrowe Like as I haue done before by and by In other parteis of our policie Loke how hard it was at the first to get And by my counsell lightly doe not it let For if wee lese it with shame of face Wilfully it is for lacke of grace Howe was Harflew tried vpon and Rone That they were likely for shought to be gone Howe was it warned and cried on in England I make record with this pen in my hand It was warened plainely in Normandie And in England and I thereon did crie The world was defrauded it betyde right so Farewell Harflew Iewdly it was a go Nowe ware Caleis I can say no better My soule discharge I by this present letter After the Chapitles of commodities of diuers lands sheweth the conclusion of keeping of the sea enuiron by a storie of King Edgar and two incidentâ— of King Edward the third and King Henrie the fifth Chap. 11. NOwe see we well then that this round see To our Noble by pariformitee Under the ship shewed there the sayle And our king with royal apparayle With swerd drawen bright and extent For to chastise enimies violent Should be lord of the sea about To keepe enimies from within and without To behold through Christianitee Mastâ—r and lord enuiron of the see All liuing men such a prince to dreed Of such a a râ—gne to bee aferd indeed Thus prâ—ue I well that it was thus of old Which by a Chronicle anon shal be told Right curious but I will interprete It into English as I did it gete Of king Edgar O most marueilous Prince liuing wittie and cheualerous So good that none of his predecessours Was to him liche in prudence and honours Hee was fortunate and more gracâ—ous Then other before and more glorious He was beneth no man in holines Hee passed all in vertuous sweetnes Of English kings was none so commendable To English men no lesse memorable Then Cyrus was to Perse by puissance And as great Charles was to them of France And as to the Romanes was great Romulus So was to England this worthy Edgarus I may not write more of his worthines For lacke of time ne of his holines But to my matter I him exemplifie Of conditions tweyne and of his policie Within his land was one this is no doubt And another in the see without That in time of Winter and of werre When boystrous windes put see men into fere Within his land about by all prouinces Hee passed through perceiuing his princes Lords aud others of the commontee Who was oppressour and who to pouertee Was drawen and brought and who was clene in life And was by mischiefe and by strife With ouer leding and extortion And good and badde of eche condition Hee aspied and his ministers al 's Who did trought and which of hem was fals Howe the right and lawes of the land Were execute and who durst take in hand To disobey his statutes and decrees If they were well kept in all countrees Of these he made subtile inuestigation Of his owne espie and other mens relation Among other was his great busines Well to ben ware that great men of riches And men of might in citie nor in towne Should to the poore doe non oppression Thus was hee wont in this Winter tide On such enforchise busily to abide This was his labour for the publike thing Thus was hee occupied a passing holy King Nowe to purpose in the Soonner faire Of lusty season whan clered was the aire He had redie shippes made before Great and huge not fewe but many a store Full three thousand and sixe hundred also Stately inough on our sea to goe The Chronicles say these shippes were full boysteous Such things long to kings victorious In Sommer tide would hee haue in wonne And in custome to be ful redie soone With multitude of men of good array And instruments of werre of best assay Who could hem well in any wise descriue It were not light for eny man aliue Thus he and his would enter shippes great Habtliments hauing and the fleete Of See werres that ioy full was to see Such a nauie and Lord of Maiestee There present in person hem among To saile and rowe enuiron all along So regal liche about the English isle To all strangers terrours and perile Whose fame went about in all the world stout Unto great fere of all that be without And exercise to Knights and his meynee To him longing of his natall cuntree For courage of nede must haue exercise Thus occupied for esshewin of vice This knew the king that policie espied Winter and Somer he was thus occnpied Thus conclude I by authoritee Of Chronike that enuiron the see Should bene our subiects vnto the King And hee bee Lord thereof for eny thing For great worship and for prostie also To defend his land fro euery foo That worthy king I leue Edgar by name And all the Chronike of his worthy fame Saffe onely this I may not passe away A worde of mightie strength till that I say That graunted him God such worship here For his merites hee was without pere That sometime at his great festiuitee Kings and Erles of many a countree And princes fele were there present And many
so that this latitude is the measure of the worlde from North to South and from South to North. And the longitude in which are also counted other 360 is counted from West to East or from East to West as in the Card is set The sayd latitude your Lordship may see marked and diuided in the ende of this Card on the left hand so that if you would know in what degrees of latitude any region or coast standeth take a compasse and set the one foot of the same in the Equinoctial line right against the said region apply the other foote of the compasse to the said region or coast then set the sayd compasse at the end of the Card where the degrees are diuided And the one foote of the compasse standing in the line Equinoctial the other will shew in the scale the degrees of altitude or latitude that the said region is in Also the longitude of the world I haue set out in the nether part of the Card conteining also 360 degrees which begin to be counted after Ptoleme and other Cosmographers from an headland called Capo Verde which is ouer against a little crosse made in the part Occidental where the diuision of the degrees beginneth and endeth in the same Capo Verde Now to know in what longitude any land is your Lordship must take a ruler or a compasse and set the one foot of the compasse vpon the land or coast whose longitude you would know and extend the other foot of the compasse to the next part of one of the transuersall lines in the Orientall or Occidental part which done set the one foot of the compasse in the said transuersal line at the end of the nether scale the scale of longitude and the other foot sheweth the degree of longitude that the region is in And your Lordship must vnderstand that this Card though little conteineth the vniuersall whole world betwixt two collaterall lines the one in the Occidentall part descendeth perpendicular vpon the 175 degree the other in the Orientall on the 170 degree whose distance measureth the scale of longitude And that which is without the two said transuersall lines is onely to shew how the Orientall part is ioined with the Occident and Occident with the Orient For that that is set without the line in the Oriental part is the same that is set within the other line in the Occidentall part and that that is set without the line in the Occidentall part is the same that is set within the line in the Orientall part to shew that though this figure of the world in plaine or flatte seemeth to haue an end yet one imagining that this sayd Card were set vpon a round thing where the endes should touch by the lines it would plainely appeare howe the Orient part ioyneth with the Occident as there without the lines it is described and figured And for more declaration of the said Card your Lordship shall vnderstand that beginning on the part Occidental within the line the first land that is set out is the maine land and Islands of the Indies of the Emperour Which maine land or coast goeth Northward and finisheth in the land that we found which is called here Terra de Labrador So that it appeareth the sayd land that we found and the Indies to be all one maine land The sayd coast from the sayd Indies Southward as by the Card your Lordshippe may see commeth to a certaine straight Sea called Estrecho de todos Santos by which straight Sea the Spaniards goe to the Spiceries as I shall declare more at large the which straight Sea is right against three hundred fifteene degrees of longitude and is of latitude or altitude from the Equinoctiall three and fifty degrees The first land from the sayd beginning of the Card toward the Orient are certaine Islands of the Canaries and Islandes of Capo verde But the first maine land next to the line Equinoctial is the sayd Capo verde and from thence Northward by the straight of this sea of Italie And so followeth Spayne France Flanders Almaine Denmarke and Norway which is the highest parte toward the North. And ouer against Flanders are our Islands of England and Ireland Of the landes and coastes within the streights I haue set out onely the Regions diuiding them by lines of their limits by which plainely I thinke your Lordship may see in what situation euerie region is and of what highnesse and with what regions it is ioyned I doe thinke few are left out of all Europe In the parts of Asia and Affrica I could not so wel make the sayd diuisiōs for that they be not so wel knowen nor need not so much This I write because in the said Card be made the said lines strikes that your Lordship should vnderstand wherefore they doe serue Also returning to the foresaid Capo verde the coast goeth Southward to a Cape called Capo de buona speransa which is right ouer against the 60. 65. degree of longitude And by this Cape go the Portingals to their Spicerie For from this Cape toward the Orient is the land of Calicut as your Lordship may see in the headland ouer against the 130. degree Frō the sayd Cape of Buona speransa the coast returneth to ward the line Equinoctial and passing forth entreth the red sea returning out entreth again into the gulfe of Persia and returneth toward the Equinoctiall line till that it commeth to the headland called Calicut aforesayd and from thence the coast making a gulfe where is the riuer of Ganges returneth toward the line to a headland called Malaca where is the principall Spicerie from this Cape returneth and maketh a great gulfe and after the coast goeth right toward the Orient and ouer against this last gulfe and coast be many Islands which be Islandes of the Spiceries of the Emperour Upon which the Portingals and he be at variance The sayd coast goeth toward the Orient and endeth right against the 155. degrees and after returneth toward the Occident Northward which coast not yet plainely knowen I may ioine to the New found lande found by vs that I spake of before So that I finish with this briefe declaration of the Card aforesayd Well I know I should also haue declared how the coasts within the straights of the Sea of Italie runne It is playne that passing the streights on the North side of that Sea after the coast of Granado and with that which pertaines to Spaine is the coast of that which France hath in Italie And then followeth in one piece all Italie which laud hath an arme of the Sea with a gulfe which is called Mare Adriaticum And in the bottome of this gulfe is the citie of Venice And on the other part of the sayd gulfe is Sclauonia and next Grecia then the streits of Constantinople and then the sea called Euxinus which is within the sayd streights and comming
Duâ—furth Master of the Considentia 10 Roger Wilson Masters mates 11 Iohn Buckland Masters mates 12 Richard Ingram Masters mates Exemplar Epistolae seu literarum Missiuarum quas illustrissimus Princeps Eduardus eius nominis Sextus Angliae Franciae Hiberniae Rex misit ad Principes Septentrionalem ac Orientalem mundi plagam inhabitantes iuxta mare glaciale nec non Indiam Orientalem Anno Domini 1553 Regni sui anno septimo vltimo EDuardus sextus Angliae Franciae Hiberniae Rex c. Omnibus Regibus principibus ac dominis cunctis Iudicibus terrae Ducibus eius quibuscunque est excellens aliqua dignitas in ea cunctis in locis quae sunt sub vniuerso coelo Pax tranquillitas honor vobis terris regionibus vestris quae imperio vestro subiacent cuique vestrum quemadmodum conuenit ei Proptereà quòd indidit Deus Opt. Max. hominibus prae cunctis alijâ— viuentibus cor desiderium tale vt appetat quisque cum aliis societatem inire amare vicissim amari beneficijs afficere mutua accipere beneficia studeat ideò cuique pro facultate sua hoc desiderium in omnibus quidem hominibus beneficijs fouere consetuare conuenit in illis autem maximè qui hoc desiderio adducti à remotis etiam regionibus ad eos veniunt Quo enim longius iter eius rei gratia ingressi sunt eò ardentius in eis hoc desiderium fuisse declararunt Insuper etiam ad hoc nos patrum maiorumque nostrorum exempla inuitant qui semper humanissimè susceperunt benignissimè tractauerunt illos qui tum à locis propinquis tâ—â—â—â—à remotis cosamicè adibant eorum se protectioni commendantes Quod si omnibus id praestare aequum est certè mercatoribus imprimis praestari debet qui per vniuersum orbem discurrunt mare circumlustrantes aridam vt res bonas vtiles que Dei beneficio in regione eorum inueniuntur ad remotissimas regiones regna adferant atque inde vicissim referant quòd suae regioni vtile ibi repeterint vt populi ad quos eunt non destituantur commodis quae non profert illis terra eorum ipsi sint participes rerum quibus illi abundant Nam Deus coeli terrae humano generi maximè consulens noluit vt omnia in quauis regione inueniâ—entur quò regio ope alterius regionis indigeret gens ab alia gente commodum aliquod expectaret ac ita stabiliretur amicitia inter omnes singulique omnibus benefacere quaererent Hoc ita que ineundae ac stabiliendae amicitiae desiderio moti viri quidam regni nostri iter in remotas maritimas regiones instituerunt vt inter nostros illos populos viam mercibus inferendis efferendis aperirent nosque rogauerunt vt id illis concederemus Qui petitioni illorum annuentes concessimus viro honorabili forti Hugoni Wilibâ—o alijs qui cum eo sunt seruis nostris fidis charis vt pro sua voluntate in regiones eis priùs incognitas eant quaesituri ea quibus nos caremus adducant illis ex nostris terris id quo illi carent Atque ita illis nobis commodum inde accedat sitque amicitia perpetua foedus indissolubile inter illos nos dum permittent illi nos accipere de rebus quibus superabundant in regnis suis nos concedemus illis ex regnis nostris res quibus destituuntur Rogamus itaque vos Reges Principes omnes quibus aliqua est potestas in terra vt viris istis nostris transitum permittatis per regiones vestras Non enâ—m tangent quicquam â—x rebus vestris inuitis vobis Cogitate quòd homines ipsi sunt Et si qua re caruerint oramus pro vestra beneficentia eam vos illis tribuatis accipientes vicissim ab eis quod poterunt rependere vobis Ita vos gerite erga cos quemadmodum cuperetis vt nos subditi nostri nos gereremus erga seruos vestros si quando transierint per regiones nostras Atque promittimus vobis per Deum omnium quae coelo terra mari continentur perque vitam nostram tranquillitatem regnorum nostrorum nos pari benignitate seruos vestros accepturos si ad regna nostra aliquando venerint Atque à nobis subditis nostris ac si nati fuissent in regnis nostris ita benignè tractabuntur vt rependamus vobis benignitatem quam nostris exhibueritis Postquam vos Reges Principes c. rogauimus vt humanitate beneficentia omni prosequamini seruos nostros nobis charos oramus omnipotentem Deum nostrum vt vobis diuturnam vitam largiatur pacem quae nullam habeat finem Scriptum Londini quae ciuitas est primaria regni nostri Anno 5515. à creato mundo mense Iiar 14. die mensis anno septimo regni nostri The copie of the letters missiue which the right noble Prince Edward the sixt sent to the Kings Princes and other Potentates inhabiting the Northeast partes of the worlde toward the mighty Empire of Cathay at such time as Sir Hugh Willoughby knight and Richard Chancelor with their company attempted their voyage thither in the yeere of Christ 1553. and the seuenth and last yeere of his raigneâ— EDward the sixt by the grace of God King of England France and Ireland c. To all Kings Princes Rulers Iudges and Gouernours of the earth and all other hauing any excellent dignitie on the same in all places vnder the vniuersall heauen peaceâ— tranquillitie and honour be vnto you and your lands and regions which are vnder your dominions and to euery of you as is conuenient Forasmuch as the great and Almightie God hath giuen vnto mankinde aboue all other liuing creatures such an heart and desire that euery man desireth to ioine friendship with other to loue and be loued also to giue and receiue mutuall benefites it is therefore the duety of all men according to their power to maintaine and increase this desire in euery man with well deseruing to all men and especially to shew this good affection to such as being moued with this desire come vnto them from farre countreis For how much the longer voyage they haue attempted for this intent so much the more doe they thereby declare that this desire hath bene ardent in them Furthermore also the examples of our fathers and predecessors doe inuite vs hereunto forasmuch as they haue euer gently and louingly intreated such as of friendly mind came to them aswell from Countries neare hand as farre remote commending themselues to their protection And if it be right and equity to shew such humanitie toward all men doubtlesse the same ought chiefly to be shewed to marchants who wandering about the world search both the land and the sea to carry
sixe degrees 40 minutes Then we went north and by West because we would not come too nigh the land and running that course foure houres we discouered and had sight of Rost Islands ioining to the main land of Finmarke Thus continuing our course along the coast of Norway and Finmark the 27 day we tooke the Sunne being as farre shot as Lofoot and had the latitude in 69 degrees And the same day in the afternoone appeared ouer our heads a rainebow like a semicircle with both ends vpwarde Note that there is between the said Rost Islands Lofoot a whirle poole called Malestrand which from halfe ebbe vntill halfe flood maketh such a terrible noise that it shaketh the ringes in the doores of the inhabitants houses of the sayd Islands tenne miles off Also if there commeth any Whale within the current of the same they make a pitifull crie Moreouer if great trees be caried into it by force of streams and after with the ebbe be cast out againe the ends and boughs of them haue bene so beaten that they are like the stalkes of hempe that is bruised Note that all the coaste of Finmarke is high mountaines and hils being couered all the yere with snow And hard aboord the shoare of this coast there is 100 or 150 fadomes of water in depth Thus proceeding and sailing forward we fell with an Island called Zenam being in the latitude of 70 degrees About this Island we saw many Whales very moÌ„strous about our ships some by estimation of 60 foot long and being the ingendring time they roared and cried terriblie From thence we fell with an Island called Kettelwicke This coast from Rost vnto Lofoot lieth North and south and from Lofoot to Zenam Northeast and southwest and from Zenam to Kettelwike Eastnortheast and Westsouthwest From the said Kettelwike we sailed East and by North 10 leagues and fell with a land called Inger sound where we fished being becalmed and tooke great plenty of Cods Thus plying along the coast we fell with a Cape called the North Cape which is the Northermost land that wee passe in our voyage to S. Nicholas and is in the latitude of 71 degrees and ten minutes and is from Inger sound East and to the Northwards 15 leagues And being at this North Cape the second day of Iuly we had the sunne at North 4 degrees aboue the Horizon The third day wee came to Wardhouse hauing such mists that we could not see the land This Wardhouse is a Castle standing in an Island 2 miles from the maine of Finland subiect to the king of Denmarke and the Eastermost land that he hath There are two other Islands neere adioining vnto that whereon the Castle of Wardhouse standeth The inhabitants of those three Islands liue onely by fishing and make much stockefish which they dry with frost their most feeding is fish bread and drinke they haue none but such as is brought them from other places They haue small store of cattell which are also fed with fish From Wardhouse we sailed Southsoutheast ten leagues and fell with a Cape of land called Kegor the Northermost part of the lande of Lappia And betweene Wardhouse and the said Cape is a great Bay called Dommes haff in the South part whereof is a Monasterie of Monkes of the Russes religion called Pechinchow Thus proceeding forward and sayling along the coast of the said land of Lappia winding Southeast the fourth day through great mists and darkenes we lost the company of the other three ships and met not with them againe vntill the seuenth day when we fell with a Cape or headland called Swetinoz which is the entring into the Bay of S. Nicholas At this Cape lieth a great stone to the which the barkes that passed thereby were wont to make offrings of butter meale and other victuals thinking that vnlesse they did so their barkes or vessels should there perish as it hath bene oftentimes seene and there it is very darke and mistie Note that the sixt day we passed by the place where Sir Hugh Willoughbie with all his company perished which is called Arzina reca that is to say the riuer Arzina The land of Lappia is an high land hauing snow lying on it commonly all the yere The people of the Countrey are halfe Gentiles they liue in the summer time neere the sea side and vse to take fish of the which they make bread and in the winter they remoue vp into the countrey into the woods where they vse hunting and kill Deere Beares Woolues Foxes and other beasts with whose flesh they be nourished and with their skinnes apparelled in such strange fashion that there is nothing seene of them bare but their eies They haue none other habitation but onely in tents remouing from place to place according to the season of the yeere They know no arte nor facultie but onely shooting which they exercise dayly as well men as women and kill such beasts as serue them for their foode Thus proceeding along the coast from Swetinoz aforesaid the ninth day of Iuly wee came to Cape Grace being in the latitude of 66 degrees and 45 minutes and is at the entring in of the Bay of S. Nicholas Aboord this land there is 20 or 30 fadoms water and sundry grounds good to anker in The current at this Cape runneth Southwest and Northeast From this Cape wee proceeded along vntill we came to Crosse Island which is seuen leagues from the sayd Cape Southwest and from this Island wee set ouer to the other side of the Bay and went Southwest and fell with an headland called Foxenose which is from the sayd Island 25 leagues The entring of this Bay from Crosse Island to the neerest land on the other side is seuen leagues ouer From Foxenose proceeding forward the twelfth day of the sayd moneth of Iuly all our foure ships arriued in safetie at the road of Saint Nicholas in the land of Russia where we ankered and had sailed from London vnto the said roade seuen hundred and fifty leagues The Russian ambassadour and his company with great ioy got to shore and our ships here forthwith discharged themselues and being laden againe and hauing a faire winde departed toward England the first of August The third of the sayd moneth I with other of my company came vnto the citie of Colmogro being an hundred versâ—es from the Bay of Saint Nicholas and in the latitude of 64 degrees 25 minutes I carried at the said Colmogro vntill the fifteenth day and then I departed in a little boate vp the great riuer of Dwina which runneth very swiftly and the selfe same day passed by the mouth of a riuer called Pinego leauing it on our lefte hand fifteene verstes from Colmogro On both sides of the mouth of this riuer Pinego is high land great rockes of Alablaster great woods and Pineapple trees lying along within the ground
Maye in the yeare of our Lorde 1557 there departed from Grauelend foure good shippes well appoâ—nted for Marchants which were presently bound into the Baye of S. Nicholas in Russia with which shippes was transported or caried home one Osep Gregoriwich Napea who was sent Messenger from the Emperour and great Duke of Moscouia The foure ships were these whose names follow viz. The Primerose Admirall The Iohn Euangelist Uiceadmirall The Anne and the Trinitie Attendants The 13 of Iuly the foresayd foure shippes came to an anker in the Baye of S. Nicholas befor an Abbey called the Abbey of S. Nicholas whereas the sayde Messenger Osep Gregoriwich Napea went a shoare and as many English men as came to serue the Emperour remained with him at the Abbey for the space of sixe daies vntill he had gotten all his things a shoare and laden the same in barkes to goe vp the riuer Dwina vnto Vologhda which is by water 1000 verstes and euery verste is about three quarters of an English mile The 20 of Iuly we departed from S. Nicholas and the 24 of the same we came to Colmogro where we remained eight daies and the sayd Messenger was there of all his acquaintance welcommed home and had presents innumerable sent vnto him but it was nothing but meate and drinke Some sent white bread some rie bread and some buttered bread pancakes beefe mutton bacon egges butter fishes swannes geese duckes hennes and all maner of victuals both fish and flesh in the best maner that the rude people could deuise for among them these presents are highly esteemed The 29 of Iuly we departed from Colmogro and the 14 of August we came to Vsâ—iug where we remained one day and changed our barkes or boates The 27 of August we came to Vologhda where we remained 4 daies vnlading the barkes and lading our chestes and things in small waggons with one horse in a piece which in their tongue are called Telegos and with these Telegoes they caried our stuffe from Vologhda vnto the Mosco which is 500 verstes and we were vpon the same way 14 daies for we went no faster then the Telegoes There are three great townes betweene the Mosco and Vologhda that is to say Yeraslaue Rostaue Pereslaue Upon one side of Yeraslaue runneth a famous riuer which is called Volga It runneth into the Caspian sea and it deuideth it selfe before it come into the Mare Caspium in 50 parts or more and neere vnto the same sea there stands a great Citie called Boghar the inhabitants of the which are called by the same name The people of the said Citie doe traffique vnto the Citie of Mosco their commodities are spices muske ambergreese rubarbe with other drugs They bring also many furres which they buy in Siberia comming towards the Mosco the sayd people are of the sect of Mahomet The 12 of September we came vnto the citie of Mosco where we were brought by Napea and two of the Emperours gentlemen vnto a large house where euery one of vs had his chamber appointed The 14 of September we were commanded to come vnto the Emperour and immediatly aftee our comming we were brought into his presence vnto whom each of vs did his duetie accordingly and kissed his right hand his maiestie sitting in his chaire of estate with his crowne on his head and a staffe of goldsmiths worke in his left hand well garnished with rich and costly stones and when we had all kissed his hand and done our dueties his maiestie did declare by his interpreter that we were all welcome vnto him and into his countrey therupon willed vs to dine with him that day we gaue thanks vnto his maiestie and so departed vntill the dinner was readie When dinner time approched we were brought againe into the Emperours dining chamber where we were set on one side of a table that stoode ouer against the Emperours table to the end that he might wel behold vs al and when we came into the foresayd chamber we found there readie set these tables following First at the vpper end of one table were set the Emperour his maiestie his brother the Emperour of Cazan which is prisoner About two yardes lower sate the Emperour of Cazan his sonne being a child of fiue yeeres of age and beneath him sate the most part of the Emperors noble men And at another table neere vnto the Emperours table there was set a Monke all alone which was in all paints as well serued as the Emperour At another table sate another kind of people called Chirkastes which the Emperour entertaineth for men of warre to serue against his enemies Of which people and of their countrey I will hereafter make mention All the tables aforesayde were couered onely with salt and bread and after that we had sitten a while the Emperour sent vnto euery one of vs a piece of bread which were giuen and deliuered vnto euery man seuerally by these words The Emperour and great Duke giueth the bread this day and in like manner three or foure times before dinner was ended he sent vnto euery man drinke which was giuen by these words The Emperour and great Duke giueth thee to drinke All the tables aforesayd were serued in vessels of pure and fine golde as well basons and ewers platters dishes and sawcers as also of great pots with an innumerable sorte of small drinking pottes of diuers fashions whereof a great number were set with stone As for costly meates I haue many times seene better but for change of wines and diuers sorts of meads it was wonderfull for there was not left at any time so much void roome on the table that one cuppe more might haue bin set and as far as I could perceiue all the rest were in the like maner serued In the dinner time there came in sixe singers which stood in the midst of the chamber and their faces towards the Emperor who sang there before dinner was ended three seuerall times whose songs or voices delighted our eares little or nothing The Emperour neuer putteth morsell of meate in his mouth but he first blesseth it himselfe in like maner as often as he drinketh for after his maner he is very religious he esteemeth his religious men aboue his noble men This dinner continued about the space of fiue houres which being ended and the tables taken vp we came into the midst of the chamber where we did reuerence vnto the Emperors maiestie and then he deliuered vnto euery one of vs with his own hands a cup of mead which when euery man had receiued and drunke a quantity thereof we were licenced to depart so ended that dinner And because the Emperour would haue vs to be mery he sent to our lodging the same Euening three barrels of meade of sundry sortes of the quantitie in all of one hogshed The 16 day of September the Emperour sent home vnto our lodging for euery of vs a Tartarie
Emperour to rule at Astracan who beeing arriued and hauing the number of 500. great boates vnder his conduct some laden with victuals souldiers and munition and other some with merchandise departed altogether the said 19. day from the said Nyse Nouogrod and the 22. we came vnto a castle called Vasiliagorod distant 25. leagues which we left vpon our right hand This towne or castle had his name of this Emperours father who was called Vasilius and gorod in the Russe tongue is as much to say as a castle so that Vasiliagorod is to say Vasilius castle and it was the furthest place that the said Emperour conquered from the Tartars But this present Emperour his sonne called Iuan Vasiliwich hath had great good successe in his warres both against the Christians and also the Mahometists and Gentiles but especially against the Tartars inlarging his Empire euen to the Caspian sea hauing conquered the famous riuer of Volga with all the countreis thereabout adiacent Thus proceeding on our iourney the 25. day of May aforesaide wee came to another castle called Sabowshare which wee left on our right hand distant from Vasiliagorod 16. leagues The countrey heereabout is called Mordouits and the habitants did professe the law of the Gentiles but nowe beeing conquered by this Emperour of Russia most of them are christened but lie in the woods and wildernesse without towne or habitation The 27. day we passed by another castle called Swyasko distant from Shabowshare aforesaid 25. leagues we left it on our right hand and the 29. came vnto an Island one league from the citie of Cazan from which falleth downe a riuer called Cazankareca entreth into the foresaide Volga Cazan is a faire town after the Russe or Tartar fashion with a strong castle situated vpon a high hill and was walled round about with timber earth but now the Emperour of Russia hath giuen order to plucke downe the old walles and to builde them againe of free stone It hath bene a citie of great wealth and riches and being in the hands of the Tartars it was a kingdome of it selfe and did more vexe the Russes in their warres then any other nation but 9. yeres past this Emperour of Russia conquered it and tooke the king captiue who being but young is nowe baptised and brought vp in his court with two other princes which were also kings of the said Cazan and being ech of thē in time of their raignes in danger of their subiects through ciuil discord came and rendred themselues at seueral times vnto the said Emperor so that at this present there are three princes in the court of Russia which had bene Emperours of the said Cazan whom the Emperour vseth with great honour We remained at Cazan till the 13. day of Iune and then departed from thence and the same day passed by an Island called the Island of merchants because it was woont to be a place where all merchants as well Russes and Cazanites as Nagayans and Crimmes and diuers other nations did resort to keepe mart for buying and selling but nowe it is forsaken and standeth without any such resort thither or at Cazan or at any place about it from Mosco vnto Mare Caspium Thus proceeding forward the 14. day we passed by a goodly riuer called Cama which we left on our left hand This riuer falleth out of the countrey of Permia into the riuer of Volga and is from Cazan 15. leagues and the countrey lying betwixt the said Cazan and the said riuer Cama on the left hand of Volga is called Vachen and the inhabitants be Gentiles and liue in the wildernesse without house or habitation and the countrey on the other side of Volga ouer against the said riuer Cama is called the land of Cheremizes halfe Gentiles halfe Tartars and all the land on the left hand of the said Volga from the said riuer vnto Astracan and so following the North and Northeast side of the Caspian sea to a land of the Tartars called Turkemen is called the countrey of Mangat or Nagay whose inhabitants are of the law of Mahomet and were all destroyed in the yeere 1558 at my being at Astracan through ciuill warres among them accompanied with famine pestilence and such plagues in such sort that in the said yeere there were consumed of the people in one sort and another aboue one hundred thousand the like plague was neuer seen in those parts so that the said countrey of Nagay being a countrey of great pasture remaineth now vnreplenished to the great contentation of the Russes who haue had cruel warres a long time together The Nagayans when they flourished liued in this maner they were diuided into diuers companies called Hords and euery Hord had a ruler whom they obeyed as their king and was called a Murse Towne or house they had none but liued in the open fields euery Murse or King hauing his Hords or people about him with their wiues children and cattell who hauing consumed the pasture in one place remooued vnto another and when they remooue they haue houses like tents set vpon wagons or carts which are drawen from place to place with camels therin their wiues children and all their riches which is very litle is caried about and euery man hath at the least foure or fiue wiues besides concubines Use of money they haue none but doe barter their cattell for apparell and other necessaries They delight in no arte nor science except the warres wherein they are expert but for the most part they be pasturing people and haue great store of cattel which is all their riches They eate much flesh and especially the horse and they drinke mares milke wherewith they be oftentimes drunke they are seditious inclined to theft and murther Corne they sowe not neither doe eate any bread mocking the Christians for the same and disabling our strengths saying we liue by eating the top of a weede and drinke a drinke made of the same allowing their great deuouring of flesh and drinking of milke to be the increase of their strength But now to proceed forward to my iourney All the countrey vpon our right hand the riuer Volga from ouer against the riuer Cama vnto the towne of Astracan is the land of Crimme whose inhabitants be also of the lawe of Mahomet and liue for the most part according to the fashions of the Nagayes hauing continual wars with the Emperour of Russia and are valiant in the fielde hauing countenance and support from the great Turke The 16. day of Iune we passed by certaine fishermens houses called Petowse twenty leagues from the riuer Cama where is great fishing for sturgeon so continuing our way vntill the 22. day and passing by another great riuer called Samar which falleth out of the aforesaide countrey and runneth through Nagay and entreth into the saide riuer of Volga The 28. day wee came vnto a great hill where was in times past
Elizabeth by the grace of God Queene of England France and Ireland defender of the faith hath written vnto vs her letters for her merchants who hath made sute that we should grant our goodnesse to the merchants which are of one Company and giue them free leaue to come to traffike in our kingdome to Colmogro and to the countrey of Dwina and to our great citie of Moscouia and to all the cities in our dominions and thorow our countrey to Boghar to Persia Casbin and Charday and to all other countreys 1 We Iohn Vasiliwich Emperour and great duke of all Russia for our sister Elizabeths sake Queene of England haue giuen and granted to the English merchants the Gouernours Consuls Assistants felloship sir Wil. Garrard Knight Rowland Haiward Alderman Ioh. Thamworth Esquire Iohn Riuers Alderman Henry Beecher Alderman Consuls Sir Wil. Chester Knight Edward Iackman Alderman Lionel Ducket Alderman Edward Gilbert Laurence Huse Francis Walsingham Clement Throgmorton Iohn Quarles Nicholas Wheeler Thomas Banister Iohn Harrison Francis Burnham Anthony Gamage Iohn Somers Richard Wilkinson Ioh. Sparke Richard Barne Robert Woolman Thomas Browne Thomas Smith Thomas Allen Thomas More William Bully Richard Yong Thomas Atkinson Assistants Iohn Mersh Esquire Geofrey Ducket Francis Robinson Matthew Field all the rest of their company and fellowship and to their successours and deputies to come with ships and other vessels into our Countrey at Colmogorod Dwina and to all the North parts now being ours or that hereafter shall at any time be in our possession by sea riuer or land euen to our great Citie of Mosco in all the townes of our Countrey to Cazan and Astracan to Nouogorod the great to Plesko Leifland Vriagorod to Narue and all other townes of Leifland 2 And to passe through our land to Boghar Persia Casbin Charday and other Countreyes And wheresoeuer they come there to be and abide freely and to barter and bargaine freely all wares of sale without custome of all people and Marchants strangers whatsoeuer And if so be they bring any fine wares out of Englande or any other Countrey from Boghar Persia Casbin or from any other place those their wares that come by the way of Narue or any other part into our Dominion to bring the same wares into our treasure and our Treasurers to view the same wares and to take into our Treasurie of the same such as shal be needfull for vs. And all such wares as we shal not need our Chancellour to redeliuer y e same And after the view of our Chancellours to barter it freely to whom they will not selling any of their wares needful for vs before our Chancellour haue seene the same And all other grosse and heauy wares that shall be needfull to our vse not being brought to Mosco to declare tell our Chancellour of the same wares And to giue a note thereof by name and how much they leaue there not brought to Mosco and then if we neede not the said wares the English Marchants their seruants Factors to conuey their wares the neerest way to Vstiug the great and so to Colmogorod or elsewhere at their pleasure thâ—re to barter and sell the same But those wares that shal be needfull for our Treasurie they shall not hide from vs in any case And when our Chauncellours shall send our aduenture with the said Marchants or their Factors they to take our aduentures with them and to sell to barter for such wares as shal be meete for our Treasurie and to returne it into our Treasurie And when we shall sende any aduenture into England then our Chauncellour to giue them a yeeres warning that their ships may be prouided thereafter that by taking in of our wares they leaue not their owne behind them And to take our aduenture yeerely when they goe into Persia. Neither shall the English marchants receiue or colour any of our peoples goods nor barter nor sell it in any wise likewise our people not to barter for the sayd English marchants or occupy for them 3 And when they shall come into our Empire of Casan and Astracan and other places of our Dominions thâ—n our Captaines of Casan and Astracan and our authorised people quietly to let them passe not taking any toll or custome of their wares nor once to make search thereof And when we shal send no aduenture with them yet to suffer them freely to passe not viewing their wares nor taking any kinde of custome And whatsoeuer English marchant will bargaine with our Marchants or Factors ware for ware to barter the same at their pleasure And whatsoeuer their Marchant or Factors will sell their wares at their house at Mosco which house I granted them at S. Maxims at the Mosco they to sel the ware to our people either strangers as they may best vtter it keeping within their house arshines measures and waights vnder seales 4 We haue granted them the saide house at S. Maxims in the halfe free and without standing renâ— as heretofore we did graunt it the said English Marchants sir Wil. Garrard and the Company maintayning in the said house one housekeeper a Russe and two Russe seruants or some of their owne countrey men and none other Russes besides the aforesayde And the said housekeepers that shal liue at their house with the English marchants neither to buy nor sel any wares for them but that the said marchants themselues or their factors shall buy sell and barter their owne wares And our Moscouie marchants not to take the said Englishmens wares to sell them in our townes nor to buy any wares for them neither the English marchant to colour any Russes wares at any towne 5 And whatsoeuer English marchant will sell his wares at Colmogorod Dwyna Vologda Yeraslaue Castran Nouogorod the lower Casan Astracan Nouogrod the great Vopsko the Narue Vriagorod or at any other townes they to sel their wares there at their pleasure And of all wares aswell of other countreis as of Russia no officer or other to take any custome neither in any place to stay them in any wise neither take any kinde of toll of them for their wares whatsoeuer 6 And whatsoeuer marchant shall bargaine or buy any wares of English marchants The said Russe not to returne those wares vpon the marchants hands againe but to giue ready money for the said wares otherwise they to craue the Iustice to giue right and to execute the lawe vpon the same with all expedition And when the English marchants or factors shal trauaile from Moscouie after the dispatch of their wares and businesse then to shew themselues vnto our Chancellours whatsoeuer wares of theirs shall goe from Mosco they not to shew the â—ame wares to any our officersâ— nor pay no custome nor toll in any place 7 If it so happen the English marchants haue any wracke and the shippes be brought to any port of our Dominions we to command the said goods to be enquired and
remaine with their merchandize The 11. day the said Nagayes and one more with them came againe to that house earely in the morning where they were taken by the Russes and brought to the captaine of the castle and being examined confessed that their comming was onely to seeke two of their bondmen that were runne from them whereupon their bondmen were deliuered to them which fauour the said captaine coÌ„monly sheweth if they be not Russies and they were set at libertie The 13. day they brake vp their camps and marched to the Northwards into the countrey of Nagay The 17. of April the variation of the compasse obserued in Astracan was 13. deg 40. min. from North to West This spring there came newes to Astracan that the queene of Persia the king being blind had bene with a great army against the Turks that were left to possesse Media and had giuen them a great ouerthrow yet notwithstanding Derbent the greatest part of Media were still possessed and kept by the Turks The factors oâ— the company consulting vpon their affayres determined to leaue at Astracan the one halfe of their goods with Arthur Edwards and with the other halfe the other three factors would proceed in the ship on their purposed voyage to the coast of Media to see what might be done there where if they could not find safe traffike they determined to proceed to the coast of Gilan which is a prouince nere the Caspian sea bordering vpon Persia and therupon appointed the said goods to be laden aboord the ship and tooke into her also some merchandize of Tisiks or Persian merchants The 29. of April Amos Riall and Anthony Marsh the companies seruants were sent from Astracan by the said factors vp the riuer Volga to Yeraslaue with letters of aduise to be sent for England and had order for staying the goods in Russia that should come that yeere out of England for mainteining the trade purposed for Persia vntill further triall were made what might be done in those parts The first day of May in the morning hauing the shippe in readinesse to depart the factors inuited the duke Pheodor Micalouich Proiocoorow and the principall secretary Vasili Pheodorouich Shelepiâ— with other of the chiefest about the duke to a banket aboord the ship where they were interteined to their good liking and at their departure was shot off all the ordinance of the ship and about nine of the clocke at night the same day they weyed anker and departed with their ship from Astracan and being but litle winde towed her with the boat about three versts then ankered hauing with them a pauos or lighter to helpe them at the flats The second day at foure of the clocke in y e morning they weyed plyed downe the riuer Volga toward the Caspian sea The seuenth of May in the morning they passed by a tree that standeth on the left hand of the riuer as they went downe which is called Mahomet Agatch or Mahomets tree about three versts further that is to say to the Southwards of the said tree is a place called Vchoog that is to say the Russe weare but Ochoog is the name of a weare in the Tartar tongue where are certain cotages and the Emperour hath lying at that place certaine gunners to gard his fishermen that keepe the weare This Vchoog is counted from Astracan 60. versts they proceeded downe the said riuer without staying at the Vchoog The ninth and tenth dayes they met with shoald water and were forced to lighten their ship by the pauos the 11. day they sent backe to the Vchoog for an other pauos This day by mischance the shippe was bilged on the grapâ—ell of the pauos whereby the company had sustained great losses if the chiefest part of their goods had not beene layde into the pauos for notwithstanding their pumping with 3. pumps heauing out water with buckets and all the best shifts they could make the shippe was halfe full of water ere the leake could be found and sâ—opt The 12. day the pauos came to them from the Vchoog whereby they lighted the shippe of all the goods The 13. day in the morning there came to them a small boat sent by the captaine of Astracan to learne whether the shippe were at sea cleere of the flats The 15. day by great industry and trauell they got their ship cleare off the shoales and flats wherewith they had beene troubled from the ninth day vntill then they were forced to passe their shippe in three foot water or lesse The 16. day they came to the Chetera Bougori or Island of Foure Hillocks which are counted forty versts from Vchoog and are the furthest land towards the sea The 17. day they bare off into the sea and being about twelue versts from the Foure hillocks riding in fiue foot and a halfe water about eleuen of the clocke in the forenoone they tooke their goods out of the pauoses into the shippe and filled their shippe with all things necessary The 18. day in the morning about seuen of the clock the pauoses being discharged departed away towards Astracan the winde then at Southeast they road still with the shippe and obseruing the eleuation of the pole at that place found it to be 45. degrees 20. minuts The 19. day the wind Southeast they road still The 20. day the winde at Northwest they set saile about one of the clocke in the morning stered thence South by West Southsouthwest about 3. leagues and then ankered in 6. foot and a halfe water about nine of y e clocke before noone at which time it fell calme the eleuation of the pole at that place 45. degrees 13. minutsâ— The 21. hauing the winde at Northwest they set saile and stered thence South by West and South vntill eleuen of the clocke and had then nine foote water and at noone they obserued the latitude and found it to be 44. degrees 47. minuts then had they three fathoms and a halfe water being cleare of the flats It is counted from the Foure hillockes to the sea about fiftie versts From the said noonetide vntill foure of the clocke they sayled South by East fiue leagues and a halfe then had they fiue fathoms and a halfe and brackish water from that till twelue at night they sayled South by East halfe a league East tenne leagues then had they eleuen fathome and the water salter From that till the 22. day three of the clocke in the morning they sayled three fifty leagues then had they sixtene fathome water from thence they sayled vntil noone South and by West seuen leagues and a halfe the latitude then obserued 43. degrees 15. minuts the depth then eight and twentie fathoms and shallow ground from that vntill eight of the clocke at night they sayled South by East fiue leagues and a halfe then had they three and fortie fathoms shallow ground From
lost their way through the perswasion of the Russes which were with them taking too much towards the left hand contrary to the opinion of M. Hudson whereby wandering vpon the yce foure or fiue dayes not knowing whether they were entred into the Crimme Tartars land or not at length it fortuned they met with a way that had bene trauailed which crost backwards towards the sea that way they tooke and following the same within two dayes trauaile it brought them to a place called the Crasnoyare that is to say in the English â—ongue Red cliffe which diuers of the company knew There they remained that night hauing nothing to eat but one loafe of bread which they happened to finde with the two Russes that were left in the ship to keepe her all the Winter as is aforesaid whom they chanced to meet going towards Astracan about fiue miles before they came to the sayd Crasnoyare who certified them that the ship was cut in pieces with the yce and that they had hard scaping with their liues In the morning they departed early from Crasnoyare towards the Ouchooge and about 9 of the clocke before noone being within 10 versts of the Vchooge they met Amos Riall with the carpenter which he found at Ouchooge and a gunâ—er newly come out of England and also 65 horses with so many Cassacks to guide them and 50 gunners for gard which brought prouision of victuals c. and were sent by the Duke to fetch the goods to Astracan The meeting of that company was much ioy vnto them The Factors sent backe with Amos Riall and the sayd company to fetch the goods Thomas Hudson the Master Tobias Paris his Mate and so they the sayd Factors and their company marched on to the Vchooge where they refreshed themselues that day and the night following And from thence proceeded on towards Astracan where they arriued the last day of Nouember These that went for the goods after their departure from the Factors trauailed the same day vntill they came within 10 versts of the Chetera Babbas where they rested that night The next morning by the breake of the day they departed thence and before noone were at the Chetera Babas where they stayed all night but presently departed thence Thomas Hudson with the Carpenter and gunner to seeke where the goods lay who found the same and the next day they returned backe to their company at the Chetera Babbas and declared vnto them in what sort they had found the sayd goods The 3 day early in the morning they departed all from the 4 Babbas towards the said goods and the same day did lade all the goods they could find vpon the saâ—d sleds and with all conuenient speed returned backe towards Astracan And when they came to the Chetera Bougori where they rested the night in the morning very early before the breake of day they were assaulted by a great company of the Nagays Tartars horsemen which came showting and hallowing with a great noise but our people were so inuironed with the sleds that they durst not enter vpon them but ranne by and shot their arrowes amongst them and hurt but one man in the head who was a Russe and so departed presently Yet when it was day â—hey shewed themselues a good distance off from our men being a very great troope of them but did not assault them any more The same day our men with those cariages departed from thence towards Astracan where they arriued in safety the 4 of December about 3 of the clocke in the afternoone where our people greatly reioyced of their great good happe to haue escaped so many hard euents troubles and miseries as they did in that voyage and had great cause therefore to praise the Almighty who had so mercifully preserued and deliuered them They remained the Winter at Astracan where they found great fauour and friendship of the duke captaine and other chiefe officers of that place but that Winter there happened no great matter worth the noting In the spring of the yeere 1581 about the mids of March the yce was broken vp and cleare gone before Astracan and the ninth of Aprill hauing all the goods that were returned from the parts of Media laden into a Stroog the Factors William Turnebull Matthew Taileboyes Giles Crow Christopher Burrough Michael Lane Laurence Prouse gunner Randolfe Foxe Tho. Hudson Tobias Parris Morgan Hubblethorne the dier Rich. the surgean Rob. Golding Ioh. Smith Edw. Reding carpenter and William Perrin gunner hauing also 40 Russes whereof 36 were Cassacks to row the rest merchants passengers departed from Astracan with the sayd Stroog and goods vp the Volga towards Yeraslaue They left behinde them at Astracan with the English goods merchandise there remaining Amos Riall W. Wincoll and Richard Relfe and appointed them to sell barter the same or so much thereof as they could to the Tisiks if there came any thither that spring and to others as they might the rest with such as they should take in exchange to returne vp to Yeraslaue that Summer â—hen the Emperors carriage should passe vp the Volga The 21 day they came with their Stroog to the Perauolok but made no stay at that place for they had beene much troubled with yce in their comming from Astracan The 3 of May about noone they came to Oueak and from thence proceeding vp the riuer on the 17 day William Turnebull departed from the Stroog in a small boat and went before towards Tetusha to prouide victuals and send downe to the Stroog from which place they were then about 230 versts The 23 day they met a boat with victuals which William Turnebull sent from Tetusha and the same day they arriued with their Stroog at Tetusha where they stayed all night and the next morning be times departed thence but W. Turnebull was gone in the small boat before to Cazan to prouide necessaries from thence and to make way for their dispatch The 26 day they arriued with their Stroog at Cazan where they remained till the fourth of Iune the Factors sent Giles Crow from Cazan to the Mosco with their letters the 30 of May. The 4 day of Iune they departed from Cazan with their Stroog and arriued at Yeraslaue the 22 day about 5 of the clocke in the morning The 23 day they prouided Telegos to carry the goods to Vologda The 24 day hauing the goods laden vpon Telegos they departed with the same towards Vologda and remained there fiue versts from Yeraslaue The 29 day they came to Vologda with all their goods in safety and good order The same 29 William Turnbull and Peter Garrard departed from Vologda post by water towards Colmogro the third of Iuly hauing their goods laden in a small doshnik they departed with the same from Vologda towards Rose Island by S. Nicholas where they arriued in safety the 16 of Iuly and found there the Agents of Russia and
haue his springs in this lake is more then three moneths iourney From this lake come many blacke men lacking the vse of common speech They bring with them diuers wares and especially pearles and precious stones which they sell to the people called Grustintzi and Serponowtzi These haue their name of the Castle Serponow situate in the mountaines of Lucomoria beyond the riuer Obi. They say that to the men of Lucomoria chaunceth a marueilous thing and incredible For they affirme that they die yeerely at the xxvii day of Nouember being the feast of S. George among the Moscouites and that at the next spring about the xxiii day of Aprill they reuiue againe as doe Frogges With these also the people of Grustintzi and Serponowtzi exercise a new and strange kinde of trade For when the accustomed time of their dying or rather of sleeping approcheth they leaue their wares in certaine places appointed which the Grustintzi and Serponowtzi carry away leauing other wares of equall value in their places which if the dead men at the time of their reuiuing perceiue to be of vnequall price they require their owne againe by reason whereof much strife and fighting is betweene them From the riuer of Obi descending toward the left hand are the people called Calami which came thither from Obiowa and Pogosa Beneath Obi about Aurea Anus that is the golden old wife are the riuers Sossa Berezuua and Danadim all which spring out of the mountaines Camen Bolschega Poiassa and the rockes ioyning to the same All the nations that inhabite from these riuers to Aurea Anus are subiect to the prince of Moscouia Aurea Anus called in the Moscouites tongue Slara Baba is an idol at the mouthe of Obi in the prouince of Obdora standing on the furthest banke toward the sea Along by the bankes of Obi the riuers neare there about are here and there many castles and fortresses all the lordes whereof are subiect to the prince of Moscouia as they say They say also or rather fable that the idol called Aurea Anus is an image like vnto an old wife hauing a child in her lay and that there is now seene another infant which they say to be her nephew Also that there are certaine instruments that make a continuall sound like the noyse of Trumpets the which if it so be I thinke it to be by reason of the winde blowing continually into the holow places of those instruments The riuer Cossin falleth out of the mountaines of Lucomoria In the mouth of this is a castle whither from the springs of the great riuer Cossin is two monethes viage Furthermore from the springs of the same riuer the riuer Cassima hath his originall which running through Lucomoria falleth into the great riuer Tachnin beyond the which as is said dwell men of prodigious shape of whom some are ouergrowen with haire like wilde beastes other haue heads like dogges and their faces in their breasts without neckes and with long hands also and without feete There is likewise in the riuer Tachnin a certaine fish with head eyes nose mouth hands feete and other members vtterly of humane shape and yet without any voyce and pleasant to be eaten as are other fishes All that I haue hitherto rehearsed I haue translated out of the saide iourney which was deliuered me in the Moscouites tongue In the which perhaps some things may seeme fabulous and in maner incredible as of the dombe men and the dead reuiuing the Aurea Anus also and the monstrous shapes of men with the fish of humane fourme whereof although I haue made diligent inquisition yet could I knowe nothing certaine of any that had seene the same with their eyes neuerthelesse to giue further occasion to other to search the trueth of these things I haue thought good to make mencion hereof Noss in the Moscouites tongue signifieth a nose and therefore they call all capes or points that reach into the sea by the same name The mountaines about the riuer of Petzora are called Semnoi Poyas or Cingulus mundi that is the girdle of the world or of the earth Kithai is a lake of which the great Can of Cathay whom the Moscouians cal Czar Kithaiski hath his name For Can in the Tartars language signifieth A King The places of Lucomoria neare vnto the sea are saluage full of woods and inhabited without any houses And albeit that the author of this iourney said that many nations of Lucomoria are subiect to the prince of Moscouia yet for as much as the kingdome of Tumen is neare thereunto whose prince is a Tartar and named in their tongue Tumenski Czar that is a king in Tumen and hath of late done great domage to the prince of Moscouia it is most like that these nations should rather be subiect vnto him Neare vnto the riuer Petzora whereof mention is made in this iourney is the citie and castle of Papin or Papinowgorod whose inhabitants are named Papini and haue a priuate language differing from the Moscouites Beyond this riuer are exceeding high mountaines reaching euen vnto the bankes whose ridges or tops by reason of continuall windes are in maner vtterly barren without grasse or fruits And although in diuers places they haue diuers names yet are they commonly called Cingulus mundi that is the girdle of the world In these mountaines doe Ierfalcons breede whereof I haue spoken before There growe also Cedar trees among the which are found the best and blackest kinde of Sables and onely these mountaines are seene in all the dominions of the prince of Moscouia which perhaps are the same that the old writers call Rhipheos or Hyperboreos so named of the Greeke word Hyper that is Aboue and Boreas that is the North for by reason they are couered with continuall snow and frost they can not without great difficultie be trauayled and reach so farre into the North that they make the vnknowen land of Engronland The Duke of Moscouia Basilius the sonne of Iohn sent on a time two of his Captaines named Simeon Pheodorowich Kurbski Knes Peter Vschatoi to search the places beyond these mountaines and to subdue the nations thereabout Kurbski was yet aliue at my being in Moscouia declared vnto me that he spent xvii daies in ascending the mountaine yet could not come to the top therof which in their tongue is called Stolp that is a piller This mountaine is extended into the Ocean vnto the mouthes of the riuers of Dwina and Petzora But now hauing spoken thus much of the said iourney I will returne to the dominions of Moscouia with other regions lying Eastward South from the same toward the mighty Empire of Cathay But I will first speake somewhat briefly of the prouince of Rezan and the famous riuer of â—anais The prouince of Rezan situate
that God miraculously preserued the English nation For the L. Admirall wrote vnto her Maiestie that in all humane reason and according to the iudgement of all men euery circumstance being duly considered the English men were not of any such force whereby they might without a miracle dare once to approch within sight of the Spanish Fleet insomuch that they freely ascribed all the honour of their victory vnto God who had confounded the enemy and had brought his counsels to none effect The same day the Spanish ships were so battered with English shot that that very night and the day following two or three of them suncke right downe and among the rest a certaine great ship of Biscay which Captaine Crosse assaulted which perished euen in the time of the conflict so that very few therein escaped drowning who reported that the gouernours of the same shippe slew one another vpon the occasion following one of them which would haue yeelded the shippe was suddenly slaine the brother of the slaine party in reuenge of his death slew the murtherer and in the meane while the ship suncke The same night two Portugall galeons of the burthen of seuen or eight hundreth tunnes a piece to wit the Saint Philip and the Saint Matthew were forsaken of the Spanish Fleet for they were so torne with shotte that the water entered into them on all sides In the galeon of Saint Philip was Francis de Toledo brother vnto the Count de Orgas being Colonell ouer two and thirty bands besides other gentlemen who seeing their mast broken with shotte they shaped their course aswell as they could for the coast of Flanders whither when they could not attaine the principall men in the ship committing themselues to their skiffe arriued at the next towne which was Ostend and the ship it selfe being left behinde with the residue of their company was taken by the Ulishingers In the other galeon called the S. Matthew was embarked Don Diego Pimentelli another camp-master and colonell of 32 bands being brother vnto the marques of Tamnares with many other gentlemen and captaines Their ship was not very great but exceeding strong for of a great number of bullets which had batterd her there were scarse 20 wherewith she was pierced or hurt her vpper worke was of force sufficient to beare off a musket shot this shippe was shot thorow and pierced in the fight before Greueling insomuch that the leakage of the water could not be stopped whereupon the duke of Medina sent his great skiffe vnto the gouernour thereof that he might saue himselfe and the principal persons that were in his ship which he vpon a hault courage refused to do wherefore the Duke charged him to saile next vnto himselfe which the night following he could not performe by reason of the great abundance of water which entered his ship on all sides for the auoiding wherof and to saue his ship from sincking he caused 50 men continually to labor at the pumpe though it were to small purpose And seeing himselfe thus forsaken separated from his admirall he endeuored what he could to attaine vnto the coast of Flanders where being espied by 4 or 5 men of warre which had their station assigned them vpon the same coast he was admonished to yeeld himselfe vnto them Which he refusing to do was strongly assaulted by them altogether and his ship being pierced with many bullets was brought into farre worse case then before and 40 of his souldiers were slaine By which extremity he was enforced at length to yeeld himselfe vnto Peter Banderduess other captaines which brought him and his ship into Zeland and that other ship also last before mentioned which both of them immediatly after the greater and better part of their goods were vnladen suncke right downe For the memory of this exploit the foresayd captaine Banderduess caused the banner of one of these shippes to be set vp in the great Church of Leiden in Holland which is of so great a length that being fastened to the very roofe it reached downe to the ground About the same time another small ship being by necessity driuen vpon the coast of Flanders about Blankenberg was cast away vpon the sands the people therein being saued Thus almighty God would haue the Spaniards huge ships to be presented not onely to the view of the English but also of the Zelanders that at the sight of them they might acknowledge of what small ability they had beene to resist such impregnable forces had not God endued them with courage prouidence and fortitude yea and fought for them in many places with his owne arme The 29 of Iuly the Spanish fleet being encountered by the English as is aforesayd and lying close together vnder their fighting sailes with a Southwest winde sailed past Dunkerk the English ships stil following the chase Of whom the day following when the Spaniards had got sea roome they cut their maine sailes whereby they sufficiently declared that they meant no longer to fight but to flie For which cause the L. Admirall of England dispatched the L. Henrie Seymer with his squadron of small ships vnto the coast of Flanders where with the helpe of the Dutch ships he might stop the prince of Parma his passage if perhaps he should attempt to issue forth with his army And he himselfe in the meane space pursued the Spanish fleet vntill the second of August because he thought they had set saile for Scotland And albeit he followed them very neere yet did he not assault them any more for want of powder and bullets But vpon the fourth of August the winde arising when as the Spaniards had spread all their sailes betaking themselues wholly to flight and leauing Scotland on the left hand trended toward Norway whereby they sufficiently declared that their whole intent was to saue themselues by flight attempting for that purpose with their battered and crazed ships the most dangerous nauigation of the Northren seas the English seeing that they were now proceeded vnto the latitude of 57 degrees and being vnwilling to participate that danger whereinto the Spaniards plunged themselues and because they wanted things necessary and especially powder shot returned backe for England leauing behinde them certaine pinasses onely which they enioyned to follow the Spaniards aloofe and to obserue their course And so it came to passe that the fourth of August with great danger and industry the English arriued at Harwich for they had bene tossed vp and downe with a mighty tempest for the space of two or three dayes together which it is likely did great hurt vnto the Spanish fleet being as I sayd before so maimed and battered The English now going on shore prouided themselues foorthwith of victuals gunne-powder and other things expedient that they might be ready at all assayes to entertaine the Spanish fleet if it chanced any more to returne But being afterward more certainely informed of the Spaniards course
sumus Indè archiepiscopi ceterique principes imperij Alemanniam per dextram repetentes nos versùs Franciam ad sinistram declinantes cum inenarrabilibus gratijs osculis ab inuicem discessimus Et tandem de triginta equitibus qui de Normannia pingues exiuimus vix viginti pauperes peregrini omnes pedites macie multa attenuati reuersi sumus The same in English I Ingulphus an humble seruant of reuerend Guthlac and of his monastery of Croiland borne in England and of English parents at the beautifull citie of London was in my youth for the attaining of good letters placed first at Westminster and afterward sent to the Uniuersitie of Oxford And hauing excelled diuers of mine equals in learning of Aristotle I inured my selfe somewhat vnto the first second Rhethorique of Tullie And as I grew in age disdayning my parents meane estate and forsaking mine owne natiue soyle I affected the Courts of kings and princes and was desirous to be clad in silke and to weare braue and costly attire And loe at the same time William our souereigne king now but then Erle of Normandie with a great troup of followers and attendants came vnto London to conferre with king Edward the Counfessour his kinsman Into whose company intruding my selfe and proffering my seruice for the performance of any speedy or weightie affayres in short time after I had done many things with goood successe I was knowen and most entirely beloued by the victorious Erle himselfe and with him I sayled into Normandie And there being made his secretarie I gouerned the Erles Court albeit with the enuie of some as my selfe pleased yea whom I would I abased and preferred whom I thought good When as therefore being carried with a youthfull heat and lustie humour I began to be wearie euen of this place wherein I was aduanced so high aboue my parentage and with an inconstant minde and affection too too ambitious most vehemently aspired at all occasions to climbe higher there went a report throughout all Normandie that diuers Archbishops of the Empire and secular princes were desirous for their soules health and for deuotion sake to goe on pilgrimage to Ierusalem Wherefore out of the family of our lorde the Earle sundry of vs both gentlemen and clerkes principall of whom was my selfe with the licence and good will of our sayd lord the earle sped vs on that voiage and trauailing thirtie horses of vs into high Germanie we ioyned our selues vnto the Archbishop of Mentz And being with the companies of the Bishops seuen thousand persons sufficiently prouided for such an expedition we passed prosperously through many prouinces and at length attained vnto Constantinople Where doing reuerence vnto the Emperour Alexius we sawe the Church of Sancta Sophia and kissed diuers sacred reliques Departing thence through Lycia we fell into the hands of the Arabian theeues and after we had bene robbed of infinite summes of money and had lost many of our people hardly escaping with extreame danger of our liues at length wee ioyfully entered into the most wished citie of Ierusalem Where we were receiued by the most reuerend aged and holy patriarke Sophronius with great melodie of cymbals and with torch-light and were accompanied vnto the most diuine Church of our Sauiour his sepulchre with a solemne procession aswell of Syrians as of Latines Here how many prayers we vttered what abundance of teares we shed what deepe sighs we breathed foorth our Lord Iesus Christ onely knoweth Wherefore being conducted from the most glorious sepulchre of Christ to visite other sacred monuments of the citie we saw with weeping eyes a great number of holy Churches and oratories which Achim the Souldan of Egypt had lately destroyed And so hauing bewailed with sadde teares and most sorowful and bleeding affections all the ruines of that most holy city both within and without and hauing bestowed money for the reedifying of some we desired with most ardent deuotion to go forth into the countrey to wash our selues in the most sacred riuer of Iordan and to kisse all the steppes of Christ. Howbeit the theeuish Arabians lurking vpon euery way would not suffer vs to trauell farre from the city by reason of their huge and furious multitudes Wherefore about the spring there arriued at the port of Ioppa a fleet of ships from Genoa In which fleet when the Christian merchants had exchanged all their wares at the coast townes and had likewise visited the holy plâ—ces wee all of vs embarked committing our selues to the seas and being tossed with many stormes and tempests at length wee arriued at Brundusium and so with a prosperous iourney trauelling thorow Apulia towaâ—ds Rome we there visited the habitations of the holy apostles Peter and Paul and did reuerence vnto diuers monuments of holy martyrs in all places thorowout the city From thence the archbishops and other princes of the empire trauelling towards the right hand for Alemain and we declining towards the left hand for France departed asunder taking our leaues with vnspeakable thankes and courtesies And so at length of thirty horsemen which went out of Normandie fat Iusly and frolique we returned thither skarse twenty poore pilgrims of vs being all footmen and consumed with leannesse to the bare bones ¶ Diuers of the honourable family of the Beauchamps with Robert Curtoys sonne of William the Conqueror made a voyage to Ierusalem 1096. Hol. pag. 22. vol. 2. POpe Vrbane calling a councell at Clermont in Auuergne exhorted the Christian princes so earnestly to make a iourney into the Holy land for the recouery thereof out of the Saracens hands that the saide great and generall iourney was concluded vpon to be taken in hand wherein many noble men of Christendome went vnder the leading of Godfrey of Bouillon others as in the Chronicles of France of Germanie and of the Holy land doeth more plainely appeare There went also among other diuers noble men foorth of this Realme of England specially that worthily bare the surname of Beauchampe ¶ The voyage of Gutuere an English Lady maried to Balduine brother of Godfreide duke of Bouillon toward Ierusalem about 1097. And the 11. yeere of William Rufus King of England THe Christian armie of Godfrie of Bouillon passing the citie of Iconium alias Agogna in the countrey of Licaonia and from thence by the city of Heraclia came at length vnto the citie of Marasia where they encamped and soiourned there three whole dayes because of the wife of Balduine brother germane of the duke of Loraigne Which Lady being long time vexed with a grieuous malady was in extremitie where at length paying the debt due to nature she changed this transitorie lite for life eternall Who in her life time was a very worthy and vertuous Lady borne in England and descended of most noble parentage named Gutuere Which according to her degree was there most honourably enterred to the great griefe of all the whole armie As reporteth William
Archbishop of Tyre lib. 3. cap. 17. hist. belli sacri The same author in the 10. booke first chapter of the same historie concerning the same English Lady writeth further as followeth Baldwine hauing folowed the warres for a time gaue his minde to marriage so that being in England he fell in loue with a very honourable and noble Lady named Gutuere whom he married and caried with him in that first happy expedition wherin he accompanied his brethren the Lords duke Godfrey and Eustace persons very commendable in all vertues and of immortall memorie But he had hard fortune in his iourney because his foresaid wife being wearied with a long sicknes finished her life with a happie end neere the citie of Marasia before the Christian armie came vnto Antioch where she was honourably buried as we haue declarâ—d before ¶ Chronicon Hierosolymitanum in lib. 3. cap. 27. maketh also mention of this English Lady which he calleth Godwera in this maner HAc in regione Maresch vxor Baldewini nobilissima quam de regno Angele eduxit diutina corporis molestia aggrauata duci Godefrido commendata vitam exâ—alauit sepulta Catholicis obsequijs cuius nomen erat Godwera The same in English IN this prouince of Maresch the most noble wife of Baldwine which he caried with him out of England being visited with dayly sicknesses and infirmities of body and commended to the custody of duke Godfrey departed out of this life and was buried after the Christian maner Her name was Godwera ¶ The voyage of Edgar the sonne of Edward which was the sonne of Edmund surnamed Ironside brother vnto K. Edward the confessor being accompanied with valiant Robert the sonne of Godwin vnto Ierusalem in the yeere of our Lord 1102. Recorded by William of Malmesburie lib. 3. histo fol. 58. SVbsequenti tempore cum Roberto filio Godwini milite audacissimo Edgarus Hierosolymam pertendit Illud fuit tempus quo Turci Baldwinum regem apud Ramas obsederunt qui cum obsidionis iniuriam ferre nequiret per medias hostium acies effugit solius Roberti opera liberatus praeeuntis euaginato gladio dexâ—ra leuaque Turcos caedentis Sed cum successu ipso truculentior alacritate nimia procutreret ensis manu excidit Ad quem recolligendum cum se inclinasset omnium incursu oppressus vinculis palmas dedit Inde Babyloniam vt aiunt ductus cum Christum abnegare nollet in medio foro ad signum positus sagittis terebratus martyrium consecrauit Edgarus amisso milite regressus multaque beneficia ab Imperatoribus Graecorum Alemannorum adeptus quippè qui etiam cum retinere pro generis amplitudine tentassent omnia pro natalis soli desiderio spreuit Quosdam enim profectò fallie amor patriae vt nihil eis videatur iucundum nisi consuetum hauserint coelum Vndè Edgarus fatua cupidine illusus Angliam redijt vbi vt superius dixi diuerso fortunae ludicro rotatus nunc remotus tacitus canos suos in agro consumit The same in English AFterward Edgar being sonne vnto the nephewe of Edward the confessour traueiled with Robert the sonne of Godwin a most valiant knight vnto Ierusalem And it was at the same time when the Turkes besieged king Baldwin at Rama who not being able to endure the straight siege was by the helpe of Robert especially going before him and with his drawen sword making a lane and slaying the Turkes on his right hande and on his left deliuered out of that danger and escaped through the midst of his enemies campe But vpon his happie successe being more eager and fierce as hee went forward somewhat too hastily his sworde fell out of his hand Which as he stouped to take vp being oppressed with the whole multitude hee was there taken and bound From whence as some say being carried vnto Babylon or Alcair in Egypt when he would not renounce Christ he was tyed vnto a stake in the midst of the market place and being shot through with arrowes died a martyr Edgar hauing lost his knight returned and being honoured with many rewards both by the Greekish and by the Germaine Emperour who both of them would right gladly haue entertained him stil for his great nobilitie contemned all things in respect of his natiue soile For in very deede some are so inueagled with the loue of their countrey that nothing can seeme pleasant vnto them vnlesse they breath in the same aire where they were bred Wherefore Edgar being misledde with a fond affection returned into England and afterward being subiect vnto diuers changes of fortune as we haue aboue signified he spendeth now his extreeme olde age in an obscure and priuate place of the countrey ¶ Mention made of one Godericus a valiant Englishman who was with his ships in the voyage vnto the Holy land in the second yeere of Baldwine King of Ierusalem in the third yere of Henry the first of England CHronicon Hierosolymitanum lib. 9. cap. 9. Verùm dehinc septem diebus euolutis rex ab Assur exiens nauem quae dicitur Buza ascendit cum eo Godericus pirata de regno Angliae ac vexillo hastae praefixo elato in aëre ad radios solis vsque Iaphet cum paucis nauigauit vt hoc eius signo ciues Christiani recognito fiduciam vitae regis haberent non facile hostiuÌ„ minis pauefacti turpiter diffugium facerent aut vrbem reddere cogerentur Sciebat enim eos multum de vita salute eius desperare Saraceni auteÌ„ viso eius signo recognito ea parte que vrbem nauigio cingebat illi in galeis viginti Carinis tredecim quas vulgo appellant Câ—zh occurrerunt volentes Buzam regis coronare Sed Dei auxilio vndis maris illis exaduerso tumescentibus ac reluctantibus Buza autem regis facili agili cursu inter procellas labente ac volitante in portu Ioppae delusis hostibus subitò affuit sex ex Saracenis in arcu suo in nauicula percussis ac vulneratis Intrans itaque ciuitatem dum incolumis omnium pateret oculis reuixit spiritus cunctorum gementium de eius morte hactenus dolentium eo quòd caput rex Christianorum princeps Hierusalem adhuc viuus incolumis receptus sit The same in English BUt seuen dayes afterward the King comming out of the towne of Assur entred into a shippe called a Busse and one Godericke a pirate of the kingdome of England with him and fastening his banner on the toppe of a speare and holding it vp aloft in the aire against the beames of the Sunne sailed vnto Iâ—phet with a small company That the Christian Citizens there seeing this his banner might conceiue hope that the King was yet liuing and being not easâ—ily terrified with the threates of the enemies might shamefully runne away or be constrained to yeeld vp the citie For hee knew that they were very much out
arriued at a citie called Sumakoto which aboundeth more with silke then any other citie in the world for when there is great scarcitie of silke fortie pound is sold for lesse then eight groates In this citie there is abundance of all merchandize and of all kindes of victuals also as of bread wine flesh fish with all choise and delicate spices Then traueiling on still towards the East by many cities I came vnto the noble and renowmed citie of Cambaleth which is of great antiquitie being situate in the prouince of Cataie This citie the Tartars tooke and neere vnto it within the space of halfe a mile they built another citie called Caido The citie of Caido hath twelue gates being each of them two miles distant from another Also the space lying in the midst betweene the two foresayd cities is very well and throughly inhabited so that they make as it were but one citie betweene them both The whole compasse or circuit of both cities together is 40. miles In this citie the great emperour Can hath his principall seat and his Imperiall palace the wals of which palace containe foure miles in circuit and nâ—ere vnto this his palace are many other palaces and houses of his noblâ—s which belong vnto his court Within the precincts of the sayd palace Imperiall there is a most beautifull mount set and replenished with trees for which cause it is called the Greene mount hauing a most royall and sumptuous palace standing thereupon in which for the most part the great Can is resident Upon the one side of the sayd mount there is a great lake whereupon a most stately bridge is built in which lake is great abundance of geeâ—e ducks and all kindes of water foules and in the wood growing vpon the mount there is great store of all birds and wilde beasts And therefore when the great Can will solace himselfe with hunting or hauking he needs not so much as once to step forth of his palace Moreouer the principall palace wherein he maketh his abode is very large hauing within it 14 pillers of golde and all the walles thereof are hanged with red skinâ—es which are sayd to be the most costly skinnes in all the world In the midst of the palace standes a cisterne of two yards high which consisteth of a preâ—ious stone called Merdochas and is wreathed about with golde at ech corner thereof is the golden image of a serpent as it were furiously shaking and casting forth his head This cisterne also hath a kind of networke of pearle wrought about it Likewise by the sayd cisterne there is drinke conueyed thorow certeine pipes and conducts such as vseth to be drunke in the emperors court vpon the which also there hang many vessels of golde wherein whosoeuer will may drinke of the sayd licour In the foresayd palaâ—e there are many peacocks of goldâ— when any Tartar maketh a banquet vnto his lord if the guests chance to clap their hands for ioy and mirth the â—ayd golden peacocks also will spread abroad their wings and lift vp their traines ferming as if they danced and this I suppose to be done by arte magike or by some secret engine vnder the ground Of the glory and magnificence of the great Can. MOreouer when the great emperor Can sitteth in his imperiall throne of estate on his left hand sitteth his queene or empresse and vpon another inferior seate there sit two other women which are to accompany the emperor when his spouse is absent but in the lowest place of all there sit all the ladies of his kinred All the maried women weare vpon their heads a kind of ornament in shape like vnto a mans foote of a cubite and a halfe in length and the lower part of the sayd foote is adorned with cranes feathers and is all ouer thicke set with great and orient pearles Upon the right hand of the great Can sitteth his first begotten sonne and heire apparant vnto his empire and vnder him sit all the nobles of the blood royall There bee also foure Secretaries which put all things in writing that the emperor speaketh In whose presence likâ—wise stand his Barons and diuers others of his nobilitie with great traines of folowers after them of whom none dare speake so much as one word vnlesse they haue obtained licence of the emperor so to doe except his iesters and stage-playes who are appointed of purpose to solace their lord Neither yet dare they attempt to doe ought but onely according to the pleasure of their emperor and as hee enioineth them by lawe About the palace gate stand certaine Barons to keepe all men from treading vpon the threshold of the sayd gate When it pleaseth the great Can to solemnize a feast he hath about him 14000. Barons carying wreathes litle crownes vpon their heads and giuing attendance vpon their lord and euery one of them weareth a garment of gold and precious stones which is woorth ten thousand Florens His court is kept in very good order by gouernours of tens gouernours of hundreds and gouernours of thousands insomuch that euery one in his place performeth his duetie committed vnto him neither is there any detect to bee found I Frier Odoricus was there present in person for the space of three yeeres and was often at the sayd banquets for we friers Minorities haue a place of aboad appointed out for vs in the emperors court and are enioined to goe and to bestow our blessing vpon him And I enquired of certaine Courtiers concerning the number of persons pertaining to the emperors court And they answered mee that of stage-players musicians and such like there were eighteene Thuman at the least and that the keepers of dogs beasts and foules were fifteene Thuman and the physicians for the emperours body were foure hundred the Christians also were eight in number together with one Saracen At my being there all the foresayd number of persons had all kind of necessaries both for apparell and victuals out of the emperors court Moreouer when he will make his progresse from one countrey to another hee hath foure troupes of horsemen one being appointed to goe a dayes iourney before and another to come a dayes iourney after him the third to march on his right hand and the fourth on his left in the maner of a crosse he himselfe being in the midst and so euery particular troupe haue their daily iourneys limited vnto them to the ende they may prouide sufficient victuals without defect Nowe the great Can himselfe is caried in maner following hee rideth in a chariot with two wheeles vpon which a maiesticall throne is built of the wood of Aloe being adorned with gold and great pearles and precious stones and foure elephants brauely furnished doe drawe the sayd chariot before which elephants foure great horses richly trapped and couered doe lead the way Hard by the chariot on both sides thereof are foure Barons laying hold and attending thereupon to keepe all persons
redinesse his armie to the number of three hundreth sayles purposing for to send them against Rhodes if mortalitie had not happened in his hoâ—t and he afterwarde by the will of our lorde was surprised and taken with death wherefore he being in the latter ende of his dayes as some Turkes and false christian men that were at this siege shewed me did charge by his testament or caused to charge his sonne now being great Turke that after his death hee should make his two first enterprises the one against Bellegrado in Hungarie and the other against Rhodes for to get him honour and to set his Countries and subiectes in rest and suretie The which fatherly motion easilie entered into him and was imprinted in the heart and yoong will of the sayde Solyman his sonne the which soone after the death of his father put in effect the first enterprise and raised an huge hoste both by water and by land and went himselfe in person against Bellegrado a right strong place in Hungarie And after that hee had besieged it the space of two moneths or thereabout for fault of ordinance and vitailes it was yeelded to him by composition the eight day of September in the yeere of our lord one thousand fiue hundred twentie and one The sayd Solyman hauing this victory being swollen and raised in pride and vaineglory turned his heart agaynst Rhodes Neuerthelesse he not ignorant of the strength of it and considering the qualities of the people that were within it of whom he should be well receiued as his predecessours had bene aforetimes doubted much and knew not how to furnish his enterprise For his capitaines and Bashas turned him from it as much as they might by many reasons they knowing the force of it saue onely Mustofa Basha his brother in lawe the which counselled and put him in minde to goe thither Finally hee purposed entirely to haue it by treason or by force And also for the same cause and purpose his father in his dayes had sent a Iewe physician into Rhodes as a spie to haue the better knowledge of it the sayd Solyman was informed that he was there yet wherfore he sent him worde that he should abide there still for the same cause And gaue in charge to one of the chiefe men in Sio to send vnto the sayd Iewe all things needefull to maintaine him And the same Iewe wrote to him of Sio vnder priuie wordes all that was done in Rhodes to giue knowledge thereof to the great Turke and the better to hide his treason the sayde Iewe made himselfe to bee baptised And to bee the more named to be expert in Physike he did some faire cures to such as were diseased whereby he began to bee well trusted and came in fauour with many substantiall folkes of the towne Among all other things whereof hee aduertised the great Turke one was of a wall that was taken downe for to be new builded at the bulwarke of Auuergne certifying him that if hee came hastely with his hoste hee might easilie and at vnawares surprise the towne in such estate as it was at that time Many other aduertisements and warnings hee shewed the Turke which shall bee declared hereafter But beside his aduertisement the sayd great Turke stirred and prouoked by a false traitour a Portingale knight of ours that time Chanceller of the sayd holy Religion a man of great authoritie dignitie and vnderstanding and one of the principall lordes of the counsell of the same named Sir Andrew de Merall by little and little was mooued and kindled to the sayd enterprise of treason whereof was no maruell for it was a great hope and comfort to haue such a person for him that knew all the estate and rule of the religion and of the towne And for to declare the occasions of the cursed and vnhappy will of the said traitor that had bene occasion of so great losse and damage and shall be more at the length if the diuine power set not to his hand And here it is manifestly to bee vnderstood of all men that after the death of the noble and right prudent lord Fabrice of Cacetto great master of Rhodes the sayd Sir Andrew enflamed with ambition and couetousnesse to bee great master and seeing himselfe deceiued of his hope by the election made the two and twentieth day of Ianuary of the right reuerend and illustrate lord Philip de Villiers Lisleadam before him from that time hee tooke so great enuie and desperation enmitie and euill will not onely against the sayde lord but against all the holy religion that hee set all his studie and purpose to betray and sell his religion and the citie of Rhodes to the cursed misbeleeuers forgetting the great honours and goodnesse that hee hath had of the religion and hoped to receiue with many other particuler pleasures that the sayd lord master had done to him But the deuill vnkindnesse and wickednesse had so blinded the eyes of his thought that hee in no wise could refraine him but at euery purpose that was spoken afore him hee was short and might not dissemble And one day among other hee sayde before many knights that hee would that his soule were at the deuill and that Rhodes and the religion were lost And many other foolish and dishonest purposes and wordes hee vttered whereat none tooke heed nor thought that hee had the courage to doe that thing that hee hath done Howbeit obstinate as Iudas hee put in execution his cursed will for soone after that the tidings of the election was sent Westward to the sayde noble lord the sayd de Merall did send a Turke prisoner of his to Constantinople vnder shadowe to fetch his ransome By whom hee aduertised the great Turke and his counsell of the maner and degree of Rhodes and in what state and condicion the towne was in of all maner of things at that time and what might happen of it prouoking and stirring him to come with a great hoste to besiege the towne And after the comming of the sayd reuerend lord great master he gaue other aduise to the great Turke shewing him that hee could neuer haue better time to come seeing that the great master was new come and part of the wall taken downe and that all Rhodes was in trouble by occasion of some Italian knights rebels agaynst the lord great master of the which rebellion he was causer the better to bring his cursed mind to passe and also gaue the sayde great Turke knowledge that all Christian princes were busie warring each vpon other and that he should not doubt but if the rebellion lasted among them the towne should be his without faile as it is seene by experience And for lacke of succours of euery part and especially of such as might easily haue holpen vs beyng our neighbours with their gallies and men of warre wherefore it is now in the handes of the enemies of the christian faith The which
fault and followe mine aduise Thus with much labour I gat out of the Mole of Chio into the sea by warping foorth with the helpe of Genoueses botes and a French bote that was in the Mole and being out God sent mee a speciall gale of winde to goe my way Then I caused a peece to be shotte off for some of my men that were yet in the towne with much a doe they came aboord and then I set sayle a little before one of the clocke and I made all the sayle I could and about halfe an houre past two of the clocke there came seuen gallies into Chio to stay the shippe and the admirall of them was in a great rage because she was gone Whereupon they put some of the best in prison and tooke all the men of the three ships which I left in the port and put them into the Gallies They would haue followed after mee but that the townes men found meanes they did not The next day came thither a hundred more of Gallies and there taried for their whole companie which being together were about two hundred 50 sayle taking their voyage for to surprise the Iland of Malta The next day after I departed I had the sight of Candia but I was two dayes after or euer I could get in where I thought my selfe out of their daunger There I continued vntill the Turkes armie was past who came within the sight of the towne There was preparation made as though the Turks had come thither There be in that Iland of Candia many banished men that liue continually in the mountaines they came downe to serue to the number of foure or fiue thousand they are good archers euery one with his bowe and arrowes a sword and a dagger with long haire and bootes that reach vp to their grine and a shirt of male hanging the one halfe before and the other halfe behinde these were sent away againe assoone as the armie was past They would drinke wine out of all measure Then the armie being past I laded my shippe with wines and other things and so after I had that which I left in Chio I departed for Messina In the way I found about Zante certaine Galliots of Turkes laying abord of certaine vessels of Venice laden with Muscatels I rescued them and had but a barrell of wine for my powder and shot and within a few dayes after I came to Messina I had in my shippe a Spanish pilot called Noblezia which I tooke in at Cades at my comming foorth he went with me all this voyage into the Leuant without wages of good will that he bare me and the shippe he stoode me in good steede vntill I came backe againe to Cades and then I needed no Pilot. And so from thence I came to London with the shippe and goods in safetie God be praysed And all those Mariners that were in my sayd shippe which were besides boyes threescore and tenne for the most part were within fiue or sixe yeeres after able to take charge and did Richard Chanceller who first discouered Russia was with me in that voyage and Mathew Baker who afterward became the Queenes Maiesties chiefe ship-wright The voyage of M. Iohn Locke to Ierusalem IN my voyage to Ierusalem I imbarked my selfe the 26 of March 1553 in the good shippe called the Mathew Gonson which was bound for Liuorno or Legorne and Candia It fell out that we touched in the beginning of Aprill next ensuing at Cades in Andalozia where the Spaniardes according to their accustomed maner with all shippes of extraordinarie goodnes and burden picked a quarrell against the company meaning to haue forfeited or at the least to haue arrested the said shippe And they grew so malicious in their wrongfull purpose that I being vtterly out of hope of any speedie release to the ende that my intention should not be ouerthrowen was inforced to take this course following Notwithstanding this hard beginning it fell out so luckily that I found in the roade a great shippe called the Caualla of Venice wherin after agreement made with the patron I shipped my selfe the 24. of May in the said yere 1553 and the 25 by reason of the winde blowing hard and contrary we were not able to enter the straits of Gibraltar but were put to the coast of Barbarie where we ankered in the maine sea 2. leagues from shore and continued so vntill two houres before sunne set and then we weighed againe and turned our course towards the Straits where we entered the 26 day aforesayd the winde being very calme but the current of the straites very fauourable The same day the winde beganne to rise somewhat and blew a furthering gale and so continued at Northwest vntill we arriued at Legorne the third of Iune And from thence riding ouer land vnto Venice I prepared for my voyage to Ierusalem in the Pilgrimes shippe I Iohn Locke accompanied with Maister Anthony Rastwold with diuers other Hollanders Zelanders Almaines and French pilgrimes entered the good shippe called Fila Cauena of Venice the 16 of Iuly 1553. and the 17 in the morning we weighed our anker and sayled towardes the coast of Istria to the port of Rouigno and the said day there came aboard of our ship the Perceuena of the shippe named Tamisari for to receiue the rest of all the pilgrimes money which was in all after the rate of 55. Crownes for euery man for that voyage after the rate of fiue shillings starling to the crowne This done he returned to Venice The 19 day we tooke fresh victuals aboard and with the bote that brought the fresh prouision we went on land to the Towne and went to see the Church of Sancta Eufemia where we sawe the bodie of the sayd Saint The 20 day wee departed from Rouignio and about noone we had sight of Monte de Ancona and the hilles of Dalmatia or else of Sclauonia both at one time and by report they are 100. miles distant from ech other and more The 21 we sayled still in sight of Dalmatia and a litle before noone we had sight of a rocke in the midst of the sea called in Italian il Pomo it appeareth a farre off to be in shape like a sugarloafe Also we sawe another rocke about two miles compasse called Sant Andrea on this rocke is onely one Monasterie of Friers we sayled betweene them both and left S. Andrea on the left hand of vs and we had also kenning of another Iland called Lissa all on the left hande these three Ilands lie East and West in the sea and at sunne setting we had passed them Il pomo is distant from Sant Andrea 18 miles and S. Andrea from Lissa 10 miles and Lissa from another Iland called Lezina which standeth betweene the maine of Dalmatia and Lissa tenne miles This Iland is inhâ—bited and hath great plentie of wine and frutes and
12 or 14 miles but the towne of Cephalonia from the towne of Zante is distant fortie miles This night we went but little forward The 30 day we remained still turning vp and downe because the winde was contrary and towards night the winde mended so that we entered the channell betweene Cephalonia Zante the which chanell is about eight or tenne miles ouer and these two beare East and by South and West and by North from the other The towne of Zante lieth within a point of the land where we came to an ankerâ— at nine of the clocke at night The 31 about sixe of the clocke in the morning I with fiue Hollanders went on land and hosted at the house of Pedro de Venetia After breakfast we went to see the towne and passing along we went into some of the Greeke churches wherein we sawe their Altares Images and other ornaments This done wee went to a Monasterie of Friers called Sancta Maria de la Croce these are westerne Christians for the Greekes haue nothing to doe with them nor they with the Greekes for they differ very much in religion There are but 2. Friers in this Friery In this Monasterie we saw the tombe that M. T. Cicero was buried in with Terentia Antonia his wife This tombe was founde about sixe yeeres since when the Monastery was built there was in time past a streete where the tombe stoode At the finding of the tombe there was also found a yard vnder ground a square stone some what longer then broad vpon which stone was found a writing of two seuerall handes writing the one as it seemed for himselfe and the other for his wife and vnder the same stone was found a glasse somewhat proportioned like an vrinall but that it was eight square and very thicke wherein were the ashes of the head and right arme of Mar. T. Cicero for as stories make mention he was beheaded as I remember at Capua for insurrection And his wife hauing got his head and right arme which was brought to Rome to the Emperour went from Rome and came to Zante and there buried his head and arme and wrote vpon his tombe this style M. T. Cicero Haue Then folfoweth in other letters Et tu Terentia Antonia which difference of letters declare that they were not written both at one time The tombe is long and narrowe and deepe walled on euery side like a graue in the botome whereof was found the sayd stone with the writing on it the said glasse of ashes and also another litle glasse of the same proportion wherein as they say are the teares of his friendes that in those dayes they did vse to gather and bury with them as they did vse in Italy and Spaine to teare their haire to bury with their friendes In the sayde tombe were a fewe bones After dinner we rested vntill it drew towards euening by reason of the heat And about foure of the clocke we walked to another Frierie a mile out of the towne called Sant Elia these are white Friers there were two but one is dead not sixe dayes since This Frierie hath a garden very pleasant and well furnished with Orenges Lemons pomegranates and diuers other good fruites The way to it is somewhat ragged vp hill and downe and very stonie and in winter very durtie It standeth very pleasantly in a clift betweene two hilles with a good prospect From thence we ascended the hill to the Castle which is situated on the very toppe of a hill This Castle is very strong in compasse a large mile and a halfe which being victualed as it is neuer vnfurnished and manned with men of trust it may defend it selfe against any Princes power This Castle taketh the iust compasse of the hill and no other hill neere it it is so steepe downe and so high and ragged that it will â—yre any man or euer he be halfe way vp Uery nature hath fortified the walles and hulwarkes It is by nature foure square and it commandeth the towne and porte The Uenetians haue alwayes their Podesta or Gouernour with his two Counsellours resident therein The towne is well inhabited hath great quantitie of housholders The Iland by report is threescore and tenne miles about it is able to make twentie thousand fighting men They say they haue alwayes fiue or sixe hundred horsemen readie at an houres warning They say the Turke hath assayed it with 100. Gallies but he could neuer bring his purpose to passe It is strange to mee how they should maintaine so many men in this Iland for their best sustenance â—â— wine and the rest but miserable The first of August we were warned aboord by the patron and towards euening we set sayle and had sight of a Castle called Torneste which is the Turkes and is ten miles from Zante it did belong to the Uenetians but they haue now lost it it standeth also on a hill on the sea side in Morea All that night we bare into the sea because we had newes at Zante of twelue of the Turkes gallies that came from Rhodes which were about Modon Coron and Candia for which cause we kept at the sea The second of August we had no sight of land but kept our course and about the third watch the winde scanted so that we bare with the shore and had sight of Modon and Coron The third we had sight of Cauo Mattapan and all that day by reason of contrary windes which blew somewhat hard we lay a hull vntill morning The fourth we were still vnder the sayd Cape and so continued that day and towardes night there grewe a contention in the ship amongst the Hollanders and it had like to haue bene a great inconuenience for we had all our weapons yea euen our kniues taken from vs that night The fift we sayled by the Bowline and out of the toppe we had sight of the Iland of Candia and towardes noone we might see it plaine and towards night the winde waxed calme The sixt toward the breake of day we saw two small Ilands called Gozi and towards noone we were betweene them the one of these Ilands is fifteene miles about and the other 10 miles In those Ilands are nourished store of cattell for butter and cheese There are to the number of fiftie or sixtie inhabitants which are Greeks and they liue chiefly on milke and cheese The Iland of Candia is 700 miles about it is in length from Cape Spada to Cape Salomon 300 miles it is as they say able to make one hundred thousand fighting men We sayled betweene the Gozi and Candia and they are distant from Candia 5 or 6 miles The Candiots are strong men and very good archers and shoot neere the marke This Ilande is from Zante 300 miles The seuenth we sayled all along the sayd Iland with little winde and vnstable and the eight day towards
in the sea and ioineth on the North side to the land It hath a litle castle built into the sea with a peere for litle ships and galleis to harbour in It hath on the South side of the chanell the Island of Sapientia with other litle Islands all disinhabited The chanell lieth Southwest and Northeast betweene the Islands and Morea which is firme land This Modon was built by the Venetians but as some say it was taken froÌ„ them by force of the Turke and others say by composition in like case Coron and Napolis de Romania which is also in Morea This night the Flemmish pilgrimes being drunke would haue slaine the patrone because he ankered here The 11. day we set saile againe and as we passed by Modon we saluted them with ordiâ—ance for they that passe by this place must salute with ordinance if they haue or els by striking their top sailes for if they doe not the towne will shoot at them This day towaâ—d 2. of the clocke wee passed by the Island of Prodeno which is but litle and desert vnder the Turke About 2. houres before night we had sight of the Islands of Zante and Cephalonia which are from Modon one hundreth miles The 12. day in the morning with the wind at West we doubled between Castle Torneste and the Island of Zante This castle is on the firme land vnder the Turke This night we ankred afore the towne of Zante where we that might went on land and rested there the 13. 14. and 15. at night we were warâ—ed aboord by the patrone This night the ship tooke in vitailes and other necessaries The 16. in the morning we set saile with a prosperous wind and the 17. we had sight of Cauo de santa Maria in Albania on our right hand and Corfu on the left hand This night we ankered before the castles of Corfu and went on land and refreshed our selues The 18. by meanes of a friend we were licenced to enter the castle or fortresse of Corfu which is not onely of situation the strongest I haue seene but also of edification It hath for the Inner warde two strong castles situated on the top of two high cragges of a rocke a bowe shoot distant the one from the other the rocke is vnassaultable for the second warde it hath strong walles with rampiers and trenches made as well as any arte can deuise For the third warde and vttermost it hath very strong walles with rampires of the rocke it selfe cut out by force and trenched about with the Sea The bulwarkes of the vttermost warde are not yet finished which are in number but two there are continually in the castle seuen hundred souldiours Also it hath continually foure wardes to wit for the land entrie one for the sea entrie another and two other wardes Artillerie and other munition of defence alwayes readie planted it hath sufficient besides the store remaining in their storehouses The Venetians hold this for the kâ—y of all their dominions and for strength it may be no lesse This Island is very fruitfull and plentifull of wine and corne very good and oliues great store This Island is parted from Albania â—ith a chanell in some places eight and ten and in other but three miles Albania is vnder the Turke but iâ— it are many Christians All the horsemen of Corfu are Albaneses the Island is not aboue 80. or 90. miles in compasse The 19.20 and 21. we remained in the towne of Corfu The 22. day wee went aboord and set saile the wind being very calme wee toed the ship all that day and toward Sunne set the castle sent a Fragatta vnto vs to giue vs warning of three Foistes comming after vs for whose comming wee prepared and watched all night but they câ—me not The 23. day in the morning being calme wee toed out of the Streight vntill wee came to the olde towne whereof there is nothing standing but the walles There is also a new Church of the Greekes called Santa Maria di Cassopo and the townes name is called Cassopo It is a good porte About noone wee passed the Streight and â—rew toward the ende of the Island hauing almost no wind This night after supper by reason of a certaine Hollander that was drunke there arose in the ship such a troublesome disturbance that all the sâ—ip was in an vprore with weapons and had it not bene rather by Gods helpe and the wisedome and patience of the patrone more then by our procurement there had bene that night a great slaughter But as God would there was no hurt but onely the beginner was put vnder hatches and with the fall hâ—rt his face very sore All this night the wind blew at Southeast and sent vs forward The 24. in the morning wee found our selues before an Island called Saseno which is in the entrie to Valona and the wind prosperous The 25. day we were before the hils of Antiueri and about sunne set wee passed Ragusa and three houres within night we ankered within Meleda hauing Sclauonia or Dalmatia â—n the right hand of vs and the winde Southwest The 26 in the morning we set sayle and passed the channell between Sclauonia and Meleda which may be eight mile ouer at the most This Iland is vnder the Raguses At after noone with a hard gale at west and by north we entered the channell betweene the Iland Curzola and the hilles of Dalmatia in the which channell be many rockes and the channell not past 3 miles ouer and we ankered before the towne of Curzola This is a pretie â—owne walled about and built vpon the sea side hauing on the toppe of a round hill a faire Church This Iland is vnder the Ueneâ—ians there grow very good vines also that part toward Dalmatia is well peopled and husbanded especially for wines In the said Iland we met with the Uenetian armie to wit tenne gallies and three foysâ—es All that night we remained there The 27 we set sayle and passed along the Iland and towards aftâ—rnoone we passed in before the Iland of Augusta and about sunne set before the towne of Lesina whereas I am informed by the Italians they take all the Sardinas that they spend in Italy This day we had a prosperous winde at Southeast The Iland of Lesina is vnder the Uenetians a very fruitfull Iland adioyning to the maine of Dalmatia we left it on our right hand and passed along The 28 in the morning we were in the Gulfe of Quernero and about two houres after noone we were before the cape of Istria and at sunne set we were at anker afore Rouignio whiâ—h is also in Istria and vnder the Uenetians where all ships Uenetian and others are bound by order from Venice to take in their Pilots to goe for Venice All the sommer the Pilots lie at Rouignio and in winter at Parenzo
beene spoken of had not Q. Curtius or some other like by his learned stile reuiued the remembrance of him and called backe againe his doings to his posteritie For the which cause we see commonly in all ages learned men to be much made of by noble personages as that rare paterne of learning Aristotle to haue bene greatly honoured of that former renowmed Monarch Alexander who affirmed openly that he was more bound to his Master Aristotle then to king Philip his father because the one had well framed his minde the other onely his body Many other like examples I could alledge at this present if I knew not vnto whom I now wrote or in what for your honour being skilfull in hiâ—tories and so familiarly acquainted with the matter it selfe that is in still entertaining learned men with all curtesie I should seeme to light a candle at noone tide to put you in remembrance of the one or to exhort you to doe the other dayly being accustomed to performe the same Crassus sayth in Tullies first booke De Oratore that a Lawyers house is the oracle of the whole citie But I can iustly witnesse that for these fiue yeeres last past since my returne from my trauell beyond the seas that your lodging in the Court where I through your vndeserued goodnesse to my great comfort do dayly frequent hath bene a continuall receptacle or harbour for all learned men comming from both the eyes of the realme Cambridge and Oxford of the which Vniuersity your lordship is Chanceller to their great satisfaction of minde and ready dispatch of their sutes Especially for Preachers and Ministers of true religion of the which you haue beene from time to time not onely a great fauourer but an earnest furtherer and protectour so that these two nurseries of learning in one of the which I haue before this spent part of my time that I may speake boldly what I thinke should wrong your honour greatly and much forget themselues if by all meanes possible they should not heerafter as at this present to their smal powers many well learned gentlemen of them do labour and trauell in shewing of themselues thankefull to reuerence and honour your lordship and honest their owne names whose studies certeinly would suddenly decay and fall flat if they were not held vp by such noble pâ—oppes and had not some sure ankerholds in their distresse to leane vnto How ready dayly your trauell is and hath long beene besides to benefit all other persons in whom any sparke of vertue or honesty remaineth I need not labour to expresse the world knowing already the same But whosoeuer they be that in all their life time haue an especiall care by all meanes to profit as many as they be able and hurt none do not onely a laudable act but leade a perfect and very godly life Whereupon Strabo affirmeth this most truely to be spoken of them Mortales tum demum Deum imitari cum benefici fuerint That is Mortall men then specially to follow the nature of God when they are beneficiall and bountifull to others Great commendation vndoubtedly it bringeth to any noble personage that as the Moone that light and brightnesse which she receiueth of the Sun is wont presently to spread abroad vpon the face of the earth to the refreshing and comforting of all inferiour and naturall things bearing life so for him to bestow all that fauour and credit which he hath gotten at the princes handes to the helpe and reliefe of the woorthy and needy Great is the force my right honourable lord of true vertue which causeth men as Tully writeth in his booke De Amicitia to be loued honored oft of those persons which neuer saw them Whereof I neuer had better proofe I take God mine one conscience to witnesse the which I declared also to certaine of my friends assoone as I returned then at my last being at Constantinople in the yere of our Lord 1564 whereas I oft resorting as occasion serued to the right honorable Christian ambassadors while I made my abode there namely vnto Monsieur Antonio Petrimol lieger there for the French king Sig. M. Victor Bragadino for the segniory of Venice Sig. Lorenzo Giustiniano for the state of Scio or Chios and Sig. Albertacio delli Alberti for the duke of Florence heard them often report and speake very honorably of your lordship partly for your other good inclinations of nature but especially for your liberality courteous intreating of diuers of their friends countrymen which vpon sundry occasions had bene here in this our realme So that to conclude all men iustly fauour your honourable dealings and deserts and I for my part haue reuerenced and honoured the same euermore both here at home and elswhere abroad wishing often to haue had some iust occasion to pay part of that in good will which my slender abilitie will neuer suffer me fully to discharge For vnto whom should I sooner present anything any way especially concerning matters done abroad then vnto your lordship by whom I was much cherished abroad in my trauell and mainteined since my returne here at home For the which cause I haue enterprised hoping greatly of your lordships fauour herein to clothe and set forth a few Italian newes in our English attire being first mooued thereunto by the right worshipfull M. D. Wilson Master of her Maieâ—ties Requeâ—ts your honouâ—s aâ—â—ured trusty friend a great painfull furtherer of learning whom I and many other for diuers respects ought to reuerence who remembring that I had bene at Cyprus was willing that my pen should trauell about the Christian and Turkish affaires which there lately haue happened perswading himselfe that somewhat thereby I might benefit this our natiue countrey Against whose reasonable motion I could not greatly wrestle hazzarding rather my slender skill in attempting and performing this his requested taske then he through my refusall should seeme to want any iot of my good will In offering vp the which newes although I shall present no new thing to your honour because you are so well acquainted with the Italian copy as I know yet I trust your lordship will not mislike that the same which is both pleasant to reade and so necessary to be knowen for diuers of our captaines and other our countreymen which are ignorant in the Italian tongue may thus now shew it selfe abroad couered vnder the wing of your lordships protection Certeinly it mooueth me much to remember the losse of those three notable Ilands to the great discomfort of all Chistendome to those hellish Turkes horseleeches of Christian blood namely Rhodes besieged on S. Iohn Baptists day and taken on Iohns day the Euangelist being the 27 of December 1522. Scio or Chios being lost since my being there taken of Piali Basha with 80 gallies the 17 of April 1566. And now last of all not only Famagusta the chiefe holde fortresse in Cyprus to haue bene
Towne called Taslizea The 20. we came to Nouibazar The 21. we parted froÌ„ thence trauailing stil in a countrey very ill inhabited lying in y e fields The 22. we passed within sight of Nicea The 23. we passed in sight of another towne called Circui and about those places wee began to leaue the mountaines and to enter into a very faire and fertile countrey but as euill inhabited as the other or worse The 27. we came to Sophia where wee stayed three daâ—es being our Ianizaries home and by good chance we lay in a Marchants house of Ragusa that came in company with vs from Nouibazar and also wee had in company euer since wee came from Focea a Turke which was a very good fellow and he kept company with vs till we came very neere Constantinople The first of September we came to Philippopoli which seemeth to be an ancient towne and standeth vpon the riuer of Stanuch The 4. we came to Andrinopoli a very great and ancient towne which standeth in a very large and champion countrey and there the great Turks mother doth lye being a place where the Emperous of the Turkes were wont to lye very much The 5. we lay in one of the great Cauarzaras that were built by Mahomet Bassha with so many goodly commodities The 6. we lay in another of them The 8. we came to Siliueri which by report was the last towne that remained Christian. The 9. of September wee arriued at the great and most stately Citie of Constantinople which for the situation and proude â—eate thereof for the beautifull and commodious hauen and for the great and sumptuous buildings of their Temples which they call Moschea is to be preferred before all the Cities of Europe And there the Emperour of the Turkes then liuing whose name was Amurat kept his Court and residence in a marueilous goodly place with diuers gardens and houses of pleasure which is at the least two English miles in compasse and the three parts thereof ioyne vpon the sea and on the Northeast part of the Citie on the other side of the water ouer against the Citie is the Towne of Pera where the most part of the Christians dolye And there also wee did lye And on the North part of the â—aide Towne is the Arsenal where the Galies are built and doe râ—maine And on the Southside is all the Ordinance artilerie and houses of munition Note that by the way as wee came from Ragusa to Constantinople wee left on our right hand the Countreys of Albania and Macedonia and on the left hande the countreys of Bosnia Bulgaria and the riuer of Danubius The 14. of September was the Turkes Beyram that is one of their chiefest feastes The 15. we went to the blacke Sea called Pontus Euxinus and there vpon a rocke we sawe a piller of white Marble that was set vp by Pompeius and from thence wee passed to the other side of the water vpon the shore of Asia and there we dined The 25. we departed from Constantinople The 29. we came to an ancient Towne called Cherchisea that is to say fourtie Churches which in the olde time was a very great City now full of scattered buildings The 4. of October wee came to Prouaz one dayes iourney distant from Varna vpon the Blacke Sea The 9. we came to Saxi vpon the riuer of Danubius The 10. we passed the said riuer which in that place is about a mile ouer and then we entred into the countrey of Bogdania they are Christians but subiects to the Turke The 12. we came to Palsin vpon the riuer Prut The 14. wee came to Yas the principall Towne of Bogdania where Peter the Vayuoda prince of that Countrey keepeth his residence of whom wee receiued great courtesie and of the gentlemen of his Court And he caused vs to be safe conducted through his said Countrey and conueyed without coste The 17. we came to Stepanitze The 19. we came to Zotschen which is the last towne of Bogdania vpon the riuer of Niester that parteth the said countrey from Podolia The 20. we passed the riuer of Nyester and came to Camyenetz in the countrey of Podoliâ— subiect to the king of Poland this is one of the strongest Townes by nature and situation that can be seene The 21. we came to Skala The 22. to Slothone or Sloczow The 24. to Leopolis which is in Russia alba and so is the most part of the countrey betwixt Camyenetz and it And it is a towne very well built well gouerned full of trafique and plentifull and there we stayed fiue dayes The 30. we baited at Grodecz and that night at Vilna The 31. we dined at Mostiska and that night at Rodmena The first of Nouember in the morning before day wee passed without the Towne of Iaroslaw where they say is one of the greatest faires in all Poland and chiefly of horses and that night to Rosdnoska The second to dinner at Lanczut at night to Retsboâ— The thirde to Sendxizow at night to sarnow and that night wee mette with the Palatine Laski The fourth to Vonuez and that night to Brytska The fifth to Kuhena The 6. to Cracouia the principall Citie of all Poland at which time the King was gone to Lituania for he doeth make his residence one yeere in Poland and the other in Lituania Cracouia standeth on the riuer of Vistula The 9. wee departed from Cracouia and that night wee came to a village hard by a Towne called Ilkusch where the leade Mines are The 10. wee passed by a Towne called Slawkow where there are also leade Mines and baited that day at Bendzin which is the last towne of Poland towards Silesia and there is a toll Note that all the Countreys of Poland Russia alba Podolia Bogdania and diuers other Countreys adioyning vnto them doe consume no other salt but such as is digged in Sorstyn mountaine neere to Cracouia which is as hard as any stone it is very good and goeth further then any other salt That night we lay at Bitom which is the first Towne of Silesia The 12. we passed by a great towne called Strelitz and that night we lay at Oppelen vpon the riuer of Odera The 13. we passed by Schurgasse and that night wee lay without the towne of Brigk for wee coulde not bee suffered to come in by reason of the plague which was in those partes in diuers Townes The 14. wee passed by Olaw and that night wee came to the Citie of Breslaw which is a faire towne great well built and well seated vpon the riuer of Odera The 16. we baited at Neumargâ— The 17. wee passed by Lignizt and by Hayn and that night to Buntzel The 18. wee passed by Naumburg through Gorlitz vpon the riuer of Neiss and that night lay without
except in some places whereof we will hereafter speake where for respect of water they rest sometimes a day and an halfe and this they obserue to refresh themselues otherwise both man and beast would die In what order the Carouan trauelleth THe maner and order which the Carouan obserueth in marching is this It goeth diuided into three parts to wit the foreward the maine battell and the rereward In the foreward go the 8 Pilots before with a Chaus which hath foure knaues ech knaue carrieth a sinew â—f a bul to the end that if occasion requireth y e bastonado may be giuen to such as deserue the same These knaues cast offendours downe turning vp the soles of their feete made fast to a staffe giuing them a perpetuall remembrance for them the beholders This Chaus is as the Captaine of the foreward which commandeth lights to be carried before when they trauell in the night Also there go in this foreward 6 Santones with red turbants vpon their heads these eat and ride at the cost of the Captaine of the Carouan These Santones when the Carouan arriueth at any good lodging suddenly after they haue escried the place cry with an horrible voyce saying good cheare good cheare we are neere to the wished lodging For which good newes the chiefe of the company bestow their beneuolence vpon them In this foreward goeth very neere the third part of the people of the Carouan behind whom go alwayes 25 Spachi armed with swords bowes arrowes to dâ—fend them from thieues Next vnto the foreward within a quarter of a mile followeth the maine battell and before the same are drawen the sayd sixe pieces of ordinance with their gunners and fifteene Spachi Archers And next vnto these commeth the chiefe physicion who is an olde man of authoritie hauing with him many medicines oyntments salues and other like refreshings for the sicke hauing also camels with him for the sicke to ride on which haue no horse nor beast Next vnto him goeth one Camell alone the fairest that can be found for with great industrie is sought the greatest and fairest which may be found within the dominions of the Grand Signior This camell also is decked with cloth of golde and silke and carieth a litle chest made of pure Legmame made in likenesse of the arke of the olde Testament but as is abouesayd made of pure Legmame without golde or any other thing of cost Within this chest is the Alcoran all written with great letters of golde bound betweene two tables of massie golde and the chest during their voyage is couered with Silke but at their entring into Mecca it is all couered with cloth of golde adorned with iewels and the like at the enterance into Medina The Camell aforesayd which carrieth the chest is compassed about with many Arabian singers and musicians alwayes singing and playing vpon instruments After this folow fifteene other most faire Camels euery one carying one of the abouesayd vestures bâ—ing couered from toppe to toe with silke Behind these goe twentie other Camels which carrie the money apparell and prouision of the Amir el Cheggi captaine of the Carouan After foloweth the royall Standard of the grand Signior accompanied continually with the musicians of the captaine and fiue and twentie Spachi archers with a Chaus before them and about these marueilous things goe all the people and Camels which follow the Carouan Behind these lesse then a mile foloweth the rereward whereof the greater part are pilgrimes the occasion whereof is for that the merchants seeke alwayes to be in the foreward for the securitie of their goods but the pilgrimes which haue litle to loose care not though they come behind Behind these alwayes goe fiue and twentie other Spachi well armed with another Chaus their captaine and fortie Arabians all Archers for guard of the rereward And because the Carouan goeth alwayes along the red sea banke which in going forth they haue on their right hand therfore the two hundred Ianissaries parted into three companies goe vpon their left hand well armed and mounted vpon Camels bound one to another for vpon that side is all the danger of thieues and on the other no danger at all the captaine of the Carouan alwayes going about his people sometimes on the one side and sometimes on the other neuer keeping any firme place being continually accompanied with a Chaus and 25. Spachi armed and mounted vpon Dromedaries and 8. musicians with violes in their handes which cease not sounding till the captaine take his rest vpon whom they attend till such time as he entreth his pauillion and then licencing all his attendants and folowers to depart they goe each man to their lodging Of things notable which are seene in this voyage by the way BEcause in the way there are not many things found woorthie memorie for that the Carouan seldome resteth in places of habitation of which in the way there are but fewe yea rather the Carouan resteth altogether in the field therefore in this our voyage wee will onely make mention of certaine Castles found in the way which bee these namely Agerut Nachel Acba Biritem Muel and Ezlem Of which fiue the two first are kept of Moores and the other three of Turkes and for guard they haue eight men or tenne at the most in euery Castle with foure or fiue Smerigli which serue to keepe the water from the Arabians so that the Carouan comming thither may haue wherewithall to refresh it selfe Agerut is distant from Suez a port of the red Sea eight miles where are alwayes resident fiue and twentie gallies of the Grand Signior for the keeping of that Sea Nachel is distant from the Sea a dayes iourney The walles of Acba are founded vpon the red Sea banke Biritem and Muel likewise are dashed with the waues of the Sea Ezlem is distant from thence aboue a dayes iourney These fiue Castles abouesayd are not of force altogether to defend themselues agaynst an hundred men The Carouan departing from Birca vntill Agerut findeth no water by the way to drinke neither from Agerut till Nachel nor from Nachel till Acba but betweene Acba and Biritem are found two waters one called Agium el Cassap and the other Magaraxiaibi that is to say the riuer of Iethro the father in lawe of Moses for this is the place mentioned in the second chapter of Exodus whither it is sayd that Moses fledde from the anger of Pharao who would haue killed him bâ—cause hee had slaine the AEgyptian which fought with the Hebrew in which place stoode the cite oâ— Midian and there are yet the pondes neere vnto the which Moses sate downe And from that place forward they finde more store of water by the way and in more places though not so good It is also to bee noted that in this voiage it is needfull and an vsuall thing that the captaine put his hand to his purse in these places and bestow presents
We found it here very hote The winter beginneth here about the last of May. In these partes is a porte or hauen called Masulipatan which standeth eight dayes iourney from hence toward the gulfe of Bengala whether come many shippes out of India Pegu and Sumatra very richly laden with Pepper spices and other commodities The countrie is very good and fruitfull From thence I went to Seruidore which is a fine countrey and the king is called the king of Bread The houses here bee all thâ—tched and made of lome Here be many Moores and Gentiles but there is small religion among them From thence I went to Bellapore and so to Barrampore which is in the country of Zelabdim Echebar In this place their money is made of a kind of siluer round and thicke to the value of twentie pence which is very good siluer It is marueilous great and a populous countrey In their winter which is in Iune Iuly and August there is no passing in the streetes but with horses the waters be so high The houses are made of lome and thatched Here is great store of cotton cloth made and painted clothes of cotton wooll here groweth great store of corne and Rice We found mariages great store both in townes and villages in many places where wee passed of boyes of eight or ten yeeres and girles of fiue or six yeeres old They both do ride vpon one horse very trimly decked and are caried through the towne with great piping and playing and so returne home and eate of a banket made of Rice and fruits and there they daunce the most part of the night and so make an ende of the marriage They lie not together vntill they be ten yeeres old They say they marry their children so yoong because it is an order that when the man dieth the woman must be burned with him so that if the father die yet they may haue a father in lawe to helpe to bring vp the children which bee maried and also that they will not leaue their sonnes without wiues nor their daughters without husbands From thence we went to Mandoway which is a very strong towne It was besieged twelue yeeres by Zelabdim Echebar before hee could winne it It standeth vpon a very great high rocke as the most part of of their castles doe and was of a very great circuite From hence wee went to Vgini and Serringe where wee ouertooke the ambassadour of Zelabdim Echebar with a marueilous great company of men elephants and camels Here is great trade of cotton and cloth made of cotton and great store of drugs From thence we went to Agra passing many riuers which by reason of the raine were so swollen that wee waded and swamme oftentimes for our liues Agra is a very great citie and populous built with stone hauing faire and large streetes with a faire riuer running by it which falleth into the gulfe of Bengala It hath a faire castle and a strong with a very faire ditch Here bee many Moores and Gentiles the king is called Zelabdim Echebar the people for the most part call him The great Mogor From thence wee went for Fatepore which is the place where the king kept his court The towne is greater then Agra but the houses and streetes be not so faire Here dwell many people both Moores and Gentiles The king hath in Agra and Fatepore as they doe crâ—dibly report 1000. elephants thirtie thousand horses 1400. tame Deere 800. concubines such store of Ounces Tigera Buffles Cocks Haukes that is very strange to see He keepeth a great court which they call Dericcan Agra and Fatepore are two very great cities either of them much greater then London and very populous Betweene Agra and Fatepore are 12. miles and all the way is a market of victuals other things as full as though a man were still in a towne and so many people as if a man were in a market They haue many fine cartes and many of them carued and gilded with gold with two wheeles which be drawen with two litle Buls about the bignesse of our great dogs in England and they will runne with any horse and carie two or three men in one of these cartes they are couerâ—d with silke or very fine cloth and be vsed here as our Coches be in England Hither is great resort of marchants from Persia and out of India and very much marchandise of silke and cloth and of precious stones both Rubies Diamants and Pearles The king is apparelled in a white Cabie made like a shirt tied with strings on the one side and a litle cloth on his head coloured oftentimes with red or yealow None come into his house but his eunuches â—hich keepe his women Here in Fatepore we staied all three vntill the 28. of September 1585. and then master Iohn Newberie tooke his iourney toward the citie of Lahor determining from thence to goe for Persia and then for Aleppo or Constantinople whether hee could get soonest passage vnto and directed me to goe for Bengala and for Pegu and did promise me if it pleased God to meete me in Bengala within two yeeres with a shippe out of England I left William Leades the ieweller in seruice with the king Zelabdim Echebar in Fatepore who did entertaine him very well and gaue him an house and fiue slaues an horse and euery day sixe S. S. in money I went from Agra to Satagam in Bengala in the companie of one hundred and fourescore boates laden with Salt Opium Hinge Lead Carpets and diuers other commodities downe the riuer Iemena The chiefe marchants are Moores and Gentiles In these countries they haue many strange ceremonies The Bramanes which are their priests come to the water and haue a string about their necks made with great ceremonies and lade vp water with both their hands and turne the string first with both their hands within and then one arme after the other out Though it be neuer so cold they will wash themselues in cold water or in warme These Gentiles will eate no flesh nor kill any thing They liue with rice butter milke and fruits They pray in the water naked and dresse their meat eate it naked and for their penance they lie flat vpon the earth and rise vp and turne themselues about 30. or 40. times and vse to heaue vp their hands to the sunne to kisse the earth with their armes and legs stretched along out and their right leg alwayes before the left Euery time they lie downe they make a score on the ground with their finger to know when their stint is finished The Bramanes marke themselues in the foreheads eares and throates with a kind of yellow geare which they grind euery morning they do it And they haue some old men which go in the streetes with a boxe of yellow pouder and marke men on their heads necks as they meet them And
lands The Lord Chancellor is called Nissangi Bassa who sealeth with a certaine proper character such licences safe conducts passeports especiall graunts c. as proceed from the Grand Signior not withstanding all letters to forreine princes so firmed be after inclosed in a bagge and sealed by the Grand Signior with a signet which he ordinarily weareth about his necke credited of them to haue bene of ancient appertayning to king Salomon the wise The Admirall giueth his voyce in the election of all Begs Captaines of Islandes to whom hee giueth their charge as also appointeth the Subbassas Bayliffes or Constables ouer Cities and Townes vpon the Sea coastes about Constantinople and in the Archipelago whereof hee reapeth great profit The Subbassi of Pera payeth him yeerely fifteene thousande ducats and so likewise either of the others according as they are placed The Ressistop serueth in office to the Uiceroy and Chancellor as Secretary and so likewise doeth the Cogie Master of the Rolls before which two passe all writings presented to or granted by the said Uiceroy and Chancellor offices of especiall credite and like profite moreouer rewarded with annuities of lands There are also two chiefe Iudges named Cadi Lesker the one ouer Europe and the other ouer Asia and Africa which in Court doe sit on the Bench at the left hand of the Bassas These sell all offices to the vnder Iudges of the land called Cadies whereof is one in euery Citie or towne before whom all matters in controuersie are by iudgement decided as also penalties and corrections for crimes ordained to be executed vpon the offenders by the Subbassi The number of Souldiers continually attending vpon the Beglerbegs the gouernours of Prouinces and Saniacks and their petie Captaines mainteined of these Prouinces The Beglerbegs Of persons GRaecia fourtie thousand Buda fifteene thousand Sclauonia fifteene thousand Natolia fifteene thousand Caramania fifteene thousand Armonia eighteene thousand Persia twentie thousand Vsdrum fifteene thousand Chirusta fifteene thousand Caraemiti thirtie thousand Giersul two and thirtie thousand The Beglerbegs Of persons BAgdat fiue and twentie thousand Balsara two and twenty thousand Lassaija seuenteene thousand Alepo fiue and twentie thousand Damasco seuenteene thousand Cayro twelue thousand Abes twelue thousand Mecca eight thousand Cyprus eighteene thousand Tunis in Barbary eight thousand Tripolis in Syria eight thousand Alger fourtie thousand Whose Sangiacks and petie Captaines be three hundred sixtie eight euery of which retaining continually in pay from fiue hundreth to two hundreth Souldiers may be one with another at the least three hundreth thousand persons Chiefe officers in his Seraglio about his person Be these CApiaga High porter Alnader Bassi Treasurer Oda Balsi Chamberlaine Killergi Bassi Steward Saraiaga Comptroller Peskerolen Groome of the chamber Edostoglan Gentleman of the Ewer Sehetaraga Armour bearer Choataraga he that carieth his riding cloake Ebietaraga Groome of the stoole There be many other maner Officers which I esteeme superfluous to write The Turkes yeerely reuenue THe Grand Signiors annual reuenue is said to be foureteene Millions and an halfe of golden ducats which is sterling fiue millions eight score thousand pounds The tribute payd by the Christians his Subiects is one gold ducat yeerely for the redemption of euery head which may amount vnto not so litle as one Million of golden ducats which is sterling three hundred threescore thousand pounds Moreouer in time of warre he exacteth manifolde summes for maintenance of his Armie and Nauie of the said Christians The Emperour payeth him yeerely tribute for Hungary threescore thousand dollers which is sterling thirteene thousand pound besides presents to the Uiceroy and Bassas which are said to surmount to twentie thousand dollers Ambassadors allowances THe Ambassadour of the Emperor is allowed one thousand Aspers the day The Ambassadour of the French king heretofore enioyed the like but of late yeeres by meanes of displeasure conceiued by Mahumet then Viceroy it was reduced to sixe crownes the day beside the prouision of his Esquier of his stable The Ambassadours of Poland and for the state of Venice are not Ligiers as these two abouesaid The said Polack is allowed 12. French crownes the day during his abode which may be for a moneth Uery seldome do the state of Venice send any Ambassador otherwise then enforced of vrgent necessity but in stead thereof keepe there their Agent president ouer other Marchants of them termed a bailife who hath none allowance of the Grand Signior although his port state is in maner as magnifical as the other aforesaid ambassadors The Spanish Ambassador was equall with others in Ianizaries but for so much as he would not according to custome folow the list of other ambassadors in making presents to y e Grand Signior he had none alowance His abode there was 3. yeres at the end wherof hauing coÌ„cluded a truce for 6. yeres taking place froÌ„ his first comming in Nouember last past 1580. he was not admitted to the presence of the Grand Signior The letters of Sinan Bassa chiefe counsellour to Sultan Murad Can the Grand Signior to the sacred Maiestie of Elizabeth Queene of England shewing that vpon her request and for her sake especially hee graunted peace vnto the King and kingdome of Poland GLoriosissima splendore fulgidissima foeminarum selectissima Princeps magnanimorum â—ESVM sectantium regni inclyti Angliae Regina Serenissima Elizabetha moderatrix rerum negotiorum omnium plebis familiae Nazarenorum sapientissima Origo splendoris gloriae dulcissima nubes pluuiarum gratissima heres domina beatitudinis gloriae regni inclyti Anglie ad quam omnes supplices confugiunt incrementum omnium rerum actionum Serenitatis vestrae beatissimum exitusque foelicissimos à Creatore omnipotente optantes mutuáeque perpetua familiaritate nostra digna vota laudes sempiterâ—as offerentes Significamus Ser. vestrae amicisimè Quia sunt anni aliquot à quibus annis potentissima Cesarea celsitudo bella ineffabilia cuÌ„ Casul-bas Principe nempe Persarum gessit ratione quorum bellorum in partes alias belluÌ„ mouere noluit ob eamque causam in partibus Polonie latâ—ones quidam Cosaci nuncupati alij facinorosi in partibus illis existentes subditos Cesaris potentissimi turbare infestare non desierunt Nunc autem partibus Persicis compositis absolutis in partibus Polonie alijs partibus exurgentes facinoâ—osos punire constiruens Beglerbego Greciae exercitu aliquo adiuncto Principi Tartarorum mandato Cesaris misso anno proximè preterito pars aliqua Regni Poloniae infestata turbata deuastaâ—a fuit Cosaci alijque facinorosi iuxtra merita sua puniti fuerunt Quo rex Polonie viso duos legatos ad CesareaÌ„ celsitudineÌ„ mittens quòd facinorosos exquirere poena perfecta punire ab annis multis ad portam Cesaree celsitudinis missum munus augere vellet significauiâ— Cesarea autem celsitudo cui Creator omnipotens tantam suppeditauit potentiam
separated from vs by weather haue sped or what Prizes they haue taken whereof there is much hope by reason of the scattering of the West Indian Fleete as yet we are able to say nothing And thus expecting your answere and for all other matters referring me vnto the bearer Captaine Furtho I end Plymouth the 24 of October 1591. Your worships louing friend Robert Flicke A large testimony of Iohn Huighen van Linschoten Hollander concerning the worthy exploits atchieued by the right honourable the Earle of Cumberland By Sir Martine Frobisher Sir Richard Greenuile and diuers other English Captaines about the Isles of the Açores and vpon the coasts of Spaine and Portugall in the yeeres 1589 1590 1591 c. recorded in his excellent discourse of voiages to the East and West Indies cap. 96. 97. and 99. THe 22 of Iuly 1589 about Euening being by the Islands of Flores Coruo we perceiued 3 ships that made towards vs which came from vnder the land which put vs in great feare for they came close by our Admirall and shot diuers times at him and at another ship of our companie whereby we perceiued them to be Englishmen for they bare an English flagge vpon their main◠tops but none of them shewed to be aboue 60 tunnes in greatnes About Euening they followed after vs and all night bore lanternes with candles burning in them at their sternes although the Moone shined The same night passing hard by the Island of Fayal the next day being betweene the Island of S. George that lay on our right hand and the small Island called Graciosa on our left hand we espied the 3 English ships still following vs y t tooke counsell together whereof one sailed backwards thinking that some other ship had come after vs without cōpany for a time was out of sight but it was not long before it came again to y e other two wherwith they tooke coūsel came all 3 together against our ship because we lay in the lee of al our ships had y e Island of S. George on the one side in stead of a sconce thinking to deale so with vs that in y e end we should be constrained to run vpon the shore whereof we wanted not much and in that manner with their flagges openly displayed came lustily towardes vs sounding their Trumpets and sayled at the least three times about vs beating vs with Musket and Caliuer and some great pieces and did vs no hurt in the body of our shippe but spoyled all our sayles and ropes and to conclude wee were so plagued by them that no man durst put foorth his head and when wee shot off a peece wee had at the least an houres worke to lade it againe whereby wee had so great a noise and crie in the shippe as if we had all bene cast away whereat the English men themselues beganne to mocke vs and with a thousand testing words called vnto vs. In the meane time the other shippes hoised all their sayles and did the best they could to saile to the Island of Tercera not looking once behinde them to helpe vs◠doubting they should come too late thither not caring for vs but thinking themselues to haue done sufficiently so they saued their owne stakes whereby it may easily be seene what company they keepe one with the other and what order is among them In the ende the English men perceiuing small aduantage against vs little knowing in what case and feare we were as also because wee were not farre from Tercera left vs which made vs not a litle to reioyce as thinking our selues to bee risen from death to life although wee were not well assured neyther yet voyde of feare till we lay in the road before Tercera and vnder the safetie of the Portingales fort and that we might get thither in good time wee made all the sailes we could on the other side we were in great doubt because we knew not what they did in the Island nor whether they were our friends or enemies and we doubted so much the more because we found no men of warre nor any Caruels of aduise from Portingal as wee made our accounts to doe that might conuoy vs from thence or giue vs aduise as in that countrey ordinarily they vse to do and because the English men had bene so victorious in those parts it made vs suspect that it went not well with Spaine they of the Island of Tercera were in no lesse feare then we for seeing our fleete they thought vs to bee Englishmen and that wee came to ouerrun the Island because the 3. Englishmen had bound vp their flags and came in company with vs for the which cause the Island sent out two Caruels that lay there with aduise from the king for the Indian ships that should come thither Those Caruels came to view vs and perceiuing what we were made after vs whereupon the English ships left vs and made towardes them because the Caruels thought them to be friends and shunned them not as supposing them to bee of our company but we shot foure or fiue times and made signes vnto them that they should make towards the Island which they presently did The Englishmen perceiuing that did put forwards into the sea so the Caruels borded vs telling vs that the men of the Island were all in armes as hauing receiued aduise from Portugall that Sir Francis Drake was in readinesse and woulde come vnto those Islands The likewise brought vs newes of the ouerthrow of the Spanish fleet before England and that the English men had bene before the gates of Lisbon whereupon the king gaue vs commandement that we should put into the Island of Tercera and there lie vnder the safety of the Castle vntil we receiued further aduise what we should do or whether we should saile for that they thought it too dangerous for vs to go to Lisbon Those newes put our fleet in great feare and made vs looke vpon eche other not knowing what to say as being dangerous for them to put into the road because it lieth open to the sea so that the Indian ships although they had expresse commandement from the king yet they durst not anker there but onely vsed to come thither and to lie to and fro sending their boates on land to fetch such necessaries as they wanted without ankering but being by necessitie compelled thereunto as also by the kings commandement and for that we vnderstood the Erle of Cumberland not to bee farre from those Islands with certaine ships of warre we made necessitie a vertue and entring the road ankered close vnder the Castle staying for aduise and order from the king to performe our voyage it being then the 24. of Iuly and S. Iames day The day before the Erle of Cumberland with 6. or 7. ships of war sailed by the Island of Tercera and to their great good fortune passed out of sight so that they dispatched themselues in
in maner an infant his parents caried with them into England hauing occasion to resort thither for trade of marchandise as is the maner of the Venetians to leaue no part of the world vnsearched to obtaine riches Hee therefore furnished two ships in England at his owne charges and first with 300 men directed his course so farre towards the North pole that euen in the moneth of Iuly he found monstrous heapes of ice swimming on the sea and in maner continuall day light yet saw he the land in that tract free from ice which had bene molten by the heat of the Sunne Thus seeing such heapes of yce before him hee was enforced to turne his sailes and follow the West so coasting still by the shore that he was thereby brought so farre into the South by reason of the land bending so much Southwards that it was there almost equall in latitude with the sea Fretum Herculeum hauing the Northpole eleuate in maner in the same degree He sailed likewise in this tract so farre towards the West that hee had the Island of Cuba on his left hand in maner in the same degree of longitude As hee trauelled by the coastes of this great land which he named Baccalaos he saith that hee found the like course of the waters toward the West but the same to runne more softly and gently then the swift waters which the Spaniards found in their Nauigations Southward Wherfore it is not onely more like to be true but ought also of necessitie to be concluded that betweene both the lands hitherto vnknowen there should be certaine great open places whereby the waters should thus continually passe from the East vnto the West which waters I suppose to be driuen about the globe of the earth by the vncessant mouing and impulsion of the heauens and not to bee swallowed vp and cast vp againe by the breathing of Demogorgon as some haue imagined because they see the seas by increase and decrease to ebbe and flowe Sebastian Cabot himselfe named those lands Baccalaos because that in the Seas thereabout hee found so great multitudes of certaine bigge fishes much like vnto Tunies which the inhabitants call Baccalaos that they sometime stayed his shippes He found also the people of those regions couered with beastes skinnes yet not without the vse of reason He also saith there is great plentie of Beares in those regions which vse to eate fish for plunging themselues into y e water where they perceiue a multitude of these fishes to lie they fasten their clawes in their scales and so draw them to land and eate them so as he saith the Beares being thus satisfied with fish are not noisome to men Hee declareth further that in many places of these Regions he saw great plentie of Copper among the inhabitants Cabot is my very friend whom I vse familiarly and delight to haue him sometimes keepe mee company in mine owne house For being called out of England by the commandement of the Catholique King of Castile after the death of King Henry the seuenth of that name King of England he was made one of our councill and Assistants as touching the affaires of the new Indies looking for ships dayly to be furnished for him to discouer this his secret of Nature The testimonie of Francis Lopez de Gomara a Spaniard in the fourth Chapter of the second Booke of his generall history of the West Indies concerning the first discouerie of a great part of the West Indies to wit from 58. to 38. degrees of latitude by Sebastian Cabota out of England HE which brought most certaine newes of the countrey people of Baccalaos saith Gomara was Sebastian Cabote a Uenetian which rigged vp two ships at the cost of K. Henry the 7. of England hauing great desire to traffique for the spices as the Portingals did He caried with him 300. men and tooke the way towards Island from beyond the Cape of Labrador vntill he found himselfe in 58. degrees and better He made relation that in the moneth of Iuly it was so cold and the ice so great that hee durst not passe any further that the dayes were very long in a maner without any night and for that short nâ—ght that they had it was very cleare Cabot feeling the cold turned towards the West refreshing himselfe at Baccalaos and afterwards he sailed along the coast vnto 38. degrees and from â—hence he shaped his course to returne into England A note of Sebastian Cabots first discouerie of part of the Indies taken out of the latter part of Robert Fabians Chronicle not hitherto printed which is in the custodie of M. Iohn Stow a diligent preseruer of Antiquities IN the 13. yeere of K. Henry the 7. by meanes of one Iohn Cabot a Venetian which made himselfe very expert and cunning in knowledge of the circuit of the world and Ilands of the same as by a Sea card and other demonstrations reasonable he shewed the king caused to man and victuall a ship at Bristow to search for an Island which he said hee knew well was rich and replenished with great commodities Which shippe thus manned and victualled at the kings cost diuers Marchants of London ventured in her small stocks being in her as chiefe patron the said Venetian And in the company of the said ship sailed also out of Bristow three or foure small ships fraught with sleight and grosse marchandizes as course cloth caps laces points other trifles And so departed from Bristow in the beginning of May of whom in this Maiors time returned no tidings Of three Sauages which Cabot brought home and presented vnto the King in the foureteenth yere of his raigne mentioned by the foresaid Robert Fabian THis yeere also were brought vnto the king three men taken in the Newfound Island that before I spake of in William Purchastime being Maior These were clothed in beasts skins did eate raw flesh and spake such speach that no man could vnderstand them and in their demeanour like to bruite beastes whom the King kept a time after Of the which vpon two yeeres after I saw two apparelled after â—he maner of Englishmen in Westminster pallace which that time I could not discerne from Englishmen til I was learned what they were but as for speach I heard none of them vtter one word A briefe extract concerning the discouerie of Newfound-land taken out of the booke of M. Robert Thorne to doctor Leigh c. I Reason that as some sickenesses are hereditarie so this inclination or desire of this discouery I inherited from my father which with another marchant of Bristol named Hugh Eliot were the discouerers of the Newfound-lands of the which there is no doubt as nowe plainely appeareth if the Mariners would then haue bene ruled and followed their Pilots minde but the lands of the West Indies from whence all the golde commeth had bene ours for all is one coast as by the Card appeareth and is
attâ—mpt any thing into Florida and those regions inclining towards the North they proued moâ—t vnhappy and were at length discouraged vtterly by the hard and lamentable successe of many both religious and valiant in armes â—ndeuouring to bring those Norâ—herly regions also vnder the Spaâ—ish iurisdicâ—ion as if God had prescribed lâ—â—â—ts vnâ—o the Spanish nation which they might not exceed as by their owne gests recorded may be aptly gatherâ—d The French as they can pretend lesse title vnto these Northerne parts then the Spanyard by how much the Spanyard made the first discouery of the same continent so far Northward as vnto Florida and the French did â—ut reuiew that before discouered by the English nation vsurping vpon our right and imposing names vpon countreys riuers bayes capes or headlands as if they had bene the first finders of those coasts which iniury we offered not vnto the Spanyards but left off to discouer when we approched the Spanish limits euen so God hath not hitherto permitted them to establish a possession permanent vpon anothers right notwithstanding their manifolde attempts in which theâ— issue hath bene no lesse tragicall then that of the Spanyards as by their owne reports is extant Then sâ—eing the English nation onely hath right vnto these countreys of America from the cape of Florida Northward by the priuilege of first discouery vnto which Cabot was authorised by regall authority and set forth by the expense of our late famous king Henry the seuenth which right also seemeth strongly defended on our behalfe by the powerfull hand of almighty God withstanding the enteâ—prises of other nations it may greatly incourage vs vpon so iust ground as is our right and vpon so sacred an intent as to plant religion our right and intent being meet foundations for the same to prosecute effectually the full possession of those so ample and pleasant countreys apperteining vnto the crowne of England the same as is to be coniectured by infallible arguments of the worlds end approching being now arriued vnto the time by God prescribed of their vocation if â—uer their calling vnto the knowledge of God may be expâ—cted Which also is very probable by the reuolution and course of Gods word and religion which from the beginning hath moued from the East towards at last vnto the West where it is like to end vnlesse the same begin againe where it did in the East which were to expect a like world againe But we are assured of the contrary by the prophesie of Christ whereby we gather that after his word preached thorowout the world shal be the end And as the Gospel when it descended Westward began in the South and afterward spread into the North of Europe euen so as the same hath begunne in the South countreys of America no lesse hope may be gathered that it will also spread into the North. These considerations may helpe to suppresse all dreads rising of hard euents in attempts made this way by other nations as also of the heauy successe and issue in the late enterprise made by a worthy gentleman our countryman sir Humfrey Gilbert knight who was the first of our nation that caried people to erect an habitatioâ— and gouernment in those Northerly countreys of America About which albeit he had consumed much substance and lost his life at last his people also perishing for the most part yet the mystery thereof we must leaue vnto God and iudge charitably both of the cause which was iust in all pretence and of the person who was very zealous in prosecuting the same deseruing honourable remembrance for his good minde and expense of life in so vertuous an enterprise Whereby neuerthelesse least any man should be dismayd by example of other folks calamity and misdeeme that God doth resist all attempts intended that way I thought good so farre as my selfe was an eye witnesse to deliuer the circumstance and maner of our proceedings in that action in which the gentleman was so infortunately incumbred with wants and woorse matched with many ill disposed people that his rare iudgement and regiment premedicated for those affaires was subiected to tolerate abuses in sundry extremities to holde on a course more to vpholde credit then likely in his owne conceit happily to succeed The issue of such actions being alwayes miserable not guided by God who abhorreth confusion and disorder hath left this for admonition being the first attempt by our nation to plant vnto such as shall take the same cause in hand hereafter not to be discouraged from it but to make men well aduised how they handle his so high and excellent matters as the cariage is of his word into those very mighty and vast countreys And action doubtlesse not to be intermedled with base purposes as many haue made the same but a colour to shadow actions otherwise scarse iustifiable which doth excite Gods heauy iudgements in the end to the terrifying of weake mindes from the cause without pondering his iust proceedings and doth also incense forren princes against our attempts how iust soeuer who can not but deeme the sequele very dangerous vnto their state if in those parts we should grow to strength seeing the very beginnings are entred with spoile And with this admonition denounced vpon zeale towards Gods cause also towards those in whom appeareth disposition honourable vnto this action of planting Christian people and religion in those remote and barbarous nations of America vnto whom I wish all happinesse I will now proceed to make relation briefly yet particularly of our voyage vndertaken with sir Humfrey Gilbert begun continued and ended aduersly When first Sir Humfrey Gilbert vndertooke the Westerne discouery of America and had procured from her Maiesty a very large commission to inhabit possesse at his choice all remote and heathen lands not in the actuall possession of any Christian prince the same commission exemplified with many priuileges such as in his discretion he might demand very many gentlemen of good estimation drew vnto him to associate him in so commendable an enterprise so that the preparation was expected to grow vnto a puissant fleet able to encounter a kings power by sea neuerthelesse amongst a multitude of voluntary men their dispositions were diuers which bred a iarre and made a diuision in the end to the confusion of that attempt euen before the same was begun And when the shipping was in a maner prepared men ready vpon the coast to go aboord at that time some brake consort and followed courses degenerating from the voyage before pretended Others failed of their promises contracted and the greater number were dispersed leauing the Generall with few of his assured friends with whom he aduentured to sea where hauing tasted of no lesse misfortune he was shortly driuen to retire home with the losse of a tall ship and more to his griefe of a valiant gentleman Miles Morgan Hauing buried onely in a
of the Reader to the end it might most manifestly and at large appeare to all such as are not acquainted with the histories how the king of Portugall whose Countrey for popularity and number of people is scarce comparable to some three shires of England and the king of Spaine likewise whose natural Conntrey doth not greatly abound with people both which princes by means of their discoueries within lesse then 90. yeeres post haue as it appeareth both mightily and marueilously enlarged their territories and dominions through their owne industrie by the assistance of the omnipotent whose aid we shall not need to doubt seeing the cause and quarell which we take in hand tendeth to his honour and glory by the enlargement of the Christian faith To conclude since by Christian dutie we stand bound chiefly to further all such acts as do tend to the encreasing the true flock of Christ by reducing into the right way those lost sheepe which are yet astray And that we shall therein follow the example of our right vertuous predecessors of renowmed memorie and leaue vnto our posteritie a deuine memoriall of so godly an enterprise Let vs I say for the considerations alledged enter into iudgement with our selues whether this action may belong to vs or no the rather for that this voyage through the mighty assistance of the omnipotent God shall take our desired effect whereof there is no iust cause of doubt Then shal her Maiesties dominions be enlarged her highnesse antient titles iustly confirmed all odiâ—us idlenesse from this our Realme vtterly banished diuers decayed townes repaired and many poore and needy persons relieued and estates of such as now liue in want shall be embettered the ignorant and barbarous idolaters taught to know Christ the innocent defended from their bloodie tyrannicall neighbours the diabolicall custome of sacrificing humane creatures abolished All which no man doubteth are things gratefull in the sight of our Sauiour Christ and tending to the honour and glory of the Trinitie Bee of good cheere therefore for hee that cannot erre hath sayd That before the ende of the world his word shall bee preached to all nations Which good worke I trust is reserued for our nation to accomplish in these parts Wherefore my deere countreymen be not dismayed for the power of God is nothing diminished nor the loue that he hath to the preaching and planting of the Gospell any whit abated Shall wee then doubt he will be lesse ready most mightily and miraculously to assist our nation in this quarell which is chiefly and principally vndertaken for the enlargement of the Christian faith abroad and the banishment of idlenes at home then he was to Columbus Vasques Nunnes Hernando Cortes and Francis Pizaâ—ro in the West and Vasques de Gama Peter Aluares Alonso de Albuquerque in the East Let vs therefore with cheerefull minds and couragious hearts giue the attempt and leaue the sequell to almightie God for if he be on our part what forceth it who bee against vs Thus leauing the correction and reformation vnto the gentle Reader whatsoeuer is in this treatise too much or too little otherwise vnperfect I take leaue and so end A letter of Sir Francis VValsingham to M. Richard Hakluyt then of Christchurch in Oxford incouraging him in the study of Cosmographie and of furthering new discoueries c. I Understand aswel by a letter I long since receiued from the Maior of Bristoll as by conference with sir George Peknam that you haue endeuoured giuen much light for the discouery of the Westerne partes yet vnknowen as your studie in these things is very coÌ„mendable so I thanke you much for the same wishing you do continue your trauell in these and like matters which are like to turne not only to your owne good in priuate but to the publike benefite of this Realme And so I bid you farewell From the Court the 11. of March 1582. Your louing Friend FRANCIS WALSINGHAM A letter of Sir Francis VValsingham to Master Thomas Aldworth merchant and at that time Maior of the Citie of Bristoll concerning their aduenture in the Westerne discouerie AFter my heartie commendations I haue for certaine causes deferred the answere of your letter of Nouember last till now which I hope commeth all in good time Your good inclination to the Westerne discouerie I cannot but much commend And for that sir Humfrey Gilbert as you haue heard long since hath bene preparing into those parts being readie to imbarke within these 10. dayes who needeth some further supply of shipping then yet he hath I am of opinion that you shall do well if the ship or 2. barkes you write of be put in a readinesse to goe alongst with him or so soone after as you may I hope this trauell wil proue profitable to the Aduenturers and generally beneficiall to the whole realme herein I pray you conferre with these bearers M. Richard Hackluyt and M. Thomas Steuenton to whome I referre you And so bid you heartily farewell Richmond the 11. of March 1582. Your louing Friend FRANCIS WALSINGHAM A letter written from M. Thomas Aldworth merchant and Maior of the Citie of Bristoll to the right honourable Sir Francis Walsingham principall Secretary to her Maiestie concerning a Westerne voyage intended for the discouery of the coast of America lying to the Southwest of Cape Briton RIght honourable vpon the â—eceit of your letters directed vnto me and deliuered by the bearers hereof M. Richard Hakluyt and M. Steuenton bearing date the 11. of March I presently conferred with my friends in priuate whom I know most affectionate to this godly enterprise especially with M. William Salterne deputie of our company of merchants whereupon my selfe being as then sicke with as conuenient speede as he could hee caused an assembly of the merchants to be gathered where after dutifull mention of your honourable disposition for the benefite of this citie he by my appointment caused your letters being directed vnto me piruatly to be read in publike and after some good light giuen by M. Hakluyt vnto them that were ignorant of the Countrey and enterpriseâ— and were desirous to be resolued the motion grew generally so well to be liked that there was eftsoones set downe by mens owne hands then present apparently knowen by their own speach and very willing offer the summe of 1000. markes and vpward which summe if it should not suffice we doubt not but otherwise to furnish out for this Westerne discouery a ship of threescore and a barke of 40. tunne to bee left in the countrey vnder the direction and gouernment of your sonne in law M. Carlilâ— of whom we haue heard much good if it shall stand with your honors good liking and his acceptation In one of which barks we are also willing to haue M. Steuenton your honours messenger and one well knowen to vs as captains And here in humble maner desiring your honour to vouchsafe vs of your further direction by a generall
This Island is so full of birds that all our ships might easily haue bene fraighted with them yet for the great number that there is it would not seeme that any were taken away We to victuall our selues filled two boats of them This Island hath the Pole eleuated 49 degrees and 40 minutes Upon the eight of the sayd moneth we sailed further with a prosperous weather came to the Port called The Port of white sands that is in the Bay called The Bay of Castelâ— where we had purposed to meete stay together the 15 of the said moneth In this place theâ—efore we looked for our fellowes that is to say the other two ships till the 26 of the moneth on which day both came together So soone as our fellowes were come we set our ships in a readines taking in both water wood other necessaries And then on the 29 of the sayd moneth early in the morning we hoised saile to passe on further sayling along the Northerne coast that runneth Northeast and Southwest til two houres after Sun-set or thereabouts then we crossed along two Islands which doe stretch further foorth then the others which we called S. Williams Islands being distant about 20 leagues or more from the Port of Brest All the coast from the Castels to that place lieth East West Northeast Southwest hauing betweene it sundry little Islands altogether barren and full of stones without either earth or trees except certain valleyâ— only The next day being the 30 of Iuly we sailed on Westward to find out other Islands which as yet we had not found 12 leagues and a halfe among which there is a great Bay toward the North all full of Islands and great creekes where many good harboroughs seeme to be them we named S. Marthas Islands from which about a league and a halfe further into the sea there is a dangerous shallow wherein are fiue rockes which lie from Saint Marthas Islands about seuen leagues as you passe into the sayd Islands on the East on the West side to which we came the sayd day an houre after noone from that houre vntill midnight we sailed about fifteene leagues â—thwart a cape of the lower Islands which we named S. Germans Islands Southeastward from which place about three leagues there is a very dangerous shallow Likewise betweene S. Germans cape and Saint Marthas about two leagues from the sayd Islands there lyeth a banke of sand vpon which banke the water is but foure fadome deepe and therefore seeing the danger of the coast we strucke saile and went no further that night The next day being the last of Iuly we went all along the coast that runneth East and West and somewhat Southeasterly which is all enuironed about with Islands and drie sands and in trueth is very dangerous The length from S. Germans Cape to the said Islands is about 17 leagues and a halfe at the end of which there is a goodly plot of ground full of huge and high trees albeit the rest of the coast be compassed about with sands without any signe or shew of harboroughs till we came to Cape Thiennot which treÌ„deth Northwest about seuen leagues from the foresaid Islands which Cape Thiennot we noted in our former voyage and therefore we sailed on all that night West and Westnorthwest till it was day and then the wind turned against vs wherefore we went to seeke a hauen wherein we might harbour our ships and by good hap found one fit for our purpose about seuen leagues and a halfe beyond Cape Thiennot that we named S. Nicholas Hauen it lieth amidst 4 Islands that stretch into the sea Upon the neerest wee for a token set vp a woodden crosse But note by the way that this crosse must be brought Northeast then bending toward it leaue it on the left hand and you shall find sixe fadome water and within the hauen foure Also you are to take heede of two shelues that leane outward halfe a league All this coast is full of shoulds and very dangerous albeâ—t in sight many good hauens seeme to be there yet is there nought else but shelues and sands We staied and rested our selues in the sayd hauen vntill the seuenth of August being Sonday on which day we hoysed sayle and came toward land on the South side toward Cape Rabast distaâ—t from the sayd hauen about twentie leagues Northnortheast and Southsouthwest but the next day there rose a stormie and a contrary winde and because we could find no hauen there toward the South thence we went coasting along toward the North beyond the aboue sayd hauen about ten leagues where we found a goodly great gulfe full of Islands passages and entrances toward what wind so euer you please to bend for the knowledge of this gulfe there is a great Island that is like to a Cape of lande stretching somewhat further foorth than the others and about two leagues within the land there is an hill fashioned as it were an heape of corne We named the sayd gulfe Saint Laurence his bay The twelfth of the sayd moneth wee went from the sayd Saint Laurence his Bay or gulfe sayling Westward and discouered a Cape of land toward the South that runneth West and by South distant from the sayd Saint Laurence his Bay about fiue and twenty leagues And of the two wilde men which wee tooke in our former voyage it was tolde vs that this was part of the Southerne coaste that there was an Island on the Southerly parte of which is the way to goe from Honguedo where the yeere before we had taken them to Canada and that two dayes iourney from the sayd Cape and Island began the Kingdome of Saguenay on the North shore extending toward Canada and about three leagues athwart the sayd Cape there is aboue a hundreth fadome water Moreouer I beleeue that there were neuer so many Whâ—les seen as wee saw that day about the sayd Cape The next day after being our Ladie day of August the fifteenth of the moneth hauing passed the Straight we had notice of certaine lands that wee left toward the South which landes are full very great and high hilles and this Cape wee named The Island of the Assumption and one Cape of the said high countreys lyeth Eastnortheast and Westsouthwest the distance betweene which is about fiue and twenty leagues The Countreys lying North may plainely be perceiued to be higher then the Southerly more then thirty leagues in length We trended the sayd landes about toward the South from the sayd day vntill Tewesday noone following the winde came West and therefore wee bended toward the North purposing to goe and see the land that we before had spâ—ed Being arriued there we found the sayd landes as it were ioyned together and low toward the Sea And the Northerly mountaines that are vpon the sayd low lands stretch East and West and
euery or any of them with such other necessaries and commodities of any our Realmes as to the sayde Lorde Treasurer or foure or more of the priuie Counsaile of vs our heires and successors for the time being as aforesaid shal be from time to time by his or their wisedomes or discretions thought meete and conuenient for the better reliefe and supportation of him the sayde Walter Ralegh his heires and assignes and euery or any of them and of his or their or any of their associats and companies any act statute law or any thing to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding Prouided alwayes and our wil and pleasure is and we do hereby declare to all Christian kings princes and states that if the sayde Walter Ralegh his heires or assignes or any of them or any other by their licâ—nce or appointment shall at any time or times hereafter robbe or spoile by sea or by land or doe any acte of vniust or vnlawfull hostilitie to any of the subiects of vs our heires or successors or to any of the subiects of any the kings princes rulers Gouerâ—ours or estates being then in perfect league and amitie with vs our heires and successours and that vpon such iniurie or vpon iust complaint of any such Prince Ruler Gouernour or estate or their subiects wee our heires and successors shall make open Proclamation within any the portes of our Realme of England that the saide Walter Ralegh his heires and assignes and adherents or any to whom these our Letters patâ—nts may extende shall within the termes to bee limited by such Proclamation make full restitution and satiffaction of all such iniuries done so as both we and the said Princes or other so complaining may hold vs and themselues fully contented And that if the said Walter Ralegh his heires and assignes shall not make or cause to be made satisfaction accordingly within such time so to be limitted that then it shal be lawful to vs our heires and successors to put the sayde Walter Ralegh his heires and assignes and adherents and all the inhabitants of the saide places to be discouered as is aforesaid or any of them out of our allegeance and protection and that from and after such time of putting out of protection of the saide Walter Ralegh his heires assignes and adherents and others so to be put out and the said places within their habitation possession and rule shall be out of our allegeance and protection and free for all Princes and others to pursue with hostilitie as bring not our subiects nor by vs any way to be auouched maintained or defended nor to be holden as any of ours nor to our protection or dominion or allegeance any way belonging for that expresse mention of the cleere yeerely value of the certaintie of the premissesâ— or any part thereof or of any other gift or grant by vs or any our progenitors or predecessors to the said Walter Ralegh before this time made in these presents bee not expressed or any oâ—her grant ordinance prouision proclamation or restraint to the contary thereof before this â—imeâ— giuen ordained or prouided or any other thing cause or matter whatsoeuer in any wise notwithstanding In witnesse whereof wee haue caused these our letters to be made Patents Witnesse our selues at Westminster the fiue and twentie day of March in the sixe and twentith yeere of our Raigne The first voyage made to the coasts of America with two barks where in were Captaines M. Philip Amadas and M. Arthur Barlowe who discouered part of the Countrey now called Virginia Anno 1584. Written by one of the said Captaines and sent to sir Walter Ralegh knight at whose charge and direction the said voyage was set forth THe 27 day of Aprill in the yeere of our redemption 1584 we departed the West of England with two barkes well furnished with men and victuals hauing receiued our last and perfect directions by your letters confirming the former instructions and commandements deliuered by your selfe at our leauing the riuer of Thames And I thinke it a matter both vnnecessary for the manifest discouerie of the Countrey as also for tediousnesse sake to remember vnto you the diuâ—nall of our course sayling thither and returning onely I haue presumed to present vnto you this briefe discourse by which you may iudge how profitable this land is likely to succeede as well to your selfe by whose direction and charge and by whose seruantes this our discouerie hath beene performed as also to her Highnesse and the Common wealth in which we hope your wisedome wil be satified considering that as much by vs hath bene brought to light as by those smal meanes and number of men we had could any way haue bene expected or hoped for The tenth of May we arriued at the Canaries and the tenth of Iune in this present yeere we were fallen with the Islands of the West Indies keeping a more Southeasterly course then was needefull because wee doubted that the current of the Bay of Mexcio disbogging betweene the Cape of Florida and Hauana had bene of greater force then afterwardes we found it to bee At which Islands we found the ayre very vnwholsome and our men grew for the most part ill disposed so that hauing refreshed our selues with sweet water fresh victuall we departed the twelfth day of our arriuall there These Islands with the rest adioyning are so well knowen to your selfe and to many others as I will not trouble you with the remembrance of them The second of Iuly we found shole water wher we smelt so sweet and so strong a smel as if we had bene in the midst of some delicate garden abounding with all kinde of odoriferous flowers by which we were assured that the land could not be farre distant and keeping good watch and bearing but slacke saile the fourth of the same moneth we arriued vpon the coast which we supposed to be a continent and firme lande and we sayled along the same a hundred and twentie English miles before we could finde any entrance or riuer issuing into the Sea The first that appeared vnto vs we entred though not without some difficultie cast anker about three harquebuz-shot within the hauens mouth on the left hand of the same and after thankes giuen to God for our safe arriuall thither we manned our boats and went to view the land next adioyning and to take possession of the same in the right of the Queenes most excellent Maiestie as rightfull Queene and Princesse of the same and after deliuered the same ouer to your vse according to her Maiesties grant and letters patents vnder her Highnesse great Seale Which being performed according to the ceremonies vsed in such enterprises we viewed the land about vs being whereas we first landed very sandie and low towards the waters side but so full of grapes as the very beating and surge of the Sea ouerflowed them of which we found such plentie
foule weather In the beginning whereof shall bee declared the conspiracie of Peâ—isapan with the Sauages of the maine to haue cut vs off c. The first part declaring the particularities of the Countrey of Virginia FIrst therefore touching the particularities of the Countrey you shall vnderstand that our discouerie of the same hath beene extended from the Iland of Roanoak the same hauing bene the place of our settlement or inhabitatioÌ„ into the South into the North into the Northwest and into the West The vttermost place to the Southward of any discouery was Secotan being by estimation fourescore miles distant from Roanoak The passage from thence was through a broad sound within the mayne the same being without kenning of lande and yet full of flats and shoalds we had but one boate with foure oares to passe through the same which boate could not carry aboue fifteene men with their furniture baggage and victuall for seuen dayes at the most and as for our pinnesse besides that she drew too deep water for that shallow sound she would not stirre for an oare for these and other reasons winter also being at hand we thought good wholly to leaue the discouery of those parts vntill our stronger supply To the Northward our furthest discouery was to the Chesepians distant from Roanoak about 130. miles the passage to it was very shallow and most dangerous by reason of the bredth of the sound and the little succour that vpon any flawe was there to be had But the Territorie and soyle of the Chesepians being distant fifteene miles from the shoare was for pleasantnes of seate for temperature of Climate for fertilitie of soyle and for the commoditie of the Sea besides multitude of Beares being an excellent good victuall with great woods of Sassafras and Wallnut trees is not to be excelled by any other whatsoeuer There be sundry Kings whom they call Weroances and Countreys of great fertility adioyning to the same as the Mandoages Tripanicks and Opossians which all came to visite the Colonie of the English which I had for a time appointed to be resident there To the Northwest the farthest place of our discouery was to Chawanook distant from Roanoak about 130. miles Our passage thither lyeth through a broad sound but all fresh water and the chanell of a great depth nauigable for good shipping but out of the chanell full of shoalds The Townes about the waters side situated by the way are these following Paslaquenoke The womans Towne Chepanoc Weapomeiok Muscamunge Metackâ—em all these being vnder the iurisdiction of the king of Weapomeiok called Okisco â—rom Muscamunge we enter into the Riuer and iurisdiction of Chawanook There the Riuer beginneth to straighten vntill it come to Chawanook and then groweth to be as narrow as the Thames betewene Westminster and Lambeth Betweene Muscamunge and Chawanook vpon the left hand as wee passe thither is a goodly high land and there is a Towne which we called The blinde Towne but the Sauages called it Ohanoak and hath a very goodly corne field belonging vnto it it is subiect to Chawanook Chawanook it selfe is the greatest Prouince Seigniorie lying vpon that Riuer and the very Towne it selfe is able to put 700. fighting men into the fielde besides the forces of the Prouince it selfe The King of the sayd Prouince is called Menatonon a man impotent in his lims but otherwise for a Sauage a very graue and wise man and of a very singular good discourse in matters concerning the state not onely of his owne Countrey and the disposition of his owne men but also of his neighbours round about him as well farre as neere and of the commodities that eache Countrey yeeldeth When I had him prisoner with me for two dayes that we were together he gaue mee more vnderstanding and light of the Countrey then I had râ—ceiued by all the searches and Sauages that before I or any of my companie had had conference with it was in March last past 1586. Amongst other things he tolde me that going three dayes iourney in a Canon vp his Riuer of Chawanook and then descending to the land you are within foure dayes iourney to passe ouer land Northeast to a certaine Kings countrey whose Prouince lyeth vpon the Sea but his place of greatest strength is an Island situate as hee described vnto mee in a Bay the water round about the Island very deepe Out of this Bay hee signified vnto mee that this King had so great quantitie of Pearle and doeth so ordinarily take the same as that not onely his owne skinnes that hee weareth and the better sort of his gentlemen and followers are full set with the sayd Pearle but also his beds and houses are garnished with them and that hee hath such quantitie of them that it is a wonder to see He shewed me that the sayd King was with him at Chawanook two yeeres before brought him certaine Pearle but the same of the worst sort yet was he faine to buy them of him for copper at a deere rate as he thought Hee gaue mee a rope of the same pearle but they were blacke and naught yet many of them were very great and a few amongst a number very orient and round all which I lost with other things of mine comming aboord Sir Francis Drake his Fleete yet he tolde me that the sayd King had great store of Pearle that were white great and round and that his blacke Pearle his men did take out of shallow water but the white Pearle his men fished for in very deepe water It seemed to me by his speach that the sayd King had traffique with white men that had clothes as we haue for these white Pearle and that was the reason that hee would not depart with other then with blacke Pearles to those of the same countrey The king of Chawanook promised to giue me guids to go ouer land into that kings countrey whensoeuer I would but he aduised me to take good store of men with me and good store of victuall for he said that king would be loth to suffer any strangers to enter into his Countrey and especially to meddle with the fishing for any Pearle there and that hee was able to make a great many of men into the field which he sayd would fight very well Hereupon I resolued with my selfe that if your supplie had come before the ende of Aprill and that you had sent any store of boates or men to haue had them made in any reasonable time with a sufficient number of men and victuals to haue found vs vntill the new come were come in I would haue sent a small barke with two pinnesses about by Sea to the Northward to haue found out the Bay he spake of and to haue sounded the barre if there were any which should haue ridden there in the sayd Bay about that Iland while I with all the small boates I could make and with two hundred men
much to be marueiled at and with the like fury it returned backe againe with the ebbe during which time wee found 11. fadome water and the flood and ebbe continued from sire to sire houres The day following the Captâ—ine and Pilote went vp to the shippes top and sawe all the lande full of sand in a great round compasse and ioyning it selfe with the other shore and it was so low that whereas wee were a league from the same wee could not well discerne it and it seemed that there was an iâ—let of the mouthes of certaine lakes whereby the Sea went in and out There were diuers opinions amongst vs and some thought that that current entered into those lakes and also that some great Riuer there might be the cause thereof And when we could perceiue no passage through nor could discerue the countrey to be inhabited the Captaine accompanied with certaine of vs went to take possession thereof The same day with the ebbe of the Sea wee fâ—ll downe from the other coast from the side of Nueua Espanna though alwayes we had in sight the firme land on the one side of vs end the other Islands on our left hande on the side of the port of Santa Cruz situatâ— on the Westerne shore for on that side there are so many Islands and lands so farre as we could descry that it was greatly to be wondered at for from the said hauen of Santa Cruz and from the coast of Culiacan we had alwayes in a maner land on both sides of vs and that so great a countrey that I suppose if it should so continue further inwarde there is countrey ynough for many yeeres to conquer This day wee had the winde contrary and cast ancker vntil the flood increased which was in the afteâ—noone and then wee set saile likewise with contrary winde vntill midnight and then cast ancker The next day we dâ—pâ—rted shapâ—ng our course along the coast Southwest vntill midnight with littlâ— winde and wee sawe wiâ—hin the land high mountaines with some openings and wee made way sâ—me three leagues and all the next night wee were be calmed and the next day we continued our course but a lâ—ttle while for we sailed not aboue fiue leagues and all the night were becalmed and sawe the lande full of bare and high mountaines and on our left hande wee descried a plaine countrey and saw in the night certaine fires Chap. 4. They land vpon an Island to discouer the same and there they see many fires which issue out of certaine mountaines and many Seale-fishes Here they take an Indian and can not vnderstand his language Running along they discouer another Island and take possession therof for the Emperours Maiestie and a great hauen in the firme land which they call Ancon de Sant Andres or The hauen of S. Andrew THe next day following our course we saw a great hauen with an Iland in the sea within a crosse-bow shoote of the firme land and in this Island and on the firme land were seâ—ne many smokes by the iudgement of all the company wherefore the captaine thought good that wee should goe on land to know the certainty of these smokes and fires himselfe taking ten or twelue of vs with a boate in his company and going on shore in the Island we found that the smokes proceeded out of certaine mountaines and breaches of burned earth whereout ascended into the aire certaine cinders and ashes which mounted vp to the middle region of the aire in such great quantitie that we could not esteeme lesse then twenty lodes of wood to bee burned for the causing of euery of those smokes whereat wee were all not a little amazed In this Island were such abundance of Seales as it was wonderful Here we stayed that day and killed a great number of these Seals with whom we had some trouble for they were so many and ayded one another so well that it was strange to behold for it fell out that while we were occupied in killing some of them with staues they assembled twentie or thirty together and lifting themselues vp assayled vs with their feete in a squadron and ouerthrew two or three of our company on the ground whereupon letting goe those which they had in their hands they and the others escaped vs and went into the seaâ— howbeit wee killed good store of them which were so fatte as it was wonderfull and when we opened some of them to haue their liuers we found certaine small blacke stones in their bodies whereat wee much marueiled The next day wee rode at anker here for lacke of good weather to sayle withall whereupon the Captaine determined to goe on shore with nine or ten in his company to see whether there were any people there or any signe of people that had bene there and they found on the maine land seuen or eight Indians like to Chichimecas which wâ—re gone a fishing and had a raft of canes who so soone as they espied vs ranne away and betooke themselues to flight but being pursued by vs in the end we tooke one of them whose language was so strange that wee could by no meanes vnderstand him his clothing was nothing at all for he was starke naked These people caried their water in bottels made of beasts skins they fished with hookes of bone and wee found good store of their fishes whereof we tooke three or foure dozen The Indian which we had taken seeing himselfe in our hands did nothing but weepe but the Captaine called him and made much of him giuing him certaine beades with a hat and certaine hookes of ours and then let him goe And it seemed that after hee was returned to his companions he declared vnto them how we had done him no harme at all shewing them the things which we had giuen him whereupon they also determined to come vnto vs to our boate but because it was now night and that our shippes were farre from vs we forced not to stay for them especially because it was a bad place and a dangerous This countrey hath on the sea-coast high and bare mountaines with certaine grasse in some places like vnto our broomes or like vnto woods of rosemary The next day wee sayled neere to the coast on the same side with very scarce winde and in a manner calme and ranne not aboue fiue leagues and all the night following we lay becalmed and we saw on the shore fiue of sixe fires The land is high with very high mountaines without grasse hauing certaine caues in them the next day also and part of the night following we were becalmed and the morow after we followed our course along the sayd coast and passed betweene a great Island full of exceeding high mountaines and the maine land where we saw a very great hauen in the firme land in which wee ankered to see what it was and being come to an anker the Captaine and some of vs went on land
the same day to see if there were any people and fresh water and wee found certaine small cottages couered with drie grasse with certaine little staues layd ouerthwart and we went a little way into the countrey which was very barâ—n by certaine small and streight pathes and found a little pond or pit but drie and without water and here the Captaine tooke possession for the Marques of the valley in the name of his Maiestie and after this we returned to our ship and that night we sawe foure or fiue fires on the land The next day the Captaine determined because hee had seene these fires to goe on shore and so with our two boates we went fifteene or twenty of vs vnto certaine crooked strands two leagues from the place where our ships rode and where we had seene the fires and we found two Indians of exceeding huge stature so that they caused vs greatly to wonder they caried their bowes and arrowes in their hands and as soone as they saw vs leap on shore they ran away and wee followed them vnto their dwellings and lodgings which were certaine cottages and bowers couered with boughs and there we found great and small steps of many people but they had no kind of victuals but onely cuttle-fishes which wee found there The countrey toward the sea side seemed but barren for we saw neither trees nor greene grasse there yet were there certaine smal pathes not well beaten and along the sea-coast we saw many tracts of dogges hares and conies and in certaine small Islands neere vnto the maine we saw Seale-fishes This hauen is called Ancon de Sant Andres Chap. 5. They discouer a mountainous Island very great and neere vnto it certaine other Islands with a goodly greene and pleasant countrey They haue sight of certaine Indians in Canoas of canes whose language sounded like the Flemish tongue with whome they could not haue any traffique THe next day we proceeded on our voyage sayling betweene the maine and an Island which we suppose to be in circâ—it about a hundred or eighty leagues sayling sometimes within one and sometimes within two leagues of the maine The soile of this Island is of certaine mountaines not very steepe with caues in them and as farre as wee could descrie by the coast there appeared no signe of any plaine countrey Here from this day forward wee began to bee afraid considering that we were to returne to the port of Santa Cruz for it was supposed that all along this mighty gulfe from the entrance in at Culiacanâ— vntil the returning backe vnto the said hauen was all firme land and also because wee had the firme land alwayes on our right hand and it goeth round circle-wise vnto the sayd hauen but many thought and hoped that we should finde some mouth or out-let whereby wee might passe through vnto the other coast What our successe was we will declare in the relation following The next day being Thursday wee sayled with scant winde for it was almost calme and passed beyond that great Island hauing firme land alwayes on our right hand and coasting as I sayd very neere vnto it The next day likewise we sayled with little winde it being in a manner calme and passed neere vnto the shore by certaine round baies and certaine points which the land made which was pleasant to behold bring somewhat greene and there seemed to be some creeke there This Friday at night wee sayled altogether with a fresh gale and at breake of day wee were betweene the maine land and an Island on our left hand which was somewhat big as farre as we could discerne There was a great bay in the firme land and before it was a point which stretched farre into the sea The firme land seemed to bee much fresher and pleasanter then those lands which we had passed hauing many bankes and hilles of indifferent height and beautifull to behold The countrey as farre as wee could discerne was so pleasant and delightfull that wee all desired to goe on shore and to search vp into it two or three dayes iourney to see whether it were inhabited or not Wee saw within the land of that bay two fires The night following being Saturday we sailed continually with a prosperous and fresh gale and the wind was so great that we drew our bonet to our maine sayle and sayled so till the morning On Sunday the twelfth of October we found our selues altogether inclosed with land on the right hand with the maine which compassed vs before and behinde and on the left hand with an Island of a league and a halfe and betweene the maine and the Island in the midst of the sea there lay a small Islet and also betweene the sayd maine and the Island there were two mouthesâ— through which there appeared a passage whereby afterwad we passed through This maine was much more fresh and greene then the other which wee had passed and had certaine plaines and points of mountaines of pleasant view and full of greene grasse Here all this night we saw two or three villages which were very great and at breake of day we saw a Canoa or boate made of canes which came from the land out of a creeke and wee stood still vntill it came neere vnto vs in the ship and they began to speake in their language which no man vnderstood whose pronuntiation was like to the Flemings and being called they returned with great haste vnto the shore and we were very sory because our boate had not followed them Here happened vnto vs a very strange thing which was that as this Indian returned to the shore in certaine of these creekes where a number of his fellow Indians were as wee vieweâ— that part we sawe fiue Canoas issue foorth which came toward vs whereupon wee stayed to see what they would doe In the meane while our Admirall came vp vnto vs which was neere the shore for she also had seene them and so being come together we cast anker expecting what those Canoas would doe In the meane while our Generall commanded vs to make ready our boate and to furnish the same with oares and men to trie if we could by any meanes take some of them that we might come to some knowledge of them and that wee might giue them some of our trifles and specially of our hookes and beads to winne their friendship The Indians with their fiue Canoas approched within one or two stones cast of vs and then began to speake very loude vnto vs in a very strange language alwayes standing vpon their guard to retire themselues with speede When our Captaine saw this and that they would not come neere vs but rather retired he commanded sixe mariners to goe into the boate from the sterne of the ship and himselfe also went with them with all possible haste toward the Indians The Indians returned to the shore with so great celeritie that they seemed to flie
in those little Canoas of canes Neuerthelesse our men vsed such dissgrace that one of the Canoas was boorded taken but the Indian in the Canoa seeing himselfâ— now taken leapt into the water and our men followed with their boat to take him but seeing himselfe within their reach he ducked with his head vnder their boate and so deceiued them and then rose vp againe and with their oares and with staues they gaue him certaine blowes to amaze him but nothing would serue them for as they were about to lay handes vpon him hee still diued vnderwater and with his hands and feete got neere to the shore and as he rose vp aboue the water hee called to his felowes which stood on the shore to behold crying Belen with a loud voyce and so they pursued him and strooke him sometimes being very neere the shore and he alwayes went calling the rest of his fellowes to come and helpe him whereupon within a short while after three other Canoas came foorth to succour him being full of Indians with bowes and arrowes in their handes crying with a loude voyce that wee should come on shore these Indians were of great stature and saluage far also and well set and of a browne colour Our Captaine perceiuing this least they should wound any of our people with their arrowes returned backe and commanded vs immediately to set sayle and so foorthwith wee departed This day the wind skanâ—ed and we returned to anker in the foresayd place and our Admirall rode from the firme land toward the Island and wee which were in the ship called The Trinitie lay neerâ— vnto the maine and before breake of day wee departed with a fresh gale And before we diseâ—â—â—quod oâ—â—e of that chanell we saw certaine grasse very high and greene vpon the maine whereupon a mariner and the Pilot went vp into the top and saw the mouth of a riuer which ranne through that greene countrey into the sea But because our Admirall was vnder all her sayles farre from vs we could not tell them of this riuer where wee would haue taken water whereof we had some neede and because it was a very good hauen to goe on shore to take it and therefore without watering we followed our course On munday we departed from this hauen which is like vnto a lake for on all sides we were compassed with land hauing the continent before be hinde vs and on our right side and the Island on our left side and we passed foorth at those mouthes beforementioned which shewed an out-let into the open sea Thus wee sayled along still viewing the situation of the countrey reioycing all of vs at the sight thereof for it alwayes pleased vs more and more still appearing more greene and pleasant and the grasse which wee found neere vnto the shore was fresh and delectable but not very high being to all our iudgements not past a spanne long Likewise the hilles which wee saw which were many and many downes made a very pleasant prospect especially because we iudged that there were many valleys and dales betweene them Chap. 6. They discouer a very great bay with foure small Islands in it whereas they take possession As they sayle along and discouer diuers Islands they come at lenâ—th to the port of Santa Cruz where not being able to get any knowledge of those Indians although they lay in waite for them at a place called The well of Grâ—alua they departed thence They haue a perilous and long tempest which ceased after they had seene a light on their shrowdes AT the comming out of these openings we began to â—â—â—de a Bay 〈…〉 great hauen entituleâ— with diuers small hilles hauing vpon them 〈…〉 pleasant to 〈◊〉 In this bay and strand were two small Islands neere vnto the shore one of the which was like vnto a table about halfe a league in bignes and the other was a round hill almost as big as the former These Islands serued vs onely to coment our sight for we passed by them without staying hauing but a slacke wind on Munday morning all which day we followed our course with the foresayd slacke winde and within a while after it became flat contrary so that we were constrained to anker at the sayd point of the sayd hauen and on Tewesday at breake of day we set sayle but made but little away all the day because the winde continued contrary although but very weake The night following wee were becalmed a little beyond the point of this hauen but about midnight wee began to haue a fresh gale and on Wednesday in the morning wee were seuen leagues distant from that point This countrey shewed as it was indeede more plaine then the rest with certaine small woody hilles and within the other point which was before descried the situation seemed to be more pleasant and delightsome then the rest which we had passed And at the vttermost end of the point were two small Isâ—ets The sayd Wednesday about nine of the clocke the winde blew a good gale and we sayled by euening between seuen and eight leagues and came ouer against a land not very high where wee saw certaine creekes or breaches not very ragged into euery of which a riuer seemed to fall because the soyle was very greene and had certaine trees growing on it farre bigger then those which we had found before Here the Captaine with fiue or sixe men went on shore and taking possession passed vp one of those riuers and found the sooting of many Indians vpon the sand On the bankes of that riuer they saw many fruitful trees as cherry-trees and little apple-trees and other white trees they found also in the wood three or foure beasts called Adibes which are a kind of dogs The same night wee set sayle with the winde off the land which blew so freshly that it made vs to strike our fore-sayle and on the sixeteenth of October at nine of the clocke we came neere vnto a point of certaine high mountaines on which day being Thursday we made little way because the winde ceased but it rose againe in the night whereupon by the breake of day on Friday wee came before the sayd point being sixe or seuen leagues off The land seemed to bee very mountainous with certaine sharpe points not greatly clad with grasse but somewhat bare On our left hand wee saw two Islands the one of a league and a halfe the other not so much and it seemed that we drew neere to the port of Santa Cruz whereat we were sory because we were alwaies in good hope to and some out-let into the maine Ocean in some place of that land and that the same port was the same out-let and also that by the sayd coast we might returne to the foresayd hauen of Santa Cruz and that we had committed a great error because we had not certainely sought out the secret whether that were a Street or a riuer which wee had left
behind vs vnsearched at the bottome of this great sea or gulfe All Friday and the night following we sayled with a scant winde and on Saturday at breake of day we were betweene two points of land which make a bay wherein we saw before and behinde foure or fiue great and small Islands The land was very mountainous part wherof was couered with grasse and part was voide Within the land appeared more mountaines and hils and in this place we were come neere vnto the hauen of Santa Cruz which is all firme land except it be diuided in the very nooke by some streite or great riuer which parteth it from the maine which because we had not throughly discouered all of vs that were imployed in this voyage were not a little grieued And this maine land stretcheth so farre in length that I cannot well expresse it for from the hauen of Acapulco which standeth in seuenteene degrees and twenty minutes of latitude wee had alwayes the coast of the firme laud on our right hand vntill we came to the great current of the white red sea and here as I haue said we knew not the secret of this current whether it were caused by a riuer or by a streit and so supposing that the coast which wee had on our right hand was closed vp without passage wee returned backe againe alwayes descending Southward by our degrees vntill wee returned vnto the sayd hauen of Santa Cruz finding still along the coast a goodly and pleasant countrey and still seeing fires made by the Indians and Canoas made of Canes We determined to take in fresh water at the hauen of Santa Cruz to runne along the outward Westerne coast and to see what it was if it pleased God Here we rested our selues and eat of the plummes and fruits called Pithaias and wee entred into the port of Santa Cruz on Sunday the 18 of October and stayed there eight daies to take in wood and water resting our selues all that while that our men might strengthen and refresh themselues Our captaine determined to diuide amongst vs certain garments of taffata with clokes and saies and a piece of taffata and likewise ordained that wee should goe on land to catch a couple of Indians that they might talke with our interpreter and that we might come to the knowledge of their language Whereupon thirteene of vs went out of our ship by night and lay in ambush in a place which is called The well of Grijalua where we stayed vntill noone betweene certaine secret wayes and could neuer see or descrie any one Indian wherefore wee returned to our ships with two massiue-dogs which we caried with vs to catch the Indians with more ease and in our returne we found two Indians hidden in certaine thickets which were come thither to spie what wee did but because wee and our dogs were weary and thought not on them these Indians issued out of the thickets and fled away and wee ranne after them and our dogges saw them not wherefore by reason of the thicknes of the wilde thistles and of the thornes and bryars and because we were weary we could neuer ouertake them they left behinde them certaine staues so finely wrought that they were very beautifull to behold considering how cunningly they were made with a handle and a corde to fling them The nine and twentieth of October being Wednesday we set sayle out of this hauen of Santa Cruz with little winde and in sayling downe the chanell our shippe called the Trinitie came on ground vpon certaine sholdes this was at noone at a low water and with all the remedy that we could vse wee could not draw her off whereupon wee were constrained to vnderprop her and to stay the next tide and when the tide began to increase wee vsed all diligence to draw her off and could not by any meanes whereat all the company and the Captaine were not a little grieued for wee thought wee should haue lost her there although wee ceased not with all our might to labour with both our boates and with our cable and capsten In the ende it pleased God about midnight at a full sea with the great force which wee vsed to recouer her that wee drew her off the sand for which we gaue God most hearty thankes and rode at anker all the rest of the night wayting for day-light for feare of falling into any further danger or mishap When day was come wee set forward with a fresh gale and proceeded on our voyage directing our prows to the maine sea to see whether it would please God to let vs discouer the secret of this point But whether it pleased not his great goodnesse or whether it were for our sinnes wee spent eight dayes from this port before we could double the poynt by reason of contrary winds and great raine and lightning and darkenesse euery night also the windes grew so raging and tempestuous that they made vs all to quake and to pray continually vnto God to ayde vs. And hereupon wee made our cables and ankers ready and the chiefe Pilot commanded vs with all speede to cast anker and in this sorte we passed our troubles and whereas wee rode in no securitie he caused vs foorthwith to weigh our ankers and to goe whither the wind should driue vs. And in this sorte wee spent those eight dayes turning backe by night the same way that wee had gone by day and sometimes making good in the night that which we had lost in the day not without great desire of all the company to haue a winde which might set vs forward on our voyage being afflicted with the miseries which wee indured by reason of the thunders lightnings and raine wherewith we were wet from toppe to toe by reason of the toyle which wee had in weighing and casting of our ankers as neede required And on one of these nights which was very darke and tempestuous with winde and raine because we thought we should haue perished being very neere the shore we prayed vnto God that he would vouchsafe to ayde and saue vs without calling our sinnes to remembrance And straightway wee saw vpon the shrowdes of the Trinity as it were a candle which of it selfe shined and gaue a light whereat all the company greatly reioyced in such sort that wee ceased not to giue thankes vnto God Whereupon we assured our selues that of his mercie hee would guide and saue vs and would not suffer vs to perish as indeede it fell out for the neâ—â— day wee had good weather and all the mariners sayd that it was the light of Saint Elmo which appeared on the shrowdes and they saluted it with their songs and prayers These stormes tooke vs betweene the Isles of Saint Iago and Saint Philip and the Isle called Isla de perlas lying ouer against the point of California supposed to be firme land Chap. 7. Sayling on their way they discouer a pleasant
forward there were great plaines The Captaine would not suffer vs to goe any further because in those places we had seene certaine Indians which seemed to be spies and warning vs thereof he commanded vs to retire vnto the shore where we were to take in water and to dispatch our businesse quickly and appointed vs to make certaine pits that our buts might more easily be filled with water And setting our Guardes or Centinels we beganne to fill water In the meane while the Captaine tooke certaine souldiers and went to the top of an high hill from whence he deseryed a great part of the Sea and a lake which is within the land for the Sea entereth in the space of a league and there is a good fishing place round about and the lake was so great that it seemed vnto vs to be very neere 30 leagues in compasse for we could not discerne the end thereof Then we came downe with no lesse trouble then wee had mounted vp vnto the hill by reason of the steepenesse of the place and some tumbled downe with no small laughter of the rest And being come somewhat late to our watering place for it was then past noone we set our selues to dinner alwayes appointing some of our company in Centinell vntill we were called to dinner and when some were called two others were appointed in their roomes And about two of the clocke after dinner the Captaine and the rest suspecting no danger of assalt of Indians both because the place seemed not to be fit for it as also for that we had set our Centinels at the passages two squadrons of Indians came vpon vs very secretly and couertly for one came by the great valley through which the water ranne which we tooke and the other came by a part of that great hill which we had ascended to see the lake and all of them came so couertly that our Centinels could neither see nor heare them and wee had not perceiued them if a souldier by chance lifting vp his eyes had not sayde Arms Arme my maisters for many Indians come vpon vs. When we heard this the Captaine leapt vp in a great rage because the guards were changed out of their place and with his sword and target being followed by a souldier whose name was Haro and afterward by the rest he and the said souldier went toward a little gate of certaine stones whither the rest of vs were to follow him for if the Indians had gotten that place from vs we should haue incurred great danger and the greatest part of vs had like to haue beene slaine and none could haue escaped but such as by chance could haue leapt into the boates and the tide went so high that none could be saued but such as were most excellent swimmers But at length the Captaine bestirred himselfe very nimbly vsing all celeritie that was possible Therefore when he and Haro had wonne the gate the rest of the souldiers gate vp after them and the Captaine and Haro turned themselues to the Indians and made head against them and the Indians assailed them with such numbers of stones arrowes â—auelius which was a very strange thing that they brake in pieces the target which the Captaine had on his arme and besides that wounded him with an arrow in the bending of his knee and though the wound was not great yet was it very painefull vnto him While they thus stood to withstand their assalt they strooke Haro which was on the other side so forcibly with a stone that they threw him flat vpon the ground and by and by another stone lighted vpon him which shiuered his Target and they hit the Captaine with another arrow and shot him quite through one of his eares Another arrow came and strooke a souldier called Grauiello Marques in the legge of which he felt great paine and went halting In the meane space Francis Preciado and certaine other souldiers came vp and ioyned himselfe with the rest on the left hand of the Captaine saying vnto him Sir withdrawe your selfe for you be wounded but be you not dismayed for they are but Indians and cannot hurt vs. In this wise we beganne to rush in among them vpon the side of a rocke alwayes gayning ground of them which greatly incouraged our mindes and when we beganne to inforce them to retire we wanne a small wooddy hill where we sheltered our selues whereas before they shot vpon vs from alofâ— for they were on the higher ground vnder couert in safetie then by no meanes we could offend them but by running forcibly vpon them with our targets on our armes and our swords in our hands On the other side to approch and seeke to ouertake them was a vaine thing seeing they were as swift as wilde goates By this time Haro was gotten vp on foot and hauing clapt a woollen cloth vpon his head which had vsed extremely he ioyned himselfe vnto vs of whom we receiued no small aide In the meane space the Indians fortified themselues on the cragge of a rocke from whence they did not a little molest vs we likewise fortified our selues vpon an hillocke whereby we descended into their Fort and there was a small valley betweene them vs which was not very deepe from the vpper part There we were 6 souldiers two Negroes with the Captaine all of vs were of opinion that it was not good to passe that place least y e Indians being many might destroy vs all for the rest of our souldiers which were beneath at the foote of the hill making head against the other squadron of the Indians kept them froÌ„ hurting those which tooke in water on the strand and from breaking the buts of water and being but few we concluded to stay here and so we stood still fortifying our selues as well as we could especially considering that we had no succour on any side for Berecillo our Mastiue-dogge which should haue aided vs was grieuously wounded with 3 arrowes so that by no meanes we could get him from vs this mastiue was wounded in the first assalt when the Indians came vpon vs who behaued himselfe very wel greatly aided vs for he set vpon them and put 8 or 10 of them out of array made them run away leauing many arrowes behind them but at length as I haue said he was so wounded that by no meanes we could get him to goe from vs to set any more vpon the Indians the other two mastiues did vs more harme then good for when they went against them they shot at them with their bowes and we receiued hurt and trouble in defending them The Captaines legge when he waxed cold was so swolne that we lapped it vp in a wollen cloth and he halted much of it and while the Indians thus stood still one part of them beganne to dance sing and shout and then they began all to lade themselues with stones and to put their
denomination I was apprehended for the same words here rehearsed and none other thing and thereupon was vsed as before is written Now to speake somewhat of the description of the countrey you shall vnderstand that the port of S. Iohn de Vllua is a very little Island low by the waterside the broadest or longest part thereof not aboue a bowshoote ouer and standeth within two â—urlongs of the firme land In my time there was but one house and a little Chappel to say Masse in in all the Island the side to the land wards is made by mans handes with free-stone and grauel and is 4. fadome deepe downe right wherfore the great ships that come in there do ride so neere the shoare of the Island that you may come and goe aland vpon their beake noses They vse to put great chaines of yron in at their halsers and an ancker to the landward and all little ynough to more well their shippes for feare of the Northerly winds which come off the coast of Florida that sometimes haue caried ships houses and all away to the shoare The king was wont to haue 20. great mightie Negroes who did serue for nothing else but onely to repaire the said Island where the foule weather doeth hurt it The Countrey all thereabout is very plaine ground a mile from the sea side a great wildernes with great quantitie of red Deere in the same so that when the mariners of the ships are disposed they go vp into the wildernes and do kil of the same and bring them aboord to eate for their recreation From this port to the next towne which is called Vera Cruz are 5. leagues almost by the Sea side till you come within one league of the place and then you turne vp towards the land into a wood till you come to a litle riuer hard by the said townes side which sometimes of the yere is dry without water The towne of Vera Cruz in my time had not past 300. housholds and serued but for the folke of the ships to buy and bring their goods aland and deliuer it to their ownersâ— as also the owners and their factors to receiue their goods of the Masters of the ships This towne standeth also in a very plaine on the one side the riuer and the other side is enuironed with much sande blowâ—n from the sea side with the tempest of weather many times comming vpon that coast This towne also is subiect to great sicknes and in my time many of the Mariners officers of the ships did die with those diseases there accustomed especially those that were not vsed to the countrey nor knew the danger therof but would commonly go in the Sunne in the heat of the day did eat fruit â—f the countrey with much disorder and especially gaue themsâ—lues to womens company aâ— their first comming whereupon they were caâ—t into a burning ague of the which few escaped Halfe a dayes iourney from Vera Cruz towards Mexico is a lodging of fiue or sixe houses called the Rinconado which is a place where is a great pinacle made of lime and stone fast by a riuer side where the Indians were wont to doe their sacrifices vnto their gods and it is plaine and low ground betwixt that and Vera Cruz and also subiect to sicknes but afterward halfe a dayes iourney that you do begin to enter into the high land you shall find as faire good and sweet countrey as any in the world and the farther you go the goodlier and sweeter the countrey is till you come to Pueblo dâ— los Angeles which may be some 43 leagues from Vera Cruz which was in my time a towne of 600. housholds or thereabout standing in a goodly soile Betweene Vera Cruz and that you shall come through many townes of the Indians and villages and many goodly fieldes of medow grounds Râ—uers of fresh waters forrests and great woods very pleasant to behold From Pueblo de los â—ngeles to Mexico is 20. leagues of very faire way and countrey as before is declared Mexico was a Citie in my time of not aboue 1500. housholds of Spaniards inhabiting there but of Indian people in the suburbs of the said city dwelt aboue 300000. as it was thought and many more This City of Mexico is 65. leagues from the North sea and 75. leagues from the South sea so that it standeth in the midst of the maine land betwixt the one sea and the other It is situated in the middest of a lake of standing water and enuironed round about with the same sauing in many places going out of the Citie are many broad wayes through the said lâ—ke or water This lake and Citie is enuironed also with great mountaines round about which are in compasse aboue thirtie leagues and the saide Citie and lake of standing water doeth stand in a great plaine in the middest of it This lake of standing water doeth proceed from the shedding of the raine that falleth vpon the saide mountaines and so gather themselues together in this place All the whole proportion of this Citie doeth stand in a very plaine ground aud in the middest of the said Citie is a square place of a good bow shoote ouer from side to side and in the middest of the said place is the high Church very faire and well builded all through at that time not halfe finished and round about the said place are many faire houses built on the one side are the houses where Mutezuma the great king of Mexico that was dwelt and now there lye alwayes the viceroyes that the King of Spaine sendeth thither euery three yeeres And in my time there was for viceroy a gentleman of Castil called Don Luis de Velasco And on the other side of the saide place ouer against the same is the Bishops house very faire built and many other houses of goodly building And hard by the same are also other very faire houses built by the Marques de Valle otherwise called Hernando Cortes who was hee that first conquered the saide Citie and Countrey who after the said conquest which hee made with great labour and trauaile of his person and danger of his life and being growen great in the Countrey the King of Spaine sent for him saying that he had some particular matters to impart vnto him And when he came home he could not bee suffered to returâ—e backe againe as the King before had promised him With the which for sorrow that he tooke he died and this he had for the reward of his good seruice The said Citie of Mexico hath the streetes made very broad and right that a man being in the high place at the one ende of the street may see at the least a good mile forward and in all the one part of the streets of the North part of their Citie there runneth a pretie lake of very cleare water that euery man may put into his
down and when they had a while surueyed and taken a perfect view of vs they came to all such as had any coloured clothes amongst vs and those they did strip starke naked and tooke their clothes away with them but those that were apparelled in blacke they did not meddle withall and so went their wayes and left vs without doing vs any further hurt onely in the first brunt they killed eight of our men And at our depature they perceiuing in what weake case we were pointed vs with their hands which way we should go to come to a towne of the Spaniards which as we afterwards perceiued was not past ten leagues from thence vsing these words Tampice Tampice Christiano Tampice Christiano which is as much we thinke as to say in English at Tampice you shall find the Christians The weapons that they vse are no other but bowes and arrowes and their arme is so good that they very seldome misse to hit any thing that they shoote at Shortly after they had left vs stript as aforesayd we thought it best to deuide our selues into two companies and so being separated halfe of vs went vnder the leading of one Anthony Godard who is yet a man aliue and dwelleth at this instant in the towne of Plimmouth whom before we chose to be captaine ouer vs all and those which went vnder his leading of which number I Miles Philips was one trauailed Westward that way which the Indians with their hands had before pointed vs to go The other halfe went vnder the leading of one Iohn Hooper whom they did choose for their captain with the company that went with him Dauid Ingâ—â—â— was one and they tooke their way and trauelled Northward and shortly after within the space of two dayes they were againe incountered with the sauage people and their captaine Hooper and two more of his company were slaine then againe they diuided themselues and some held on their way still Northward and other some knowing that we were gone Westward sought to meet with vs againe as in truth there was about the number of 25 or 26 of them that met with vs in the space of foure dayes againe and then we began to reckon amongst our selues how many wee were that were set on shore and we found the number to be an hundred and fourteene whereof two were drowned in the sea and eight were slaine at the first incounter so that there remained an hundred and foure of which 25 went Westward with vs and 52 to the North with Hooper and Ingram and as Ingram since hath often told me there were not past three of their company slaine and there were but sixe and twenty of them that came againe to vs so that of the company that went Northward there is yet lacking and not certainely heard of the number of three and twenty men And verely I doe thinke that there are of them yet aliue and married in the said countrey at Cibola as hereafter I purpose God willing to discourse of more particularly with the reason and causes that make mee so to thinke of them that were lacking which were Dauid Ingram Twide Browne and sundry others whose names wee could not remember And being thus met againe together we trauelled on still Westward sometime thorow such thicke woods that we were inforced with cudgels to breake away the brambles and bushes from tearing our naked bodies other sometimes we should trauell thorow the plaines in such high grasse that wee could scarse see one another and as we passed in some places we should haue of our men slaine and fall downe suddenly being sâ—rooken by the Indians which stood behinde trees and bushes in secret places and so killed our men as they went by for wee went scatteringly in seeking of fruites to relieue our selues We were also oftentimes greatly annoyed with a kind of flie which in the Indian tongue is called Tequani and the Spaniards called them Muskitos There are also in the sayd countrey a number of other kinde of flies but none so noysome as these Tequanies bee you shall hardly see them they be so small for they are scarse so big as a gnat they will sucke ones blood marueilously and if you kill them while thâ—y are sucking they are so venimous that the place will swell extremely euen as one that is stoong with a Waspe or Bee but if you let them sucke their fill and to goe away of themselues then they doe you no other hurt but leaue behinde them a red spot somewhat bigger then a flea-biting At the first wee were terribly troubled with these kinde of flies not knowing their qualities and resistance wee could make none against them being naked as for cold wee feared not any the countrey there is alwayes so warme And as we trauelled thus for the space of tenne or twelue dayes our captaine did oftentimes cause certaine to goe vp into the toppes of high trees to see if they could descrie any towne or place of inhabitants but they could not perceiue any and vsing often the same order to climbe vp into high trees at the lâ—ngth they descried a great riuer that fell from the Northwest into the maine sea and presently after we heard an harquebuze shot off which did greatly incourage vs for thereby wee knew that we were neere to some Christians and did therefore hope shortly to finde some succour and comfort and within the space of one houre after as we trauelled we heard a cocke crowe which was also no small ioy vnto vs and so we came to the North side of the riuer of Panuco where the Spaniards haue certaine Salines at which place it was that the haquebuze was shot off which before we heard to which place we went not directly but missing thereof we left it about a bow-shot vpon our left hand of this riuer wee dranke very greedily for wee had not met with any water in sixe dayes before and as we were here by the riuer side resting our selues and longing to come to the place where the cocke did crowe and where the harquebuze was shot off we perceiued many Spaniards vpon the other side of the riuer riding vp and downe on horsebacke and they perceiuing vs did suppose that we had beene of the Indians their bordering enemies the Chichimeci the riuer was not past halfe a bowe shoot ouer and presently one of the Spaniards tooke an Indian boate called a Canoa and so came ouer being rowed by two Indians and hauing taken the view of vs did presently rowe ouer backe againe to the Spaniards who without any delay made out about the number of twenty horsemen and imbarking themselues in the Canoas they led their horses by the reines swimming ouer after them and being come ouer to that side of the riuer where we were they sadled their horses and being mounted vpon â—hem with their lances charged they came very fiercely running at vs. Our captaine Anthony Godard seeing them
therefore I had alwayes a longing and desire to this my natiue countrey and to returne and serue againe in the Mines where I might haue gathered great riches and wealth I very well saw that at one time or another I should fall againe into the danger of that diuelish Inquisition and so be stript of all with losse of life also and therefore I made my choise rather to learne to weaue Grogranes and Taffaties and so compounding with a Silke-weauer I bound my selfe for three yeeres to serue him and gaue him an hundred and fiftie Pezos to teach me the science otherwise he would not haue taught mee vnder seuen yeeres prentiship and by this meanes I liued the more quiet and free from suspition Howbeit I should many times be charged by familiars of that diuelish house that I had a meaning to runne away into England and to be an heretike Lutherane againe To whom I would answere that they had no neede to suspect any such thing in mee for that they knewe all very well that it was impossible for me to escape by any maner of meanes yet notwithstanding I was called before the Inquisitor and demaunded why I did not marrie I answered that I had bound my selfe at an occupation Well said the Inquisitor I knowe thou meanest to runne away and therefore I charge thee here vpon paine of burning as an heretike relapsed that thou depart not out of this citie nor come neere to the port of S. Iohn de Vllua nor to any other port To the which I answered that I would willingly obey Yea said he see thou doe so and thy fellowes also they shall haue the like charge So I remained at my science the full time and learned the Art at the end whereof there came newes to Mexico that there were certaine Englishmen landed with a great power at the port of Acapulco vpon the South sea and that they were comming to Mexico to take the spoyle therof which wrought a maruellous great feare amongst them many of those that were rich began to shift for themselues their wiues children vpon which hurlie burlie the Uiceroy caused a generall muster to be made of all the Spaniards in Mexico and there were found to be the number of 7000 and odde housholders of Spaniards in the citie and suburbs and of singlemen vnmaried the number of 3000 and of Mestizoes which are counted to be the sonnes of Spaniards borne of Indian women twenty thousand persons and then was Paul Horsewel I Miles Philips sent for before the Uiceroy and were examined if we did know an English man named Francis Drake which was brother to Captaine Hawkins to which we answered that Captainee Hawkins had not any brother but one which was a man of the age of threescore yeeres or thereabouts and was now gouernour of Plimmouth in England And then he demanded of vs if we knewe one Francis Drake and we answered no. While these things were in doing there came newes that all the Englishmen were gone yet were there eight hundred men made out vnder the leading of seueral Captains wherof two hundred were sent to the port of S. Iohn de Vllua vpon the North Sea vnder the conduct of Don Luys Suares two hundred were sent to Guatimala in the South sea who had for their captaine Iohn Cortes two hundred more were sent to Guatulco a port of the South sea ouer whom went for captaine Don Pedro de Robles and two hundred more were sent to Acapulco the port where it was said that Captaine Drake had bene And they had for Captaine doctor Robles Alcalde de Corte with whom I Miles Philips went as interpreter hauing licence giuen by the Inquisitors When we were come to Acapulco we found that Captaine Drake was departed from thence more then a moneth before we came thither But yet our captaine Alcalde de Corte there presently embarked himselfe in a small ship of threescore tunne or thereabout hauing also in companie with him two other small barkes and not past two hundred men in all with whom I went as interpreter in his owne ship which God knoweth was but weake and ill appointed so that for certaine if we had met with Captaine Drake he might easily haue taken vs all We being imbarked kept our course and ranne Southward towards Panama keeping still as nigh the shore as we could and leauing the land vpon our left hand and hauing coasted thus for the space of eighteene or twentie dayes and being more to the South then Guatimala we met at last with other ships which came from Panama of whom we were certainely informed that he was cleane gone off the coast more then a moneth before and so we returned backe to Acapulco againe and there landed our Captaine being thereunto forced because his men were very sore sea-sicke All the while that I was at Sea with them I was a glad man for I hoped that if we met with master Drake we should all be taken so that then I should haue beene freed out of that danger and miserie wherein I liued and should returne to mine owne countrey of England againe But missing thereof when I sawe there was no remedie but that we must needes come on land againe little doeth any man know the sorow and griefe that inwardly I felt although outwardly I was constrained to make faire weather of it And so being landed y e next morow after we began our iourney towardes Mexico and past these townes of name in our way as first the towne of Tuatepec 50 leagues from Mexico from thence to Washaca 40 leagues from Mexico from thence to Tepiaca 24 leagues from Mexico and from thence to Pueblo de los Angeles where is a high hill which casteth out fire three times a day which hill is 18 leagues in maner directly West from Mexico from thence we went to Stapelapa 8 leagues from Mexico and there our captaine and most of his men tooke boat and came to Mexico againe hauing bene foorth about the space of seuen weekes or thereabouts Our captaine made report to the Uiceroy what he had done and how farre he had trauelled and that for certaine he was informed that captaine Drake was not to be heard of To which the Uiceroy replied and said Surely we shall haue him shortly come into our hands driuen a land through necessitie in some one place or other for he being now in these seas of Sur it is not possible for him to get out of them againe so that if he perish not at sea yet hunger wil force him to land And then againe I was commanded by the Uiceroy that I should not depart the citie of Mexico but alwaies be at my masters house in a readinesse at an houres warning when soeuer I should be called for that notwithstanding within one moneth after certaine Spaniards going to Mecameca 18 leagues from Mexico to send away certaine hides and Cochinilla that they had there at
certayne shoald whereupon the sea doth alwayes beate I aduise thee that if thou canst not passe on the West side then thou must goe betwixt the sayd little copple that is like a sayle and the shoald for the passage is good But if thou depart from the Serranilla to the Northwest and seest a lowe land with the sea and certaine white sandy bayes and on the West side seest a low land and on the Eastside a little coast lying East and West thou mayest make account it is Cape de Corrientes And if thou goe from Cape de Corrientes for Cape de Santo Antonio thou must goe Westnorthwest and so thou shalt goe with the Cape The marks be a low land full of trees with certaine white sandie bayes and vpon the Cape it selfe thou shalt see two thicke groues of great trees and they be vpon the Cape it selfe To go from the Cape de Sant Antonio for Hauana in the time of the North winds thou shalt goe Northwest vntill thou be cleere of all the shoalds of the Cape and then hale thy bâ—wlines and go as neere the wind as thou canst possibly vntill thou bring thy selfe vnto 24. degrees and there sound and thou shalt find it the Tortugas and thy sounding will be white sand Thou must take heede what is said in the Chapter before for he that writ the same hath seene it and bene witnesse to this that comming from Seranilla and stirring North and by East he had sight of an Island standing in 16. degrees and it is on the shoalds of Cape de Camâ—ron And from thence if thou haue the wind large goe Northeast and by East because of the variation of the compasse and thou shalâ— make thy way Eastnortheast and thou shalâ— fall with Isla de Pinos This I I say because the currents set sometime West and so it fell out to bee true in March. Anno Domini 1582. I tell thee farther that wee came out from this aforesayd Isle stirring North and by East for the wind would not suffer vs to lye neerer the East and one euening at Sunne going downe we fell with a lâ—nd that had the â—ame markes to our iudgement with the Cape de Corrientes and because night was at hand we wrought to double Cape de Sanâ— Anâ—onio stirring West and about midnight we had land all high right aheadâ— the câ—â—st lying Southwest and then we cast and lay Northeast till day And bâ—ing day wee saw the land all ahead and we plied to wind-ward to the East and kept it a larboord till we had brought it Southwest And to be short we went hâ—re on land in the same place that we first fell wâ—th in the euening before and it was an Island called Coçumel lying on the coast of Incatan And this Island was the land which we saw first seeming by the marks to be the Cape de Corrieâ—tes Wee came to an ankeâ— about the middest of the Island rather to the Norther then the Souther part there we found a towne of Indians who gaue vs all things which we needed for our money and wee carried our Astrolabs on sâ—â—re and tooke the height in 19. degrees and one tierre A man may goe betweene this Island and the coast of â—ucaâ—an and the Cape de Cotoche at pleasure Northeast and the water wil set in thy fauour and thou must go till thou be in 24. degrees and so thou shalt haue the sounding of the Tortugas The course to be kept from the Cape de Santo Antonio for Nueua Espanna IF thou goe from the Cape de Santo Antonio for Nueua Espanna and beeing late thou shalt stirre Westnorthwest till thou be in the height of 24. degrees and from thence thou shalt stirre something to the West vntil thou bring thy selfe North and South with the litle Iland called Vermeja and when thou art so thou shalâ— go Southwest by this way thou shalt find Villa Rica which is in 19 degrees a halfe and the signes be these Thou shalt find a ledge of high hils lying Northeast and Southwest But if thou chance to fall with a coast that lieth North and South then thou mayest account that it is about the low ground of Almeria which hath these markes It is a land not very high and it is full of little copples And if thou haue cleare weather thou shalt see within the land certaine high hils which are called the hils of Papalo And I aduise thee that beeing so farre shotte as the poynt called Punta delgada which is the ende of all those hilles of Villa Rica thou mayest stirre thence South and by West and thou shalt goe along the coast and shalt see a lowe land and with this land thou shalt fall going for Saint Paul and being so farre shotte as Saint Paul if thou wilt goe in o the harbour thou must stirre Southwest and this is the course that thou must keepe being shotte into the Bay And thou shalt goe along the coast of the lowe land in sight thereof and keeping this course thou shalt see on the other side a blacke hill and it is called Monte de Carneros Take this for a note that it lyeth ouer the house of Buytron and as thou doest come neerer to the poynt of rockes thou must bee sure to keepe thy lead going and shalt haue foure fathomes and a halfe or fiue fathâ—mâ—s and so thâ—u mayest goe through the middest of the chanell And comming against the castle thou shalt giue it some breadth off towards the Aâ—recise or rocke and hauing doubled the castle thou shalt goe from thence and shalt bring thy selfe to an anker hard by the Herreria which is a cleane Bay and thou shalâ— ride against the hospitall I aduise thee that if thou be benighted when thou are neere to S. Paul and meetest with a Northerly wind after midnight that then thy best way is to bring thy selfe into thy coarses and lye by plying to windward and to seaward in 20. fathomes which depth thou shalt haue neere the shâ—re to the Northward and being day then goe in with the harbour as thou canst best obseruing what is abouesaid And I aduise thee if thou come from Villa Rica and findest thy selfe in 20. degrees and a halfe and seest no land and seest that the water doth alter thou shalt sound 60. fathomes water and if in this depth thou hast oaze make account thou art East and West with the riuer of Almeria This course is from the Cape of Santo Antonio to Nueua Espanna without or aseaboord the Alacranes or Scorpions Now followeth how to worke if a man come betwixt the Alacranes and the maine If thou goe from the Cape de Santo Antonio and wouldest goe for Nueua Espanna within the Alacranes thou must sâ—irre West and by South and by this way thou shalt bring thy selfe in 20. fathoms and
then I went on with my nâ—we hired Pilot Martin the Arwacan but the next or second day after wee came aground againe with our Galley and were like to cast hâ—r away with all our victuall and prouision and so lay on the sand one whole night and were farre more in despaire at this time to free herthen before because wee had no tide of flood to helpe vs and therefore feared that all our hopes would haue ended in mishaps but we fastened an ancker vpon the lande and with maine strength drewe her off and so the fifteenth day wee discouered afarre off the mountaines of Guiana to our great ioy and towards the euening had a slent of a Northerly winde that blewe very strong which brought vs in sight of the great Riuer Orenoâ—ue out of which this Riuer discended whâ—râ—in wee were wee descried afarre off three other Canoas as farre as wee could descerne them after whom wee hastened with our barge and wherries but two of them passed out of sight and the thirde entered vp the great Riuer on the right hande to the Westward and there stayed out of sight thinking that wee meant to take the way Eastward towards the prouince of Carapana for that way the Spaniards keepe not daring to goe vpwards to Guiana the people in those parts being all their enemies and those in the Canoas thought vs to haue bâ—ne those Spaniards thaâ— were fled from Trinidad and had escaped killing and when wee came so farre downe as the opening of that branch into which they slipped being neere them with our barge and wherries wee made after them and ere they coulde land came within call and by our interpreter tolde them what wee were wherewith they came backe willingly abord vs and of such fish and Tortugas egges as they had gathered they gaue vs and promised in the morning to bring the Lord of that part with them and to do vs all other seruices they could That night we came to an ancker at the parting of the three goodly Riuers the one was the Riuer of Amana by which we came from the North and ranne athwart towards the South the other two were of Orenoque which crossed from the West and ranne to the Sea towardes the East and landed vpon a faire sand where wee found thousands of Tortugas egges which are very wholesome meate and greatly restoring so as our men were nowe well filled and highly contented both with the fare and neerenesse of the land of Guiana which appeared in sight In the morning there came downe according to promise the Lord of that border called Toparimaca with some thirtie or fourtie followers and brought vs diuers sorts of fruites and of his wine bread fish and flesh whom wee also feasted as wee could at least wee dranke good Spanish wine whereof wee had a small quantitie in bottles which aboue all things they loue I conferred with this Toparimaca of the next way to Guiana who conducted our galley and boates to his owne port and cariâ—d vs from thence some mile and a halfe to his Towne where some of our Captaines karoused of his wine till they were reasonable pleasant for it is very strong with pepper and the iuice of diuers hearbes and fruites digested and purged they keepe it in great earthen pots of tenne or twelue galons very cleane and sweete and are thâ—mselues at their meetings and feastes that greatest karousers and drunkards of the world when wee came to his towne wee found two Casiques whereof one was a stranger that had bene vp the Riuer in trade and his boates pâ—ople and wife incamped at the port where wee anckered and the other was of that countrey a follower of Toparimaca they lay each of them in a cotten Hamaca which wee call brasill beds and two women attending them with siâ—e cuppes and a little ladle to fill them out of an earthen pitcher of wine and so they dranke each of them three of those cups at a time one to the other and in this sort they drinke drunke at thâ—ir feastes and meetings That Casique that was a stranger had his wife staying at the port where wee anckered and in all my life I haue seldome seâ—ne a better fauoured woman Shee was of good stature with blacke eyes fat of body of an excellent countenance her haire almost as long as her selfe tied vp againe in pretie knots and it seemed shee stood not in that awe of her husband as the rest for shee spake and discoursed and dranke among the gentlemen and Captaines and was very pleasant knowing her owne comelinesse and taking great pride therein I haue seene a Lady in England so like to her as but for the difference of colour I would haue sworne might haue bene the same The seat of this Towne of Toparimaca was very pleasant standing on a little hill in an excellent prospect with goodly gardens a mile compasse round aboute it and two very faire and large ponds of excellent fish adioyning This towne is called Arowocai the people are of the nation called Nepoios and are followers of Carapana In that place I sawe very aged people that wee might perceiue all their sinewes and veines without any flesh and but euen as a case couered onely with skinne The Lord of this place gaue me an old man for Pilot who was of great experience and traueile and knew the Riuer most perfectly both by day and night and it shall bee requisite for any man that passeth it to haue such a Pilot for it is foure fiue and siâ—e miles ouer in many places and twentie miles in other places with wonderfull eddies and strong currents many great ylands and diuers sholds and many dangerous rockes and besides vpon any increase of winde so great a bilowe as wee were sometimes in great perill of drowning in the galley for the small boates durst not come from the shoare but when it was very faire The next day we hasted thence and hauing an Easterly winde to helpe vs we spared our armes from rowing for after wee entred Orenoque the Riuer lieth for the most part East and West euen from the Sea vnto Quito in Peru. This Riuer is nauigable with barkes liâ—le lesse then a thousand miles from the place where we entred it may be sailed vp in small pinnesses to many of the best parts of Nueuo reyno de Granada and of Popayan and from no place may the cities of these parts of the Indies be so easily taken and inuaded as from hence All that day wee sailed vp a branch of that Riuer hauing on the left hand a great yland which they call Assapana which may conteine some fiue and twentie miles in length and sixe miles in breadth the great body of the Riuer running on the other side of this yland Beyond that middle branch there is also another yland in the Riuer called Iwana which is twise as bigge as the yle of Wight
and beyond it and betweene it and the maine of Guiana runneth a thirde branch of Orenoque called Arraroopana all three are goodly branches and all nauigable for great ships I iudge the riuer in this place to be at least thirty miles brode reckoning the ylands which deuide the branches in it for afterwards I sought also both the other branches After wâ—e reached to thâ— head of the yland called Assapana a little to the Westward on the right hand there opened a riuer which came from the North called Europa and fel into the great Riuer and beyond it on the same side wee anckered for that night by another ylâ—nd sixe mâ—les long and two miles broade which they call Ocaywita From hence in the morning wee landed two Guianians which wee found in the Towne of Toparimaca that came with vs who went to giue notice of our comming to the Lord of that countrey called Putyma a follower of Topiawari chiefe Lord of Aromaia who succeeded Morequito whom as you haue heard 〈◊〉 Berreo put to deaâ—h but his towne being farre within the land he came not vnto vs that day so â—â— we ankered againe that night neere the bankes of another yland of bignesse much like the other which they call Putapayma ouer against which yland on the maine lande was a very high mountaine called Oecope we â—ouered to ancker rather by these ylands in the Riuer then by the maine because of the Tortugas egges which our people found on them in great abundance and also because the ground serued beâ—ter for vs to cast our nets for fish the maine bankes being for the most part stonie and high and the rocks of a blew metalline colour like vnto the best steele-ore which I assuredly take it to be of the same blew stone are also diuers great mountaines which bordâ—r this riuer in many places The next morning towards nine of the clocke wee weighed ancker and the brize increasing we sailed alwayes Wâ—st vp the riuer and after a while opening the land on the right side the countrey appeared to bee champaine and the bankes shâ—wed very perfect red I therâ—fore sent two of the little barges with Captaine Gifford and with him Captaine Thyn Captaine Calfield my cosen Greenuile my nephew Iohn Gilbert Captaine Eynus Master Edward Porter â—nd my cosen Butshead Gorges with some fewe souldiers to march ouâ—r the bankes of that red land and to discouer what mâ—nâ—r of countrey it was on the othâ—r side wâ—o at thâ—iâ— retâ—rne found it all a plaine leuell as farre as they went or could discerne from the â—ighest tree they câ—uld get vpon And my old Pilot a man of great trauell brother to the Casique I oparimica tolde mee that those were called the plaines of the Sayma and that the same leuell reachâ—d to Cumaná and Caracas in the West Indies which are a hundreth and twentie leagues to the Nortâ— and that there inhaâ—ited foure principall nations The first were the Sayma â—he next Asâ—awai tâ—e thirde and greatest the Wikiri by whom Pedro Hernandez de Serpa â—eâ—ore mentioned was ouerthrowen as hee passed with three hundred horse from Cumaná towâ—â—ds Orenoque in his enterprize of Guiana the fourth are called Aroras and are as blâ—cke as Negros but haue smooth haire and these are very vallant or rather desperate people and hauâ— the most strong poâ—son on their arrowes and most dangerous of all nations of wâ—ich poyson I will speake somewhat being a digression not vnnecessary There was nothing whereof I was more curious then tâ— finde â—ut the true remedies of these poysoned arrowâ—s for besides the mortaliâ—ie of the wounâ— thâ—y make the partie shotte indureth the most insufferable torment in the wâ—rld and abideth a most vgly and lamentable death sometimes dying starke mad sometimes â—here bowels â—reakâ—ng out of their â—ellies which are presently discoloured as blacke as pitch and so vnsâ—uâ—ry as no man can endure to cuâ—e or to atteâ—d them And it is more strange to know that in all this time there was neuer Spaniâ—rd eitâ—â—r by gifâ— or torment that could aâ—teinâ— to the tâ—ue knowledâ—e of the cure although they haue martyred and put to inuented torture I knâ—w not how many of â—hem But euery one of these Indians know iâ— not no not one among thouâ—ands but their â—oothsayers and priestes who doe conceale it and onely teach it but from the father to the sonne Those medicines which are vulgar and serue for the ordinarie poyson are made of the iuice of a roote called Tupara the same also quencheth marueilâ—usly the heate of burning feauers and healeth inward wounds and brokâ—n veines that bleed within the body But I was mâ—re beholding to the Guiâ—nians then aâ—y other for Anthonio de Berreo tolde mee that hee could neuer attaine to the knowledge thereof and yâ—t they taught mee the best way of healing as well thereof as of all other poysons Some of the Spaniards haue bene cured in ordinary wounds of the common poysoned arrowes with the iuice of garlike but this is a generall rule for all men that shall hereafter trauel the Indies where poisoned arrowes are vsed that they must abstaine from drinke for if they take any licour into their body as they shall bee marueilously prouoked thereunto by drought I say if they drinke before the wound bee dressed or soone vpon it there is no way with them but present death And so I will returne againe to our iourney which for this thirde day we finished and cast ancker againe neere the continent or the left hand betweene two mountaines the one called Aroami and the other Aio I made no stay here but till midnight for I feared hourely least any raine should fall and then it had bene impossible to haue gone any further vp notwithstanding that there is euery day a very strong brize and Easterly winde I deferred the search of the countrey on Guiana-siâ—e till my returne downe the riuer The next day we sailed by a great yland in the middle of the riuer called Manoripano and as wee walked a while on the yland while the Galley got a head of vs there came for vs from the maine a small Canoa with seuen or eight Guianians to inuite vs to ancker at their port but I deferred till my returne It was that Casique to whom those Nepoios went which came with vs from the towne of â—oparimaca and so the fift day we reached as high vp as the prouince of Aromaia the countrey of Morequito whom Berreo executed and ankered to the West of an yland called Murrecotima tenne miles long and fiue broad and that night the Casique Aramâ—ary to whose towne we made our long and hungry voyage out of the riuer of Amana passed by vs. The next day wee arriued at the port of Morequito and anckered there sending away one of our Pilots to seeke the king of Aromaia vncle to Morequito slaine by Berreo as aforesaid The
is as rich as the earth yeeldeth any of which I know there is sufficient if nothing else were to bee hoped for But besides that we were not able to tarrie and search the hils so we had neither pioners barres sledges nor wedges of yron to breake the ground without which there is no working in mines but wee saw all the hilles with stones of the colour of gold and siluer and we tried them to be no Marquesite and therefore such as the Spaniards call El madre del oro or The mother of gold which is an vnâ—oubted assurance of the generall abundance and my selfe saw the outside of many mines of the Sparre which I know to be the same that all coueâ— in this world and of those more then I will speake of Hauing learned what I could in Canuri and Aromaia and receiued a faithfull promise of the principallest of those prouinces to become seruants to her Maiestie and to resist the Spaniards if they made any attempt in our absence and that they would draw in the nations about the lake of Cassipa and those Iwarawaqueri I then parted from olde Topiawari and receiued his sonne for a pledge betweene vs and left with him two of ours as aforesayd To Francis Sparrowe I gaue instructions to trauell to Marcureguarai with such merchandizes as I left with them thereby to learne the place and if it were possible to goe on to the great citie of Manoa which being done we weyed ankor and coasted the riuer on Guiana side because wee came vpon the North side by the launes of the Saima and Wikiri There came with vs from Aromaia a Cassique called Putijma that commanded the prouince of Warapana which Putijma slewe the nine Spaniards vpon Caroli before spoken of who desired vs to rest in the Porte of his countrey promising to bring vs vnto a mountaine adioyning to his towne that had stones of the colour of golde which hee perfourmed And after wee had rested there one night I went my selfe in the morning with most of the Gentlemen of my company ouer land towards the said mountaine marching by a riuers side called Mana leauing on the right hand a towne called Tuteritona standing in the Prouince of Tarracoa of the which Wariaaremagoto is principall Beyond it lieth another towne towards the South in the valley of Amariocapana which beareth the name of the sayd valley whose plaines stretch themselues some sixtie miles in length East and West as faire ground and as beautifull fields as any man hath euer seene with diuers copsies scattered here and there by the riuers side and all as full of deere as any forrest or parke in England and in euerâ—e lake and riuer the like abundance of fish and foule of which Irraparragota is lord From the riuer of Mana we crost another riuer in the said beautiful valley called Oiana resâ—ed our selues by a cleere lake which lay in the middle of the said Oiana and one of our guides kindling vs fire with two stickes wee stayed a while to drie our shirts which with the heate hong very wette and heauie on our sholders Afterwards wee sought the ford to passe ouer towards the mountaine called Iconuri where Putijma a foretold vs of the mine In this lake we saw one of the great fishes as big as a wine pipe which they call Manati being most excellent and holsome meate But after I perceiued that to passe the said riuer would require halfe a dayes march more I was not able my selfe to indure it and therefore I sent Captaine Keymis with sixe shot to goe on and gaue him order not to returne to the port of Putijma which is called Chiparepare but to take leisure and to march downe the sayd valley as farre as a riuer called Cumaca where I promised to meete him againe Putijma himselfe promising also to bee his guide and as they marched they left the townes of Emparepana and Capurepana on the right hand and marched from Putijmas house downe the sayd valley of Amariocapana and wee returning the same day to the riuers side saw by the way many rockes like vnto gold ore and on the left hand a round mountaine which consisted of minerall stone From hence we rowed downe the streame coasting the prouince of Parino As for the branches of riuers which I ouerpasse in this discourse those shall be better expressed in the description with the mountaines of Aio Ara and the rest which are situate in the prouinces of Parino and Carricurrina When we were come as farre down as the land called Ariacoa where Orenoque diuideth it selfe into three great branches each of them being most goddly riuers I sent away captaine Henrie Thin and captaine Greeneuile with the galley the neerest way and tooke with mee captaine Gifford captaine Calfield Edward Porter and captaine Eynos with mine owne barge and the two wherries and went downe that branch of Orenoque which is called Cararoopana which leadeth towards Emeria the prouince of Carapana and towards the East sea as well to finde out captaine Keymis whome I had sent ouer land as also acquaint my selfe with Carapana who is one of the greatest of all the lords of the Orenoqueponi and when I came to the riuer of Cumaca to which Putijma promised to conduct captaine Keymis I left captaine Eynos and master Porter in the sayd riuer to expect his comming the rest of vs rowed downe the streame towards Emeria In this branch called Cararoopana were also many goodly Islands some of sixe miles long some of ten and some of twenty When it grew towards sunne-set we entred a branch of a riuer that fell into Orenoque called Winicapora where I was enformed of the mountaine of Christall to which in trueth for the length of the way and the euill season of the yeere I was not able to march nor abide any longer vpon the iourney wee saw it afarre off and it appeared like a white Curch-tower of an exceeding height There falleth ouer it a mighty riuer which toucheth no part of the side of the mountaine but rusheth ouer the toppe of it and falleth to the ground with so terrible a noyse and clamor as if a thousand great bels were knockt one against another I thinke there is not in the world so strange an ouer-fall nor so wonderfull to behold Berreo told mee that there were Diamonds and other precious stones on it and that they shined very farre off but what it hath I know not neither durst he or any of his men ascend to the top of the sayd mountaine those people adioyning being his enemies as they were and the way to it so impassable Upon this riuer of Winicapora wee rested a while and from thence marched into the countrey to a town called after the name of the riuer whereof the captaine was one Timitwara who also offered to conduce mee to the top of the sayd mountaine called Wacarima
for this containeth fortie leagues in length From this you must enter by the mouth of the riuer of Palmas vnto Santo Spirito the way is fiftie leagues you are to passe still along the cliffes As you enter on the left hand which is on the West shore vp this riuer there are many Isles lakes and small riuers and many Indians which are your enemies From Santo Spirito vnto a people which are called Los Tenbuis is fifteene leagues This is by the narrow arme whereby they passe into the riuer Parana it is the more because it is the longer way From the Tenbuis by this narrow arme vpward vnto the Quiloacas which is another nation are twentie leagues and all vp this riuer is great store of people From the Quiloacas to a place where the Spaniards now haue builded a towne are fifteene leagues From this towne vnto the people called Los Mequaretas is twentie leagues Here are many sholds which continue thirtie leagues All these thirtie leagues are sunken landes where are many Isles flats and nations which are our enemies From the Mâ—quaretas vnto the people called Mepenes are these thirtie leagues And from hence begin the coasts of the â—irme land vnto the mouth of the riuer Paraguai sauing that there are eight leagues more of sunken ground From the Mepenes vnto the mouth of the riuer of Paraguai are thirtie leagues it is a riuer that cannot be mistaken although it hath many armes and Iâ—lands and dangers it hath a marke two leagues beneath the mouth on the East side to witâ— an high land where are 7 points which we call the 7 currents and immediatly aboue these curâ—ents there is an Island as you passe vp the riuer ouer against the poynt aforâ—said standeth the mouth of Paraguai This mouth is very plaine to be found in seeking whereof a man cannot be deceiued From this mouth the riuer of Parana is diuided which is a very great riuer and it goeth vnto the towne of Piquiri which is an hundred and seuentie leagues and it runneth all this space North and South and in the way are many flats and shealds and great store of people which are a bad nation although they bee diuided From the place where these two riuers are diuided that is to say â—rom the mouth of Paraguai are sixtie leagues vnto the citie of Assumption This is a good riuer and better to sayle then all the rest of the riuers which are in this countrey And from this towne to Los Xaraes are 200. leagues very well inhabited with people of diuers natiâ—ns which serue the Spanyards THE TWO FAMOVS VOYAGES HAPPILY perfourmed round about the world by Sir Francis Drake and M. Thomas Candish Esquire together with the rest of our English voyages intended for the South Sea the kingdomes of Chili Peru the backe side of Nueua Espanna the Malucos the Philippinas the mightie Empire of China though not so happily perfourmed as the two former Whereunto are annexed certaine rare obseruations touching the present state of China and the kingdome of Coray lately inuaded by Quabacondono the last Monarch of the 66. princedomes of Iapan The famous voyage of Sir Francis Drake into the South sea and therehence about the whole Globe of the earth begun in the yeere of our Lord 1577. THe 15. day of Nouember in the yeere of our Lord 1577. M. Francis Drake with a fleete of fiue ships and barkes and to the number of 164. men gentlemen and sailers departed from Plimmouth giuing out his pretended voyage for Alexandria but the wind falling contrary hee was forced the next morning to put into Falmouth hauen in Cornewall where such and so terrible a tempest tooke vs as few men haue seene the like and was in deed so vehement that all our ships were like to haue gone to wracke but it pleased God to preserue vs from that extremitie and to afflict vs onely for that present with these two particulars The mast of our Admirall which was the Pellican was cut ouer boord for the safegard of the ship and the Marigold was driuen ashore and somewhat bruised for the repairing of which damages wee returned againe to Plimmouth and hauing recouered those harmes and brought the ships againe to good state we set forth the second time from Plimmouth and set saile the 13. day of December following The 25. day of the same moneth we fell with the Cape Cantin vpon the coast of Barbarie and coasting along the 27. day we found an Island called Mogador lying one mile distant from the maine betweene which I stand and the maine we found a very good and safe harbour for our ships to ride in as also very good entrance and voyde of any danger On this Island our Generall erected a pinnesse whereof he brought out of England with him foure already framed While these things were in doing there came to the waters side some of the inhabitants of the countrey shewing foorth their flags of truce which being seene of our Generall hee sent his ships boate to the shore to know what they would they being willing to come aboord our men left there one man of our company for a pledge and brought two of theirs aboord our ship which by signes shewed our General that the next day they would bring some prouision as sheepe capons and hennes and such like whereupon our Generall bestowed amongst them some linnen cloth and shooes and a iaueling which they very ioyfully receiued and departed for that time The next morning they failed not to come againe to the waters side and our Generall againe setting out our boate one of our men leaping ouer rashly ashore and offering friendly to imbrace them they set violent hands on him offering a dagger to his throte if hee had made any resistance and so laying him on a horse caried him away so that a man cannot be too circumspect and warie of himselfe among such miscreants Our pinnesse being finished wee departed from this place the 30. and last day of December and coasting along the shore wee did descrie not contrary to our expectation certaine Canters which were Spanish fishermen to whom we gaue chase and tooke three of them and proceeding further we met with 3. Carauels and tooke them also The 17. day of Ianuary we arriued at Cape Blanco where we found a ship riding at anchor within the Cape and but two simple Mariners in her which ship we tooke and caried her further into the harbour where we remained 4. dayes and in that space our General mustered and trayned his men on land in warlike maner to make them fit for all occasions In this place we tooke of the Fishermen such necessaries as wee wanted and they could yeeld vs and leauing heere one of our litle barkes called the Benedict wee tooke with vs one of theirs which they called Canters being of the burden of 40. tunnes or thereabouts All these things being finished
and the city is very copious of victuals which comme out of Armenia downe the riuer of Tygris on certaine Zattares or Raffes made of blowen hides or skinnes called Vtrij This riuer Tygris doeth wash the walles of the city These Raffes are bound fast together and then they lay boards on the aforesayd blowen skinnes and on the boards they lade the commodities and so come they to Babylon where they vnlade them and being vnladen they let out the winde out of the skinnes and lade them on cammels to make another voyage This city of Babylon is situate in the kingdome of Persia but now gouerned by the Turks On the other side of the riuer towards Arabia ouer against the city there is a faire place or towne and in it a faire Bazarro for marchaÌ„ts with very many lodgings where the greatest part of the marchants strangers wich come to Babylon do lie with their marchandize The passing ouer Tygris from Babylon to this Borough is by a long bridge made of boates chained together with great chaines prouided that when the riuer waxeth great with the abundance of raine that falleth then they open the bridge in the middle where the one halfe of the bridge falleth to the walles of Babylon and the other to the brinks of this Borough on the other side of the riuer and as long as the bridge is open they passe the riuer in small boats with great danger because of the smalnesse of the boats and the ouerlading of them that with the fiercenesse of the streame they be ouerthrowen or els the streame doth cary them away so that by this meanes many people are lost and drowned this thing by proofe I haue many times seene Of the tower of Babylon THe Tower of Nimrod or Babel is situate on that side of Tygris that Arabia is and in a very great plaine distant from Babylon seuen or eight miles which tower is ruinated on euery side and with the falling of it there is made a great mountaine so that it hath no forme at all yet there is a great part of it standing which is compassed and almost couered with the aforesayd fallings this Tower was builded and made of foure square Brickes which Brickes were made of earth and dried in the Sunne in maner and forme following first they layed a lay of Brickes then a Mat made of Canes square as the Brickes and in stead of lime they daubed it with earth these Mats of Canes are at this time so strong that it is a thing wonderfull to beholde being of such great antiquity I haue gone round about it and haue not found any place where there hath bene any doore or entrance it may be in my iudgement in circuit about a mile and rather lesse then more This Tower in effect is contrary to all other things which are seene afar off for they seeme small the more nere a man commeth to them the bigger they be but this tower afar off seemeth a very great thing and the nerer you come to it the lesser My iudgement reason of this is that because the Tower is set in a very great plaine and hath nothing more about to make any shew sauing the ruines of it which it hath made round about and for this respect descrying it a farre off that piece of the Tower which yet standeth with the mountaine that is made of the substance that hath fallen from it maketh a greater shew then you shall finde comming neere to it Babylon and Basora FRom Babylon I departed for Basora shipping my selfe in one of the barks that vse to go in the riuer Tâ—gris from Babylon to Basora and from Basora to Babylon which barks are made after the maner of Fusts or Galliots with a Speron and a couered poope they haue no pumpe in them because of the great abundance of pitch which they haue to pitch them with all which pitch they haue in abundance two dayes iourney from Babylon Nere vnto the riuer Euphrates there is a city called Heit nere vnto which city there is a great plaine full of pitch very maruellous to beholde and a thing almost incredible that out of a hole in the earth which continually throweth out pitch into the aire with continuall smoake this pitch is throwen with such force that being hot it falleth like as it were sprinckled ouer all the plaine in such abundance that the plaine is alwayes full of pitch the Mores and the Arabians of that place say that that hole is the mouth of hell and in trueth it is a thing very notable to be marked and by this pitch the whole people haue great benefit to pitch their barks which barks they call Daneck and Saffin When the riuer of Tygris is well replenished with water you may passe from Babylon to Basora in eight or nine dayes and sometimes more and sometimes lesse we were halfe so much more which is 14 or 15 daies because the waters were low they may saile day night and there are some places in this way where you pay so many medins on â—aile if the waters be lowe it is 18 dayes iourney Basora BAsora is a city of the Arabians which of olde time was gouerned by those Arabians called Zizarij but now it is gouerned by the great Turke where he keepeth an army to his great charges The Arabians called Zizarij haue the possession of a great countrey and cannot be ouercome of the Turke because that the sea hath diuided their countrey into an Iland by channels with the ebbing and flowing of the sea and for that cause the Turke cannot bring an army against them neither by sea nor by land and another reason is the inhabitants of that Iland are very strong and warlike men A dayes iourney before you come to Basora you shall haue a little castle or fort which is set on that point of the land where the riuers of Euphrates and Tygris meet together and the castle is called Corna at this point the two riuers make a monstrous great riuer that runneth into the sea which is called the gulfe of Persia which is towards the South Basora is distant from the sea fifteene miles and it is a city of great trade of spices and drugges which come from Ormus Also there is great store of corne Rice and Dates which the countrey doth yeeld I shipped my selfe in Basora to go for Ormus and so we sailed thorow the Persian sea sir hundred miles which is the distance from Basora to Ormus and we sailed in small ships made of boards bound together with small cords or ropes and in stead of calking they lay betweene euery board certaine straw which they haue and so they sowe board and board together with the straw betweene wherethorow there commeth much water and they are very dangerous Departing from Basora we passed 200 miles with the sea on our right hand along the gulfe vntil at length we arriued at an
Iland called Carichij fro wheÌ„ce we sailed to Ormus in sight of the Persian shore on the left side and on the right side towards Arabia we discouered infinite Ilands Ormus ORmus is an Iland in circuit fiue and twenty or thirty miles and it is the barrenest and most drie Iland in all the world because that in it there is nothing to be had but salt water and wood all other things necessary for mans life are brought out of Persia twelue miles off and out of other Ilands neere thereunto adioyning in such abundance and quantity that the city is alwayes replenished with all maner of store there is standing neere vnto the waters side a very faire castell in the which the captaine of the king of Portugall is alwayes resident with a good band of Portugalles and before this castell is a very faire prospect in the city dwell the maried men souldiers and marchants of euery nation amongst whom there are Moores and Gentiles In this city there is very great trade for all sorts of spices drugges silke cloth of silke brocardo and diuers other sorts of marchandise come out of Persia and amongst all other trades of merchandise the trade of Horses is very great there which they carry from thence into the Indies This Iland hath a Moore king of the race of the Persians who is created and made king by the Captaine of the castle in the name of the king of Portugall At the creation of this king I was there and saw the ceremonies that they vse in it which are as followeth The olde King being dead the Captaine of the Portugals chuseth another of the blood royall and maketh this election in the castle with great ceremonies and when hee is elected the Captaine sweareth him to be true and faithfull to the King of Portugall as his Lord and Gouernour and then he giueth him the Scepter regall After this with great feasting pompe and with great company he is brought into the royall palace in the city This King keepeth a good traine and hath sufficient reuenues to maintaine himselfe without troubling of any because the Captaine of the castle doeth mainteine and defend his right and when that the Captaine and he ride together he is honoured as a king yet he cannot ride abroad with his traine without the consent of the Captaine first had it behooueth them to doe this and it is necessary because of the great trade that is in the city their proper language is the Persian tongue There I shipped my selfe to goe for Goa a city in the Indies in a shippe that had fourescore horses in her This is to aduertise those Marchants that go from Ormus to Goa to shippe themselues in those shippes that carry horses because euery shippe that carrieth twenty horses or vpwards is priuileged that all the marchandise whatsoeuer they carry shall pay no custome whereas the shippes that carry no horses are bound to pay right per cento of all the goods they bring Goa Diu and Cambaia GOa is the principall city that the Portugals haue in the Indies where is resident the Uiceroy with his Court and ministers of the King of Portugall From Ormus to Goa is nine hundred foure score and ten miles distance in which passage the first city that you come to in the Indies is called Diu and is situate in a little Iland in the kingdome of Cambaia which is the greatest strength that the Portugals haue in all the Indies yet a small city but of great trade because there they lade very many great ships for the straights of Mecca and Ormus with marchandise and these shippes belong to the Moores and Christians but the Moores can not trade neither saile into those seas without the licence of the Uiceroy of the king of Portugall otherwise they are taken and made good prises The marchandise that they lade these ships withall commeth froÌ„ Cambaietta a port in the kingdome of Cambaia which they bring from thence in small barks because there can no great shippes come thither by reason of the sholdnâ—sse of the water thereabouts and these sholds are an hundred or fourescore miles about in a straight or gulfe which they call Macareo which is as much to say as a race of a tide because the waters there run out of that place without measure so that there is no place like to it vnlesse it be in the kingdome of Pegu where there is another Macareo where the waters run out with moreforce then these doe The principall city in Cambaia is called Amadauar it is a dayes iourney and an halfe from Cambaietta it is a very great city and very populous and for a city of the Gentiles it is very well made and builded with faire houses and large streets with a faire place in it with many shippes and in shew like to Cairo but not so great also Cambaietta is situate on the seas side and is a very faire city The time that I was there the city was in great calamity scarsenesse so that I haue seene the men of the countrey that were Gentiles take their children their sonnes and their daughters and haue desired the Portugals to buy them and I haue seene them solde for eight or ten larines a piece which may be of our money x.s. or xiii s. iiii d. For all this if I had not seene it I could not haue beleeued that there should be such a trade at Cambaietta as there is For in the time of euery new Moone and euery full Moone the small barks innumerable come in and out for at those times of the Moone the tides and waters are higher then at other times they be These barkes be laden with all sorts of spices with silke of China with Sandols with Elephants teeth Ueluets of Vercini great quantity of Pannina which commeth from Mecca Chickinos which be pieces of golde woorth seuen shillings a piece sterling with money and with diuers sorts of other marchandize Also these barks lade out as it were an infinite quantity of cloth made of Bumbast of all sorts as white stamped and painted with great quantity of Indico dried ginger conserued Myrabolans drie and condiâ—e Boraso in paste great store of sugar great quantity of Cotton abundance of Opium Assa Feâ—ida Puchio with many other sorts of drugges turbants made in Dui great stones like to Corneolaes Granats Agats Diaspry Calcidonij Hematists and some kinde of naturall Diamonds There is in the city of Cambaietta an order but no man is bound to keepe it but they that will but all the Portugall marchants keepe it the which is this There are in this city certaine Brokers which are Gentiles and of great authority and haue euery one of them fifteene or twenty seruants and the Marchants that vse that countrey haue their Brokers with which they be serued and they that haue not bene there are informed by their friends of the order and