discerne but so it was that his enemies making use for their owne ends of the Kings credulous suspition prevailed so farre that they perswaded the King to resolve to make him away and seeing it could not bee done by open force in any sort it could bee done whereof when they had advised of all the meanes they could this they found to bee the most expedient way that hee should bee sent for to Court by faire promises and being come the King should enter into termes of quarrelling And thereupon they that were appointed for the purpose should dispatch him So they caused a certain Courtier of their faction but such an one as was free from all suspition of bearing enmity to the Earle to addresse himselfe to a Gentleman who was Douglasses friend and to shew him how Creighton was retired to his owne house and that in his absence it were fit the Earle should take that good occasion to come and see the King with whom hee might bee assured to finde favour if hee would crave it humbly and this hee told as a great secret not to bee revealed but to his Lord and dealt earnestly with him to follow this advice The Gentleman beleeving went and dealt very earnestly with his Lord but hee suspecting Creightons craft and having the murther of his Cousins before his eyes flatly refused to goe thither where he had so many enemies so potent and of so great credit and some of which had not long agoe lien in wait for his life unlesse hee saw assurance of his life and liberty Hereupon he was directly sent for to come to Court with promise of all freedome and with assurance under the broad Seal and to remove all feare doubt that he could conceive the Noblemen that were present at Court were moved to send a warrant to him subscribed with all their hands and sealed with all their seals with the greatest oathes and protestations interposed therein that could be and not onely so but every man wrote his owne particular letter apart assuring him of the Kings good will and further promising him that if it should so fall out that the King would be so disposed as to breake his faith and promise and to interprise any thing against his person life lands or liberty they should send him home safe neverthelesse What could hee seeke more at their hands Or what could hee devise more And who would have doubted after such assurances Yet that hee might not onely repose upon his enemies credit all his safety hee accompanieth himselfe for his honour and suretie with as many as might secure him and keepe him free from being in danger of any private mans forces So relying for the Kings part upon his safe Conduct and the Nobilities credit interposed therewith hee cometh to Stirling where the King was well attended and followed by his friends â—…nd servants but in a peaceable manner being come into the Kings presence after some sort of admonition to lead a more peaceable and orderly life hee seemed to pardon him what ever was past and kindely invited him to supper in the Castle After they had supped cheerfully and merrily together the King taketh him aside and leadeth him into an inner roome where there was none present besides them two and Patrick Gray of whom wee spake before how of his friend and Cousin hee was become his enemy for the execution of the Tutour of Bombee There the King beginning his speech from the valour and loyall fidelity of his Predecessours came shortly to his owne indulgencie towards the whole Familie and towards himselfe in particular Then sharpely upbraiding him how oft hee had pardoned him and what insolencies hee had committed Douglas answered submissively and craved pardon for what hee had offended against himself in any sort saying his intention was not against him but against his enemies That as for others that would complaine hee was ready to satisfie them according to justice and at the Kings owne pleasure There rests yet one thing saith the King the League betwixt you and the Earle of Crawford and Rosse I will have you presently to quite it At that word the Earle was somewhat astonished at the first yet gathering his spirits again hee answered that for him hee knew nothing wherein that League could bee offensive to his Majesty seeing that all duetie to him was especially reserved The King replyed I will have you presently to breake the same Douglas answered that if hee would have him to doe so hee would bee pleased to give him leave to advertise the said Noblemen and then hee would doe it otherwise hee would bee accounted a faith breaker if having entered into friendship with them hee should forsake them not giving a reason why And therefore besought him to have patience The King replied in an angry manner speaking aloud If you will not breake it I will And with those words hee stabbed him in the breast with a dagger At the same instant Patrick Gray struck him on the head with a Pole-axe The rest that were attending at the doore hearing the noise entered and fell also upon him and to shew their affection to the King gave him every man his blow after hee was dead Thus died he by the hand of the King but by the practices of his enemies they being the choise movers and the king yeelding to their motions as if it had been his quarrell for so they made it seeme to him whereas indeed it was but their owne particular or if his it was but thus farre his that he tooke it on him as his espoused theirs as his owne and imbarked himselfe therein A common practice of Courtiers who have Princes eares what ever is contrary to their will is all against the King is all presumption is all high treason whereas indeed they are oft times themselves his greatest enemies what ever shew of service and affection they make and they whom they call his enemies farre more heartily affected to him They make the King alwayes wed their quarrells beare their errours and the whole hatred and envie of their enemies and oft times drawes him into great absurdities besides and contrary his owne naturall disposition to his great disgrace or diminishing his grace in the eyes of his Subjects not without great perill of his life and estate Happy the Prince that can rightly take up and rightly discerne the quarrells which are indeed his owne from those which others would have him thinke to bee his owne and so understandeth the disposition of his Subjects that hee account not all that is against his Courtiers is against him or all that is done by his Courtiers is done for him These Courtiers had gained this point of the King and by that mean had brought him to doe that hard fact against this man as his owne enemy as one aspiring to his Crowne where indeed never any such thing appeared to have been intended by him or aimed at but onely revenge against his
Which if thou doest impart and communicate it for so thou shouldest do and so is truth brought to light which else would lye hid and buried My paines and travel in it have been greater then every one would think in correcting my errours thine will not bee so much And both of us may furnish matter for a third man to finde out the truth more exactly than either of us hath yet done Help therefore but carp not Concerning the manner form this is partly the cause why I have used this which I do here follow that all things being laid open exposed to thy view thou mayest have to choose on or to finde somewhat of thine own where I could not resolve a doubt thou mayest see it and have some mean perhaps to solve it better I have also in many places interposed my judgement of mens actions I think it the life of History without which it were little better than an old wifes tale It is true it were not so needfull if all men were alike judicious but seeing they are not so it is absolutely necessary that so those who read carelesly and sleepingly may bee awaked who minde onely pleasure may have profit thrust upon them that the dull may be quickned and the judicious have his judgement sharpened and a finer edge put upon it by this whet-stone I know there are that think otherwise and that all should be left to the collection and discretion of the Reader But this is my opinion and I know no Writer of note or account but interposeth his censure of things What name you give this piece I am very indifferent Call it History Chronicle Comentarie Annals Journal lives or if you please discourses or exercitations it matters not much Let who will for me define divide and dispute of the nature of the bounds and Marches of Airts and writings and of their Lawes this kinde is my lot or choice at this time For the same cause or reason that men may not take any thing upon meer trust I sift the judgment of others and am content that thou likewise canvase mine I do it without partiality or respecting any mans person though otherwise and in other things I reverence them never so much yet I cannot but respect reason more where they bring not that strong enough to satisfie I do not conceale or dissemble it I do not refuse the same measure from others if thou doest not like my reason reject it but let reason be thy rule for it is mine according to my capacity For the Language it is my Mother-tongue that is Scottish and why not to Scottish-men Why should I contemne it I never thought the difference so great as that by seeking to speak English I would hazard the imputation of affectation Every tongue hath the own vertue and grace Some are more substantiall others more ornate and succinct They have also their own defects and faultinesse some are harsh some are effeminate some are rude some affectate and swelling The Romanes spake from their heart The Grecians with their lips only and their ordinary speech was complements especially the Asiatick Greeks did use a loose and blown kinde of phrase And who is there that keeps that golden mean For my own part I like our own he that writes well in it writes well enough to me Yet I have yeelded somewhat to the tyrannie of custome and the times not seeking curiously for words but taking them as they came to hand I acknowledge also my fault if it be a fault that I ever accounted it a mean study and of no great commendation to learn to write or to speak English and have loved better to bestow my pains and time on forreigne Languages esteeming it but a Dialect of our own and that perhaps more corrupt I say the same of the Stile I follow no rules but according to my disposition for the time so it is high or low long or short sweet or sharp as was my humour for that houre As in Poesie so in Prose who can choose Or how many are there that care for these things or can discern The Age is too secure for Writers to be too curious And thus much shall suffice to have spoken of these things and to satisfie I hope the candide Reader As for those who delight to carp we say no more to them but onely this That as they take a libertie to themselves to judge others so there will bee found some that will pay them home in their own coyne Farewell A CATALOGUE OF THE Lives contained in this History PART I. Of the House of DOUGLAS 1. SHolto fol. 1. 2. William father of the Scoti in Italy 5. 3. William the first Lord created at the Parliament of Forfair 10. 4. John the second Lord. 11. 5. William the third Lord. 12. 6. Archbald the fourth Lord. ibid. 7. William maker of the Indenture with the Lord Abernethie ibid. 8. Hugh whom his foes found never sleeping 15. 9. William the Hardic 16. 10. Good Sir James slain in Spain 20. 11. Archbald Lord Galloway slain at Halidoun 53. 12. Hugh the ninth Lord. ibid. 13. William Lord Liddisdale the flower of Chivalry 62. 14. William the first Earle 79. 15. James slain at Otterburne 92. 16. William Lord Nithsdale 108. 17. Grimme Archbald 111. 18. Archbald Tine-man 114. 19. Archbald Earle of Wigton 133. 20. William slain in Edinburgh Castle 144. 21. Grosse James 157. 22. William slain in Stirlin 161. 23. James put into Lindores 194. PART II. Of the House of ANGUS OF the House of Angus before it came to the name of Douglas 205 1. William Earle of Douglas and Angus 207. 2. George his son 208. 3. William 209. 4. James 210. 5. George the second ibid. 6. Archbald called Bell the Cat. 219. Of George Master of Angus and son to Archbald the first 237. 7. Archbald that married the Queen 238. 8. David 277. 9. James Earle Morton Regent 278. 10. Archbald the third called good Earle Archbald ibid. THE PREFACE Of the DOUGLASSES in generall that is Of their 1 Antiquitie to which is joyned their Originall 2 Nobility and descent 3 Greatnesse 4 and Valour of the Familie and Name of DOUGLAS I Think it will not be amisse to place here before the doore as it were and entrie into this discourse and Treatise like a Signe or Ivie-bush before an Inne an old verse which is common in mens mouths So many so good as of the Douglasses have been Of one sirname were ne're in Scotland seen This saying being ancient and generally received will serve to invite the curious and candid Reader and like a charme will fright away malignant spirits and detractors who labour to lessen and extenuate what they cannot deny Neither is this a publick fame only roavingly scattered and soone vanishing but such as hath continued from age to age and which is authorized and confirmed by all Writers and which is most of all true in it selfe as
great scarsity of Writers and learned men able to preserve the memory of things by their pens all being set on war unlesse it were some few cloystred Monks and Friers who were both carelesse and illiterate droans Notwithstanding all this as no destruction is so generall and so far spread but something doth escape the fury of it and though all monuments had been defaced yet some men being preserved what was written in their minds and memories remaining unblotted out they remembred what they had heard from their predecessours and delivered it to posterity from age to age By which means we have as it were some boords or planks preserved out of this shipwrack which may perhaps keep us from being lost in this deepth of Antiquity if it do not bring us safe to land According then to the constant and generall tradition of men thus was their originall During the reigne of Solvathius King of Scotland one Donald Bane that is Donald the white or fair having possest himself of all the western Ilands called Ebudes or Hebrides and intitling himself King thereof aspired to set the crown of Scotland also upon his head For effectuating whereof he gathered a great army wherein he confided so much that he set foot on the nearest continent of Scotland to wit the province of Kintyre and Lorne The Kings Lievetenants Duchal and Culen governours of Athole and Argyle make head against him with such forces as they could assemble on the sudden Donald trusting to the number of his men did bid them battell and so prevailed at first that he made the Kings army to give ground and had now almost gained the day and withall the Kingdome that lay at stake both in his own conceit and the estimation of his enemies In the mean time a certain Noble man disdaining to see so bad a cause have so good successe out of his love to his Prince and desire of honour accompanied with his sons and followers made an onset upon these prevailing rebels with such courage and resolution that he brought them to a stand and then heartning the discouraged fliers both by word and example he turnes the chace and in stead of victory they got a defeat for Donalds men being overthrown and fled he himself was slain This fact was so much the more noted as the danger had been great and the victory unexpected Therefore the King being desirous to know of his Lievetenants the particulars of the fight and inquiring for the Author of so valiant an act the Nobleman being there in person answer was made unto the King in the Irish tongue which was then onely in use Sholto Du glasse that is to say Behold yonder black gray man pointing at him with the finger and designing him by his colour and complexion without more ceremony or addition of titles of honour The King considering his service and merits in preserving his Crowne and delighted with that homely designation rewarded him royally with many great Lands and imposed upon himselfe the name of Douglas which hath continued with his posterity untill this day And from him the Shire and County vvhich he got is called stil Douglasdale the River that vvatereth it Douglas River the Castle which he built therein Douglasse castle This narration besides that it is generally received and continued as a truth delivered from hand to hand is also confirmed by a certain manuscript of great antiquity extant in our dayes in the hands of one Alexander Mackduffe of Tillysaul who dwelt at Moore alehouse near Straboguie There at his dwelling house William Earle of Angus who died at Paris 1616 being confined to the North in the year 1595 did see and peruse it Neither doth this relation crosse or disagree with any thing set down in our Histories for although they do not mention this man nor his fact yet they all speak of this usurper and of his attempt and overthrow in the dayes of Solvathius about the year 767. Hollinshed and Beetius affirm that this Donald was Captain or Governour of the Isle of Tyre Some do call him Bane mack Donalde but Buchanaâ—… calleth him expressely Donaldus Banus an easie errour in so great affinity of name There is another of the same name called likewise Donald Bane who did also usurp the title of the Kingdome and was in like manner defeated in the reigne of King Edgar in the year 1000 but that being 333. years after this and not much lesse after the Emperour Charles Le maigne in whose time they had now propagated and spread themselves in Italy as shall be shewed anone It cannot agree either with this History of our Sholto or with that Donald whom he defeated this last seeming to be rightlier named Mack Donald as descended and come of the former who was Donalde wherefore there is nothing here either fabulous or monstrous nothing incredible or contrary to it self or to reason but all things very harmoniously answering one unto another our tradition with the manuscript and both of these agreeing with our owne and forreign Histories And thus concerning Sholto Douglas the root and originall of the name and family Of Hugh Douglas sonne to Sholto And first of the name of Hugh TO Sholto succeeded his son Hugh of whom we have nothing to write but that he assisted his father at the overthrow of Donald Bane the usurper there being nothing else recorded of him Of his son Hugh the second UNto the former Hugh did succeed his eldest son named also Hugh for he had two sons Hugh and William Hugh the elder lived at home in his native countrey as a Noble man borne to a great inheritance whose actions by the iniquitie of time are buried in silence and therefore we will insist no longer thereon His younger brother William as is the custome of younger brothers went abroad into forraine Countreys to seek adventures of armes if so he might make himselfe a fortune that way Of him therefore we will speake next Of William Douglas father of the honourable familie of the SCOTI in Italy THis William was son to the first Hugh and grandchilde to Sholto younger brother to the second Hugh he it is that was father to the noble familie of the Scoti in Placenza in Italy which fell out thus as it is related by the Italian Historians agreeing with ours Achaius king of Scotland having succeeded to Solvathius did enter into league with Charlemaigne which league hath continued betwixt the Scots and French without breach on either side ever since untill these our dayes whereupon when the Emperour Charles went into Italy to represse the insolencies of Desiderius King of the Lombards committed against the Sea of Rome Achaius as his confederate did send him foure thousand choice men under the conduct of his brother William a pious and valarous young Prince Amongst other of his Captains that went with him this William Douglas was one of the chief and had the leading of the men of armes The Emperour having
of his father saying that he had no service for him nor for any such traitours son as his father was that he had given his lands to better men then himselfe and those that had done him better service then he was able to doe and though they had not been given yet would he never have given them to him So implacable he was and such pride had he conceived with contempt of the deprest estate of this supplicant little remembring the variablenesse of the estate of man and little knowing or considering what weight and 〈◊〉 may be in one man alone in whatsoever condition to 〈◊〉 sometimes and to help even to disappoint and overthrow the 〈◊〉 of the 〈◊〉 Monarchs It came even so to passe in this man who did this Kings sonne and successour such a piece of shrewd service as he had never the like in all his life which had been more shrewd if the 〈◊〉 of his horses and the undutifulnesse of some Scots that received him into their Castle of 〈◊〉 when he fled from Bannockburne had not stood him in better steed then all his huge Hoast and rich Kingdome wherewith he was so puffed up Whereby Princes and great men may learne not to despise the meannesse and most afflicted state of any nor to loose the reins neither to unjust actions or reproachfull words Sir James being thus rebuked what could he do against a King a Monarch a victorious and triumphant King to whom all had yeelded with whom all went right well in his ruffe in his highest pitch in his grandor compassed about with his guards with his armies to controll him he was not able to plead for justice it would avail him nothing to reply could profit him lesse a Prince his victors word is a law nay more then a law for the time There was no contesting no contradicting were his speeches never so unjust he behoved to swallow this pill how bitter soever there was no remedy but patience Nay the Archbishop must be silent also and dares not mutter one word wherefore home he goes with this scorn to expect a better time of replying not in words but deeds and of showing what service he was able to have done to him The occasion of which though it were over long in coming in respect of his desire yet did fall out not very long after for within two or three years 1305. Robert Bruce came into Scotland not yet a King save in courage but having right to be King of the Countrey whom Edward had served in the same kind and who had received the like answer and scorn in a Petition not unlike for both did crave their fathers inheritance Sir James onely a Lordship and the Bruce a whole Kingdome which was but his due and he had done him better service then Sir James He had fought against his own Countrey for him spent the bloud of his friends and his owne in hope of it with great losse to himself and example to others not to do the like But neither duety nor desert nor promise could oversway his ambition and master it so farre as to suffer him to perform what he had promised and not content to have fed this Prince with the food of fools faire hopes and after so much imployment and many notable services to frustrate him he must needs also embitter all with a flouting answer to his demand To such a height of pride had prosperity raised him that no modesty could keep him from loosing the reins to an unbridled tongue which doth never beseem a man much lesse a Prince wherefore as hatred and despight did animate him against Sir James for his fathers refusing to serve him so ambition did work the same affection in him against Robert though he had served him both were refused of their suits both their petitions were rejected the one with spight the other with derision What saith King Edward being urged with his promise of giving the Kingdome of Scotland to Bruce N'avons nous antrâ—… chose a faire que de conquerir des royaumes pour vous speaking in French Have we nothing else to do but to conquer Kingdomes for you Kings Potentates Victors should not be pressed with their promises So they think and so men say lawes are not made for them which they leap over at their pleasure And it might be thought so perhaps if their power were perfect and if there were not a more absolute and over ruling power that is able to range them under reason We shall finde it so even in this particular in the owne time although this were no time for him to reply no more then it had been for Sir James at Stirling But the time being now come in the yeare 1305. as said is But the time being now come though not so fit as he could have wished yet as it was he behoved to use it and make vertue of necessitie And so withdrawing himself secretly out of England he came to Dumfreis and there slew John Cummin his greatest enemy determining from thenceforth to behave and carry himself as King of this Realme And here by the way we may observe Gods providence towards this Kingdome in preserving the liberties thereof who had before stirred up William Wallace like another Sampson to vindicate it out of the hand of the English Now that he is gone he sends home our lawfull Prince and righteous successour to the Crown to fight our battles for us and to perfect the work which the other had begun onely for so much as about this time John Monteeth under colour of friendship had betrayed William Wallace into the hands of the English for money and he being taken and carried to London was by King Edwards command tortured and put to death with great cruelty and his armes and legs and head hung up in the most eminent places and Cities both of England and Scotland Of which fact of Edwards we will say no more but onely set down thesaid Wallaces Epitaph which is perfixed to that book that is written of his exploits in Scots rime The Epitaph is in latine verse but the Authour is incertain and the more is the pity sor he deserves to have been better known Thus it is Invida morstristi Gulielmum funere vallam Quae cuncta collit Sustulit Et tanto pro cive cinis pro finibus urna est Frigusque pro loricâ obit Ille licet terras loca se inferiora reliquit At fata factis supprimens Parte sui meliore solum Coelumque perrerat Hoc spiritu illud gloria At tibi si inscriptum generoso pectus honesto Fuisset hostis proditi Artibus Angle tuis in poenas parcior esses Nec oppidatim spargeres Membra viri sacranda adytis sed scin quid in ista Immanitate viceris Ut vallae in cunctas oras spargantur horas Laudes tuumque dedecus A verse whereof Buchanan needed not to have been ashamed Envious Death who ruines all Hath
1318. in May. The next was in the year following 1319. when King Edward having gathered an army lay before Berwick These two entred England as farre as Milton which is within 12. miles of York where the Archbishop of Yorke and the Bishop of Ely Chancellour made head against them in which conflict there were foure thousand English slain amongst whom was the Major of Yorke and a thousand drowned in the water of Swail and if the night had not come in too soon the battell being joyned in the afternoon few or none of them had escaped as it is thought It is called the battell of Milton or Swail or the white battell because there were a number of Priests slain at it belike they have been apparelled in their surplices Hollinshed in his Chronicle of England relateth the manner how it was done He sayes that as the English men passedover the water of Swale the Scots set fire upon certain stacks of hay the smoke whereof was so huge that the English might not see where the Scots lay And when the English were once gotten over the water the Scots came upon them with a wing in good order of battell in fashion like to a shield eagerly assailing their enemies who were easily beaten down and discomfited Many were drowned by reason that the Scots had gotten betwixt the English and the bridge so that the English fled betwixt that wing of the Scots and the main battell which had compassed about the English on the one side as the wing did upon the other The King of England informed of this overthrow brake up his siege incontinently and returned to Yorke and the Scots home into their Countrey of Scotland Their third expedition was that same yeare at Hallowtide when the Northern borders of England had gotten in their cornes and their barns were well stuffed with grain which was their provision for the whole yeare They entred England and burnt Gilsland tooke divers prisoners and drave away all the cattell they could finde Then they went to Brough under Stanmoore and returned by Westmooreland and Cumberland with great booty and spoil none offering to make head against them The fourth was in the yeare 1322. when the King of England grieved with these invasions having complained to the Pope had purchased a Legate to be sent into Scotland to admonish King Robert to desist from further disquieting the Realme of England and because he would not obey he with Sir James Douglas and Thomas Randulph were accursed by the two Cardinalls the Archbishop of Canterbury and York and all the Priests in England every day thrice at Masse These two Sir James Douglas and Randulph some say the King himself following the Legate at the heels as it were entred England little regarding their cursings and wasted the Countrey to the Redcrosse and coming to Darlington at the feast of Epiphanie stayed there a while for gathering of booty and destroying the Countrey The Lord Douglas on the one hand and the Lord Stuart of Scotland on the other the one going towards Hartelpool and Caveland and the other towards Richmond The inhabitants of Richmond-shire having no Captains to defend them gave a great summe of money as at other times they had done to have their Countrey saved from fire and spoil These adventurers stayed 15 dayes in England and returned without battell It is said that the Knights of the North came to the Duke of Lancaster then lying at Pomphret and offered to go into the field with him against the Scots but he refused whether by reason of the discord between him and K. Edward or for some other occasion I know not At this time it is that the King gives to Sir James Douglas a bounding Charter of Douglasdale dated apud Bervicum super Tuedam anno Regni nostri decimo quinto which is either the yeare 1320. or 1322. the first of April It bears Jacobo de Douglas filio haeredi Gulielmi Douglas militis which decides the question of his age and his brother Hughes who outlived Sir James 12. or 13. years and calls himself his heire as shall be showne It hath also this clause Volumus insuper c. wee will also and grant for us and our heires that the said James and his heires shall have the said lands free ab omnibus prisiis petitionibus quibuscunque ita quod nullus ministrorum nostrorum in aliquo se intromittat infra dictas divisas nisi tantum de articulis specialiter ad coronam nostram pertinentibus To return King Edward conceived such discontent and was so grieved at this so wasting of his Kingdome that he gave order to levie an army of 100000 to enter Scotland at Lammas whereof K. Robert being advertised entred England neare to Carlile and burnt some towns which belonged to King Edwards own inheritance spoyled the Monastery of Holme where his fathers corps were interred Hither the Earle of Murray and Sir James Douglas came to him with another army whereupon marching further Southward they came to Preston in Andernesse and burnt all that towne also except the Colledge of the Minorites This was fourescore miles within England from the Borders of Scotland Then they returned with their prisoners and booty to Carlile where they stayed some fourteen dayes wasting and destroying all about with fire and sword and so they returned into Scotland on Saint James day having remained within England three weeks and three dayes without any opposition or resistance They were not long at home when K. Edward entred into Scotland with his army and passed to Edinburgh but for want of victualls which were conveyed out of the way of purpose by King Roberts command and direction he was forced to make a retreat and goe home the way he came having discharged his choller with what he could meet with in his return But hee was quickly followed by the two Colleagues Sir James and Randulph who entred England burnt North-Allerton with other townes and villages as farre as Yorke and overtaking the King at the Abbey of Biland gave him battell and defeated him There was taken John Britton Earle of Richmond who had also the Earledome of Lancaster he being ransomed for a great summe of money passed over into France where he remained and never came back again into England The English Chronicle to excuse this defeat layes the blame hereof upon Andrew Barkeley Earle of Carlile whom they say Sir James Douglas corrupted with money upon which pretext Barkeley was executed suffering good Gentleman to cover other mens faults It doth me good to heare Master John Major answer the English Writers in his round and substantiall manner It is but a dream saith he and spoken without all likelihood for neither were the Scots ever so flush and well stored with moneyes as to corrupt the English neither was that the custome of good Sir James Douglas a valiant Warriour who did what he did not with gold but with another mettell sharpe
steele The Earle of Carlile also died without confessing any such thing Some write that King Robert was there in person but it is more likely that he was not but sent these two of whom we have spoken however if he were there these two were with him At this battell Sir James tooke three French Knights Robert Bartrame William Bartarhome Elye Anyallage with their vallats for whose relief the K. of France requested K. Robert and hee willing to pleasure him transacted with Sir James to give him for their ransome foure thousand markes starling for payment of a part of which summe the K. giveth to him the next yeare appearently Indictamenta Latrociniorum Ministrationem eorundem in omnibus infra omnes terras suas subscriptas Scilicet infra 1. Baroniam de Douglas 2. Forrestiam nostram de Selkirk de qua est officiarius noster 3. Constabularium de Lauderio 4. Forrestiam de Jedworth cum Benjedworth 5. Baroniam de Batherewle 6. Boroniam de Wester-Calder 7. Baroniam de Stabilgorthane 8. Baroniam de Romanok Then in generall Et infra suas terras quascunque infra regnum nostrum cum pertinentibus quas de nobis tenet in capite Then followes the Privelledge Etsi aâ—…qui de hominibus suis infra praedictas terras fuerint judicati per Justitiarium nostrum volumus quod dictus Jacobus 〈◊〉 sui eorum ministri habeant Liberationem liberam eorundem ministrationem salvis nobis haeredibus nostris omnibus aliis particulis ad homicidium coronam nostram pertinentibus Tenenda habenda praedicta indictamenta cum administratione eorundem cum omnibus libertatibus commoditatibus ad praedicta indictamenta administrationem eorundem 〈◊〉 praefato Jacobo haeredibus suis in feudo haereditate in perpetuum de nobis haeredibus nostris Volumus insuper 〈◊〉 pro nobis haeredibus nostris quod praefatus Jacobus haeredes sui eorum homines infra praedictas terras manentes Libri sint infuturum de sectis curiae de omnibus terris supradictis de Wardis castrorum nec non de omnibus presis talliagiis curiagiis captionibus quibuscunque ad opus nostrum haeredum nostrorum salvo tantum communi auxilio pro defensione regni nostri contingente Et ut praesens charta robur firmitatis obtineat in perpetuum manum ejusdem Jacobi annulo cum quodam lapide qui dicitur Emeraudus eidem Jacobo haeredibus suis nomine Sasinae in memoriale permansuro in futurum ex 〈◊〉 nostra personaliter invectimus Apud Bervicum super Twedam 〈◊〉 die mensis Novembris anno regni nostri nono decimo anno Domini 1325. Then there is a precept directed to Bernard Abbot of Arbrothock Chancellour to cause make a Charter thereof under the broad seal and deliver it to the said James This I thought good to set down in the owne words because of the singularity in that it is the promise of a King fulfilled to his subject not for any proper debt or money disburst but for the ransome of prisoners 2 It is singular also in respect of the thing given Inditements Immunities Liberties and Priviledges 3. The forme and manner of it is not ordinary to hold in feudo and inheritance without any duty or reddendo as they speake 4 And last of all the manner of infeftment and seasing not by earth and stone but by puâ—…ting a ring on his finger with the Kings owne hand and thereby 〈◊〉 both himself and his heires as it should seem in this one action without reiterating All which things how our Lawyers will allow of considering their formalities and what their opinion will be of the validitie hereof I know not but we finde here plaine and square dealing and honourable meaning whatsoever the subtilties and quirks of Law be we see an upright and loving Prince a liberall and bountifull King willing to honour a princely loyall subject This and the former Charter given foure yeares before and such others as may be thought to have beene given after to corroborate or increase perhaps these freedomes and priviledges â—…s it whereunto Archbald the fourth and his successors have leaned and trusted to in contemning Crighton and Levingston at what time they told them they would preserve their owne rights and priviledges and not suffer them to be infringed And this also hath beene the ground upon which the Bailies of William the eighth Earle he being himselfe in Italie would not suffer the Kings Officers to meddle with these priviledged things in his bounds which men that know not their immunities particularly account treason and rebellion and so their enemies did terme it to incense the King against them This battell at Biland was the last piece of service that Sir James did to Edward Carnarvan who having found fortune so froward to him in chance of warre against the Scots was thereby taught to doubt the triall thereof any further and therefore he sued for peace which was concluded at Newcastle to last for certaine yeares In this time of peace although all occasion of Warlike action was cut off yet Sir James was not idle but did good offices for his King and Countrey K. Robert did esteeme so well of him and had so good opinion of his prudencie and fidelitie and did so confide in his love that he entrusted and employed him in the greatest businesse that ever he could have to doe which concerned no lesse than the settling of his Crowne and his title to the kingdome which Sir James performed dexterously and happily For being sent into France to John Balliol of Hercourte to procure his resigning all title and right to the Crowne in King Roberts favour he sailed into Normandie and having declared his Commission and delivered his message he found Balliol very tractable contrary to all mens expectation for he plainly and ingeniously confessed that he had been deservedly rejected and debouted being no wise usefull nor profitable for the good of Scotland He said likewise that it was Gods especiall and favourable providence that had advanced K. Robert thereunto and therefore he did not repine nor grudge to see the Kingdome in the hands of his Cousin by whose high vertue singular felicity and great travell it was restored to the ancient liberty splendour and magnificence but rather rejoyced thereat And chiefly for that they by whom he was deceived did not injoy the hoped fruits of their fraud And calling together his friends and kinsmen in presence of them all hee did freely resigne unto Robert and to his heires all right and title that he or any from or by him had or might have to the Crown of Scotland renouncing all interest and claim whatsoever that could be alledged or pretended for any cause or consideration from the beginning of the world unto that present day This being done Sir James returned into Scotland This King Robert thought fit to be
with the roughnesse thereof being so Mountainous and full of heaths and wasts harder enemies then the inhabitants giving no place to the vertue and valour of the people very absurdly and maliciously for as touching the first that they have had no desire of it it is a childish alledgeance when they see they cannot get a thing to deny that they desire it The great means they have used the many attempts they have made and that common and proverbiall speech so ordinary in their owne mouthes and devised amongst themselves Qui la France veut gagner a l' Escosse faut commencer do testifie the contrary And above all their often intending a full conquest of it as their owne Histories beare record And as for the hinderance by France their aides to Scotland have not been very great nor very frequent yea it may bee said justly that France hath received more help then ever it gave for since the league with Charlemaigne it may be truely said without any poeticall hyperbole nulla unquam Francis fulsit victoria castris sine milite Scoto that the French armies never wanted Scottish souldiers but the Scots have but very seldome had Frenchmen to helpe them And if the Kings of England have sometimes bended their forces towards France yet they did it not alwayes but have made more warre in Scotland when they had peace with France And it is amongst the complaints of our Nation that France have cast them into warres with England when they might have had peace Like as when they had advantage by warre France did often wring their weapons out of their hands and forced them to a disadvantagious peace which was commonly the greatest fruits of their friendship and league Now as for the difficulties of hills hunger c. These are not so great as they talke of for neither is it altogether so poore nor so hilly and mountanous as they would have it beleeved to bee and if King Robert at this time or any other at any time have caused spoil and waste in the Countrey at some times thereby to famish or straiten the enemy or have chosen to vexe or trouble them with a Camp volante to eschew the hazzard of a battell as Douglas and Randulph did at this time it hath been the practice of all warriours of all Nations but neither hath it been neither could it have been the onely mean of conserving this Countrey in freedome except manhood and valour had been joyned with it and that in a great measure whereof sufferance and hardnesse to endure great straits want scant cold hunger and travell is no little part As on the contrary not to be able to endure these is effeminatenesse the ordinary consequent of riches wealth ease abundance and delicacie all reprochfull to men Even as the other I confesse are oft the consequences of povertie and are helps to harden the bodies and whet the courages of men Wherefore if they had meant nothing else but that the poverty of Scotland did preserve the liberty thereof because it kept the inhabitants in continuall exercise both of body and minde and did not suffer them to grow tender delicate and effeminate but hardned their bodies against want and their minds and courages against perills and dangers which they imployed for the defence of their Countrey and by the which as the chief means under God they did defend it we could well admit of it and acknowledge as much poverty that is to say want of superfluity and vanity invented by soft and womenly minds and covered under the maske of civility as hath begotten in them valour and temperance as it is said to have done in many people before the Romanes Macedonians Turks Parthians Scythians c. But since that is not their meaning but even to detract from their valour they exprobrate their poverty and casts it up for a reproach to breed contempt of them in others and to ascribe to it what is due to their worth to wit the liberty and preservation of their Countrey from all forrain enemies we may say justly that it hath not been the immediate cause of their being preserved against England Danes or whatsoever enemy but that there hath been as much sufficiency of things necessary call it riches or by what other name you list as hath moved other Nations especially England to covet it and coveting to invade it and when they had done their best they were driven from it not so much by the barrennesse and roughnesse of the soyle as by many and sad stroakes of the inhabitants thereof and by such acts and deeds as became wife valiant and couragious men Touching all which this one example will serve to confute whatsoever hath been or can bee said in this kind then which we need no other proof and that is this same huge and great army raised by this King Edward the third and intending to have come into Scotland if hee had not been thus affronted by Sir James and Randulph and before in his fathers time at Biland and which admitteth for no exception at Bannockburne In all which there is no colour of want of will he showed it he professed it and presumed to devoure them in an instant No want of forces having gathered from all Countreyes not onely his subjects but his friends also no scarcitie of victuall hee had abundance of all things no hills nor mountains they met in the plain fields no forrain aid on the Scots side that we heare of besides the two Brabanders that King Edward sent to help them And so again whatsoever progresse or appearance of conquest the English have made of Scotland it was never by their valour and armes but by the advantage of an intestine warre they siding with the one party and at last overcoming both as did Edward the first in the dayes of Balliol wherefore they make a wrong account and much mistake the matter that thinke the liberty of this Kingdome hath been maintained more by the wants of our soyle want of will in our enemies or of leasure in the English then by the worth of our predecessours if wee weigh things rightly But the true way and mean by which our Countrey and liberty thereof have stood and by which they have relieved and vindicated it when it was thralled are these we have spoken of by which also they procured peace at all times and now also at this time For the same yeare in March Ambassadours came from Edward to treat of perpetuall peace which the next yeare was concluded by the Parliament of England held at Northhampton unto this Parliament for treating of Articles of peace King Robert sent Sir James with some Prelates where it was concluded on these conditions That the King of England should renounce all title and claime that he and his predecessours had â—…aid to the Crowne of Scotland and deliver unto them whatsoever Bonds Contracts Writs or Evidents they had for their pretended Title thereto And
with strong youth and never better furnished with Commanders But King Robert a man by nature given to quietnesse farre stricken in yeares seaventy three yeares old was become slacker and seemed not to make so great account of the publique injuries His eldest sonne John was dull of nature and having received a hurt by a stroake of a horse which pertained to James Douglas Lord of Dalkeith was thereby lame of a legge and halted and so unfit for the travell of warre Therefore they have their recourse to the Kings next sonne the Earle of Fife and do easily agrâ—…e with him resolving to avenge the hurt and dammage they had lately received So every man promising his best endeavour appointment is made to conveen in August or as some say in July but so covertly as it should not come to the knowledge of either of the two Kings lest the King of Scotland should hinder them or the King of England prevent them yet when they had used all the expedition and secresie they could The English had notice of it and were informed of both the day and place of their meeting Wherefore that they might entrap them and take them at unawares they advertised one another and the Noblemen commanded the Commons to be in a readinesse against the next advertisement without appointing any certain day for feare that the Scots should heare of it These things thus ordered when they heard that the Scots were conveened in Tivedale not farre from the March to the number of 30000. or as Froysard saith 40000. men not daring to joyne battell with such a multitude they concluded not to stir or appeare before the coming of the enemy but that every man should ramain in his owne bounds till they saw on what coast and quarter the tempest would light and then to take the best course they could according as occasion should offer and if they could doe no more to invade Scotland on another hand farre from the enemy as the Scots had done to them the yeare before and so to recompense losse with losse In the mean time they sent a spie to the Scots camp who might bring them more certain report of all things desirous to know not onely their intention but even their particular speeches and actions Hee who was sent being nothing different from the rest in language apparell or armour did easily passe for a Scot and by that mean having been in the company undiscovered and having observed sufficiently all that was needfull to be knowne as he returned to his horse to be gone which he had bound to a tree he found that he was taken away whereupon taking him to his feet with his cloake boots and spurres and his other riding equipage he was perceived suspected taken and examined what he was whence he came and whither hee went and being found to vary in his answers hee was brought before the Generall of the Army where being threatned with the rack he confessed all and revealed the English mens intentions and purposes Upon this the Scots altered their purpose and whereas they were before minded to have gone all together in one Hoast they now divided themselves in two so that the greatest part of the Army should passe in at Carlile led by the Kings two sonnes the Earles of Fiâ—…e and Stratherne together with Archbald Douglas Lord of Galloway Uncle to the Earle The other part of the Army was committed to the Earle of Douglas and with him George and John Dumbars Earles of March and Murray his Uncles William or James Lindsay Earle of Crawford the Earle of Arolle Constable the Lord Montgomry and Patrick Hepburn of Hales with his sonne the number of his company is not agreed upon Some say that he had the halfe of the Army 15000. others but 2000. foote and 300. horse with as many foote men waiting on the horse men who were lightly armed and able to fight and almost equalling the horse men in speedy expedition Some say they were foure thousand chosen horsemen in all which is most apparent by the great diligence and haste he made with his company he entred England on the East hand and crossing the river of Tine with great celerity hee was past Durham before ever the enemy was advertised or knew of his coming till he himselfe made it knowne by fire and smoake in burning the Countrey The Earle of Northumberland hearing of him himselfe being a man of great yeares sent his two sonnes Henrie and Ralph hardy and valiant young men to Newcastle commanding the rest of the Countrey also to resort thither that they might intercept the Earle of Douglas in his returne but hee having spoyled the Countrey about Durham and gotten a great bootie passeth Tine again about three miles above Newcastle and being desirous of glory and encouraged by this successe esteeming it but small honour for him to spoil the villages and not to dare to looke upon the townes marched towards Newcastle and did make offer to have assaulted it and as some write did assault it having first filled the ditches with hay and faggots hoping thereby to have drawne out the enemy to the open fields having stayed there two dayes there passed some light skirmishes amongst them every day And at last Henrie Percie eldest sonne to the Earle of Northumberland called Hotspurre being desirous to trie his valour either provoking the Earle Douglas or provoked by him the combate was offered and accepted betwixt them They mounted on two faire steeds and ran together with sharp ground spears at outrance in which encounter the Earle Douglas bore Percie out of his saddle But the English that were by did rescue him so that hee could not come at himself but he snatched away his spear with his guiddon or witter and holding it aloft and shaking it he cried out aloud that hee would carry that into Scotland as his spoil Hollinshed saith out of Fâ—…oysard that they did not runne on horseback but that in an assault at the Barriers without the gate Douglas by chance being matched hand to hand with Percie by force pluckt his Pennon from him and holding it up on high said he would carry it for his sake into Scotland There was then at Newcastle a great number of people for besides the indwellers there were all the choice men from York to the borders as the Writers relate Wherefore Earle Douglas in respect of his small number caused keep strait watch and on the morrow removing his Camp he marched toward Scotland a slow pace being loden with bootie Then sending it away before hee assaulted tooke and demolished a certain Castle and Towne that was in their way called Pouclane whereof Sir Aymer of Alpholl was Lord whom he tooke within the Castle and made him a prisoner Then marching forward they came to a place called Otterburn about twelve miles from Newcastle where they pitched downe their tents that the Souldiers might take some rest and refresh themselves after their great
required seeing the whole Kingdome hath interest in the matching of their Princes and Kings children There he handled the busines so that the contract with Marches daughter was declared void and null and his owne daughter Marjorie Douglas was contracted to the said Prince David by consent of the Parliament having offered a greater portion with her then the Earle March had done with his daughter He obtained for her joynture all the rents and revenewes which belonged to the King on the south side of Forth The way he tooke to bring this to passe was by the means of the Kings brother Robert Earle of Fife now made Duke of Albany and Governour of the Countrey under the King as he had been in their fathers time who did also then even govern both King and Kingdome and every thing as he listed and Douglas and he were inward and deare friends as his brother James slain at Otterburn and he had ever been now whether the Earle Douglas had that respect indeed to have matters of such importance to the Kingdome done by common advice of the Nobility chiefly or if his chiefend were his owne particular because of the old emulation betwixt the Earles of March and Douglas to hinder the growth of that house by this great advantage of aliance or if hee had an eye to both or to any thing else I leave it to be judged of others The marriage was solemnized in the Church of Bothwel the yeare 1400. with greater haste then good speed or any comfort to either party that we heare of For neither came this David ever to bee King which was the thing that was expected that thereby the house of Douglas might have been greatned Neither did this aliance of Prince David with the Earle of Douglas stand him in any stead in that hee was most miserably handled by his Uncle the Governour who aspired himself to the Crowne which makes me to wonder why hee did not rather hinder this marriage of his Nephew with the Earle Douglas then thus further it seeing in all likely hood it might have been a great let and strong hinderance to those his ambitious designes But so are the secrets of things hid from us that wee cannot finde out the causes and reasons of them by no means being not observed or not mentioned by the Writers of those times hovvever this marriage bred great contention and enmity betvveen the Earles of March and Douglas though neare kinsemen and did also disturb the peace and quietnesse of the Kingdome for March before the marriage was solemnized did not stick to goe to the King and upbraid him with breach of promise which he said was neither just nor Princely craving also 〈◊〉 and roughly the restitution of his mony which he had advanced for his daughters portion The King having not answered him according to his mind hee spared not to threaten that he should be avenged on that rufle and disgrace that he had put upon him and his daughter And so retiring from Court he fortefies his Castle of Dumbarre and gives it in keeping to his Nephew Robert Metellan he himselfe having received leave of King Henry went into England whereupon the Castle of Dumbarre was summoned in the Kings name by an Herauld of Armes and was surrendered by the Captain thereof Robert Metellan into the hands of the Earle Douglas The Earle of March returned into Scotland but being excluded out of his Castle at Dumbarre went back again into England taking his Lady and children along with him together with the nearest of his kinsmen and his chief friends accompanying him There he joyned with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 called hote spurre a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the house of 〈◊〉 and trusting to the favour and good will borne him by these who dwelt on the East Border or March of Scotland most of which were his vastalls and dependers many of them his kinsmen and all of them 〈◊〉 to him by some relation or obligation he troubled the Merse chiefly and the Earle Douglas lands with frequent incursions and inroades The King hereupon caused proclaime him rebell and yet notwithstanding sent to him a Herauld of Armes with profer of pardon and restitution upon condition that hee would returne and live peaceablely at home and that he should receive all such satissaction for any wrong he could justly complain of as he desired But when hee 〈◊〉 to embrace this offer the Herauld passed on to King Henrie and complained of the Earle of March craving that hee might bee delivered according to the Articles of the trâ—…ce But hee was answered by the King that hee had given him his word and could not breake it In the mean time Pâ—…rcie and the Earle of March being emboldned with divers successefull attempts upon the 〈◊〉 adventured with 2000. men to come into Lowthian where they wasted the Countrey near unto Hadington assaulted the Castle of Hales twice but in vain burnt the townes of Hales Trapren Markill and other adjacent villages And while they encamped at Linton upon Tine hearing of the Earle Douglasses approach who had raised sufficient forces and was marching towards them and was come as farre as Penkrake they arose and fled in great haste leaving behind them all their booty together with their owne luggage and carriage The manuscript and black booke of Scone say clearly that the Earle Douglas followed them so quickly that he overtooke them or they got to Berwick and killed divers having wrested an ensigne out of the hands of Sir Thomas Colbouth which he brought into Scotland with him Boetius relates it not much otherwise Other Histories make no mention hereof but onely say that the Earle returned to Edinburgh with great congratulation and joy of all men He died not long after of a burning fever the same yeare 1400 in the beginning of February very unseasonably for his Countrey which was destitute of able Commanders in warre having lost divers others of good note not long before He was buried in Bothwell with his Laâ—…ie He was a man nothing inferiour to any of his Predecessours or Successours of his house and name in any kind of vertue and in speciall of true and reall kindnesse to his friends and followers as appeâ—…reth by a letter of his to the Earle of March in favour of the Laird of Ridpeth a Gentleman in Lammer moore who was his follower and was wronged by the Earle of March in the possession of some lands but more in Marches refusall to right him he assembleth his forces and dispossesseth the Earle of Marches sonne and reponed Ridpeth in his right and maintained him therein ever after which his successours doe enjoy at this day As for his valour and conduct in warre hee is termed the best Captain of his time and that in his person the splendour and glory of warrefare both stood and fell Others say that hee left behinde him an honourable memory of high Prowesse and noble valour shewed in many enterprises by
As for his foure daughteâ—…s 1 Margaret the eldest was married to the Lord Dalkeith 2 Beairix the second to John Stuart Duke of Albanie Constable of Scotland and Captain of fifty men at armes in France The third was named Jennat and was married to the Lord Flemine of Cumbernauld Elizabeth who was the fourth died unmarried This Grosse James his eldest sonne William partly to hold up the greatnesse of his house partly by the Ladies owne desire who directly refused to marry any other of the name of Douglas married Beatrix Douglas his Cousin She was called the faire maiden of Galloway and so by this match the estate of Douglas was preserved intire and those lands which shee would have been heire to and divided from it were kept in their owne hands This match was made farre against the opinion of the rest of the name of Douglas who thought it better that she should have been married to some of the house of Angus or Dalkeith alledging that the house of Douglas was too great already and that their greatnesse would be the ruine of the house which maxime although it proveth often true that too great Dominions under Princes as also Princes themselves having so large extent of territories and other republicks and Common-wealths when they come to that hugenesse that they cannot easily be governed do fall and are overthrown by their owne weight and the conspiracies and combinations of neighbouring Princes or States who feare and are jealous of their excessive greatnesse or by their Subjects within either through the Princes jealousie who suspects them or others envie who stirre jealousie in the Prince and draw him to suspect them And therefore all both Lordships and Empires are to be restrained and kept within a mediocritie and that as well Princes and Common-wealths as subjects which all men will confesse but what this mediocritie is they declare not neither will they confesse or doe they ever thinke that they are come to that fulnesse that there is any danger of exceeding so farre as to procure their overthrow or breed any perill It is said of Augustus Cesar that he intended some moderation of the Empire and had resolved to have propagate it no further yet it was doubted upon what ground it was that hee thus resolved whether out of prudencie or of envie toward his successours that none might goe beyond him or adde any more to it then he had And it is indeed a hard matter to perswade men and perhaps no lesse difficult to prove for all agree that these inferiour things even all of them are in a perpetuall fluxe and motion and that they cannot stand long at a stay without going either forward or backward increasing or decreasing If therefore they goe not forward they must goe backe if they doe not increase they must decrease which if it be true it were better to seek to increase so long as men may then to take them to a standing from which they must decrease if they doe not increase But whether out of that discourse of reason his friends of the name of Douglas would thus have perswaded him not to become too great for feare of falling or for any particular of their owne or whether he for this other reason or rather for the common disposition of men to presse ever forward I know not but hee chose to bee great and take his hazzard And because the two parties were within the degrees prohibited by the Romane Church Brothers children he sent to Rome for a dispensation which being long in coming and he fearing least the King and the rest of the name of Douglas would cast all the impediments they could in the way to hinder the match which was also reported and not without ground caused hasten the marriage before the dispensation came and that in Lent too a time forbidden also and which is more on the friday before Pasch called commonly Good-friday This was thought ominous and the unhappy event confirmed this opinion They were married in the Church of Douglas Some write that this marriage was procured and made by the young man himselfe after the decease of his father However this was a speciall cause of dissention and division amongst those of the name of Douglas For the actions of this grosse James wee have no particulars recorded in Histories either in his brothers time or his nephewes time or now when he cometh to be Earle himselfe There is no mention at all made of him whether he did any thing for to revenge the murther of his nephewes by Creighton and Levingston belike as he hath been corpulent so hath his corpulensie caused a dulnesse of spirit as commonly it doth Some write that he was Warden of all the Marches and his Monument at Douglas agreeth with them and sayes that hee was a great justiciary Others write that he was no ill man that hee entertained no disordered wicked men but yet he did not represse them sharply enough and therefore was suspected by the King and disliked by many hee died in Abercorne within two yeares or not three sayes the manuscript after the marriage of his sonne which hath not been long in the making Wee may ghesse it most probably to have beene not fully three yeares and so that he died in the yeare 1443. Hee was buried in Douglas where on his Tombe he is called Magnus Princeps and amongst other Titles Lord of Liddiâ—…dale and Jedward Forrest his wife is styled Domina Aveniae Lady of Avendale His Epitaph there is yet to be seen thus Hic jacet magnus potens Princeps Dominus Jacobus de Douglas Comes de Douglas Dominus Annandiae Gallovidiae Liddaliae Jedburg-Forrestiae Dominus de Balveniâ magnus Wardanus Regni Scotiae versus Angliam c. Qui obiit vicesimo quarto die mensis Martii Anno Domini millesimo quadringentesimo quadragesimo tertio 1443. His Wives is thus Hic jacet Domina Beatrix de Sinclaire filia Domini Henrici Comitis Orcadum Domini de Sinclaire Comitissa de Douglas Aveniae Domina Gallovidiae His Childrens thus Hae sunt proles inter predictos Dominum Dominam generatae 1 Dominus aGulielmus primò genitus haeres praedicti Domini Jacobi qui successit ad totam haereditatem predictam 2 Jacobus secundò genitus Magister de Douglas 3 Archibaldus tertiò genitus Comes Murray 4 Hugo quarto genitus comes Ormundiae 5 Johannes quinto genitus Dominus Balveniae 6 Henricus sexto genitus Margarita uxor Domini de Dalkeith Beatrix uxor Domini de Aubignia Joneta uxor Domini de Biggar Cumbernauld Elizabetha de Douglas quarta filia erat In English thus Here lies a great and powerfull Prince Lord James Douglas Earle of Douglas Lord of Annandale and Galloway Liddesdale and Jedbrough-Forrest and Lord of Balveny great Warden of the Kingdome of Scotland towards England c. Hee died the 24. day of March in the yeare 1443. His Wives
attend to them it may be they be discerned Let us then consider the particulars and what particulars we find in any of those to be true let us acknowledge it what is not so let us reject as false and reckon amongst those that are but amplified and augmented for envie After which rule we shall finde in effect the last three to be those which are most true 1. The riches 2. The number 3. The puissance of the house and name of Douglas And yet not simple true as they set them downe for they amplifie them also to stirre envie unlesse we interpret it favourably for not all the riches of the Countrey nor all the honour was in their hands though there were more in theirs then in any others at that time yet there hath been more both riches and honours in the hands of some other before for the Cummines are accounted to have been greater and that their power was beyond the Kings power it was false their power being but a dependant and subordinate and could not be supposed to have been so great so united though they were of one name as was seen afterward And however we find it was thought so of before in the first Earles time yet he never used it to the Kings prejudice after that he was informed of his right which was now out of question but these carry no fault in them The rest which carry fault in them the first two avarice and tyranny are to be tried by the effects the third taking to himselfe the Noblemens Patrimony by law and besides law what he did by law take from them was not theirs what besides law we heare of no instance given There is a fact may seem so in the Earledome of Murray which he tooke not to himselfe but to his brother Neither was that the Patrimony but the Title and Dignity of which we have spoken already and it was but a small peece of matter The fourth and fifth his killing and robbing by theeves and his dependers invading of other mens Patrimonies are of the same quality for we heare of no instance bearing any wrong Neither of the sixth and seventh advancing of new men wrongfully or killing of men for free speeches And truely raising of new men and mean men was the thing that he and all his house did ever dislike very much and was the ground of their discord with the Levingstons and with Creighton And I hope no man will call his brother a new man So that to be short when we have sifted them all we see nothing but falsehood and calumnies and aggravations to move envie which makes it no truth for a truth augmented or diminished is no longer truth though otherwise it were true in substance Wherefore leaving these speeches as the speeches of his enemies that is to say for Calumnies as they are called and as they are indeed wee will come to that which is of greater weight and followes in the Authours owne name Animus per se insolens hee was of an insolent minde of himselfe saith one which being the judgement of one of the most learned and judicious Writers I will not contest but leave it in the middle and soberly crave to have it weighed that wee may see whether there bee any necessitie to make us thinke so or not for it is Historicall onely which I must thinke hee hath found in fact as he hath had leisure and perused his Histories of which we are scarce to wit that he grew by successe to that impotency of commanding his affections that he had his eares closed from the free admonitions of his friends Nothing is more pernicious nor is there a more certain prognostick of ruine to follow then when men are so puft up with the opinion of their owne wisedome that they disdain and contemne to heare and to weigh the judgement of others Yet this that followes is an extreame high degree of it that men might not dissemble their minds in silence to hold their peace at those things which they could not approve was not sure nor safe for them which ought to be safe for all men to say nothing and keep their minds to themselves and God which no other man no not a mans selfe can command altogether He is obedient that obeyes in the rest The minde is his that made it and can search it over which no man should usurp The cause of all this ill followes the aboundance of flatterers and giving eare to them a naturall but a pestiferous fault naturall to all great men and small in their owne kinde men are given to delight in what they beleeve and to beleeve easily most good of themselves whom they love most of any and for aboundance of flatterers who wants them Diogenes said he had his owne Parasites the mouse was if men failed yea men never fail and perhaps failed not him hee whom all the world flattered King Alexander did he not flatter Diogenes what was his speech to him but a flattery both of himself and Diogenes or else anerrour concerning them both when he said If I were not Alexander I would be Diogenes So common is it so naturall is it but notwithstanding it is hurtfull and to be avoyded and the more carefully to be taken heed of the more common and the more naturall it is he hath the fairest of the play that is most wary of it and accounts it his greatest perfection to know his imperfection and he is most accomplished that best knowes his defects and wishes for helps and knowes he hath need of them Out of doubt these were enough to bring down more then one Earle of Douglas as for that which is further said of him His old enemies were drawne to law to plead their cause before the same man both judge and party of whom many were spoyled of their goods some of their lives some to eschew the injust judgement tooke voluntary exile unto them and that which is said of their dependers they overshot themselves carelesse of all judgements because none could contend with them in judgement To all sort of licentiousnesse robbing and stealing holy things profane things and slaying them they could get their hands over neither keeped they any bridle or measure in their wickednesse Of all this concerning his dependers being so generally and almost hyperbolically conceived I could wish among so many that there had been some instance set downe that we might the better have knowne it and discerned it This I am sure cannot be without hyperbole that they did commit some gratuit wickednesse that is such as was for no good to them nor profit and without gain pleasure or profit having no cause in the world for them but onely to keep their hands in ure of wickednesse lest being disaccustomed from ill some honest thought might come into their minde that might tame them from their wickednesse and vilenesse So strange a conclusion would have had cleare and plaine antecedents and not
beginning of Dreams and of Drivelings c. at least in our language The fourth son was Archbald Douglas of Kilspindie who married a daughter of one Little in Edinburgh He had by her Archbald of Kilspindie who was Provest of Edinburgh in King James the fifth his minoritie and was married to the Earle of Crawford his daughter by whom he had first Patrick secondly Alexander and thirdly James Patrick was married to one Murray a daughter of the house of Balbaird by whom he had William After that he married Agnes daughter to the Lord Gray and had by her two sons and two daughters And thus much of his sons His daughters were first Marjoriâ—… married to Cudbert Lord of Kilmaers in the year 1491. Her portion was 1700. Marks Secondly Elizabeth married to Robert Lile Lord Chief Justice Her portion was 1000. Marks whereof 100. pounds was to be payed at the first Terme and then 50. pounds termely till all were payed It is with dispensation which is a signe that they have been in kin before the year 1493. Thirdly Jennet whom we finde contracted to Robert Lord Harris in the year 1495. Novemb. 22. to be married and that he 〈◊〉 divorce from the wife he had so soon as can be That she in the mean time shall not marry elsewhere For which caufe she is infeft in his Lands of Tarrigla with the Kings confirmation past thereupon the same year and day Her portion is that the said Earle then Chancellour shall procure his Lands to be new holden of the King This fact for a man to contract to part with the wife he hath and marry another as it is harsh to conceive so being done so solemnely by such persons we must suppose it had sufficient and honest grounds For certainly the Earle of Angus being withall Chancellour for the time needed not to hunt after unlawfull or unseemly marriages for his daughters Some reckon a fourth daughter whom they name not but say she was eldest and married to the Earle of Montrose this Earles great Grandfathers father but because I have not seen any monument of her I reserved her to the last place He had also sundry bastard sonnes after his wifes death First William of the Parkhead of whom the house of the Parkhead is come and the Lord of Torthorrell by his mother Secondly James of Tod-holes And thirdly one that they say was gotten in Glenbarvie born after his decease But this seemes to be false because they affirm commonly that aâ—…ter the field of Flowdon where his sonne George was slain he went into Galloway to Saint Maines and lived the space of a year an austere life Then he was not thus incontinent if that be true neither came he to Glenbarvie seeing he lived in Galloway He had also a base daughter And thus much of his children To come to himself we have heard how his father Earle George raised the house of Angus to such greatnesse of credit and authoritie that it was become not much inferiour to the house of Douglas to which it had succeeded Archbald his son did no way diminish it But when he came to be of years fit for managing affairs he so behaved himself and gained so good opinion of his wisedome and courage that the whole burden of the estate of the Countrey did lye upon him 〈◊〉 And for that cause chiefly he is commonly designed by the epithete of The great Earle of Angus For as touching his Lands and Rents we finde no great augmentation of them save that he provided his children well If we consider the means it hath been his own worth and sufficiencie that hath brought him to it for he began indeed his marriage with Court as a fit mean whereby to rise but that lasted but short while as we have heard The Court changing it was rather a mean to have wrought him discredit Notwithstanding of which and though he was young himself we finde nothing but that his businesse went right He got his own wardship even when his alliance were at the hardest pinch that same very year that Thomas Boyd had his wife taken from him and married to another His successe in the marriage of his sisters doth also show the same Neither hear wee of any hard effect that their dis-courting did produce toward him It was he that was the chief actor in taking order with Robert Cochran and the other Courtiers that did abuse the King and Countrey He propounds the matter to the Nobilitie he opens up the estate of things he puts hand to work and executes what was concluded The rest consent and follow he goeth before in every thing And even then when he did all this he was of no great age not above five and twentie and yet his credit power and authoritie was able to go through with it The History is written at length in our Chronicle we need do no more but transume it Neither is it necessary that we do that to the full it will suffice to set down onely what is requisite for laying open the occasion and circumstances for clearing of the fact that the Reader may the better discerne the right from the wrong which otherwise lye confused Thus it was King James the third of that name a man of a great and high spirit and of a hastie nature and prone to anger and such a one as would not suffer patiently his own judgement to be contradicted could not away with that freedome of speech which he found in his Nobilitie wherefore hee made choice of such to be about him as would not correct but approve all his sayings and who would not offend him by gainsaying but did curie favour by soothing of him and who with flattering admiration did extoll all that he said or did Wherefore excluding the Nobilitie he was wholly at the devotion of a few of his servants with whom he advised and consulted of all busines and either followed their opinions or made them to consent and exâ—…cute his will Thus he began to do about the year 1474. having after his marriage in the year 1470. addicted himself most part to his domesticke and private pleasures seldome coming abroad or giving time to the affaires of his Kingdome He had gotten about him base men both in place and worth whom he had advanced to honours and nobilitated Amongst these there was one Robert Coghran a Mason by his trade whom he made Earle of Marre An English singing man called William Rogers whom he honoured with Knight-hood with diverse others of meane rank and qualitie whose chief commendation was that they were impudently wicked and villanous This Rogers is thought also to have been his Pander and an enticer of him to lewdnesse and wronging his Queen Amongst these base men there was one Gentleman of good birth but he seeing the Kings inclination had set himself fully to follow it in all things wherefore he had given his daughter to Robert
not envious of the praife of the English though indeed it were not without a good policie For by that meane he had leasure to prosecute his French intentions without fear of being disturbed or diverted by the Scottish incursions But we will not extenuate it he had indeed the better hand of it and at this time peace was more needfull for Scotland And therefore this reason brought by Angus for the continuation of the Queens authoritie was so much the greater But it could not move the other party whereoâ—… the Lord Hume Chamberlain was Chief They shew their willingnesse to honour the Queen That appeared say they in this that contrary to the ancient custome of this Kingdome they had suffered and obeyed her authority whiles she her self kept her right by keeping her widow-hood Now that she had quit it by marrying why should they not choose another to succeed into the place which she had left which the old laws would also have taken from her which do not permit that a woman should govern in the most peaceable times far lesse now when such evils do threaten as can scarce be resisted by the wisest and most sufficient men This they pretended and touched the point that did annoy them The marrying of the Earle of Angus had made him too great already the continuing of her authority would make him farre greater This they can not endure especially the Chamberlain who was jealous of his greatnesse which he thought would impair and lessen his own already beginning to decline by the retiring and with-drawing of Liddisdale and Anandale from following him and casting them again under the wings of the Douglasses to whom they had wont to belong This point being once obtained that the Queen should governe no more the next was who then should be the man Here also was no lesse strife and contention The Chamberlains credit carried it away his own power his alliance the Earle of Arane being his brother in law the Earle of Lennox Aranes sisters son joyned to the Prelates a Faction ever French and then more than ever by the King of Englands shaking off the yoke of Rome especially the Archbishop of Glasgow a proud Prelate and ever factious By these men all Noblemen at home are despised and balked and the Office cast upon John called afterward Duke of Albanie Cousin-germane to the late King being then in France brought up in France and onely with the French tongue where his father was banished and forfeited and he himself not restored yet is he by them who had not so much power as to restore him in the minoritie of a King as had been proved in King James the second his time against the Earle of March restored in his minoritie ordained to be Governour of the King and whole Countrey Bent was the Chamberlain that way And so bent he was that he professed openly at the Convention that though they would all refuse yet he alone would bring him home and make him Governour A great word if he were not able to do it a great power if he were able It is interpreted ambition in him and that despairing to have that honour conferred on himself and envying it to any other he took this course I cannot be of that minde He that had power to do so much for another had power to have done somewhat for himself At least so far as to have gotten some part of the government with others as it was customable when they could not agree upon any one man they divided it It is reported also for certain that the Earle of Angus finding that he was so earnest in that course went to him and naming him familiarly by his name Alexander said he what do you mean by this that man is a stranger to us and understandeth not our language no more than we do his He will work his own ends and who knoweth after what manner Whether or not to the Kings prejudice who is onely between him and the Crown Certainly he will never regard either of us whom he will rather seek to depresse than to advance Go to therefore let us agree amongst our selves Take you the government of the borders and of all that lieth on that side of the river of Forth and let me have the command on the other side A fair offer and a wise consideration which the Chamberlain shall acknowledge hereafter too late and shall himself say the like to him that now doth thus admonish him For the present he refused obstinately and as it may be thought fatally persisting in his former resolution Whereof when I consider what might have been the cause I think it hath been not any distrust to obtain some place in the guiding of affairs but a doubting how to keep it if by chance any thwarting or insociablenesse of Empire should fall out between them at any time thereafter in which case Angus could not but be the stronger by the power of England his allies they having no partie so great to counterpoize them For this cause he hath thought it fit to bring in the French to equall the ballance as principall himself onely as accessarie not doubting of a chief place both by his desert in bringing him home and the necessitie of his service which could never be lacking On this rather than the other ground as I take it he hath laid down his course But as well as he laid his grounds hereupon he built both his ruine before three years were come about and speedie repentance soon after the arrivall of his Governour Howbeit upon this occasion the Duke of Albanie so called afterward is sent for arrives is made Earle of March Duke of Albanie which his father had been before but was forfeited and Governour untill the Kings ripe years The Lord Hume comes to him some say with a huge number 10000. horse to Dumbartan whereupon the Governour said he was too great to be a subject Others report that he came very privatly with his houshold onely some 24. horse in Kendall Green which was his Livery and that the Duke slighted him with this sentence minuit praesentia famam being a man of low stature and carrying no appearance of much stuff to be in him by his out-side However he was then welcomed and what faire and good countenance he got then it lasted not long John Hepburne Prior of S. Andrews was his enemie on this occasion Andrew Stuart Archbishop of S. Andrews was slain at Flowdon Three divers pretended to the place by divers meanes Gawin Douglas Bishop of Dunkel uncle to the Earle of Angus by the Qneens admission Hepburne by the election of the Chapter Andrew Foreman by the Popes gift This Foreman was Abbat of Dumfermling and Aberbrothe Legat from the Pope and had gotten this to maintain his grandour or as a reward of his service The question was hard to decidè All pretended right and reason Gawin Douglas had gotten possession of the Castle
Regent killed the Horse of George Douglas of Park-head a naturall brother of the Earle Mortons This fell out the 21. of January 1569. The Regent finding himself hurt alighted from his horse went to his lodging and died ere midnight Bothwell-hawke who had done the deed having mounted upon a horse which hee had â—…nding ready for him of purpose escaped untaken He was much lamented of all but especially of Morton who had best reason to be sensible of this losse seeing by his death the common cause did want a main pillar and supporter thereof and the Kings side which he followed was deprived of a sufficient and able leader He himself also had lost a dear friend with whom he had so long entertained honest and faithfull friendship and who had borne so great a part of that heavie burden and weight of State affairs with him For now the whole burden of guiding the Kingdome and managing the State lay upon him almost alone and that even in the time of the two succeeding Regents for the space of some three years or thereby They indeed bare the name and the authoritie but he was the man by whose advice and counsell by whose travels and paines both of body and minde yea and upon whose charges also often times most things were performed till at last he himself was chosen Regent and did then all things alone without a helper This was well known to all and was plainly spoken in the time of Lennox his Regencie A staff under a Hood so they termed Lennox Morton rules all Yet was it not so altogether neither was Lennox so devoide of judgement but behaved himself very well very judiciously courageously and courtiously even in Mortons absence in the taking of Pasley and Dumbartan and in his courteous usage of the Lady Fleming who was within the Castle of Dumbartan Onely because matters seemed to rely most upon Mortons good advice action and means the ruder interpreters made that hard construction of it as if Morton because he did much had therefore done all as commonly men are wont to judge and speak And it is very true that is said of Lennox in that Epitaph of him famam virtute resellit Yet it cannot be denied but that even while Murray was Regent Morton did very much and though he were not equall with him in place and dignitie for there was but one Regent yet he was such a second as might well be esteemed a yoke-fellow both in consulting and performing being a partaker with him in all perrils and burdens So that of all that is set down here of Murray Morton was ever an equall sharer and may justly challenge the one halfas his due And therefore it is that we have been so particular and insisted so long in Murrayes actions because of Mortons perpetuall concurrence with him in all things and his interest in every businesse Wherefore we hope it will not be thought impertinent to our Historie thus to have handled them although Morton were not the sole actor since he was a prime and maine one For whoso will rightly consider shall finde that saying to be true of these two which Permenio said of Alexander and himself Nihil Alexander absque Permenione multa Permenio absque Alexandro being applied to Morton For Morton did many things without Murray but Murray nothing without Morton And thus it went even when Murray was alive when all acknowledged his authority Now he being dead many swarved many made defection and as if they had forgotten what they had promised became open enemies The Kings party was weakened the adverse party strengthened both by forrain and home-bred power Fear might have terrified him ease sollicited honour and profit allured him to have left it and joyned with the other side But he shrinks not for any perill hatred or envie for no pains or travell to be sustained no case or security could allure him no hope of favour of riches of honour could move him to abandon it Which doth evidently justifie and clear him of all the imputations which the wit of man can devise or imagine against him Whether it be that he conspired with Murray to make him King he was now dead and that hope with him Or if it be any particular end and aime of his own what appearance is there that he could have any private end which he followed forth with certain danger and uncertain event or profit For clearing of which let us weigh the parties and the forces and meanes at home and abroad on both sides First there were of the Queens side Duke Hamilton Argyle Athole Huntley almost all pettie Princes in their severall Countries and Shires Also the Earles of Crawford Rothuse Eglinton Cassils the Lord Harris with all the Maxwels Loghenvarre Johnston the Lord Seton Boyde Gray Oglevie Levingston Flemin Oliphant the Sheriff of Air and Linlithgow Balcleugh Faâ—…hast and Tillibardine The Lord Hume did also countenance them though few of his friends or name were with him safe one meane man Ferdinando of Broom-house Metellan the Secretarie a great Polititian and Grange an active Gentleman who was Captain of the Castle and Provest of the Town of Edinburgh they had the chief Castles and places of strength in their hands Edinburgh Dumbartan Logh-Maban France did assist them Spain did favour them and so did his Holinesse of Rome together with all the Roman Catholiques every where Their faction in England was great all the North-folcians Papists and male-contents had their eye upon Queen Mary Neither was she though in prison altogether unusefull to her side for besides her countenance and colour of her authoritie which prevailed with some she had her rents in France and her Jewels wherewith she did both support the common cause and reward her private servants and followers especially they served her to furnish Agents and Ambassadours to plead her cause and importune her friends at the Court of France and England who were helped by the banished Lords Dacres and Westmoreland to stirre up forraine Princes all they could Thus was that partie now grown great so that it might seeme both safe and most advantagious to follow it The other was almost abandoned there were but three Earles that took part with Morton at first Lennox Marre Glencairne Neither were these comparable to any one of the foremost foure In Fyfe there was the Lord Lindsay and Glames in Angus no such great men and no wayes equall to Crawford and Rothuse The Lord Semple was but a simple one in respect of Cassils Maxwell Loghenvarre and others Methvaine in Stratherne a very mean Lord Ochletree amongst the meanest that bare the title of a Lord and yet Kirkart was meaner than he both in men and means Neither was Ruthven so great but that Tillibardine and Oliphant were able to overmatch him They had no Castles but Stirlin and Tantallon which belonged to Morton The commons indeed were very forwardly set that way but how uncerraine and unsure a
Ambassadour he approved himself to both Nations and gained great reputation of sufficiencie While he enjoyed the favour of his Princesse he was not puffed up and being in disgrace and banished he was not casten down He was a faithfull Colleague and fellow-governour with others and when he came to be sole and supream this Countrey never enjoyed greater peace and a more flourishing Regencie Being returned to the condition of a private Nobleman he obeyed as well as before he had commanded And last of all when he was accused condemned and executed he shewed himself to be himself and a good Christian. He was well skilled as in politick government so in oeconomie from the shrub to the scepter from planting of Cabbage in his Garden to the weelding of the Sword and Scepter in the seat of Justice The smallest and meanest points of husbandry did not escape him and the highest and deepest points of State were not above his reach So that the saying of the Hystorian concerning Cato Major In hoc viro tanta vis animi ingeniique fuit ut quocunque loco natus esset fortunam sibi ipse facturus fuissevideretur Is no lesse true and mayas wel be applyed to Morton And that also which followes Nulla ars neque privatae neque publicae rei gerendae ei defuit urbanas rusticasque res pariter callebat Hee was slow of speech by a naturall stayednesse and composed gravity He was of a middle stature rather square than tall having the hair of his head and beard of a yellowish flaxeri His face was full and large his countenance majesticall grave and Princely he was affable and courteous to all yet so as to keep bold encroachers aloofe and so familiar as not to forget to keep his distance He was given to gather riches yet without oppression or sordidnesse and basenesse For hee was liberall upon occasion and not unkinde or unmindefull of his friends Of which disposition I remember this instance when John Halden of Gleneagles with his friends of the house of Marre especially the Abbot of Driebrugh came to him to agree with him for his wardship hee being Regent told them that hee had bestowed it on Isabel Hume daughter to Sir David and sister to Sir George Hume of Wedderburne and that hee might take her and it together which hee did accordingly This came meerely of himself having never been spoken to and when there was none that belonged to the Gentlewoman near him to motion or suggest it to him He was also calme and not easily moved to anger and apt to forgive and forget injuries or contentions that had been betwixt him and any other This appeared in his carriage toward Master Knox who had used him roughly and rebuked him sharply for divers things but especially for his labouring to set up and maintaine the estate of Bishops For howsoever he took it hardly for the time yet when Master Knox lay a dying he went and visited him and after he was dead was present at his buriall where hee gave him this honourable and ingenuous testimonie Here lyest thou said he who â—…ert never afraid of the face of man in delivering thy message from GOD. Hee set a foot a great good work and would no question have seen it perfected if hee had brooked his Regencie a while longer which was the reducing of our Lawes into a more easie forme and method than now they are The care of this was committed to and the task laid upon Sir James Balfoure and Master John Skeene Clerk-Register and Master of the Rols The work as I am informed was well advanced but when he quit his authority they left off any further proceeding in it And I have heard since some question it whether or not it would have done good to the subjects as if it werâ—… to be doubted whether it were better to have some order than none at all So apt are men to calumniate any thing that hinders their particular emolument or limites their unwarrantable power and curbs them from doing what they list Hee kept a Concubine or two because of his Ladies being distracted and frantick and was even too much set to heap up treasure Yet his care was that his enemies should not be enriched by it and his luck was answerable to his care For those on whom he would have bestowed them if hee had had power and opportunitie to distribute them according to his minde by good fortune lighted on it I know not if they got all of it or if it were divided according to that proportion which he perhaps would have observed James Richisoâ—… of Smeeton his brother-in-law got a share of them having been trusted with the keeping thereof Jannet Sharpe his Lemmon another share James Douglas of Spot got some part thereof and some very small portion as is thought in respect of the whole summe came to the hands of Archbald Earle of Angus after his returne from his first banishment A notable example of the uncertainty of these corruptible riches and of worldly treasure which cannot be preserved from the digging through of the thief the eating and consuming of the moth or canker-worme or the dispersing and scattering of an unfaithfull hand and heaâ—…t Though he imployed himself much about it and thought it a great point of wisedome thus to store up wealth yet at his death hee saw and confessed it to be but vanity and folly If wee admit Morton to be a judge or witnesse and what better either judge or witnesse can we finde he will decide the question betwixt the two both self-pleasing parties which do challenge each to himself and derogates from the other that high honour and title of wisedome I mean betwixt him that seeks after and labours for worldly honour dignity and riches and him that having his minde raised higher and pitched upon better things slights these earthly things as trash not worthy of his thoughts or care The worldling cals and thinks him a foole and he esteems no better of the worldling and each laughs the other to scorne Who then shall be judge or witnesse Seeing all are parties and there is no man but is either of the one side or of the other Certainly we may judge best by the confession of the parties themselves Of which the last never yeelded never gaine-said or be-lyed their assertion while they live they avouch it and at their death they do confirme it much more Though Chrysippus tormenter do torture them though the world for the want of it do afflict them with contempt and despising still they stand fast and stick to their point unshaken and unmoved The worldlings by the contrary sometimes while they flourish in prosperity ever when they are in adversity Sometimes while they live and are in health ever when they lye in dying confesse against themselves and cals all their labour and pains about it folly and vanity So did Morton amongst others which the wise will lay to heart and
malicious intention or out of arrogancy pride or presumption The French Proverbe taketh place Il faut passer par la there was no other way besides no audience no accesse could bee had to him by any other means So they conclude to joyne their pains and to partake of the perill The way resolved upon was to assemble themselves at Stirling with their Forces there to supplicate the King and to make their declaration to the Countrey to intimate their grievances and desires with all respect to his Majestie and with all evidence and plainnesse against the Courtiers For this end the Earle of Marre and Master of Glams should bee sent for and first finde meanes to take in the Castle of Stirling an easie taske for the Earle of Marre to performe having his friends lying near to it and the Towne devoted to his service then the Earle of Gowrie should goe thither who lay nearest to it together with the Earle of Athole the Lord Oglebie the Drummonds and the Murrayes Next to him the Earle of Angus from Brechin to whom his friends would repaire out of the South parts the Merse Liddesdale and other parts The Earle Bothwell my Lord Lindsay and diverse others of the Nobilitie were also on the party and had promised to joyne with them Being once Conveened and having the affection of the Ministerie and Burrowes they hoped to bee strong enough against these new mens owne power assisted onely by their particular friends If the Kings name were used against them there behoved to bee a Convention of the Nobilitie and Barons who would heare the Cause judge impartially and informe the King truely without flattery or feare of the courtiers whom they hated neither could they doubt of his equitie and tractablenesse when hee should understand how things were So the businesse should end without bloud and have a good and happy issue And if the worst should come yet were it better to die noblely in the field then to bee hailed to the scaffold and suffer by the hand of the Executioner Thus did they propose but God did dispose of things otherwayes Men know not the Councell and secrets of the Almightie whose determination doth onely stand and come to passe He had not ordained that they should execute their designs nor that they should die in the quarrel it was to be done by another way and at another time the cup of their iniquitie was not yet full against whom they tooke armes Wherefore they were disappointed at this time which fell out thus The Earle of Gowry was charged the second of March to depart the Countrey within fifteen dayes Hee shifted and delayed this affrighted the Courtiers or gave them occasion to seeme affraid and to put the King into a feare and suspition that there was some enterprise in hand against him whereupon the Citizens of Edinburgh were made to keepe a watch about the Pallace Gowrie made shew as if hee had intended to obey the charge contrary to the advice of his associates and that they might beleeve that his intention was reall hee goeth to Dundie causeth provide a ship and make all things ready so that the Courtiers were not more affraid that hee would stay then his Partners were that hee would hoise saile and bee gone Especially the Earle of Angus distrusted him and was jealous of his dissimulation being uncertaine whether it were with the Court or with them that hee did thus dissemble At last having trifled out the time till mid Aprill Colonell William Stuart came to Dundie and having a small company with him setteth upon him at unawares and made him save himselfe in his lodging Then having brought some pieces of Ordnance out of the ships which lay in the Haven being aided by the Townesmen to whom hee had brought a Commission and warrant from the King hee began to batter the house whereupon it was rendered and the Earle taken prisoner By chance as this was in doing a servant of the Earle of Angus coming from Dalkeith by Dundie and having seene all that had happened made haste and came to Brechen about twelve a clock of the night where hee gave his Lord notice of what hee had seen Hee arose presently being much moved therewith and sending for the Gentleman whom hee had imployed to trie his minde before made a heavie moane bewailing the overthrow of their cause and of themselves Then hee asked his opinion what hee thought of it and first told his owne that hee thought it could bee nothing else but deceit and collusion which hee had ever feared and was now evident that his going to Dundie contrary to his advise had no other end but this and that his lingering proceeded from the same ground For said hee how could the Colonell undertake to apprehend him with so small a number of men if hee had not himselfe beene willing to bee taken If hee doubted or distrusted the towne of Dundie why did hee commit himselfe to them or come in their power Why did hee not stay at Perth where hee was out of all danger till the time appointed were come Doubtlesse hee hath betrayed us all and hath colluded to suffer himselfe to bee taken so to colour his unfaithfull dealing with us It was answered that hee could not approve his coming to Dundie which hee ever disliked and had laboured to disswade him from it but could not prevaile yet it seemed a hard construction to thinke that hee came thither of purpose to act a fained apprehending that his slownesse and lingering was well knowne to bee his naturall disposition being another Fabius Cunctator in that point which hee had often found by former experience and often contested with him for it But to thinke him false in such a degree or to imagine him to bee so foolish as to come in the hands of those Courtiers with a crime lying on him though but counterfeited it was such a point that for his owne part his opinion was that he durst not do it lest they should make use of it for his ruine and convert a colluded crime into a true dittie and so worke his death But this could not satisfie the Earle of Angus but still hee kept his opinion that there was no realitie in that act of Gowries apprehending And hee was the more confirmed therein when he heard that the Colonell carried Gowry to the houses of his owne especiall friends such as Weemes of Wester-Weemes whose sonne offered to set him at liberty and to take him out of the Colonels hands and to goe with him himselfe which hee refused to doe Angus passed the rest of that night in great solicitude and feare lest hee himselfe should bee assailed and taken after the same manner which had beene no hard matter to performe hee having but a small family and the Castle not being furnished with Armes the Earle of Crawford lying hard at hand with his dependers and that whole Countrey being evill affected to him But
at last being driven thereto by necessity called to minde what duty conscience God and the station wherein God had placed them did crave of them which was to endeavour that wicked Counsellours namely James Stuart called Earle of Arran chiefe Authour of all the mischiefe might be removed from about his Majestie after such a manner as they could best doe it And since no accesse was free and no man durst or would undertake to present their supplications to the King which contained a true information of his owne estate of the State of the Church and Countrey together with theirs therefore they had conveened in Arms not intending any hurt to their Prince whom they ever had honoured and still did honour and whose welfare was their chiefe end and aime or to wrong any good subject but for defence of their owne persons untill they should inform his Majestie of that which concerned him and belonged to them to remonstrate unto him either in his owne presence or by a publick Proclamation that so it might come to his eares which otherwise these wicked Counsellours did and would hinder him from hearing and that so it might come to the knowledge of all men and move the hearts of such as had true honest and courageous hearts to concurre with them in that so honourable and necessary a worke Wherefore they exhorted all men that they would not through fearfulnesse or a vaine opinion of obedience to the pretended command of a Prince who then was best obeyed when God was obeyed and wickednesse punished who did then truly reigne when wicked Councell was removed withdraw themselvs by lurking abandon the common good in hope to provide for their own particular safety which was not possible for them to doe at any time or in any case much lesse under such a man could there be any security for any good and honest man he being so violent proud tyrannicall unjust and such a profane mocker of Religion who would not be tied to or guided by any law or reason but was carried away by his owne appetite and ambition and who was more fit to be the executioner of a bloudy Nero then a Counsellour to such a just and Christian Prince farre lesse to be sole Ruler and Commander of the Kingdome under the shadow of his Majesties authority having so abused and polluted his name who was so honoured in his cradle and admired through the world for his hopefulnesse and great expectation of all princely vertues Whoso truly loued him ought to concurre and lend their aid to plucke him out of the jawes of these worse then wilde beasts that so his estate kingdome honour and person both in soule and body might be preserved This was the summe and straine of their Declarations and Letters sent abroad to move men to joyne with them in this businesse but all was in vaine for despaire of doing any good at this time had so possessed the hearts of all men that even the best affected did choose to sit still and lie quiet The Earle of Gowries apprehending had so astonished them and the incertaintie how to construe it did so amaze them that all his friends who should have made up a great part of their forces as Athole and others absenting themselves others fainted and held off Even Sir George Hume of Wedderburne a man both zealously affected to the cause and entirely loving the Actors Marre and Angus as being tied to them by bloud alliance and particular intimatenesse of friendship though he were acquainted with their proceedings from time to time and being prisoner in the Castle of Downe in Monteeth might easily have eâ—…caped from thence and come to them to Stirlin yet did he avoid all medling therein and would neither receive nor send message concerning that matter yea they themselves were contented that he should doe so in that generall desertion having gained nothing by their Declaration and Remonstrance save the publishing of their Apologie which was not necessary to friends whose approbation they had already and wrought nothing upon others For though the King had a copie thereof delivered into his own hand which they greatly desired that thereby he might know the naked truth of things and be truly informed of the Courtiers carriage and behaviour yet did it produce no effect to purpose neither did they make any use thereof that was known either to informe and perswade the King of the things contained therein or to reforme themselves Wherefore now their whole thoughts ranne onely upon this how to come off their lives safe and reserve themselves to a better and more convenient time so incertaine is the event of all humane enterprises The Courtiers failed not to make contrary Proclamations in the Kings name the bare shew whereof though there were but very few that favoured them or their proceedings in their heart was of such force that men conveened thereupon out of all quarters It was made in the strictest forme commanding all that were able to beare Armes from sixteene yeares of age to sixtie to assemble themselves and to bring with them provision of victuall for thirty dayes to march whither the King should be pleased to direct them Hereupon Francis Stuart Earle of Bothwell came with his forcâ—…s to Edinburgh where the King was but he being brother-in-law to the Earle of Angus having married his sister the Courtiers did not like of his company and so he was commanded to returne home againe to his house He was indeed of the Lords faction and so were many others who obeyed the Kings proclamation who if they had had hearts and heads were enow of themselves to have taken order with the Courtiers But being dasht with feare of they knew not what if they had considered aright they looked upon one another and so were forced to guard those men whom they could have wished to be hanged The Town of Edinburgh were commanded to make out 500. Musketiers which they did and this was the Courtiers greatest strength yet consisting of the vulgar and such as had no obligation to binde their fidelitie to them and if they had seen the Nobilitie Gentry go about to take them in hand would not have made great opposition nor have hazarded themselves for the Courtiers safety in all likelihood However Colonell William Stuart is sent with 500. men to Fawlkirke whereupon the Lords at Stirling went to a consultation to see what were best for them to doe They had not with them above 300 men which were their owne proper followers yet being resolute willing forward and active Gentlemen it was thought fittest by some to assaile him and to punish his boldnesse and audacitie for taking such charge upon him being but a meane Gentleman to invade and come against the Nobility Disdaine anger and courage seemed to approve of this resolution that so his malapertnesse might be chastised and dashed Neither were it without good use for if he were once defeated the rest would make
a halt and not be so forward that the first successe is of great moment and might bring matters to a parley or such as craved audience of the King to get it that it was no hard matter to doe he being accompanied by such as cared not for his personall safety and had no tye to defend him with the hazard of their owne lives especially but would be glad to have a faire excuse and occasion to abandon such an one in such a quarrell especially if he were invaded in the night the darknesse would excuse and take away their shame of flying It was argued of the other side that night conflicts were subject to hazard errour and mistaking as well on their owne side as the enemies and that it could not be performed without bloud and that perhaps of the most innocent whereas he himselfe whom they chiefly aimed at might escape neither would the defeat of these few bring successe to the cause the enemies forces remaining whole and entire in Edinburgh which would guard and defend them besides by so doing they should be involved in a crime and made obnoxious to the lawes which as yet they were free of that it were better to suffer the guiltie to goe unpunished for a while then to spill the bloud of the guiltlesse and seeing they could not thereby accomplish what they had intended their best was to retire and withdraw themselves with as great innocencie and modestie as they could having done hurt to no man This advice prevailed with them and so they concluded to march in the night season toward Fawkirke but so soone as they were gone out of the towne of stirling to take the way that leadeth to Lanericke the which they did accordingly leaving the Castle of Stirling in the custodie of David Hume of Argatie Being in Lanerick as they were refreshing themselves and baiting their horses word was brought them that a Troup of horsemen did approach whereupon fearing that it was Colonell Stuart pursuing them they took horse and sent Archbald Douglas called the Constable because he had beene Constable of the Castle of Edinburgh in the Earle of Mortons time as hath beene shewed before to discover what they were Hee finding that it was Johnstoun who had beene sent for to Edinburgh to assist against the Lords and was dismist upon their retreat from Stirling went familiarly to him fearing no harme so much the rather because Johnstoun and Angus were brothers by their mother But Johnstoun either fearing that notice might be given to the Courtiers and he challenged thereof if he should let him goe or to get thankes and shew his forwardnesse to their service layes hold on him and carries him immediately backe to Edinburgh declaring what way he came into his hands and what way the Lords had taken delivering also Archbald their prisoner to be used at their pleasure not looking for such cruelty from them as â—…e found For they partly to seale the justice of their cause by bloud partly to make the greater alienation betwixt the brothers Johnstoun and Angus that being out of hope of reconciliation he might be necessitated to cleave to their side they thanke him in words for this his good office and hang Archbald The Earle of Angus and the rest that were with him being resolved to goe into England tooke their way through Tweddale toward Branxton from â—…hence passing through east Tiviotdale they entred England on that hand Calso where the Earle Bothwell remained was not farre out of their way wherefore as they passed by it it being now night hee came forth to them secretly and had conference with them Thereafter as if hee had come to pursue them there was a counterfeit chase made and a counterfeited fleeing for the space of a mile till they were on English ground The next day they came to Berwicke where they were received and remained a certaine space After their departure the King went to Stirling with his forces where the Castle was rendred by the Keepers who forced the Captain to yeeld it absolutely without condition of so much as their lives safe So hee and three more were executed by the Courtiers suggestion Here also the Earle of Gowrie was brought from Kenniel and arraigned of high Treason whereof being condemned by a Jurie hee was beheaded Neither did the forbearance of his friends to joyne with the Lords at Stirlin then in England procure him any favour whereas if they had joyned with them and so strengthened their party they might have terrified the Enemy and obtained better conditions for him Hee was executed the eight and twentieth day of April 1584. The points whereof he was convicted were the fact at Ruthven and the late enterprise at Stirlin His speech was short hee answered to the first That he had a remission for it and to the second That there was no intention there against the King onely they had purposed to remove those wicked men who abused him and whose thirst of bloud hee wished that his death might quench But they cared little for his speeches and as little for his alliance his Countesse being a Stuart of the house of Methven toward whom and her children they shewed no respect at all but used them with all incompassionate rigour and crueltie For she coming to intreat for her self and her children in the time of the Parliament and having fallen down upon her knees before the King shee was troden under foot and left lying in a sound From Stirlin they returned to Edinburgh and there kept a Parliament the two and twentieth day of May in which the Earle of Angus and 〈◊〉 the late Earle of Gowrie and the Master of Glames with divers Barons and others their associats were forfeited the fact of Ruthven conâ—…emned the order of Church-government by Presbyteries Synodes and Generall Assemblies which had been received and publickly allowed in Scotland all men swearing and subscribing thereto and the oath translated into divers languages with great approbation of 〈◊〉 reformed Churches and no small commendation of the King and Countrey forbidden and prohibited and termed unlawfull conventions And in place thereof the office of Bishops condemned by this Church as unlawfull as an invention of mans braine having no warrant of the word of God was reared up again and erected Also Master Robert Montgomerie who had been excommunicated for accepting such an office was now released and restored to his place There was strait inhibiting all men from speaking against these Acts against the Kings proceedings Counsellours or Courtiers under highest paines What shall the Ministers do here Shall they oppose That were to cast themselves into certain danger and to expose themselves to the crueltie of cruell men armed now with a colour oflaw Should they keep silence hear with patience that order blaspemed which they had approven received sworn to and the contrary which they had detested abominated condemned set up and allowed to
know our designes but wee are to receive some help of Moneyes for so it is promised Sir William Russell shall also joyne with us as a male-content having been of late ill used by that State in killing Sir Francis but not as having any command so to do If matters go on we minde to enter on both hands Hamilton and Maxwell shall enter on the West-borders Angus and Marre at the East with such as will joyne with them there Thus did it please him to speak of himself in the third person howbeit it was written all with his own hand But Sir William Russell did not joyn with them Angus Marre and the Master of Glames came to Calsoe and remained there with the Earle Bothwel two or three nights Thither came the Lord Hume Sir George Hume of Wedderburne and others of their friends and with common consent from thence they went to Jedbrugh where they made their coming known and professed their intentions Upon the report hereof Colonell Stuart was sent against them with such forces as he could get and came to Peebles but he found that he had not to doe with irresolute and lingering folks as the Earle of Gowrie nor with such deserted and abandoned men as had fled from Stirlin and therefore he retired in due time to tell tidings of the certainty of their coming They took their journey toward Hamilton and there joyned the Lord Hamilton and the Lord Maxwell and so altogether marched to Fawkirk They caused publish Declarations every where containing their intentions and justifying their proceedings which are set down word by word in the History of Scotland written by Holinshed an English-man who pleaseth may read it there The summe is not unlike to that which was made before at Stirlin when they fled to England onely such things were added thereto as had fallen out since then in the time of their abode there As namely First The proceeding by cruelty under the shadow of the Kings name whose Predecessours did commonly labour to winne the hearts of his Subjects by clemencie Secondly The executing imprisoning banishing by wrested Lawes the worthiest most ancient and the most faithfull to G O D and the King both Noblemen and Barons Thirdly Acts and Proclamations published inhibiting Presbyteries other exercises priviledges and immunities allowed by Parliament or practised and permitted by laudable custome of the Church without which purity of Doctrine the right form of Ecclesiastical discipline cannot continue Fourthly compelling forcing the most learned and most religious men and such as were of most entire life conversation of most sincere conscience to forsake their Countrey or inhibiting them to preach and defrauding them of their Stipend by violence Fifthly the entertaining of Jesuites and executers of the Decrees of the cruell Councell of Trent Sixthly obdurate Papists having place in Session and honest men removed an evident proof and presage of intention to root out the true Religion Seventhly the thrusting of Magistrates upon Burrows contrary to their priviledges which were neither free of the Townes nor fit to discharge the place in their persons Eighthly the secret practices of James Stuart and the Colonell to turne the love and amitie which hath been now of a long time entertained with England very happily into open hostility having had intelligence with such persons as sought the Queen of Englands destruction a point confessed by divers her Rebels executed in England and which appeared by the slaughtering of the Lord Russell a man noble in birth honourable by vertue zealous in Religion of great expectation and a speciall friend and lover of Scottish men notwithstanding that they had made shew of the contrary for certaine moneths and had pretended to enter into an offensive and defensive League with her The conclusion was Wee command and charge in our Soveraignâ—… Lords name as his born Counsellours who are bound in dutie to be carefull of his welfare honour and reputation for which we have our Lands and Inheritances all and sundry his subjects to further and assist this our godly enterprise to concurre with us and so to give testimony of their affection to the true Religion his Majesties welfare and publick peace and quietnesse of this Realme It contained also certification That such as should attempt any thing to their contrary yea that did not take plaine and open part with them should bee reputed as partakers of all vice and iniquitie as assisters of the said treasonable Conspiratours James and William Stuarts and enemies to Religion to his Majestie and Authoritie and to the publicke quietnesse of the two Realmes and should bee used as such in body and goods Commanding all Justices and Magistrates as well the Lords of the Session as others Sheriffes and whatsoever inferiour Judges to administer justice for the furtherance hereof as they would answer upon their allegeance and highest perils with the like certification to them also if they failed herein They staid at Fawlkirke that night being the second day of November and kept strong watch being within five miles of the enemy It was observed with great disdain that the Lord Maxwel who had the charge of the hired souldiers that were put on the watch and so the choyce of the watch-word gave it Saint Andrew as smelling of his superstitious disposition and which was a blemish and contradiction in a manner to their declaration wherein they professed to stand for the true Religion But it was rather privately grudged at than publickly reproved On the morrow there came a message from the Castle of Stirlin as from the King to the Earle Bothwell whereby he was desired to forsake that Company and either come to the King or returne to his own house which he pleased This was a trick to divide them and which did so work upon him that if the Earle of Angus had not partly by reason perswaded him and partly by his authoritie being a man greatly respected detained him and fixed his wavering minde he had forsaken them altogether not without great danger to have weakned the hands and hearts of the rest by such an untimely example On such moments many times do even the greatest businesse depend But God had determined to blesse that Work at that time in their hands That rub being removed they march forward and about the going down of the Sunne they shewed themselves at S. Ninians Kirk which is scarce a full mile from Stirlin and were seen from the Castle wall of friends and foes They lodged there-about as they could till near the dawning of the day and then upon a secret signe given to the Companies that had dispersed themselves into the neighbour Villages for better lodging and victuall without sound of Drumme or Trumpet they came to their Camp and Colours The way of assaulting the Town was laid down thus First one of the Commanders with a few Companies was directed to go and make shew as if hee meant to enter
the Town through some Orchards that lay on the West side thereof and at the same instant another with some other few Companies was sent to go through the Park as if they had intended to assault it on that hand near to the Castle hill while in the mean time the Noblemen themselves with the grosse and body of the Army marched on the South side and passing the ditch a little above the Mill going through some Gardens entered at a certain narrow Lane not â—…arre from the West gate where the way was so strait that single men with weapons could hardly passe it The hired souldiers which carried shot were set formost to remove any that should offer to make head against them They that were within the Town were equall in number to those that were to assault it without Noblemen the Earle Marshall and the Lord Seton and Barons who were come out of obedience to the Kings Proclamation These had the keeping of the West gate But the onely enemies were James and the Colonell Stuarts together with Montrose and Crawford in respect of some particular quarrels For Montrose had been Chancellour of the Assise by which the Earle of Morton was condemned and was esteemed to have been a bad instrument therein And Crawford had killed the Lord Glames the Masters brother whereupon deadly feude and divers murders had ensued on both sides The rest though they did not openly assist the invaders yet did they wish them no hurt nor make any resistance against them There were in the Castle the Master of Gray and Sir Lewis Ballandine who were suspected by James Stuart and not without cause He knew also that Master John Metellane bare him no great good will These hee intended to have rid himself of and to have slaughtered but they were too strong to do it without great hazard and besides it had been but little wisedome to have gone about that wherein if hee had failed it would have been his overthrow and though hee had prevailed it would not have freed him from his enemies without All he did was that the Colonell with some shot was set in the Street near the West-Gate of the town which was the place likeliest to be assaulted James Stuart himself stayed about the Bridge having the Keyes of that Gate in his pocket making that back-doore sure for his last refuge to escape by it The Earle of Montrose was placed at the foot of the Castle hill to make good the entrie through the Park The event was that having entred the Town through a narrow Lane they were welcomed and entertained by the Colonell with some shot in the street but seeing that they were resolute and more in number than he was able to deal with he retired to the Castle In this entrie there was but one onely of the Lords side killed and it is uncertaine whether it were done by the Enemie or by one of his fellowes who were so unskilfull in handling their Muskets that their Captain said That who had known them as well as hee did would not willingly have marched before them The Earle Marshall and the Lord Seton seeing the Colonell so quickly quit the Field stood still at the Gate invading no man and no man invading them The Earles of Montrose and Crawford hearing the tumult of the Towne taken on the other hand forsook their station and were received into the Castle James Stuart fled by the posterne on the Bridge and having locked the Gate behinde him he threw the Keyes into the River The Colonell in his retreat was followed so near by Master James Halden brother Germane to John Halden of Gleneagles that he overtook him and was laying hand on him but in the mean time was shot by Josua Henderson a servant of the Colonels and so died presently He was a young Gentleman much lamented of all that knew him being lately come out of France where as also in Italy he had lived divers years with great approbation of all his Countrey-men being greatly beloved for his sweet courteous disposition If it were lawfull here to bewaile a particular losse I have just cause to loose the reins of my private affection and pay that tribute of sorrow and teares which I owe to the memorie of so faithfull upright and trusty a friend For the present it shall suffise to say thus much and let it remaine as a poore witnesse of some small gratefull remembrance as long as this piece can remaine that before him I found not any and since have known but very few so hearty and sincere friends as he was to me from our childe-hood for many yeares Having thus without any further losse or hurt made themselves Masters of the Town all rejoyced at their successe and with chearfull minds and countenances welcomed them and congratulated their returne One thing was like to have bred some stirre and tumult but that the parties interressed knowing the Lords own noble disposition and how these things could not be helped bore patiently the losse they received for the joy they had of the publick good This it was when the Nobles and Gentlemen alighted to enter the Town on foot they gave their horses to their footmen to be held without till they had made all cleare within While they were busied in assaulting and rambarring Colonell Stuart the Annandale men and others also by their example who came with the Lord Maxwell seized on their horses and went cleare away with them having spared no man friend or foe of their own or the adverse partie It was no time to follow them and though it had yet could they not doe it their horses being gone That day they lodged in the Towne and kept watch and ward about the Castle that none might go forth or come in without their knowledge Robert Hamilton of Inchmachan who had falsly accused Master Douglas of Maines and Master Cunninghame of Drummiewhasle caused himself to be let downe over the Castle wall at the back-side thereof in a basket thinking so to escape but he was perceived followed and slaine in the Park by Johnston of Westerhall receiving that just reward of his betraying innocent bloud The Lord Hamilton himself when he heard of it said he had gotten but what hee had deserved The Castle not being provided of Victuals and no man almost caring to defend it it could not hold out wherefore messengers being sent to and fro betwixt the King and them all things were agreed on and so the fourth of November the Gates were set open and the Companies entering the Noblemen presented themselves before the King in all humble and submisse manner and did by their carriage and behaviour really confute the calumnies of their enemies who had accused them of traiterous intentions and practices When they came they used not many words onely They were his true and loyall Subjects ready to serve him with their bloud and that they were come to declare themselves and to cleare
warrant from the text the drift of which is clean contrary not to extoll or lift them up but to abate their pride and to humble them not to secure them but to terrifie them not to exempt them from death the lot of other men but to let them know that they are subject to it as well as others and to threaten them therewith Wherefore let men build up Power and impunitie to Tyrants upon what other place of Scripture they please I dare affirme that this place is most unfit for it For here there is never a word of Obedience never a word of Impunitie but by the contrary of punishment Oh but it saith I have said ye are Gods True but it saith also Neverthelesse you shall die which two being put together the one shewes them their duety Do justice as God doth the other threatneth punishment Te shall die if ye do it not But they will say that this threatning is from God and therefore God indeed may and will punish but man may not I answer the Text makes no mention whether God will punish them immediately or by the hand of man but however that be the scope of the Psalmist is to humble them and hee who from thence doth gather any Prerogative or impunitie to them gathers that which is contrary to the Text. Now to come to the particulars of the Sermon To what use was it at that time to preach Obedience to Tyrants was it not sufficient to have preached Obedience to good Kings And to have showne his Majesty to be a good King if he thought that any man doubted of that point which was more honourable for his Majestie more beseeming a Preacher more easie to perswade then to roote out the inveterate opinion of the lawfulnes to resist Tyrants Concerning his Arguments 1. Was the first solid God sitteth in the assembly of Gods therfore Tyrants sit in the seat of God though it were true yet it followeth not and it is even like to this The King sits in the Assembly of the Lords therefore the Lords sit in the Kings seat As on the contrary The King being present doth sit in his owne seat and the Lords do rather sit in his seat when he is absent then when he sits in the Assembly amongst them Also as I have said the presence of God is there mentioned not to authorize but to controll them Neither doth the Text inferre Therefore obey them there is no word of that there but Therefore they shall die Because God sits and sees them eyes them and perceives the wrong they doe and how they abuse their power which is a contrary illation to his and farre more consonant to the Text. 2. His second Argument was The people of God are commanded to obey Nabuchodonozor who was a Tyrant therefore all Tyrants should be obeyed How hard an inference Of a particular extraordinary to gather a generall ordinary rule If wee allow of this kinde of arguing it will bee replied God commanded Jehu a private man to slay Achab a Tyrant therefore private men ought or may slay Tyrants 3. His third David did not slay Saul therefore no man should lay hands on a Tyrant how loose is it from example or authoritie negative 4. But the fourth God placed the Tyrant in that place therefore no man may put him out of it though his Tyranny bee never so great what doe you thinke of it A mans goods are taken from him by a briggand who doubts but God hath given them into the briggands hands But doth it therefore follow that no man not the Magistrate may take them from him againe because God hath put them into his hands yea who knowes but God hath cast them into his hands for that end that they may bee taken out of his hands and hee punished for it Besides this inconvenient will also follow hereon if an usurper shall once get himselfe place in a Kingdome no man by this reasoning may ever dispossesse him again to repossesse the lawfull King because without all doubt God hath placed him there This were a maxime very prejudiciall to lawfull and rightfull Kings 5 The fifth was a Simile which all men know are ever lame and doe halt some way yea those which he used are brought by others to prove the contrary 1. For even Children are sometimes made free from their Parents by the civill law Romane 2. And Servants from their Masters by Gods Law given to the Jewes as If his eye bee beaten out let him goe for his eye 3. Wives are divorced and freed from their husbands if the essentiall knot and tie of matrimonie bee violated and broken why then may not the tie we have to Tyrants be taken away If the Essentiall cause of obedience the image of God justice be violated and cast off by the Tyrant why may not the obligation of obedience cease And this for his Arguments which you â—…ee how frivolous and weak they are As for his conclusion Men may not put hand in Tyrants it can never be deduced from his text There is only one word which seemes to make for him I said ye are gods but the next words say plainly Neverthelesse ye shall die whereby it is clear that this appellation of gods is not given them to free them from punishment but to put them in minde of their duty which when they neglect they lose the name and are lyable to the punishment So that according to his owne forme of reasoning if it follow from hence that because God hath placed them in that place to doe justice therefore men should not take them out of it though they prove Tyrants it will follow farre better God appoints them to die because they doe not justice therefore they must die therefore men may make them die when they become Tyrants in stead of being gods Which kind of reasoning if he think not to be good then must he quit his own reason and leave this passage as neither making for him nor against him neither exempting them from punishment in calling them gods which showes but what they ought to be of dutie nor yet giving expresse command for men to slay them in this other word ye shall die which showes onely what God will doe in his justice He alledged as others also doe in this cause that the thing which moved him to broach this conclusion was because that if a liberty to kill or disobey Tyrants be granted unto men then good Kings shall not be obeyed nor sure of their owne lives because seditious or ambitious men of which there are enow will call a good King a Tyrant But your Lordship may consider the futilitie of that pretext for by the same reason all lawes are taken away and all punishment of vice and wickednesse For where the law ordaines theeves to be punished an unjust Judge may call an honest man a theefe and if we allow blasphemie to be punished a Jezabel will finde meanes to