King 's 〈◊〉 as contrary tâ—… 〈◊〉 Covenant albeit in these dayes they â—…ad a way of useing liberty enough more then was fitting Ans. It would â—…come this gentleman to speak spareingly or these zealous stedfâ—…st worthies who lived in those dayes whose name for thâ—…ir piety constancy zeal shall smell most fragrantly when his may be rotting above the ground It is like he would suffer sin to be upon King court sell his soul conscience by sinfull silence in a day of defection thus declare himself a priest of Baal none of the messengers of the Lord of hosts who should set the trumpet unto their mouth But to the purpose Whether the assâ—…mblies Ministers did at that time speak of the deed of the King of the Councell as contrary to the Covenant or not who can tell This is known that both assemblies Ministers understood that King court all the land were bound to owne presbyterian governement by vertue of that Covenant severall times thereafter There is a letter which Mr Andrew Melvin who no doubt knew the minde of the assemblies wrote unto divines abroad An. 1584. in which speaking of the discipline of the Church he fayeth as reverend Mr Petree citeth in his history Pag. 448. And three yeers since was approved sealed confirmed with profession of faith subscription of hand religion of oath by the King every subject â—…f every state particularly Mr Petree also sayeth Pag. 570. That An. 1604. when Mr Iohn Spottiswâ—…d Mr Iames law were accused by the Synod of Lothian for overturning the discipline of the Church had denyed the same The Synod did presente the conâ—…ssion of faith to be subscribed by them so in the judgment of the Synod this confession did containe an abjuration of prelacy a promise of maintaining of presbyterian governement And againe when the ministers were impannelled at Lâ—…gow for treason sedition for meeting at Aberdeen 1605. Mr forbes who was one of them had a discourse to the gentlemen who were onâ—… the assise shewed that they were bound by the nationall Covenant to maintaine the discipline of the Church having read the same unto them he infered thâ—…t they should be guilty of perjury if for fear or pleasure they should decerne that to be treason which themselves had sworne subscribed he desired the Earle of Dumbar to report unto the King in their names what punishement followed upon the breach of the oath made unto the Gibconites how it was feared that the like should follow upon his Maj. his posterity Yea this author himself sayeth Pag. 13. that Ministers then accounted themselves as really bound against the allowaâ—…ce of Episcopall governement both by the Covenant by the word of God as any do judge themselves engadged against it by late bonds whether they did mistake in this or not we say nothing but that they did sâ—… judge is out â—…f all question But. 2. This author cannot with any good ground say that assemblies Ministers did not then speak of that which King Councell did as contrary to the Covenant for a negative testimony from humane history is the weakest of all arguments Moreover this is certane that the courts of Christ both nationall provinciall classicall were at this time going on faithfully in their work keeping their meetings censureing that perverse man Mr Montgomery who Prâ—…us like changed often licked up his own vomit notwithstanding of all the prohibitions or inhibitions they gote from his Maj. They openly protested before the King his Councell for the liberties of the Church supplicated exhorted his Maj. that as a chief member of the Church he would have a chief care thereof they complained that he was playing the Pope usurping both swords all which will speak some thing equivalent unto that wich this author alledgeth they did not speak But in the next place as touching the assembly 1638. their declaration of the sense of the Covenant he hath some what to say as 1. That it seemeth strange that any assembly should take upon them to declare what was the sense of the Church in taking a Covenant when few or noâ—…e of the men were living who took that Covenant or if living few or none of tâ—…em were members of that assembly 1638. as juramentum est vinculum pâ—…rsonale so no man or company of men can take upon them to define what was the sense of dead men in taking an oath unlesse they can produce some authentick expresse evidence that such was their meaning in taking the oath Ans. 1. By this argueing the sense meaning of a Covenant perisheth with the Covenantâ—…rs 2. It is true juramentum or foedus personale est vinculum personale but there is another Covenant that is called foedus reale of which kinde this nationall Covenant was the vinculum of this is more then personale it obligeth moe then such as did personally take it 3. Therefore this Covenant being a nationall reall Covenant obligeing the land in all time coming posterity is called to search to see very exactly narrowly into the sense meaning of the Covenant they are obliged to know the nature of that Covenant by which themselves stand bound before God 4. Who is more fit to give the sense of the Church in taking a Covenâ—…nt then a Generall assembly of the Church 5. It was shown before what was the constant judgement of the honest Ministers concerning the sense of this Covenant even in the time when prelats were heighly advanced out of this same author so the true sense of the nationall Covenant hath come down from father to son amongst the honest partie even in the most corrupt times then the Assembly at Glasgow was so much the more in tuto 6. The Assembly at Glasgow did produce authentick expresse evidences that such was the meaning sense of those who first entered into Covenant To this he is pleased to say That all that which they produced amounts to nothing more then this that before Iuly 1580. The Church had been labouring against Bishops who notwithstanding countinued till thereafter but all their citations prove not that Episcopacy was abjured by the Covenant or any words in it Ans. 1. This is certaine that in that Covenant some Government or discipline was sworne to be continued in defended as the expreâ—…e words before cited do shew 2. It is certane that this discipline or government of the Church was either prelacy or presbyterian Government there not being a third competitour if it was prelacy presbyterian governement was abjured if it was presbyterian governement then prelacy was abjured 3. It is certane that if it were once cleared what that governement was which the Church of Scotland in about that time did owne as the only governement of the Church it would soon be cleared what that
reason they ought to be if he be King head of his Church He must have no more liberty to exerce his jurisdiction by the Ministery of his inferiour officers within their dominions territories then seemeth good in their eyes The discipline of his house must be exerced only in so far as they think good to permit And thus it is undeny able that they look on Christ as an evil neighbour as no good friend to Caesar They think his Kingdom is of this world therefore it must have no place within any of their Kingdomes territories Thus thou seest that in end the controversy cometh to this Whether Christ or man shall reigne in the Church as head supream Governour thereof And whether the interest of Christ or of man shall be preferred And to preferre the interest of a man unto the interest of Christ hath heretofore been accounted malignancy of the deepest dye But what shall become of this controversie how shall it end Are they or shall they be able to put our Lord from his throne out of his possession No he is set upon the holy hill Zion by a mighty hand his inheritance among the heathen is given to him by a surer deed of gift then that he should be so easily put from it He hath a rod of yron that will dash in pieces as a potters vessel all his enemies be they never so great mighty He is too strong a party for all the potèntats mighty ones of the earth therefore this which is the grand controversy of those times shall must be decided in favours of those who stand upon Christ's side maintaine his right he is a strong captaine will run thorow all the hosts of his adversaries Christ's sufferers then may rejoyce what ever affliction they are or can be put to endure for this cause which is a cause that doth highly concerne Christ the royall prerogatives of his crown Kingdome his glory as he is the only head of â—…his Church seing they may certanely expect the victory â—…re all be done And seing as famous worthy Mr 〈◊〉 in the preface to his Aaronâ—… rode blossoming sheweth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Christ is 〈◊〉 King hath a Kingdome 〈◊〉 in his Church distinct frâ—…m the Kingdoms of the world 〈◊〉 civil Governmeâ—… 〈◊〉 this commendation and 〈◊〉 â—…oue all â—…hen 〈◊〉 that Christ himself suffered 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and sealeâ—… it with his blood For it may be 〈◊〉 fâ—…om the 〈◊〉 of his passion that this was the only pâ—…nt of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was 〈◊〉 And avouched by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Joh. 18 33 36 37. and Luk. 23 3. was most aggravated prosecuted and driven home by the jewes Luk. 23 2. Joh. 19 v. 12 15. Was prevalent with Pilat as the cause condemning him to die Joh. 19 12 13. And was mentioned also in the superscription upon his crosse Joh 19 19. And although in reference to God and in respect of satisfaction made to divine justice for our sinnes his death was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a price of redemption yet in reference to men who did persecute accuse and condemne him his death was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a martyr's testimony sealing such a truth Thus he Christ is a good second will not suffer any who contend for his crown throne scepter privileges roy all prerogatives of his Kingdom to be put to the worse If he pleade for any cause we may be sure he will plead for his own Let not then his constant valient sufferers feare for greater is he who is with for them then they who are against them Christ alone is more then match party against all Kings princes potentats Parliaments popes prelats Kingdomes armyes Yea all the Posse of devils men Therefore they may be assured that he his cause shall be victorious For he must reigne untill all his enemies be made his foot stool 5. Thou mayest see That the truth for which thou dost suffer is a truth which is after godlinesse tending to the promoveing of piety of the power of godlinesse Whileas the contrary cause course leadeth to all prophanity debauchery as experience doth this day evidently undenyably prove this is no small ground of comfort for the way which is not of for God cannot stand You may pray against your adversaries as really wicked driveing on a designe of wickednesse which is evidently demonstrated by their acts actings Their enmity against opposition unto godly faithfull Zealous able conscientious Ministers of the Gospell unto Christian meetings exercises As also their pressing of Godly conscientious persons unto perjury blasphemy which is the height of wickednesse do put the matter beyond all doubt And is not this enough to make thy soull loath stand a loos from these wayes And to blesse God for his preserving thy soull from their counsels courses so from partaking of their judgments which doe certainly make haste For God is of purer eyes then to look upon iniquity Therefore he will not alwayes look on these that deal treacherously hold his peace when the wicked devoureth the man that is more righteous then he The Lord hath ordained them for judgment the mighty God hath established them for correction when Agâ—…silaus did hear that Tissaphâ—…rnes a captaine of Persia had broken his Covenant which he had made with him was raiseing an army to come against him he was very glade said se magnam habâ—…re gratiam Tissapherni quod perjurio suo deos homines sibs infensos reddidisset adversae vero parti propitios He thanked him heartily that by his perjury he had made both God man angry at himself favourable to him and his cause may not his people be perswaded that God iâ—… this day displeased with the Covenant breakers who are not satisfied with their own treacherous dealing perfidiousnesse but will have all others intangled in the same guilt 6. Thou mayest see that Action which is now so much branded with the vile contemptible names of treachery rebellion I mean Scotlands defending of it self against its bloody enemies cleared from all these imputations foule calumnies changes of times make many Changes in peoples judgement at this time it may be feared that many have Changed their opinion because they see the watter runing in another channell then it did formerly are now ready to condemne these noble worthies valient champions who jâ—…oparded their lives unto the death in the high places of the field have shed their blood in that cause which is a more grievous guilt then many do now apprehend But here thou seest how little cause there is for condemning that Action Yea what necessity there was laid upon Scoâ—…l to stand to their defence as they would not have betrayed the cause interest of Christ which they
135. l. 33. decrees r. doores p. 137. l. 30. Sect. 22. p. 145. l. 25. r. 1572 p 159. l. 31. they r. them p. 176. l. 27. belonging p. 183. l. 5. essentiall p. 186. l. 17 one r. once p. 187. l. 28. guiltlesse 〈◊〉 191. l. 11. 〈◊〉 p. 193. l. 22. taking p. 207. l 28. prohibition ib l. 32. pastours p. 224. l. 9. length p. 225. l. 1. be beleeved p. 239. l. 20. yeelded p. 248. l. 4. pastor p. 260. l. 5. is r. as ib. l. 16. ever r. over p. 280. l. 31. wrestle p. 289. l. 26. known p. 293. l. 21. civis p. 305 l. 5. â—…all r. call ib. l. 6. omce r. come p. 312. l 26. further p. 322. l. 31. though p. 331. l. 32. should p. 349. l. 18. which p. 350. l. 19. I will p. 351. l. peâ—…lt how the Carthaginians p. 362. l. 16. they r. their acts p. 364. l. 25. it is r. it s p. 366. l 3. his r. this ib. l. 8. twice here r. her p. 372. l. 34. way r. may p. 373. l. 30. his r. is p. 382. l. 9. his r. this p. 383 l. â—…3 made r. make p. 385. l. 8. the r. he p. 386. l. 22. countrey p. 387. l. 22. ib. l. 35 worldly p. 404. l. 9. no r. on pag. 419. 〈◊〉 10. ever over P. 126. l. 2. close the other parenthesis after Agust 22. p. 304. l. 6. in â—…ome copies r. may be most free Pag. 329. l. 21. 330. l. 8. 324. l. 25. 353. l. 10. dele lib. 5. Others of lesser moment through a letter wanting or redundant or one for 〈◊〉 or through a comma colon or the like misplaced or wanting thou mayest correct aâ—… thoureadest An Apologeticall Relation Of the particular sufferings of faithfull Ministers Professours of the Church of Scotland since Agust 1660. IT hath been the common lot of all the afflicted persecuted people of God in all ages to meet with sad bitter reproaches as a constant concomitant of their other sufferings Satan thinking it for his advantage to adde affliction to the afflicted to use his outmost endevour to break them with one sad exercice at the back of or together with another is not satisfied with stirring up sore persecution against them but endevoureth likways to load them with such reproaches calumnies as are able to break the heart of ingenuous single hearted persons And for this cause the Lords people in all ages have been put to intreat that he would clear vindicat them their actions from such foule aspersions make their innocency breake forth as the noon-day would direct them unto such ways means as might tend through his blessing to their rationall vindication befor the world Hence have proceeded the many Apologies defences which have been used of purpose to clear to the world the true ground cause of their sufferings to discover how groundless unjust those reproaches calumnies were which men whose hearts were full of wickedness tongues dipt in gall had vented for this end alone to render both them their just righteous cause odious to strangers And at this time there may be just cause to fear that the malice of that old enemy is not asleep that he is leaving no mean un-essayed to make the suffering Church of Scotland her cause odious in the eyes of forraigne protestant Churches to the end she may not onely misse be disappointed of that Christian sympathy fellow feeling which is expected of all the true membres of Christs body but also which is far worse be condemned through her sides the cause truth of God which ought to be more preâ—…ious to Christians then any thing else be put to suffer by this means the great works of God wherby he convincingly even to enemies did testify his approbation of the work of Reformation begun caryed on there these yeers bygone be called in question fathered upon the Devill which would be the hieght of iniquity being or at least bordering upon that unpardonable sin against the Holy Ghost charged upon the Pharisees Math. 12. But notwithstanding of all this travail which this old enemy his indefatigable under-agents are or have been at according to their custome to get the prejudices against that Church which they have laboured to beget in the mindes of strangers fomented so deeply rooted as that there'shall be no place â—…or her or any in her name to publish to the world any Apology or defence or a justification of her cause ground of present suffering It is expected that Christian Churches abroad have reserved one eare open to Christ his suffering followers that a true representation of the present case condition of that suffering Church shall be heartily welcomed by them whose eares have been hithertill filled with the clamorous outcryâ—…s of men who make no conscience of oaths let be of words who have learned exactly that lesson Caâ—…umniare audacter semper aliquid hâ—…rebit Heap up many slanders vent them with boldness audacity something will slick Though there be no ground for any to thinke that nighbour protestant Churches have so far drunken in prejudices against that Church or recâ—…eived such an impression from the misreports misrepresentations which her malitious adversaries have made as that an attempt of this nature shall seem altogether useless Yet this is certaine that the most lively demonstration representation of the present case condition of that Church that can be fallen upon shal not hold forth unto strangers forraigners such convincing light evidence of all maters there as a few days being ear ey-witnesses to all her present calamities compared with the days of old when the glory of the Lord appeared in the midst of her would do And therefor though as to such who are indeed strangers unto the great things which the Lord hath wonderfully begun carryed on in that Church small successe can be expected to follow such an interprise yet as to others whether Churches or persons of whom it cannot be but that there is a great number who have both heard wondered at the works of the righthand of the most High there have received much soul-refreshment from the report wishing earnestly supplicating for the like unto themselves longing for the day wherin they might see the Lords arme streached out with the like Reformation salvation unto other Churches about this undertaking will have its own use advantage And without all question silence at such a time as this might do much both to sadden the heart to stumble such as would be glad to hear of the stedfastness of the faithfull followers of Christ in that land for if there were none to open a mouth for her now nor any to plead her cause it might be thought that all had so far changed with
the King upon the prelat who hath a negative voice in them whose dioecesian meetings they are being now modelled conforme to the number of prelats whileas before in some dioecies there were three provinciall Synods Moreover the passage which was cited before out of the Proclamation Ian. 15. 1662. cleareth this aboundantly for there it is said expresly that the administration of the Church in the way it had been that is the administration of presbyterian goverment is inconsistent with that which is now established or Episcopall goverment and the councell is better to be beleeved then this man who speaketh without ground againe why did King Councell discharge those meetings but because they were making way for the setling of Episcopacie and finally why is the jurisdiction and exercise of Church discipline which was allowed for a time set in opposition to the jurisdiction exercise of Church Goverment ordered in the respective synods presbyteries sessions by the appoyntment authority of the Archbishops Bishops thereof according to their known privilege practice conforme therto If not to clear this difference He objecteth pag. 8. sayeth That the supreme Magistrat hath undowbted power to convocat synods when he seeth it needfull no protestant minister would refuise to come at his comand nor is there any ranke or degree of subjects that can without the staine of sinfull disobedience refuise to meet upon his Maj. command and ministers cannot plead exemption from the common duties of subjects It is answered 1. It is true ministers are subjects no lesse then others are obliged in conscience to subject themselves Unto the civill Magistrat in the Lord no lesse then others But. 2. Neither ministers nor others are bound at the Magistrat's command to sin against God it being alwayes better to obey God then man here in obeying this command Ministers should have hainonsly sinned against God for 1. They should have therby acknowledged upon the matter that the Magistrats power in Church matters is such as that he may appoynt what forme of Goverment he will which no presbyterian in conscience could yeeld to without wronging of Christ the head King of his Church as shall in due time be made furder to appear 2. They should have therby testified acknouledged their approbation of Episcopall Goverment contrary to their oath subscription for this was pressed as a badge of conformitie signe of subjection unto Episcopall Goverment as the Proclamation of the Privie Councell before mentioned doth abundantly clear these meetings are meer episcopall meetings as is showne 3. Ansâ—…as to the ground of the objection viz. That the Magistrat hath power to convocate synods It would require a longer time then can be now allowed to discusse the same to try how in what cases it willhold good But this is certane that the judgment of the Church of Scotland as to this particular as may be seen in the Act of Assembly Anno 1647. approving the confession of faith prefixed therunto is that in Churches constituted such as the Church of Scotland was the Magistrats authority is not sufficient to call a Synod without any other call that is without delegation from their Churches that 〈◊〉 is free to Ministers to Assemble together synodically as well prorenata as at the ordinary times upon delegaetion from the Churches by their intrinsecall power received from Christ as often as it is necessary in case the Magistrat deny his consent But be it granted as in some cases it may Yet it will not follow that therefore Ministers were bound in conscience to have countenanced those meetings and that for these reasons 1. Because these were no extraordinary Synods called by his Maj. prore nata Nor. 2. Were they any of the former Synods used while presbyterian Goverment was in force But. 3. They were new meetings upon new principles having their rise from a new spring fountaine constituted otherwise in a new forme and so they were no meetings consonant unto the principles of presbyterian Goverment but wholly dissonant meetings complying with flowing from Episcopall power jurisdiction ordered by prelaticall authority appoyntment 3. Countenanceing of these meetings upon the matter would have been an assenting consenting unto the pulling down of presbyterian Governement which they were sworne to maintaine 4. Yea it would have been a fearful matter of offence stumbling unto the godly truely tender a hardening of others who had complyed withall a dangerous casting of themselves into temptation as experience doth abundantly prove dayly and therefore this comand could not be obeyed for no command of a Magistrat can warrand any to sin by doing that which is in it self sinfull yea or what is a reall ground of offence unto others provideing the matter be not absolutely necessary antecedently unto the command of the Magistrat But he addeth Is this rationall that where two commands of the Magistrat are joyned the one undowbtedly lawfull the other dowbted of that subjects should disobey the Magistrat in that which is clearly lawfull because â—…ey have a dowbt or unclearnesse anent obeying him in the other command had they come to the place it would protanto have shewed their respect unto authority Ans. It is a great question if this man speake rationally here doth he thinke that the civill Magistrat did intend two commands in that one he may as well say that he did intend twenty will he so metaphisically anatomize the commands of councells Parliaments as to render them ridiculous would he have had ministers sporting jesting in such a serious matter with the supreme Magistrat if the Ministers had come't to towne seen what of the cloke it was then returned home would this casuist have cleared them either protanto or prototo Nay he would without all doubt have exaggerated that crime as the height of contempt as an open preaching proclameing of their contempt unto the world But in such a sad declineing time the faithfull ministers of Christ had some other thing to think upon then thus to sport themselves mocke authority by halveing orquartering the commands and injunctions thereof therefore would neither get on horse backe nor come half the way not to the place appoynted because they might not in conscience concurr with the prelat there in that dioecesian meeting which was the onely thing commanded their coming to the towne was no more commanded save as subservient thereunto then their riseing out of their Bed that morning or their taking horse c. In the 3 place he addeth What ground could they have for separation from the Synod is it the want of liberty to choose a moderator or is it that he who presideth is a Bishop and claimeth more power then they can allow-as of a negative voyce or is it the want of unpreaching elders in the meeting It is Ans Neither any of these
now presbyterian government is quite overturned all presbyterian assemblies are discharged under the highest paine after prelats are advanced never till then there cometh forth a new order for new meetings upon new principles meetings otherwise constituted then formerly in a word such meetings as did but serve to approve of confirme prelats in their place power therefore all were commanded by the Estate to concur with the prelats in their meetings under a penalty So that it is but a meer falshood to say that the meetings then now are of the same constitution nothing altered for then they were hedges standing in the prelats way though much weakened by reason of the civill power opposeing but now they are props to support strengthen the hands of the prelats as being wholly ruled guided by them By what is said it is hoped that tender Christians will see that there was no small ground of scrupleing at these meeting that they will be loth rashly to condemne such as feared to transgresse in the least resolved rather to suffer then to sin seing it is now beyond controversie that their concurring in those meetings had been upon the matter a consenting unto an approving of prelaticall government upon which account alone the faithfull servants of Christ did refuise to concurre SECTION IX The reasons why Ministers refuised to seek presentations collations cleared defended THus the Lord was pleased to keep his servants out of this snare which the prelats had caused plet for their consciences but there are others stronger following The Parl. in their second session An. 1662 made an act ordaineing all Ministers who had entered to the cure of any parish within brugh or land in or since the year of God 1649. to have no right unto nor uplist the rents of their respective benefices modified stipends manse or gleib for this instant year 1662. nor for any year following unlesse they should obtaine a presentation from the lawful patroâ—… and have collation from the Bishop of the dioecy where he liveth before the 20 of Sepr next for understanding of this It would be considered That before the year 1649. the Church was groaning under that sore oppression of laick patrons having power to presente Ministers unto benefices and then the Parliament was pleased to discharge all presentations of Kirks patronages whether belonging to the King or to any laick patron upon good weighty grounds as the narrative of their 39 act March 9. 1649. sheweth in these words The Estates of parliament being sensible of the great obligation that lyeth upon them by the nationall Covenant by the solemne league covenant by many deliverances mercies from God by the late solemne engadgment unto ties To preserve the doctrine and maintaine and vindicate the liberties of the Kirk of Scotland and to advance the work of reformation therein to the utmost of their power considering that patronages and presentations of Kirks is an evill and bondage under which the Lords people and Ministers of this land have long groaned and that it hath no warrand in God's word but is founded only on the commonlaw and is a custome popish and brought into the Kirk in time of ignorance and superstition and that the same is contrary to the second book of discipline in which upon solide and good ground it is reckoned among abuses that are desired to be reformed and unto severall acts of the generall assembly and that it is prejudiciall to the liberty of the people and planting of Kirks and unto the free calling and entering of Ministers unto their charge And after this Ministers entered by the call of the people of whom they were to have charge Now this Parliament will have this piece of reformation undone the Church brought back unto her old state of bondage so will have Ministers to seek for these presentations thereafter to go to the Bishop for his license approbation to officiat exerce the Ministeriall function But the faithfull zealous servants of Christ had not freedome nor liberty to do either of these therefore resolved to suffer rather then to sin They had not freedome to go to seek a presentation for these reasons 1. Because they saw no warrand for such a way of entering into the Ministery allowed of Christ or his apostles nor practised many hundereds of years thereafter and therefore toapprove of such a way had been a sin 2. The Church had been long groaning under that oppression bondage was desireous to be rid thereof at the very beginning but could never obtaine it untill An 1649 Now if they had obeyed this act submitted unto this oppression they had consented unto the spoileing of the Church of her privileges and had condemned that worthy renowned Parliament who were graciously moved of God to take off this Yoke off her necke 3. They should in so far have consented unto the defection now carryed on for this was a piece thereof The restoreing of the Church unto her rights privileges was a part of the work of reformation yea no small part thereof when this privilege is taken away the work of reformation is in so far overturned therefore such as would have sought presentations should have made defection themselves have consented unto approved of the Parliament in carrying on the worke of defection in so far 4. By the 36 act of the first Session of this Parliament It is ordained that the person to be presented shall in presence of the patron or his atturney and of the sheriffe of the shire Stewart of the Stewartry or heretable baily or commissar of the bounds of it be in the countrey and of the Magistrats of the brughs within the brugh before the granting and their accepting of the presentation Take and subscribe the oath of alleagiance otherwise his presentation is null and void of it self Now as shall be showne hereafter no man could with a saife conscience take that oath as it was tendred by this Parliament 5. They should have thereby condemned the manner of Elections by the people consequently themselves as being hitherto intruders because entering into the Ministery without a lawfull call viz without the presentation of the patron But it will be objected That all the ministers of Scotland who entered before the year 1649. should by this meanes be condemned as intruders entering without a lawfull call Ans Though patronages cannot but be condemned as sinfull tending to ruine the Church to defraude her of much advantage beside the spoiling robeing her of her privileges liberties which are purchased to her by the blood of Christ because the patron who sometime may be a prophane person a persecuter either hath not understanding to discerne the spirits or will not make choise of the best most able minister Yet such as entered that way before the
deprived the Queen mother of her regency But to avoid tediousnesse let Buchanans Chronicle be perused many such like Parliaments shall be seen 2. Who was it who summoned all those Parliaments which conveened for the election of new Kings of viceroyes as that which did choose Notatus the brother not Ruther the son of Dornadilla the 4. King that which did choise Even brother to Durstus not Durstus his sonne that which made Dardan King not Corbred's son being under age that which make Teâ—…rasell brother to Conarus King and not Eâ—…hodius son to Canorus and many moeâ—… Yea Buchanan no stanger to the constitution of the scottish Kingdome sheweth in his book de jure regni apud Scotos that the Parliaments of Scotland were summoned not only without the consent of their Kings but against the same What ground was there then for condemning of this convention at this nick of time when matters were in such hazard Especially 4. Seing the very next Parliament which conveened Anno 1644. by vertue of the last act of the Parliament Anno 1641. at which the King himself was present did ratisie approve that convention upon these grounds as their 5. act beareth Considering that the Lords of his Maj. privy councell and Commissioners for conserving the articles of the treaty having according to their interests and trusts committed to them by his Maj. and Estates of Parliament used all meanes by supplications remonstrances and sending of commissioners for secureing the peace of this Kingdome and removing the unhappy diseractions betwixt his Maj. and his subjects in England in such away as might serve most for his Maj. honour and good of both kingdomes and their humble and dutifull endeavours for so good ends having proven so ineffectuall their offer of mediation and intercession being refuised by his Maj. And thereby finding the weight and difficulty of affaires and the charge lying on them to be greater then they could bear did therefore in the Moneth of May 1643. meet to gether with the commissioners for common burdens that by ioynt advice Some resolution might be taken there in and in respecâ—… of the danger imminent to the true protestant religion his Maj honour and peace of these kingdomes by the multitude of Papists and their adherents in armes in England and Irland and of many other important and publike affaires which could not admit delay and did require the advice of the representative body of the kingdome appoynted and indicted a meeting his Maj. having formerly refuised their humble desires for a Parliament Secondly there was no ground for anâ—…ulling those Parliaments mentioned in the act rescissory and act 9. 1. Because in both those acts there is no mention made of any informality which might justly either in law or conscience render these Parliaments null Only there is mention made of their acts deeds but these cannot in any manner of way annull their constitution for a Parliament may be a Parliament legally conveened though it should astablish iniquitie by a law if the ground which they have laid down in these two acts 15 9. forannulling of these Parliaments hold good indifferent men will soon see that they have anulled their own constitution declared themselves no Parliament for if their acts were compared with the acts of these Parliaments which they have annulled examined either by the rule of God's word which all Christian commonwealths Parliaments should stir their course by or by the fundamental lawes of the land they would be found more worthy to be condemned Sure succeeding ages need take no more but the ground which themselves have laid downe here whereupon to declare this Parliament null But 2. These Parliaments were all legally conveened called for the King called the Parliament 1639 sent the Earle of Traquare as his commissioner thither which was adjourned to Anno 1640. then after some time it was adjourned to Anno 1641. at this Session of Parliament the King himself was present so owned them as a lawfull Parliament being called by his command continued hither till ratifyed all their Acts among which this was one viz Act. 17. Anno 1640. That every third year once at least there should be a full free Parliament that the time place should be appoynted by his Maj. or his commissioner for the time the Estates of Parliament before the end and elâ—…sing of every Parliament According to which Act King Parliament did appoint the next Parliament to meet Iun 1644. this Parliament is continued till Ian. 1645. thence till March thence till Iuly 1645. from thence it is adjourned to November 1646. then till March 1647. at the close of this last Session of Parliament conforme to the forsaid Act 1640. They appoynted the next meeting of Parliament to be Anno 1648. This Parliament adjourned to March 1650. but with all they give power to their committy or the quorum thereof to call the Parl. sooner if they saw necessity accordingly it is convocated An. 1649. at the time appointed it meeteth An 1650. so adjourned to times convenient So that there is no informality here at all discernable If it be said that neither the King nor his commissioner was present at those Parl. so this informality annulled all Ans. 1. The want of this formality cannot be the cause of annulling these Parl. or Sessions of Parl. because they annull the very Session of Parliament 164â—… at which King Charles himself was present 2. There is no law making the presence of the King or his Commissioner essential to every Parliament far lesse to every Session of a Parliament 3. There have been many Parliaments holden in Scotland without either king or Commissioner as in the dayes of King Iames 2. Anno 1437 1438 1440. where there is no mention made of the King in the Acts as there is at the next Parliament 1443. but only of the three Estates of Parliament concluding and ordaining So Anno 1560. there is a Parliament holden at Edenburgh by the three Estates without either King or Queen an Act thereof ratified first Parliament King Iames 6. Act 2. So Anno 1567. the Parliament is keeped by the Regent the three Estates without the Queen who then did Reigne as the Acts of Parliament 1581. King Iames 6. shew for there these words are to be found in the first Act thereof And especially the Act made in the Reigne of the Queen his dearest mother in the Parliament holden at Edinburgh the 19 of April Anno 1567. 〈◊〉 Wherby it is aboundantly clear that she was then governing when this Parl. did sit yet the Parliament was keeped without her as the Acts shew So in the dayes of Queen Mary the Acts of Parl. run in the name of the Lord Governour three Estates of Parl. this Governour was not representing the Queen as her Commissioner
Kisse It was only a civil custome used then in saluteing one another was not of any Apostolicall institution famous Voetius Polit. Eccles. Pag. 466. sayeth that this Kisse was a common rite in its Kinde forme used according to the received custome in toaken of love friendshipe familiarity as also of subjection and againe Pag. 467. of what soever kinde forme it was it was nothing but a common signe of love good will acquaintance friendshipe familiarity courtesie reverence honour in thwir meetings conferences salutations especially in the Eastern conntreyes see Gen 29 11. 31. 28. 45 15. 1. Sam. 10. 1 2. Sam. 20 〈◊〉 Mat. 26 48. Luk â—…7 45. It is true Paul bids them salute one another with a Holy Kisse but when he doth so he doth not institute the Kisse but only ordereth the manner of their useing of that salutation exhorteh that it be not done wantonly or dissemblingly but Christianly Holily Voetius ubi supra sayeth By thiâ—… Epithet Holy it is distinguished from a lust full Kisse as that Prov. 7. 13. Hypocriticall like that Mat. 26 48 49. And it is called holy because the Kisse of Holy true charity as 1 Pet. 5. 4. And againe he sayeth It is propounded beâ—…y of a command not generall but speciall according to the particular present circumstances of time place and persons Thus it is apparent that for all these foure reasons of his the practice of the Apostles in the matter of Governement â—…being a bussinesse unto which they were called for which they were endued specially assisted by the Holy ghost is obligeing of binding force But there are some other things which he allâ—…igeth against this Part. 2. cap. 6. § 19. Which must be examined He layeth down as probable That the Apostles in probability did not observe any one fixed course in setling the Government of Churches but setled it according to the severall circumstances of places and persons which they had to deal with Though he lay not this down as a foundation of his thesis but only as a Doctrines of probability yet if he be able to make it out that the Apostles in some places did setle Presbyterian Governement in other places Episcopall Governement he shall gaine his poynt And therefore his strength in this particular must be tryed To this end he layeth down three grounds 1. The different State condition quantity of the Churches planted by the Apostles 2. The multitude of unfixed officers which Acted then with authority over the Church where they were resident 3. The different customes observed in severall Churches as tâ—… their Governement after the death of the Apostles As to the last of these grounds it cannot appear to be any at all For the pracctice of the Churches after the dayes of the Apostles will not prove what the practice of the Churches was dureing the dayes of the Apostles nor what the practice of the Apostles was unlesse it could certanely be manifested that these Churches did punctually follow the practice of the Apostles which he will neither affirme nor undertake to prove unlesse he would flatly contradict himself As to the second ground it cometh not up to be a sufficient ground for this position unlesse he will prove that these unfixed officers or Evangelists such as Timothy Titus were as himself acknowledgeth were proper Bishops that is to say were not Evangelists but fixed officers 2 Though the Apostle made use of them in some Churches not in others it will not follow that therefore the Apostles did set up distinct formes or models for the way of setting up a model is adistinct thing from the modell itself the modell or species of Government might be the same whether erected in a place immediately by the Apostles themselves or mediatly by the Evangelists at their direction And 3. Neither the Apostles themselves nor the Evangelists for any thing which can be seen in Scripture did act in matters of governement after an Episcopall manner but conjunctly with other Presbyters in Churches constituted what extraordinary course they tooke in Churches not yet constituted is not much to the purpose in hand for their way of erecting a modell thus being extraordinary is not necessarily imitable And thus one species viz. Presbyterian is directly pointed forth But most of the stresse lyeth on the first ground for proving of which he layeth down two particulars 1. That in Churches consisting of a small number of beleevers where there was no great probability of a great increase afterwards one single Pastor with Deacons under him were only constituted by the Apostles for the ruleing of these Churches 2. In Churches consisting of a multitude of beleevers or where there was a probability of a great increase by preaching the Gospell The Apostles did setle a colledge of Presbyters whose office was partly to governe the Church already formed and partly in labouring in the converting of more As to this last particular it may be passed because it speaketh nothing against the Presbyterians they fully accord with him therein save where he sayeth That these two sores of elders mentioned 1 Tim. 5 17. were both preaching Presbyters the one imployed most in preaching and converting moe and therefore deserved both more respect and maintenance because of their greater burden more abundant labours and greater sufferings and others most in ruling the flock already converted And so rejecteth ruleing elders as not being of divine appoyntment But that a word only may be spoken to it here his glosse agreeth not to the place for 1. This glosse maketh the ministery of the Word common to both or else sayeth that such as ruled at home did not preach at all such the Apostle would not account worthy of double honourâ—… but the Apostle maketh ruling common to both 2. Then the maine difference betwixt these two should lye in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 where as the Apostle maketh the difference to lye in the whole sentence lalabouring in word and doctrine For he sayeth not these that rule well and are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in word and doctrine are worthy of double honour but especially such who are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 3. We finde this word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 given to others even to such as were fixed to some certaine place as 1. Thes. 5 v. 12 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 4. These unfixed preachers behoved to be either Evangelists such like extraordinary Officers or â—…reaching Presbyters Not Euangelists for there was no doubt about these for all would grant that they were worthy of double honour And it is like the Apostle would not have spoken so to Timothy who was an Evangelist Not preaching Presbyters for there was none of those set apart for that end The Scripture mentioneth no such thing but alwayes teacheth that Presbyters were fixed to certaine places what Presbyters might do did when scattered abroad by reason of
own phancies as to be in paine untill he were delivered of this birth not considering the unseasonablenesse thereof at such a time There is a season a time for every purpose under heaven sayeth the wise preacher Eccles. 3 1. a wise mans heart discerneth both time judgment Ecc. 8 5. But it seemeth he hath been so desirous that the world should see this monstruous birth that 〈◊〉 he wanted a time he would take the most unfit season imaginable for it For it is hardly imaginable that he could have chosen a more unfit time for publishing this his notion Because though his notion in thâ—…si were unquestionably true as it is not yet in hypothesi it could not now be yeelded the Kingdomes being tyed to one of these formes by the oath of God the solemne League Covenant so not at liberty to choose what forme they please His principles will not suffer him to say that Presbyterian governement is utterly unlawfull that Episcopall governement is necessary his learning will soon discover a validity in a Covenant about things not sinfull though not absolutely necessary his piety will grant that conscience should be made of such oathes And now when the Kingdomes were under the oath of God to set up a government most agreable to the Word of God And to endeavour the extirpation of Prelacy could there be a more unseasonable time for venting this his notion touching the indifferencie lawfulnesse of either Presbyterian or Prelaticall For suppone his notion were a truth of what use could it be now when the Churches hands were bound up by a solemne vow Covenant from following their liberty Sure his disputing so much for the liberty of the Church in such a case at this time sayeth that in his judgment the oath of God is of no value otherwise at least he would have casten in this clause of exception some where so have stated the question as a case in Utopia if so be it was as a fire within him that could not be keeped in And now indifferent readers may judge whether intentio operit I shall not say operantis was union peace edification To teach people to break Covenant with God to null their oaths vowes is no way to the good edification of the Church Such an union by perjury will be nothing else but a sinfull conspiracy Peace in such away will be but dreadfull security when the judgments of God are at hand And such edification is nothing but destruction But it seemeth his silence in the matter of the Covenant all alongs sayeth that in his judgment the obligation of the Covenant is null so this weapon-salve of his must be strong that will eat thorow the bones of a Covenant but because it is so dangerous destructive unto the substantials vitals of Religion it is the lesse to be valued whatever vertue he allaigeth it hath for cureing wounds in the flesh Did he think that tender Christians would get the Gordian knot of a Covenant oath vow so easily cut as to think themselves at liberty to choose what forme of governement they pleased Or if he did not presuppose this of what use did he think his book would be Though it were to be wished that this learned man had imployed his talent more for him who gave it Yet seing he would not forbear the publishing of his notions conceptions he might have spoken his minde concerning the obligation of the solemne League Covenant For so long as that Covenant standeth in force his notion will evanish as a cloud without raine But we must end this digression in which we have insisted the longer because it is one of the maine grounds upon which the complyers of this age do walke goe on that we may hasten to some other particular SECTION XIIII Such reasons or objections as are allaidged for taking against refuseing of the oath of alleagiance as it is called Answered BEfore any other particular be entered upon or this concerning the oath which is called though falsly the oath of alleagiance passed from there are some few objections which would seem to militate against the refuseing to swear subscribe the oath as it was tendered which must be rolled out of the way And these are either such as concerne the civill part so seem to weaken the grounds of scrupling at the oath upon that account which were laid downe Sect. 10 11 or such as concerne the Ecclesiastick part so seem to weaken the grounds of scrupleing at the taking of the oath upon that account which were mentioned prosecuted Sect. 12 13. First then as to the civill part it will be objected 1. That there was no ground of scrupleing at taking of the oath upon that account Because it was but the acknowledging of that very power which did properly belong to him before which former Parliaments had recognosced as his due viz. the 18. Parliament of King Iames the V I. which did acknowledge his Soveraigne Autherity Princely Power Royall Prerogative Privilege of his Crown over all Estates persons causes whatsomever Ans. This Objection was sufficiently obviated above Pag. 126. where it was showne that these were but Parliamentary flourishes complements grounded upon personall qualifications And indeed the act seemeth to raise this structure upon his Maj. being put in possession as the righteous inheritour of the famous renowned Kingdomes of England France Irland which far surpasse the wealth power force of the dominons of his progenitours Kings of Scotland thereby having a greater increase of care burden with all upon his extraordinary graces most rare excellent vertues where with he was endued for the discharge of that trust Now any man of understanding may see that the increase of his extensive power authority or of personall qualifications is no sufficient ground for the increase of his intensive power or for the enlargeing of the privileges of the crowne Moreover it is said expresly in the act that they ratifie approve perpetually confirme the same as absolutely amply freely in all respects considerations as ever his Maj. or any of his royall progenitours Kings of Scotland in any time by gone possessed used exercised the same Whence it appeareth that they gave no new power only they did recognosce what he his progenitours had before Now as was showne above neither he nor any of his progenitours had such a supremacy over parliaments as is now allaidged to belong unto the crown For as to that first act parl 8. Anno 1584. it was showne above Pag. 125. how notwithstanding of the supremacy there granted unto the King the privileges of Parliament remaine intire as they had been continued past all memory of man without any alteration or diminution whatsomever And after this Anno 1587. in the 11. Parl. act 33. the ancient order dignity
collusion tend then either that by our example others though against their conscience may be induced to take it this is to lay a stumbling block before them or that afterward by vertue of that oath some thing may be required of us which is either unlawful or hurtful this is to lay a snare for our selves Therefore let every prudent man bewar of suffering himself to be deceived by these wiles of thinking so much either of the favour or of the â—…ll will of any other as to swallow the bate under which he is sure there is a hook It is expedient that in the matter of oaths all things be done aright that the sense be clear to all that is jurare liquido 〈◊〉 swear with a clear conscience Sic tamen liquido juratus dicereposses When in thy conscience thou art clear Then may'st thou without scruple swear Obj. 12. Though the Parliament upon grounds of state policy should not think fit to alter the words of the oath which have been condescended upon by former Parliaments see down in their Acts But keep the same in terminâ—…s lest giving way to alter upon the desire of one they should alter change it in insinâ—…um according to mens severall phancies desires Yet to hazard upon suffering upon such an account cannot be commended Ans. 1. Every sin even the least must be shuned upon any hazard Yea all are commanded to abstean from every appearance of evill It may be suffering for righteousnesse sake in the eyes of God which men may account suffering for needlesse serupulosity If they had been of the same judgement with such divines called so at least who now a dayes publish to the World their new found out principles whereby all oathes may be loosed or broken rather as rotten ropes They might have taken digested a cartfull of oaths to use the expression which some who now have renunced that oath Covenant which once they swore did utter when minded of their former oaths never once enquired whether lawfull or unlawfull to say this on the bye it is no small matter of admiration to think what security such can expect from others by oaths who themselves professe publish the Art of loosing all the bondes of oaths but it would appear that this is not the thing designed but rather this that seing they know such as they have to deal with are men of conscience they would have them either ensnared in the same guilt drawn unto the same excesse of wickednesse Atheisme with themselves or else exposed to their fury cruelty but they love not such principles of prophanity Atheisme but rather desire to feare an oath knowing that God is jealous will not hold such guiltlesse as take his name in vaine 2. If this be the oath of alleagiance it is very farre changed from what it was as was showne above Sect. 12. it is not faire to change it so as to make it worse 3. In the matter of oaths reason religion would require that the meanest who are concerned in it should be condescended unto Rulers should follow the laudable example of Abraham who did condescend unto his servant in the matter of an oath which he was tendering unto â—…im It is consonant both to reason Religion that oaths before they be imposed Be examined againe againe and so worded as none no not the meanest who is endued with understanding in those matters may have the least reall ground of scruple And as to this oath they are not a few conceity self willed persons who scruple at it but if Impartiall search be made it will be found that the most understanding faithfull conscientious Zealous in the land both Ministers others do stumble at it that not upon imaginations feares but upon reall evident grounds Now no doubt understanding Christians will easily grant that in such a bussinesse theâ—…stumbling of so many so able eminent gracious is not to be despised And none will deny this but such as would plead for a lawlesse liberty to Magistrats to tyrannize over the souls consciences of people which were a more dreadfull tyranny then any exercised by the cruelest Nero or Caligula that ever was But. 4. If they would not alter or change the words of the oath might they not have published such a sense of the oath as none might have scrupled at there are severall acts of Parliament explicatory of former acts why might not this have been explained by a new act 5. What these grounds of state policy are why they would neither helpe the oath worde it other wayes nor yet give a sound glosse thereof make it as publick as the oath it self is not very needfull to enquire yet there are some so obvious conspicuous that he who runneth may read them viz. That if the oath had been conceived in plaine clear saife tearmes or so interpreted as that no scruple had been left in the mindes of tender Christians it had not proved such an engine to waâ—…pe out of the land under the notion of disâ—…yall persones such as feared an oath durst not comply with foresworne prelats or their wayes SECTION XV. Concerning the hearing of such as are now thrust in upon the people in the Roome of those who are put away WHen by these wayes forementioned a great number even the third part of the Ministery of Scotland was put from preaching the Gospell banished from their own parish Churches There were a number of naughty base men who had denyed the faith which once they professed renunced that covenant which they had sworne with hands lifted up to the most heigh God Men for the most part of flagitious lives corrupt both in their principles in their conversation unfit to have the privilege of Church members in any well governed Church let be to be officers in the house of God And men who will willingly comply with any course which Satan his instruments can set on foot thrust in upon the people sore against their wils having presentations from patrons collations from the prelats no more for a call And there are others alas too too many who being in the Ministerie before have basely betrayed their trust complyed with those abjured prelats gone contrary to that covenant which both themselves did sweare with hands lifted up to the most high which they caused all within their severall congregations to sweare in a most solemne manner as hath been showne above And now did the tryall come near to the doors of the poor people for there was an Act of Parliament Iâ—…l 10. 1663. Enjoying the people to attend all the ordinary meetings for divine worship under these paines penalties viz. each nobleman gentleman heritour the losse of a fourth part of each yeers rent in which they shall be accused convicted And every yeoman
from Calvin on the place sayeth this is the spirit of discretion by which his chosen ones doe discerne the truth from mens fictions and their obedience herein is commended not only in that they pleasantly meet together when they hear the voice of a true shepherd but also in that they will not hearken unto the voice of a stranger It is one of Mr Hutcheson's notes upon the place that The true sheep are so far enabled to discerne false teachers corrupt doctrine as they do approve of neither but will flee from them that they be not infected nor ensnared with their allurements For a stranger they will not follow when he calls them to follow him in a wrong way but will flee from him as one they will have nothing to do with all that because they know not the voice of strangers that is they do not approve them though thâ—…y have a knowledge of discerning whereby they know them their Doctrine to be naught This is asserted of Christ's sheep not because they cannot at all erre nor yet only because it it their duty thus to do for that is common to them with reprobaâ—…s but because when any do either imbrace false Doctrine or fall in likeing with corrupt men who run unsent It is no signe of their grace but of their corruption so to do It will be objected 1. That Christ commandeth to hear the scribes the Pharisees who did sit in Moses his chaire Mat. 23. And these of whom now the question is are not worse then the Scribes Pharisees were And therefore it cannot be lawfull to refuse obedience unto this Act. Ans. For solution of this objection which seemeth to be the maine one These things would be considered 1. That these scribes Pharisees were as naughty men as then lived upon the face of the earth were still enemies unto Christ were false teachers their Doctrine was leavâ—…ned with soure dangerous tenents among which this was a chief That Christ was not the Messias upon this account Christ desireth his disciples to beware of the leaven of the Pharisees Mat. 16 6. 2. They were men that had no lawfull call unto that place which they did assume to themselves which appeareth from these particulars I. Christ calleth them thieves Robbers strangers Iohn 10 1 5 8. that not merely because of their false Doctrine nor yet merely because of their carnal way of entry as hirelings seeking gaine but also because of their usurping the place office entering thereinto without a call from God for the ground reason why Christ calleth proveth them to be thieves robbers is because they entered not by the door but climbed up some other way the porter did not open unto them v. 3. they came before him that is without his warrand commission They took not the right way of entry they came not in at the right door with God's approbation 2. Mat. 15 13. Christ calleth them plants which his heavenly father had never planted there he is speaking of them selves not of their Doctrine only who offended at Christ's Doctrine it was them not their Doctrine alone that Christ would have his disciples letting alone let them alone sayes he For they be blinde leaders of the blinde this will suite the scope very well for his disciples had laid some weight on this that they were meÌ„ in office therefore the stumbling offendiâ—…g of them seemed to be some great bussinesse But Christ replyeth That albeit they had been planted or had planted themselves in that office charge Yet they were such plants as his heavenly father had never planted therefore they were the lesse to be regairded Gualter on the place sayeth that it is clear out of historie that God did never institute the order of the soribes which then was Far lesse the Pharisees sadduces But they had their rise from that greek Or heathenish school which Jason whom Selecus made high priest did institute in Ierusalem contrary to the law and that the Pharisees did spring from the Stoicks the Sadduces from the Epicures And citeth in the margine 1 Mach 1. and 2 Mach 4. So ibid He giveth the sense of that word let them alone discedite ab iis goe away from them 5. The place which they had assumed did properly of right belong unto the Priests Levits as Pareus hinteth on the place yet these because of their learning pride thinking themselves only worthy to be in office took upon them that place without any further call which is the more likely considering 4. That those times were times of confusion and disorder so that 〈◊〉 Grotius observeth there was no care had about this businesse but every man who pleased was free to take upon him to iustruct teach the people this is confirmed by that passage Act. 13 15. And after the reading of the law the propheâ—… the rulers of the Synagogue sent unto them saying ye men and brethren if ye have any word of exhortation for the people say on Consid. 3. That though the words v. 2. Be rendered They sit in Moses seaâ—… they may be as well rendered They have seâ—… themselves down in Moses seat Pareâ—…s on the place doth fully cleare this where he sayeth In my judgment 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is better undered with the ancint latine edition sederunt they did 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as now commonly sedent they do sit fâ—…r that phrase of sitting in Moses seat Signifieth the office of teaching publickly the Doctrine law of Moses the verb in the aorist taketh not from them but giveth unto them the present ordinary office of teaching but withall it imperteth that this sect had by â—…ook crook â—…surped this office place which at the first was given by God unto the Priests Levits They have sitten that is they have sett themselves down in that seat of Moses which they now possesse for the verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 doth signifie not only neutraly to sit but also Actively to cause to sit to place in a seat thus he And Scapula indeed rendereth the verb Actively to cause or command to sit citeth authors for it so doth Pasâ—…r say that properly it signifieth to place in a seâ—… or to cause one sit 4. There is no word of a command here given to his disciples to whom with the multitude he is here speaking to attend the ministry of the Scribes Pharisees for if he had commanded them to do so it is like the disciples would have done so in obedience to Christ's command but the scripture speaketh nothing of this And then they should have left Christ followed the Pharisees which is not very probable Christ himself would have taught them to do so by his owne example for he came to fulfill all righteousnesse But there is no word of this either 5. By
the ground of the answere is clear from the very words of the commission which putteth no difference betuixt the way of their appoynting Ministers to be suspended or deposed the way of their appoynting others to be fined confined or incarcerated we must not distinguish where we have no ground And therefore it is said more clearly in the former part of the commission that they have power for the causes specified to suspend deprive excemmunicate these words make the matter as clear as can be 2. This coâ—…t is raised of purpose to put the Acts of Parliament in execution immediatly for so sayeth the commission it self That they are to â—…se their outmost endeavour that the Acts of Parliament and councell â—…or the peace and order of the Church c. 〈◊〉 put in vigour and in impartiall execution Now as for this end they immediatly execute the lawes for fineing confineing c. So have they power also immediatly to execute these lawes that are for suspending deposeing of Ministers 3. The end why this court was erected sheweth further that it is in part a Church judicature For it was erected to keep the peace order of the Church the governement thereof by Archbishops Bishops to punish such as presume to violat contemne disobey the Ecclesiastick authority 4. That which doth put the matter yet more out of doubt is the Basis or ground on which this High commission is reared up viz. his Maj. prerogative royall in all causes and over all persones as well Ecclesiastick as civil Now if they looked upon this court only as a civil court haveing power to meddle only with civil punishments his prerogative royall in causes civil had been a sufficient Basis for this Therefore the expresse mentioning of his prerogative royall in causes Ecclesiastick putteth it beyond all debate that they have proper Church power granted unto them so may immediatly depose suspend c. In the last place Some may object against the arguments brought from the unlawfulnesse of Church men their taking upon them civil places And say That though they will prove it unlawfull now for Ministers to take upon them such places Yet they will not prove it unlawfull for any to compeaâ—… before them when instaled in those places More then it can be unlawfull to come before a judge who possiblie hath come'â—… to the place by unlawfull indirect meanes that is his fault others are not concerned therein so here it is the prelates their fault to take upon them these places private persones are not so much concerned therein Ans. There is a vaste difference betwixt the prelates in this court other judges in other courts though comeing to these places by indirect meanes For. 1. These other courts places of judicature are unquestionably lawfull But the High commission is not a court so unquestionably lawfull 2. Other courts are not affected in the poynt of lawfulnesse or unlawfulnesse by the quality of the persones But it is otherwise here in the High commission the very lawfulnesse of the court is questioned upon the account of the prelats being members thereof sine quibâ—…s non 3. These vices or indirect meanes used by others for attaineing of such or such a place in a judicature are for â—…he most partsecrete not clear undeyable or obvious unto all But that which is objected against the prelats is notour to all who read the gospell where they are expresly discharged by Christ to meddle in such a manner with any civil place or power so 4. That which is objected against the prelates is such a thing as affecteth the very person incapacitateth him for the place but in the other cases instanced these vices affect only the manner of entry but do not incapacitate the person a man may be one fit enough for such or such a place in a judicature as to be a judge or a justice of peace or thelike though he use indirect meanes to come by the place but the prelats as prelats if so be they will be accounted Church officers because they are Church men are uncapable of such a place therefore though it will not be unlawfull to acknowledge a judicature unquestionablie lawfull notwithstanding of some secret corruption in the entry ofhim who is in possession of the place Yet it will be unlawfull to acknowledge a judicature in it selfquestionable at best whether lawfull or not when such persones are made constituent members thereof yea members sine quibus non that by the expresse law of Christ are uncapable ofsuch a place and the acknowledging of this judicature cannot but be an approveing of that corruption Because the very acknowledging of the judicature sayeth that the persons who are constituent members thereof are really legally capable of the place as the compearing before acknowledging of a court made up of mere civil persons having power to try ordaine rebuke depose or excommunicate Ministers should be 〈◊〉 acknowledgeing of civil persons their having Church power contrare to the lawes of the gospell Therefore the arguments brought from the unlawfulnesse of Church men taking upon them civil places are still in force By those particulars It is abundantly clear that that high commission court is a most sinfull court even as to it's constitution how dangerous it is to compear before it upon any account without a declinature how it is saifest to with draw escape the snare that is laid there for catching of unwarry souls ere they be aware See the learned Voetius pol. eccles pag. 214. quaest 2. 216. quast 3 SECTION XX. The dreadfulness of the sin of covenant breaking particularly of abjureing the nationall Covenant the solemne league Covenant manifested MAny sad particulars have been mentioned which may occasion grief sorrow unto all the people of God yet there is one other which putteth on the copestone may deservedly make that land a gazeing-stock a hissing unto all nations round about who may stand astonished wonder what is become of Covenanted Scotland For it was not enough for the Parliament to condemne the Covenants which were solemnely sworne subscribed by Parliament at their command by all ranckes of people in the land by the King himself as was showne in the 2. Section But they formed a declaration Septembr 5. 1662. which they ordained to be subscribed by all officers of state members of Parliament privy councellers Lords of Session Commissioners in the exchequer members of the college of justice Sheriffs Stewards or commissaries their deputies and clerkes Magistrats and councells of Brughs justices of peace and their clerks or any other who have publick charge office and trust within the Kingdom And by the subscribeing of this declaration they promise as followeth I do sincerly affirme and declare that I judge it unlawfull to subjects upon pretence of reformation or any other pretence