be at the Devotion of the People of Rome The Consul commending their Modesty and having dispatch'd away Advise to the Senate of their Obedience turn'd his March to Privernum But first call'd the Principal Conspirators to account of whom as Claudius writes Three hundred and fifty were sent Prisoners to Rome and that the Senate would not accept of the aforesaid Submission as looking upon it to be but a Whining Sham. Privernum being now Beleaguer'd with two Consular Armies one of the Consuls was call'd home to hold the Courts for the Election of Magistrates This Year the Barriers or Lists for the Horse and Chariot-Races were first set up in the Circus Before the War with the Privernates was over another false Alarm was raised that the Gauls were preparing to Invade the Romans These were a People that the Senate always stood in fear of and therefore the new Consuls L. Aemilius Mamercinus and C. Plautius on the first of July the very day they entred upon their Office were ordered to make choice of their respective Provinces The management of the Gallic War fell upon Mamercinus who immediatly applyed himself to the levying of an Army allowing no Exemptions nay 't is said poor Handicrafts-men Artists Shop-keepers and the like though very unfit for Military Service were press'd and forc'd to bear Arms in this supposed necessity Hereby a vast Army was Rendezvouz'd at Veij that thence they might advance to Encounter the Gauls nor was it thought advisable to go further forward for fear the Enemy taking another way should give them the slip and in their absence surprize the City But within few days these fears were over-blown and they were satisfied that the Gauls had no design to trouble them so then all the Forces were bent against Privernum which some say was taken by Storm and Vitruvius apprehended alive Other Authors relate That before it came to that Extremity they sent out Ambassadors carrying a Caduceus or Mercury's Wand in token of Peace before them and of their own accord surrendred to the Consul and that Vitruvius was delivered up by his own Party The Senate being consulted upon this Affair ordered the Consul Plautius to dismantle the City of Privernum and place in it a strong Garison and sent for him home to receive the Honor of a Triumph They also Decreed that Vitruvius should in the mean time be kept close Prisoner and then be first publickly whip'd and afterwards put to death his Dwelling-house to be demolish'd his Goods dedicated to their God called Semon Sangus and that what mony could be made thereof should be bestowed in making of Brazen Globes to be placed for Ornament in the Chappel of the said Sangus towards the Temple of Quirinus And touching the Senate of Privernum they pass'd this Order That whoever was a Senator there at any time since their defection should be confined to dwell on the other side the Tiber in the same manner as was Enacted in the case of the Veliternians And as for the common People there was yet no mention made of them but after the Consul had Triumph'd and Vitruvius and several of his Accomplices put to death the Consul thought he might safely move the Senate in their favor Since the Authors saith he of this Revolt have receiv'd their due Reward from the Gods and you Conscript Fathers What is your further pleasure touching the Innocent Multitude For my own part though 't is my duty to demand your Opinions rather than deliver my own yet seeing the Privernates are next Neighbors to the Samnites with whom we have but a very uncertain Peace I should think it our Interest to oblige them and give them as little occasion for Rancour and Animosity against us as may be As the matter it self was doubtful some advising to rigour and others to clemency according to every ones Inclination so it was rendred more perplex'd and difficult by one of the Privernates own Ambassadors who being ask'd by one of the Senators that had spoken sharply against them what punishment he thought in his own Conscience the Privernates worthy of being more mindful of that State wherein he was born than of their present necessity replyed Marry such punishment as they deserve who think themselves worthy of Freedom The Consul perceiving those that were before against the Privernates more exasperated by this stout answer endeavor'd by a gentle Question to draw from him some more modest and submissive Language Suppose saith he we should wholly remit your punishment what kind of Peace may we then expect with you To which the other briefly return'd If you afford us a good and equal Peace you shall find it on our part faithfully observed for ever but if you impose hard Conditions you must not expect we should keep them long At this some of the Senators cry'd out That this was plain threatning and the only way to stir up quiet People to Rebellion but the more Judicious gave a more favorable Construction saying It was a Speech becoming a Man and one Free-born For is it credible say they that any State or indeed any Mortal will endure a bad and uneasie Condition any longer than they needs must That Peace only can be sure and stable that is voluntarily entred into Nor can we hope to find Fidelity where we impose Slavery But especially the Consul brought over many to Vote in their favor by repeating these words several times so loud as they might be heard by the whole House That those and those only were worthy to be made Cttizens of Rome who esteemed nothing in the World so much as Liberty Thus they gain'd their Point in the Senate and obtained a Law from the People to be made Free Denizons This Year a Colony of Three hundred persons was sent to Anxur where each received two Acres of Ground The following Year wherein P. Plautius Proculus and P. Cornelius Scapula were Consuls was memorable in no respect for Affairs Domestick or Military save only a Colony planted at Frigellae which sometime was in the Territories of the Sidicins and afterwards of the Volscians And a publick Dole or distribution of Raw Flesh given to the People by M. Flavius at the Funeral of his Mother There were some that thought he under this pretence of Honoring his Mother took an opportunity to discharge his Obligations to the People and Reward them for acquitting him when he was lately Arraigned by the Aediles for ravishing a certain married Woman But if the Treat were bestow'd for a Favor past it got him Honor for the future for at the next Election of a Tribune of the Commons he though absent was preferr'd before all that stood for 't The City Palaepolis was situate not far from the place where Naples now standeth the same People Inhabited both Towns descended from the Cumani who deriv'd their Original from Chalcis in Euboia with that Fleet wherein they Sail'd from their own Country they were able to do much at Sea
cannot be trusted safely because of the perfidiousness of some few who having no sense of honesty stand onely to their Articles as long as they make for their Interest but upon the first apprehension of any good to be got by falshood they will break their faith rather than let go their advantage but when the Peace is made there can be nothing more grateful to me nor more conducive to us both than if you would go with me to Epirus there to be preferr'd to the highest Honours among my Friends and to be my Lieutenant in War and a sharer with me in all my Fortunes for I value no possession more than that of a faithful and valiant Friend Moreover the State of a Court and the grandeur of a King's service is more suitable to your Genius If therefore we shall mutually assist each other herein we shall attain the greatest humane Felicity When the King had ended his Speech Fabricius a little after began thus If I am observ'd to have any Skill in the management either of Civil or Military Affairs 't is needless for me to say any thing of it since you have believ'd others so much concerning it nor is it necessary that I should speak any thing touching my Poverty and how being Master of a little spot of ground and Cottage I live not upon the Interest of Money or by the labours of Slaves but by my own For as to these things I suppose you are sufficiently inform'd by the relation of others but yet if you suppose that I am in a worser condition because I am poor than any other Roman truly whether you imagine so of your self or follow others Opinion in the point you are mightily mistaken for whilst I do my duty with contempt of Wealth I feel no misery nor have I ever yet lamented my fate either in my publick or private Concerns for why should I quarrel at it unless I should blame it because in this condition as poor as 't is I enjoy all those things in my Country which seem desireable by a generous Spirit not onely with but before the wealthy For I bear the greatest Offices among us I manage the most important Wars I am imploy'd in the most honourable Embassies The charge of Religion is committed to my care I am call'd to the Senate and consulted with concerning the weightiest Affairs of State There are many that praise and imitate my Actions of their own accord Nor am I less esteem'd than any of the princpal Men of our Commonwealth and I am thought by others an Example for the undertaking noble things But yet all this while I do not spend a penny of my own Mony nor does any of the rest do so For in other places where Riches lie generally in the hands of private men and the public Revenues are but small the Officers out of their own Purses maintain the Port and splendour of their Place but our Common-wealth has far different Constitutions being no ways burthensom to the Estates of private men All that Equipage wherewith our Countrymen as many of them as are employ'd in the management of State Affairs are so splendidly furnish'd is given by the Public Hereby all Estates are made equal insomuch that the poorest can lack nothing for the maintaining either his public or personal Honour nor the richest have any thing over Therefore inasmuch as being the poorest of all I come not short of any of the wealthiest in what is commendable and good why should I complain of my Fortune Should I require of her that she should have made me equal to Kings who have it in their power to heap up vast Treasures Thus far touching my publick Capacity now in my private one my poverty is so far from being a burthen to me that on the contrary when I compare my self with your Rich men my condition seems infinitely happier than theirs and I counr my self one of those few who have attain'd the greatest happiness of this World and therefore I bless my Stars for my condition and I am thankful for my poverty For since it seems but an idle thing to me to covet superfluities and withal since my little Spot of ground if well cultivated will supply me with necessaries I do not know why I should be solicitous for any more Wealth For my appetite recommends any sort of Diet to my taste I procure my self an easie sleep by labour my Cloaths if they are warm satisfie me in Housholdstuff I like that best which is cheapest and fittest for the use it is designed to wherefore I should be unjust to accuse Fortune for not granting me a greater stock of Wealth than my nature requires which never implanted in me either a desire of too great Riches or the skill of getting them Wherefore as poor as I am I think my self richer than the richest not excepting your self for I have as much as I desire But what made you come into Italy seeing you already possess'd Epirus and other places but that you thought your self poor Ay but Wealth inables one man to benefit others and this I cannot do for poverty But this concerns me no more than that I have no other extraordinary accomplishments that God has not made me a great Scholar or a Prophet for other mens good or any thing else but if I serve my Friends and my Country with those Talents that I have and do all the good I can to any man I think I am thus far free also from this imputation Nor may you count these things small and trivial who pretend to an high value of them and seem ready to buy them off at such a dear rate but if great Wealth be onely desireable for helping the necessitous and that the possession thereof upon that score renders a man any thing happy as to you Kings the matter seemeth Which is the best way of getting Wealth to receive it from you dishonorably or to get it my self hereafter handsomly My good successes in the service of the State have given me brave opportunities to improve my fortunes as at other times often so especially four years ago when being Consul I was sent with an Army against the Lucanians Samnites and Brutians and wasted their large Territories and having routed them in several Battels took and rifled their rich Towns from which Booty after I had given largesses to my Soldiers and repay'd private persons whatever they had lent the State upon the occasions of the War there remain'd the sum of four hundred Talents which I laid up in the common Treasure-house Seeing therefore that I have thus refus'd to make my fortune by just and honourable means out of this Booty which was ready in my hand and like V. Publicola and many other noble Romans who have rais'd the State to this pitch preferr'd Honour before Interest shall I now take Bribes of you quitting an honest way of getting Wealth for one as infamous as dangerous Besides as for
trouble arrives at Tarentum The Romans who were extreamly afflicted with a Pestilence and the fear of War increasing upon Pyrrhus's return into Italy against both these made use of all humane and divine means whatsoever Concerning this Rite See Dempster c. There was an Ancient Opinion among them that the driving in of a Nail by the Dictator might asswage the Disease and it may be very probably guess'd that this shift was made use of and that P. Cornelius Rufinus was made Dictator to drive the Nail whilst the greatness of the Calamity was apt to urge People to seek for any Remedies and 't is manifest that Rufinus was disgrac'd by the Censors the next year after he had been twice Consul and Dictator and there cannot be found a surer Record or a sitter place for his Dictatorship Thus they did all they could to remove the Pestilence but the care of the War by reason of the difficulty in making Levies put them to a greater trouble For besides the long continuance of the War the Pestilence having rag'd a long while made People weary of their lives and the young Men being cited obstinately refus'd to enter into service But the severity and resolution of M. Curius Dentatus being Consul the second time broke their obstinacy for he was now entred upon his Office with L. Cornelius Lentulus his Colleague While Curius was making new Levies in the Capitol and saw that none would list themselves he commanded the names of all the Tribes to be put into the Box and the Lot falling upon the Pollian Tribe the first name of that Tribe that was drawn was cited but when the Man would not answer he first of all sold his goods and afterwards when with grievous complaints he had made his Appeal to the Tribune he sold the man himself saying beforehand That the Commonwealth had no need of such a Member as would not be obedient The Tribunes did not assist the Fellow in the least and from that time this action was esteem'd so good a President that if any one refus'd to list himself when he was commanded to do so in a Muster rightly held it became a Custom to make a Slave of him This terrour forced the rest to inroll themselves more readily and so having rais'd as many Regiments as they had design'd the two Consuls advanc'd towards the Enemy Lentulus makes an inroad into Lucania and Curius invades the Samnites Pyrrhus bestirring himself at this news in a general Rendezvouz of his Forces at Tarentum review'd his Army consisting of twenty thousand Foot and three thousand Horse With which and a choice Troop of Tarentines he entred into Samnium where he found that Nation but coldly affected to him and his aids from other places came in very slowly and thin People being not onely wearied out by their great losses but very much netled because he was reckon'd to be the Author of all the miseries they suffer'd whilst betraying his Italian Allies by his departure he undertook an Expedition into Sicily But yet for all this being furnish'd with great Forces he sent part of them into Lucania to divert the other Consul and goes himself against Man Curius promising himself an easie conquest of the rest if he could but conquer this Man But the Roman knowing full well that no Army could be a match to the Macedonian Phalanx if it were drawn out in Battalia posted himself in a place that was of difficult access and because he hop'd for Aids out of Lucania beside that the Sacrifices and Auguries did not bode well he was not willing to give Battel Pyrrhus the more earnestly desir'd Battel before the two consular Armies were joyn'd and therefore taking with him some of the Light-arm'd Soldiers together with some Elephants he resolved by Night to surprize the Roman Camp And now when all things are prepar'd for this attempt he falls asleep and dreams that most of his Teeth drop'd out of their place and a great deal of blood ran out of his Mouth Being perplex'd with this Dream he determined for the present to forbear all Action But because his Friends importun'd him not to pretermit an opportunity not likely to be retriev'd he commanded that the Signal for the March should be given About the Town of Maleventum which was so called in those days the Country is woody and mountainous but further on the Hills by moderate and gentle descents it determines in a spacious Plain called the Fields of Taurasinum Whilst Pyrrhus was going from the lower ground by the ascent of these hilly and woody places the Lights he carried with him went quite out so that straying in the dark and being stop'd in his Journey he could be seen from the Roman Camp by break of day The Romans were not a little surpriz'd at the sudden arrival of the Enemy but because they knew for certain they must ingage and considering that their Sacrifices appear'd auspicious the Consul marches speedily out of the Camp and falls upon and routs the foremost of the Enemies that were broken from the rest and in disarray these running back upon their own men disorder'd the Army and a great many were kill'd and some Elephants left by the Enemy were taken by the Romans This success incouraged Curius to pursue his good fortune and to lead his Army in Battalia down into the Plain where the Epirots were ready to receive them They fought very sharply on both sides but the Romans having gotten the better in the former Battel they were more couragious now The Epirots at length gave ground which made Pyrrhus to have recourse to the assistance of his Elephants by which means when one Wing of his Army fled he forced the Romans in the other Wing to retire to their Posts The Consul having before left there a strong Guard commands them now being fresh to receive the Enemy and beat back the Elephants Against these Creatures experience had taught them how to secure themselves very easily and they had learn'd in the former Battels that they were more affraid of Fire than Sword they got therefore bundles of Hempen stalks besmear'd with Pitch which being fir'd they threw upon the backs or Towers of the Elephants and these whether they lighted on the skin of the Elephants or on their wooden Towers stuck fast by sharp hooks they were arm'd withal While they ply'd them with these and several other kinds of shot very thick from the upper ground the Elephants partly by the terrour of the fire and partly by their Wounds were put into a rage and in an ungovern'd manner retreating upon their own men disordered and destroy'd all where they bent their course This confusion as they say began by a young Elephant who being shot in the head with a Dart made a mournful noise at which as being known by her his Dam leaping out and increasing the disorder afterwards put all the rest of the Elephants into the like hurry and confusion This
coming from Epirus in their Towns and Ports But the commodiousness of the Haven of Brundusium which with the Wind blowing from the same Point receives and sends forth Vessels together with the easie passage into Dalmatia and Albania from thence as also the convenience of having their Dominions terminated by the bounds of Italy were deemed the most important reasons of the War Both the Consuls triumph'd over these people in one day being the 20th of February The Sallentines being overcome they took Brundusium the most eminent Town in that quarter and atchiev'd other matters very prosperously being assisted as they gave out by Pales the Goddess of Shepherds said to have requested for reward of the Victory a Chappel to be consecrated for her A. U. 487 at Rome The greater part of the Sallentines being subdued by these men the Consuls of the year following compleated the Victory their names were Numerius Fabius C.F.M.N. and Decius Junius D. F.D by these the Vmbrians and Sallentines also were subjected to the Roman Yoke Thus Italy being conquer'd where it is bounded by the Seas and the Po the Roman Power immediately began to be magnify'd by the hopes of some and fear of others in the neighbouring Islands and the Continent lying to the Ionian and Adriatic Seas For those who desir'd to aggrandize themselves by oppressing others were affraid to be hinder'd in their designs by the Romans whilst others on the contrary imbrac'd their aid as sent from Heaven against the outrages of their Adversaries The Apollonians first of all desired by their Ambassadours to be admitted into an Alliance with the Romans The Town of Apollonia is distant from the Sea sixty furlongs being built by the Corinthians and Corcyreans it has a commodious Harbour and the shortest passage from Brundusium into Greece lies that way the Illyrians and Macedonians inhabit about it therefore the people can hardly maintain their ground against their ambitious and potent Neighbours The Embassie was graciously received by the Senate not regarding so much the Wealth and Power of that People being but small as future hopes and opportunity open'd for greater matters in reversion whence the punishment taken upon some young Noblemen for beating the Ambassadours in a scuffle was the greater for neither could the dignity of his Office for he was Edile nor the nobleness of his Extract rescue Q. Fabius from being deliver'd up to the Apollonians for that misdemeanour Q. Apronius likewise an Edile and an Accomplice in the same Crime was surrendered to the Apollonians for the Senate decreed that these should be deliver'd by the Heralds to the Apollonian Ambassadours and that a Questor should go along with them to Brundusium lest the Relations of the persons surrendred should offer any injury to the Ambassadours in their Journey This was a signal demonstration both of the justice of the State and of their prudence too for whilst by an Opinion of honesty they desir'd to attract the minds of forein Nations to an Amity with them it nearly concern'd them in some signal manner to revenge the Affronts offer'd to those who first came to propose an Alliance with them for nothing could have prov'd more prejudicial to their Interest than to let matters come to such a pass that the Apollonians should have cause to repent of their action and others for their Example And hence in after-times it went for a constant Rule that those who had beaten the Ambassadours of a free People should be delivered into the hands of those to whom the Ambassadours belonged The Apollonians however when these persons were brought to them wisely considering that they should reap more good by their Humanity than Revenge sent them home safe This year both the Consuls triumph'd twice D. Junius before the 27th of September and Numerius Fabius before the 5th of October over the Sarsinates a people of Vmbria Fabius also the first of February and Junius the 5th triumph'd over the Sallentini and some Messapians assistants to then Neighbours the Sallentini This yeâ—r was made an end of the Italian Wars for the War which was wâ—g'd the year following Q. A. U. 488 Fabius Gurges being the third time Consul having for his Colleague L. Manilius Vitulus was not against a just Enemy but onely a Revenge taken upon recreant Villains in behalf of Allies The Volsinians a powerful People of Hetruria implor'd the protection of the Romans against their quoudam Slaves for whether it were in hopes to recruit their strength impair'd by former Wars or to indulge themselves in ease shunning the toil of War they imprudently permitted their Slaves being made Freemen to bear Arms and afterwards communicating Honours to them chose some of thâ—m for Senators and some for other Offices in the State so that these in a short time over-topping the ancient Citizens and wresting the Power into their own hands most impudently exercised their liberty against those men to whom they were indebted for it So that now it became their common Trade to ravâ—sh the hâ—nourable Dames and Virgins to answer the complaints of Parents and Husbands for these injuries with mockery and reproaches instead of redress and correction of the Offenders and to plunder destroy and harrass all things as they pleas'd themselves And not to pass by a signal demonstration of thâ—t brutish impudence to which servile Spirits may arrive when they have power on their side they published a Law whereby the Libertines were authoriz'd to ravish the Wives and Daughters of their Pations and that every Maid that was to many a Freeman should first be deflâ—wr'd by one that had been a Slave Now the old Volsinians being neither able to endure these miseries nor yet to remove them with their own strength entring into private consult determin'd to send Ambassadours to Rome who by addresses underhand prevail'd to have the Senate assembled in a private House for they foresaw that the thing if it should be discover'd would undo them declared in a lamentable harangue the calamities of their City whereat the Senate being moved promised to assist that distressed people in order to the recovering of their ancient rights and priviledges But whilst these matters were thought to have been transacted Incognito they were discovered by a certain Samnite to those very men against whom all the complaint was made This Fellow being a Guest to the Master of that House when the Senate assembled lay ill and being forgotten stay'd behind in that place whereby he over-heard and betray'd the whole matter The Ambassadours therefore being returned from Rome were put to the torture and the business being found out both they and the chief Men of the City were barbarously murthered This gave a juster pretence for making a War and Q Fabius was sent with an Army against them who defeated them in Battel and slew a great number of them in the pursuit and as for those who betook themselves into their fortresses he resolved to attack them by storm but whilst they
fifty miles off That the Consuls should set a value upon them and the quit-rent of an As upon every Acre to shew that they were the publick Lands to the end that if any one when the People was in a capacity of paying them would rather have their Money than the Land he might restore the Land to the Publick The private Men were glad of those terms and that Land was called Trientius from tres three and Tabulius from Tabula the Table in which the account was because it was given in lieu of the third part of the Money Then P. Sulpicius after he had made his vows in the Capitol going out of the City with the Lictors before him in a Generals Robe came to Brundusium where having taken the old Volunteers out of the African Army into the Legions and chosen certain Ships out of the Consul Cornelius's Fleet the next day after he set sail from Brundusium arrived in Macedonia There the Athenian Embassadors applyed themselves to him desiring That he would come and deliver them from the siege which then war laid against them Whereupon C. Claudius Gento was presently sent to Athens with twenty long Ships and a good number of Soldiers For it was not the King himself that besieged Athens he at that time was most intent upon Abydos after he had tryed his strength with the Rhodians and Attalus in two Sea-Fights in neither of which he had any good fortune But that which gave him the greater courage besides his natural audacity was the League he had made with Antiochus King of Syria and that he had shared with him in all the riches of Aegypt which when they heard of Ptolomy's Death they both look'd very eagerly after Now the Athenians had brought the VVar with Philip upon themselves upon no good ground at all retaining nothing of their ancient condition except their resolution and courage Two young Men of Acarnania in the time of the Initia Feasts dedicated to Ceres who were not initiated went in with the crowd into Ceres Temple not knowing any thing at all of the Religious usage in that case Wherefore their speech soon betrayed them by their asking several absurd questions and thereupon being carried before the Priests of the Temple before whom it was plainly proved that they came thither by mistake they were put to Death as for an hainous Offence Which barbarous and hostile Act the Acarnanians told Philip of and obtained of him that he would assist them with Macedonian Auxiliaries to make VVar upon the Athenians And that Army having first of all laid wast the Attick Territories with Fire and Sword returned into Acarnania with all sorts of Plunder That was the first provocation they received but after that they by publick Decrees of their City declared a just War For King Attalus and the Rhodians who followed Philip as he retired into Macedonia when they came to Aegina the King i. e. Attalus crossed over the Piraeeus the chief Port of Athens to renew and confirm his alliance with the Athenians VVhereupon all the City running out to meet him with their VVives and Children and the Priests with their Robes and Ensigns yea even the very Gods themselves almost walked forth to receive him as he came into the City Immediately the People were summoned to an Assembly that the King might say what he pleased before them but afterward They thought it more for his honour that he should write to them what he thought fit rather than either when present blush at the relation of what good things he had done for the City or at the shouts and exclamations of the multitude who would by their immoderate praises put his modesty out of countenance Now in the Letters that he sent into the Assembly there was first A commendation of his kindnesses shown to that City which was his Ally Secondly Of the Actions he had performed against King Philip and lastly an Exhortation to take up Arms as long as they had himself the Rhodians and at that time the Romans on their sides That they hereafter would seek such an occasion if they now let that slip when it was too late Then the Rhodian Embassadors had Audience who had done them a very fresh piece of service in that they had sent back four long Ships belonging to the Athenians that the Macedonians had lately taken and they retaken Wherefore by general consent a War was decreed against Philip and immoderate honours paid to Attalus first and then to the Rhodians And then was the first mention made of the Tribe which they called Attalis being to be added to the ten old ones The Rhodians on the other hand had a Crown of gold presented to them upon the score of their valour and were made free of the City as they had formerly made the Athenians After these things King Attalus went to the Navy at Aegina whilst the Rhodians sailed from thence to Cia and so along through the Isles to Rhodes making an Alliance with them all by the way except Andrus Parus and Cythnus which were in the possession of the Macedonians Certain Messengers that he sent into Aetolia and Embassadors that he expected from thence kept Attalus for some time at Aegina without doing any thing at all in which time as he could not get them to fight because they desired a Peace with Philip upon any terms whatsoever so on the contrary had he and the Rhodians made a brisk attack upon Philip they might have had the glory of having themselves delivered Greece And then again by suffering him to go over into Hellespont and taking possession of the most convenient places in all Greece to re-inforce himself they cherish'd the War and gave the glory of waging and ending of it wholly to the Romans Philip behaved himself more like a King who though not able to endure the shock of Attalus and the Rhodians was not for all that affrighted at the Roman War which was then at hand but sending Philocles one of his Prefects with two thousand Foot and two hundred Horse to ravage the Country of the Athenians and committing the Fleet to Heraclides to go to Maronea withal went himself by Land the same way with two thousand Foot and two hundred Horse of his most expedite Souldiers And indeed he took Maronea upon the first Assault Thence he marched to Aenus which he attempted at first with great difficulty but at last took by the treachery of one Ganymede Ptolomies Prefect After which he got possession of several Castles Cypsela Doriscon and Serrheum From whence going to Chersonesus he took Eleus and Alopeconesus by Surrender Callipolis also and Madytos were surrender'd with other Castles of less note But the Abydenes besides that they did not admit his Embassadors shut their Gates against the King And his attempt upon those people gave Philip a long diversion nor had their Town been taken if Attalus and the Rhodians had made any hast For Attalus sent only
That they should inquire into the Kings Forces as much as they could as also what part of Macedonia was in our hands and what part under Perseus Whether the Romans were incamped within the Streights or whether they had already passed all those narrow places and were come into the Plains Who were our faithful Allies who doubeful or fickle in their Friendship according to the several turns of Fortune and who our certain Enemies What quantity of provisions they had and whence they were brought by Land and whence by Shipping What had been done that Summer both by Sea and Land for when he was well certified of these things he thought he might take true measures for the time to come The Senate gave Orders to Cn Servilius the Consul that he should send into Macedonia what men L. Aemilius thought fit The Embassadours went two dayes after whose names were Cn. Domitius Aenobarbus A. Licinius Nerva and L. Baebius 'T was reported that it rained stones twice at the end of that Year in the Roman and at the same time in the Veian Territories for which there was ordained a Sacrifice of nine dayes continuance Of the Priests there dyed that year P. Quintilius Varus Mars's Flamen Chief Priest and M. Claudius Marcellus the Dâ—cemvir in whose place they chose Cn. Octavius And now when their magnificence increased 't was observ'd that at the Games in the Circus set forth by P. Cornelius Scipio Nasica and P. Lentulus the Curule Aediles there were sixty three Panthers with forty Bears and Elephants publickly shewn L. Aemilius Paulus and C. Licinius being made Consuls and entering upon their office on the fifteenth of March in the beginning of the ensuing year when the Senate was in expectation especially what the Consul would report to them concerning Macedonia which was his Province Paulus said He had nothing to make report of since the Embassâ—dours were not yet return'd But that the Embassadours were now at Brundusium and had been twice in their Voyage driven into Dyrrhachium That when he knew what was necessary first to be known he would inform them of it and that would be within a few dayes And that nothing might stop his Journey he he said had appointed the Latine Holy Dayes to be celebrated from the last of March. That when the Sacrifices were rightly perform'd he and Cn. Octavius would set out as soon as the Senate thought good That C. Licinius his Collegue would take care in his absence that if there were any necessity for providing or sending any thing material for the carrying on of that War it should be provided or sent That in the mean time the Embassies of Foreign Nations might have their Audience When the Sacrifice was rightly perform'd the Alexandrian Embassadours from Ptolemy and Cleopatra were first call'd in who coming into the Senate-House in sordid Cloths with their beards and hair very long and branches of Olive in their hands fell down upon the ground and their Speech was more abject and pitiful than their appearance For they said Antiochus King of Syria who had been an Hostage at Rome under a specious pretence of restoring the elder Ptolemy to his Kingdom waging War with his younger Brother who at that time was in possession of Alexandria had not only been victorious in a Sea-fight at Pelusium but likewise having got over the Nile by help of a Bridge that he raised all on a sudden with his Army put Alexandria it self into a consternation by a Siege nor did he seem to be far from being Master of that most oppulent Kingdom The Embassadours complaining of these things desired the Senate that they would assist that Kingdom and the Sovereigns of it who were Friends to the Empire That such were the deserts of the Roman People from Antiochus and such their authority with all Kings and Nations that if they sent Embassadours to tell him the Senate was not well pleased that he should make War against Princes that were their Allies he would immediately retreat from the Walls of Alexandria and carry his Army away into Syria Which if they deferred to do that Ptolemy and Cleopatra being forced out of their Country would in a short time come to Rome to the shame of the Roman People in that they had not at all assisted them in their utmost extremity The Senate being concern'd at the Petition of the Alexandrians sent C. Popillius Laenas C. Decimius and C. Hostilius Embassadours to make an end of the War between the two Kings and order'd them to go first to Antiochus and then to Ptolemy and tell them that unless they desisted from making War whoever was the occasion of its continuance him they would not look upon as a Friend nor an Ally These Embassadours went within three dayes along with the Alexandrian Embassadours and then the Embassadours came who were so much expected out of Macedonia all the last five dayes after the Ides of March called Quinquatria which was a Festival to Minerva that had it not been late before they came into Town the Consuls had immediately called a Senate The next day there was a Senate and the Embassadours had their Audience who brought word that the Army was led into Macedonia through pathless Woods with greater hazard than advantage That the King was in possession of Pieria whither he was gone that their Camps were so nigh one to the other that they were divided by nothing but the River Enipeus which was between them and that the King neither gave the Romans any opportunity to fight nor had our men force enough to constrain him That the rough Winter also interrupted their affairs That the Souldiers were kept idle and had not any more Corn than would serve them six dayes That 't was reported the Macedonians were thirty thousand strong That if Ap. Claudius had a good Army about Lychnidum he might give the King some diversion by a doubtful War but that now both Appius and all the Forces he had with him were in extream danger unless either a compleat Army were sent thither or they brought thence That they went from the Camp to the Fleet where they heard that part of their Naval Allies were taken off by Diseases and part of them especially those that came from Sicily gone home so that the Ships wanted men and that those who were still there had neither receiv'd any pay nor had any Cloths That Eumenes and his Fleet like Ships driven thither by the Wind both came and went away without any cause nor did they think that King to be a constant or a true Friend But as they spoke all things doubtfully of Eumenes so they said that Attalus was extraordinary constant and faithful When then the Embassadours had had their Audience then L. Aemilius said he would make report concerning the War And thereupon the Senate decreed that for the eight Legions the Consuls and the people should create an equal number of Tribunes but order'd that no man should
Tent. The Consul rose from his Seat and bidding the rest sit down went a little forward and when the King came in gave him his right hand took him up when he threw himself at his Feet and suffer'd him not to touch his Knees but having brought him into the Tent order'd him to sit down over against the Officers whom he had called to Council The first question that he ask'd him was what injury provoked him to undertake a War with so much malice against the Romans whereby to bring both himself and his Kingdom into extream danger To which when all people expected his Answer he only lookt upoâ— the ground and for a long time in silence wept which made the Consul say to him again If you had been young when you came to the Crown I should have the less admired that you were ignorant how great a Friend or Enemy the Roman People were But now since you were not only engaged in the War which your Father waged with us but likewise remember the Peace after that which we observed with the greatest fidelity and integrity toward him what was your meaning to desire a War rather than Peace with those whose Force he had tryed in War and their fidelity in time of Peace To which he being neither ask'd nor accused reply'd and then the Consul said But notwithstanding these things whether they have happen'd through humane frailty chance or necessity have a good heart the Clemency of the Roman People which hath been experienced by many Kings and States affords thee not only hopes but almost certain assurance of safety This he said in Greek to Perseus and afterwards in Latin to his own men You see said he a notable Example of the vicissitude of humane affairs I speak most especially to you young men It is therefore the best way not to carry on any proud or violent designs against any man in prosperity nor to trust to our present condition since 't is uncertain what an Evening may bring forth He will prove himself a Man whose mind is neither puffed up by prosperity nor broken or dejected by adversity After that dismissing the Council he committed the King to the Custody of Q. Aelius That day Perseus was not only invited to the Consuls Tent to Supper but also all other honours were paid him that he was capable of in that condition Then the Army was dismiss'd into their Winter-Quarters of whom Amphipolis received the greatest part and the neighbouring Cities the rest Now this was the end of the War between the Romans and Perseus after they had continu'd in Arms for four years together as it was also the ruine of a Kingdom that was renowned through most part of Europe and all Asia They reckon'd Perseus the twentieth from Caranus who was their first King Perseus received the Kingdom when Q Fulvius and L. Manlius were Consuls was called King by the Senate when M. Junius and A. Manlius were Consuls and reigned eleven years The Fame of the Macedonians was very obscure till the time of Philip Son of Amyntas yea though in his time it began to encrease yet it contain'd it self within the bounds of Europe taking in all Greece with part of Thrace and Illyricum After that it diffused it self over into Asia and in those thirteen years that Alexander reign'd it first reduced all those parts to which the Persian Empire with its almost immense limits had extended till at last it over-ran Arabia and India even to the red Sea At that time the Macedonian Empire and Name was the greatest in the World but afterward was distracted and divided into many petit Kingdoms whilst every one took by force what he could rap or rend for himself so that from the highest pitch of its glory to its utter dissolution it was a hundred and fifty years When the news of the Roman Victory was come into Asia Antenor who was with the Fleet of Barks at Phanae cross'd over thence to Cassandria C. Popillius who at Delus was Convoy to the Ships that were bound for Macedonia when he heard that the War in Macedonia was made an end of and that the Enemies Fleet was removed from their station himself also dismiss'd his Attick Ships and went on for Aegypt to perform the Embassy which he had undertaken that he might meet Antiochus before he came to the Walls of Alexandria As the Embassadours pass'd by Asia and came to Loryma which Port is somewhat more than twenty Miles from Rhodes exactly opposite to that City the Nobility of the Rhodians met them for by this time the news was brought even thither also desiring That they would touch at Rhodes For it concern'd the fame and the well-being of that City that they should know all things that either had been or were then transacted at Rhodes and that they should carry back an account to Rome of what they themselves found to be true and not what they had receiv'd by common report only The Embassadours a great while refused to to do it but at last they perswaded them to make a little stay in their Voyage for the sake of a City that was their Ally When they came to Rhodes they got them by the same intreaties to come into their publick Assembly But the arrival of the Embassadours rather increas'd than diminished the Cities fear for Popillius recounted all things which every particular person and all of them together had hostilely said and done in that War and being a man of a rough disposition enhansed the hainousness of those things that were spoken of by a stern look and an accusing tone insomuch that though he had no private quarrel himself with the City they might guess by the bitterness of one Roman Senator how the whole Senate stood affected toward them C. Decimius's Speech was more moderate who as to many of those things that Popillius spoke to said the blame did not lie upon the people but at the Doors of some few persons only that instigated the rabble that they having tongues which were to be purchased for money had made Decrees full of flattery to the King and had sent such Embassies as the Rhodians should always not only be ashamed but repent of All which things if the people had power would return upon the heads of those that were guilty of them He therefore was heard with great applause not because he lessen'd and took off the blame from the multitude more than that he laid the fault upon the right Authors Wherefore when their great men answer'd the Romans their Speeches were not by any means so grateful who endeavour'd one way or other to solve those objections which Popillius had made as theirs who assented to Decimius in his design of making the Authors suffer for their crimes Thereupon it was presently decreed that all those who had said or done any thing in behalf of Perseus against the Romans should be put to death But a little before the Romans came