Luc. lib. 4. Imprudentium fiducia est fortunam sibi spondere Seneca de beneficiis Incauta semper nimia praesamptio sui negligens Egâ—sip lib. 1. de Instit Cyri. Caesar Thucyd. lib. 7. Caesar â—aetis hâ—nc nâ—mine rebus Ciescendi posuere modum Lucan Eodem ubi laserunt navigia forbentur Seneca Epist 4. Non est in bâ—llo bis peccaâ—e Pluâ—aâ—ch Nullo contectus Curio busto Luc. Homer Iliad 8. Caesar Lib. 6. de comitiis Lib. 5. Anno 〈◊〉 701. Liv. lib. 7. Liv. lib. 9. * Four gallons and a half Plin. l. 35. cap. 12. * Lib. 39. Lib. 1. offic Nec enim 〈◊〉 vehementius rempub contiâ—t quam sides Lib. 2. offic In the life of Julius Caesar Lib. 7. Lib. 7. 2. Offic. Vetus urbi foenebre malum seditionum discordiarumque crebeâ—rima causa Annal. 6 Tull 2. offic Pecuniae quâ—renâ—â—â— ratio naturae consentanea omnibus est à fructibus animalibus de repub lib. 1. cap. 10. Caesar Gen Latinae Feriae Lib. 4 de Antiquit. Rom. Lib. 4. cap. 2 Appian lib. 4. Caesar Iliad 6. 12 Metam Iust lib. 1. Herodot lib. 2. Trebell Pol Sigism Baâ—in Muscâ—â— Quod Fonestias quam â—xoâ—iâ—m levamentum 〈◊〉 Tac. l. 3. Annal. Vix praesenti custedia manere illaesa conjugiâ— â—odem Iudg. 9. Anno 1595. Caesar Qui sapiunt bellum absolvunt celeriter pace fruâ—ntur quam possant dâ—utissime Appian Leges à victoribus 〈…〉 a victis lib. 4. 〈◊〉 in aeqâ—abi itate motâ—m in inaequalitate sâ—mper constitâ—imâ—s In Timâ—o Caesar Timendum ne sub pacis nomine involutum bellum Cicero 〈◊〉 7. Poedus Pacis Foedus Commercil Foedus mutuâ— Auxâ—lii 1. Reg. 22. In Veâ—rem The publication of their seâ—ulâ—r Plaâ—es was criâ—d in these words Convenice ad Iudos spâ—ctandâ—s quos nâ—qâ—e spectavit quisquam nec spectâ—tutus est Sueâ—on in Claudio Nolenteâ— amicum câ—pere difficile Xenoph. de factis dict Socrat. Caesar Frustra sapit qui sibi non sapit Aeneid â— Lib. 16. Successum fortuna experientiam laus sequitur Vaâ—râ— ex Gellio Salust Caesar * Rostra Omnia 〈◊〉 facilias quam 〈…〉 De Mechaniâ—is Livie lib. 8. Plutarch Caesar Incertae sunt res bellicae Thucyd. Caesar Aeneid 2. Homer 9. Iliad 〈◊〉 lib. 8. de bello Gallico Uladislaus Audaces fortuna iuvat Virtus omnia potest Virtute faciendum est quicquid in rebus bellicis est gerendum Plutarch 6 Metamâ—â— Nunquam ita quilquam bene subducta ratione ad vitam fait quin res aetas usus sen 〈◊〉 aliquid 〈…〉 Tâ—ren 〈◊〉 Multi homines pauâ—i viâ—i Herod lib. 7. 〈◊〉 saith that the Romans 〈◊〉 the siege of Veâ—ente being out of humane hope turned their eies to Fate and the hope they had in Destiny Caesar Caesar A hill separating Syria from Cilicia Columnaria Ostiâ—â—â— Propter Aurum Argentum nunquam pacem facit Ferrum lib. 14. Epist 93. Ferrum omnis artis instrumentum Aurum atgentum mortis mancipia Epictetus Capitatio Ostiaria Columnariae 31 ad Atticum Epist 1. In the Paâ—pacy of Sixt. Quinâ—us Fiscus reipub lien quod eo câ—escente artus reliqui tabescunt Sext. Aurelius Victor In Paraeâ—et 2 de Offic. Plutarch Bella sustentantuâ— pecuniâ—rum 〈◊〉 Dion 〈…〉 6. Ann. l. 13. Caesar Quae libera appellabatur * Lepâ—nto In Macedonia quae velint sibi candida nasci ad Haliaâ—monem ducere quae â—ugra 〈◊〉 ad Axium Caesar Caesar * Biremes 〈◊〉 hostium discessiones semper suspectas habere cap. 5. 5 Cyropaed Caesar 〈…〉 Petram Lucan Actus activorum in patientis sunt dispositione Arist Metaph. Caesar ex subâ—â—actis cen conibus Contemprares est homo nisi supra humana se â—rexit 〈◊〉 ratione i 〈…〉 iâ—â— Caesar Caesar Plâ—taâ—ch Lib. 3. c. 59. Labor militiae assidua frâ—ga itatis conâ—â—â—tudine factlior est Iustin Cyâ—us contented with bread and water Xenophon Aequalem oportet semper esse Imperatoris animum mâ—tari enim pro terum varieâ—atibus mentis instabilis argumentum efficitur Agapâ—tus Unus homo nobis cunctando restitute Rem Enn. Lib. 6. de Cyropaed There is a great part of the history in this place omitted Caesar Alâ—ae sunt Legati parâ—es atque Imperatoris â—vocati Millibus ducentis aeris Prinâ—ipilus Solon Plat. â— de 〈◊〉 Liviâ— lib. 4. Lib. 6. In vita Caeâ—â—is In repub multo praestat beneficii qâ—â—m maâ—â—ficii immemorem esse bonus segnior â—it ubi negligas mâ—â—as improbior Sal. Iugâ—r Caesar Et morâ—u spoliare nemus lethumqâ—e minantes Vellere aâ— ignotis dubias radicibus â—erbas Si bonam dederitis fidam perpetuâ—m 〈…〉 diuturâ—â—m Liâ— lib. 8. 〈◊〉 est quod non expâ—gnet pertâ—nâ—â—x opera intenta diligens cura Senec. lib. 6. Epist 51. Plin. lib. 4. cap. 4. Caesar Poenam semper anâ—e oculos versari putent qui peccaverunt Cic. â—n â—rat 〈◊〉 Milone Lib. 5. Cyâ—op Caesar Arma alienasse grave â—rimâ—n est â—a poeâ—a deâ—ertioni exâ—quatur utique si tota alienâ—vit Lib. 14. § de re militari Vir virtute ex miâ—s aliquâ—ndo fortuna semperâ—a imo maximus Caesar * Eâ—itius Sapiens non semper itâ— uno gradu 〈…〉 Herodot 〈◊〉 omnia expensa omnia feruntur accepâ—aâ—â— in tota ratiore mortalium sâ—la uttâ—â—que paginam facit Plin. lib. 2. cap. 7. Caesar Humanaâ—um rerum â—â—â—culus est qui roâ—atus semper â—osdem fortunatos esse non sinit Herodot lib. 1. Habet has vices conditio mortalium ut advâ—rsi ex secundis secunda ex adversis nascantur Pâ—in in Paneg. Herodot lib. 1. Lâ—â—vento è spesso judice non imperito delle cose Guicâ— lib. 5. Caesar The Philosophâ—â— Câ—ator was wont to say that 〈…〉 occasion of an ill 〈◊〉 is a great comfort in any 〈◊〉 of advâ—â—sity Plaâ— in câ—ns Apo. 〈…〉 Prae â—orum delâ—cta 〈◊〉 non acâ—â—piunt Veâ—â—t lib. 1. cap. 14. Finem dolendi qui consilio non fecerit tempore invenit 〈◊〉 Epist 64. Lib. 2. Livie 31. Livie 27. Lib. 2. de bello Civili Front lib. 1. cap. 1. Caesar Lib. 5. de Milit. Ro. cap. 14. Lib. 1. cap. 1 Caesar Humanâ—tum actionum felâ— itas infeli 〈…〉 rerum particulis quae multae sunt varie sed ex eventis judi intuâ— Dionys Hal. lib. 9. Caesar After three of the clock in the afternoon Lib. 5. Obsidio ejus urbis quam cito capere velis utgenda premenda Lib. 6. de Instit Cyri. Bello lex acquirendi justissima Dionys 〈◊〉 in exper legat Polyb. lib. 8 Caesar Comineus In orat pro Plaâ—â—o Virtus felicitatis mensura non foâ—tuna Dio. Hâ—licarn lib. 2. Caesar Prima egregiorum ducum sapientia victoriam siâ—e periculo comparare Polyae lib. 1 stratag Lib. 7. Lib. 3. Excid 2. Offic. 〈◊〉 In manibus vestris quantus sit Caesar habetis Lucan lib. 7. Lib. 2. cap. 3 Singulas cohortes detraxit Lib. 2. cap. 3. Caesar Plutarch Lucan lib. 4. Homer Iliad 3. Lib. 4. cap. 2. Lib. 7. Lib. 4. cap. 7. In the life of Pompey Florus Lib. 4. Infelix quanta Dominum virtute paraâ—â—â— Caesar Utilis tuta res dilato Dionys Halicar lib. 8. Non commitruntur regâ—â—is trireâ—es aut loca aut legiones aut arces sed verba tempora Demost de falsa legatione 1. Labor in nâ—gotio 2. fortitudo in periculo 3. induâ—tria in agendo 4. celeritas in consiciendo were Caesars properties Caesar Interdâ—â— majores copiae sternuntur à minoribus 〈…〉 lib. 8. Lib. 8. Caesar Pompeius Trogus lib. 6. Lib. 8. Caesar Pompâ—ius 〈…〉 esse non poâ—et risi beneficio servitutis 5. de 〈◊〉 16 5. Polit. Nil nimium cupito was writ in golden letters at Delphos Justum bellum esse iis quibus nisi in armis spes nulla est Machiav Nusquana gâ—ntium râ—peritur qui possit penibus approbart Mors omnium par est per quae venit diversi sunt id in quod definiâ—unam est Epist 67. Homines sicut pomi aâ—t matura caduâ—t aut 〈◊〉 Plut. in viâ—a Rompeii Mors Naturae lex est Mors tribuâ—um officiumque mortalium Seneâ—â— natural quaest â— Fabius dictus Maximus Scipio magnus Polyaenus lib. 8. Epist 100. This thaâ—â— fâ—lloweth seemeth of another stile The Prieâ—ts of Egypt said That whensoever the Axe and the bundle of Rods came into Alexandria the power of their Kings should presently case according as it was written in a Columne of gold at Memphis Lib. 2. Ep. 8. Lib. 15. cap. 18. Lib. 5. cap. 9. A File The Leader Battallion A Rank or Front Sidemen The number of souldiers in a Battallion unâ—â—rtain The length Breadth oâ— depth Dignities in places to be observed The first rank The bringers up or Tergiductores or last rank The second and ninth ranks The fifth and sixth ranks Files The right-hand file The left-hand file Distances between files and ranks Open order Order Close ordeâ— pouldron to pouldron The manner of câ—arging with five ranks Stand in front In arrectostate Faces to the right or left hand Declinate in hastam vel in scutum Faces about to the right or left hand Duplicatâ— declinatio or mutatio Wheel to the right or left hand Conversio in hastam vel scutum As you were Revolutio Reversio Wheel about Inflexio militum Reflexâ—o Files From the rere 〈◊〉 â—volutio Macedonica From the front through Laconica evolutio From the front and stand Choâ—ica evolutio Countermarching of ranks The doubling of files to the right or left hand By men Duplicare altitudinem By ground Doubling of ranks by inserting or adding new troups Duplicare longitudinem Silence to be kept In a champain In streights or narrow passages How to 〈◊〉 a division for such a maâ—ch To reduce them 〈◊〉 in into theâ—r first front The manner of chaâ—ging pikes with pikes Five ranks onely By the whole depth To charge with musketiers There must not be too many in a rank In the retreat The manner of charging by â—iles in narrow passages In the pases of Ireland By signes By drum or trumpet By word of mouth The most usual directing terms in exercising a baâ—â—allion or division
according to the custome he took his chair in the Senate The first came up to him was one Celer who while he was entreating him to release a Brother of his that was in captivity the rest came up to him whereat he suspecting some violence cryed out what force is this To which the above-mentioned Atilius Cimber answered him with a wound in the throat which the rest of the Conspiratours seconded with others But that which amazed him above all was to see Brutus among them one whose authority was great and one whom he had obliged beyond all expression of gratitude when a conquered enemy upon which he could not but break forth into these words And thou son Brutus art thou one Whereupon seeing there was no possibility of escaping he remembred to keep the honour of his person covering his head with part of his robe and with his left hand settling his cloaths about him and so having received 23. wounds he fell to the ground a sacrifice to the publick Liberty near the base of Pompey's statue which was noted as a judgement of the Gods Caesar having neither Son nor Daughter legitimate at his death had by his will before adopted his Nephew Octavius Caesar who was afterwards called Octavianus Augustus who studied in Apollonia at the time of this murther of Caesar and expected to go with him to the war against the Parthians being then about 17. yeares of age This death as all extraordinary accidents must needs beget tumult and confusion in the City All Offices ceased the Temples and Courts of Justice were shut up Caesar's friends were afraid of the Conspiratours they reciprocally of them This Tumult somewhat startled the Conspiratours who seeing the design took not with the people as they expected to secure themselves seized the Capitoll crying as they went Liberty Liberty Liberty Whereupon Antonius and Lepidus being all this while in Armes divers treaties of accommodation passed between them whereby it was at last agreed the Senate should sit whither Brutus and Cassius came Antonius's Sons being hostages for their return The Senate approves the fact the people dissemble their satisfaction for as the Authority of Brutus and Cassius with the name of Liberty was very charming on one side so the horrour of the fact and the love some bare Caesar exasperated them against the Murtherers But Mark Antony endeavouring to trouble the waters as much as he could among other things got Caesar's testament to be opened wherein he had bequeath'd to the people of Rome certain gardens and heritages near the River Tiber and to every Citizen of Rome a certain summe of money which being known it re-enflamed their old affection to Caesar and raised a compassion and a regret for his death The day appointed for his funerall the ceremony whereof was to burn his body in the field of Mars Antonius being to make the Oration brought with him the robe wherein Caesar was assassinated which being all bloudy he shewed to the people using some expressions which raised in them both indignation and pity insomuch as before the solemnity of the funerall was ended they all departed in great fury with the brands of the same fire to set afire the houses of Brutus and Cassius and the rest of the Conspiratours whom they sought running up down the streets In which fury they killed Aelius Cinna mistaking him for Cornelius Cinna who indeed was one of them This Tumult forced Brutus Cassius and all who conceived themselves guilty of Caesar's death to depart from Rome whereupon Antonius took occasion to dispense with the decree of the Senate and assuming Caesar's power and authority persecuted them all he could Brutus and Cassius went into Greece to govern those Provinces which Caesar whom they had murthered had conferred on them which were Macedonia and Syria and in like manner were all the rest dispersed and that so unfortunately that within the space of three yeares they all came to violent deaths He was slain in the 56. year of his age somewhat above four years after the death of Pompey 700. years after the foundation of Rome 3010. years after the Creation but according to the 70. Interp. 5157. in the 184. Olympiad and 42. years before the birth of Christ Having made himself perpetuall Dictator he enjoyed it 3. years 4. months and 6. dayes Thus have we traced this transcendent Personage through all his great and incomparable actions and atchievements we have viewed him in his distresses and extremities and we have also seen him in his victories triumphs expressing the same greatnesse that is the same equality of mind in both we have surveyed him in all his excellencies and abilities both of mind and body we have considered the invincibility of his spirit his incomparable courage his clemency magnanimity his policy vigilance prudence conduct we have as near as we can enumerated the many battels he fought the many victories obtained the many people and provinces reduced the many Kings and Countries subdued so to figure a person imitable in all things that may be called great or vertuous not exceedable in any we have described and dilucidated his Medalls wherein if we have committed any offence it hath been in studying brevity purposely omitting many things that might have been said and forbearing the multitude and particularity of citations least it might be thought a vanity lastly we have accompanied him to his funerall pile the fire whereof consumed his murtherers and enemies while he himself is carried up by the same element to shine eternally a starre of the first magnitude in the firmament of famous and heroick spirits And there we leave him recommending the Reader to see and find him haply farre greater then our commendations in his own everlasting COMMENTARIES FINIS THe second and seventh pages of this Life of Caesar being rashly put to working at the Press before they were corrected the Reader is desired to take notice of these ensuing faults with their emendations and to think never the worse of the rest of the book In pag. 2. lin 1. after be killed read as if even vertue may be excessive and a crime as he c. l. 20. for paint ever paint over l. 33. for Cisalphina Cisalpina l. 35. for Lacedemonia Lacedaemon l. 37 38. for Sardynia Creeta Candia Cypres Rhodes and Negrepont Sardinia Creet Cyprus Rhodes and Negropont In pag. 7. l. 1. for which four with four l. 9. for gulf Venice gulf of Venice l. 14. for their forts their efforts l. 15. for Curius Curio l. 19. for that Consull that Consul l. 28. for Boetia Lacedaemonia Creeta in some copies Baeotia Lacedaemon Creet l. 38. for deferred him deterred him l. 46. for takes it takes in With some literall faults and ill pointing IULIUS CAESAR Reading and Discourse are requisite to make a souldier perfect in the Art militarie how great soever his knowledge may be which long experience and much practice of Arms hath gained WHen I
thus commanded at sometimes to turn his face to the right or left hand or about the Battallion standing in order that is according to the distance before named so the whole Battallion being reduced into their close order is commanded to turn as one body to the right or left hand It is performed thus Imagine the Battallion stand first in order it shall be commanded that they close their files to the right hand when the right file standing still the rest turning their faces to the right hand march into their close order and return as they were next that they close their ranks from behind when every follower marcheth forward to his leader unto his rapiers point as is said before This done the leader of the right file standing immoveable all the rest as the body of a ship or a great gate turn about that leader as about the hinge or center every one keeping the same distance and order wherein they were first placed as if they were but one entire body When the same Battallion is to be restored into the same station wherein it was first it is commanded Faces about to the left hand and march into your order from whence you were closed Then let your leaders or first ranks stand still and the rest turning faces about march ranks in order as before then turn as you were and you are restored When the whole Battallion being in their close order should turn about and make the Rere the Front it is done by a double turning or declination and commanded to wheel about which is answerable to the former faces about or mutation There is also another wheeling in this sort when the front changeth the aspect thrice for as wheeling about maketh the Front the Rere so this wheeleth from the right hand to the left or contrariwise which fashion is so seldome used that we scarce afford it a name In all such motions and alterations it is most fit that all men perform their directions with their pikes advanced being in that sort most easie to be commanded as also lesse troublesome to their followers and leaders Countermarching Files and Ranks THere is also another means to prevent the enemy his assaulting us in the rere or flank lest he should find our worst men least able to make resistance and this is performed by countermarching both files and ranks three divers wayes apiece The first was used by the Macedonians after this fashion First the leader turneth his face about towards the right or left hand and so the next follower marching behind his leader turneth also and so the third and fourth untill the bringer up have carried himself out into a new place in the rere further from the enemy as he was before next unto him But this neither was nor is accounted safe or secure because it doth somewhat resemble a flying or running away from the enemy which might give him no small incouragement and therefore it is not much in practise Only at some times the bringers up marching throughout beyond the leaders untill they possesse the same space before them which they did behind them all turning their faces about make their leaders to affront the enemy who were before farthest from them The Lacedamonians used the contrary as it were pursuing the enemy the bringer up first being turned face about and so the next marching before him and so the third untill the leader himself became also turned and in the foremost front unto the enemy Which with us is somewhat otherwise but yet both affronting and as it were pursuing the enemy because our leaders first begin this motion and so countermarching through on the right or left hand become in the front in a new space of ground who were before in the rere The third and last was invented by the Persians whom when the place or near approch of the enemy would not suffer to change their ground they were wont to countermarch the front to the right or left hand and being come unto the depth of the bringers up to stand still untill the other half file had likewise marched forth and fallen upon their leaders in every file In all these it is especially commanded to march still in the same distance and by whole ranks to prevent confusion which especially the enemy at hand must needs be most dangerous and therefore carefully to be avoided In like sort the ranks may countermarch when either the right wing would be strengthened by the left or the left by the right alwayes marching by whole files towards the right or left hand according as they shall have the direction either changing the ground or upon the same ground as in the former countermarches There is used also another kind of strengthening both the front and flank when occasion shall be offered viz by doubling either files or ranks And this either by doubling the number of souldiers in the same files or ranks keeping still the same breadth and depth of ground or else by doubling the ground keeping the same number of souldiers The files are doubled when the second file shall insert it self into the first the leader thereof putting himself a follower unto the leader of the first and the next follower follower to the next in the first file and so forwards And likewise the fourth file inserting it self into the third and the sixth into the fifth And this is to be performed when the Battallion standeth in his order To double the place or depth is when the same number of men shall put themselves out of their order into their open order either by advancing forward or by falling backwards as they shall be commanded The ranks are doubled two manner of wayes either by inserting the second into the first to the right or left hand as before in the files or else the enemy being at hand by joyning whole troups together to the right or left wing according as occasion shall be offered and this is held to be the safest when the enemy is near to avoid confusion It is performed either in the same ground or by doubling the ground when either we desire to exceed the front of our enemy his battallion or to prevent lest we our selves be included The terms to both are Double your files or ranks to the right or left hand and when you would have them return again into their proper places it is commanded As you were The ordinary directions which are especially given in these martial exercises are first that no man in the time of exercising or marshalling shall be lowder then his Officer but every one attending to his place when he is commanded shall diligently hearken to such directions as shall be given The Captain in the front shall speak and the Sergeants in each flank shall give the word unto the Lieutenant or Ensigne
reduction of Africk wherein was placed Iuba's Son as a captive As for the Battel against Pompey Caesar would not triumph for it because it was against Roman Citizens These triumphs ended and great rewards scatter'd among the Souldiery who had been assistant in so great Transactions the People being also entertained with feasts sports and presents Caesar is chosen the fourth time Consul But there yet remain'd some sword-work to do for Gneius Pompeius Great Pompey's Son had got together most of the remainder of the African Army and was gone into Spain to joyn with his Brother Sextus who as was hinted before was there and had possess'd himself of a great part of Spain with the Cities of Sevill and Cordova the Spaniards being ready enough to come in to their assistance Caesar takes with him his most experienc'd veterane Souldiers and with extraordinary speed arrives in Spain within a few dayes being accompany'd with his Nephew Octavius who was about sixteen years of Age. Being come into Baetica now Andaluzia where the two Pompeys were with such Legions as they had got together he soon began a hot and bloudy war whereof to be short the issue was this Caesar and Gneius Sextus being in Cordova near Munda join battell which proves the sharpest and most obstinate that ever was It lasted almost a whole day and that with such indifference as to point of Victory that it was adjudg'd sometimes to one side sometimes to another Suetonius and Eutropius tell us that Caesar one time upon his mens giving ground was in such a plunge that he was almost resolv'd to have kill'd himself so to have avoided the shame and dishonour of being conquer'd and that in that heat of indignation and despair he snatched a Target from one of his Souldiers saying with a loud voice as Plutarch relates If you are not asham'd leave me or deliver me into the hands of these Boyes for this shall be the last day of my life and your honour With which words the Souldiers being animated and heighten'd by his example regain their lost ground turn by degrees the scales of the Battell and towards the evening the enemy fainting and flying become apparent Victors The Enemy lost in this field 30000. men Caesar beside the common Souldiery 1000. all persons of quality This did Caesar account the most glorious of all his Victories the commemoration of hazzards and suffering being to some the greatest satisfaction conceiveable for he would often say afterwards that at other times he fought for Fame and Victory but that that day he fought for his Life which he had never fought for before Pompey who had performed all that a wise and stout captain could persecuted by a malicious fortune and seeing there was no other remedy escaped by flight but being hopelesse and refugelesse he was at last surpriz'd by some of Caesar's friends kill'd and his head brought to him which was also the fate of Labienus Sextus upon this quits Cordova and shortly after Spain leaving all to Caesar who in a short time reduc'd and settled the whole Country Which done he returns to Rome and triumphs for the warres of Spain which was his fifth and last triumph Having thus conquer'd the greatest part of the world and by consequence gain'd the reputation of the most famous and most powerfull man in it it was at least a pardonable ambition if he thought no title name or dignity too great for him It requires some faith to believe that such vast bodies as Roman Armies consisting of many Legions could at an ordinary rate march through so many Countries and crosse so many Seas had they had no enemy to engage but to conquer them transcends it and must be attributed to Miracle for within lesse then five yeares through infinite conquests and Victories he consummated the Roman Monarchy making himself perpetuall Dictator Sovereign Lord or Emperour Which later title though it had not that height of signification which his Successors have rais'd it to yet was it the greatest attribution of honour which that or after-Ages have acknowledg'd But if his thoughts were so high and his ambition so exorbitant as to deserve a severe Censure certainly it may prove so much the more excuseable by how much it was enflam'd by the generall acclamations and acknowledgments For both the Senate and peole of Rome some out of feare some out of affection some out of dissimulation were forward enough to invent those appellations of honour and preeminence and afterwards to elevate them to the height of his ambitious mind Hence was he call'd Emperour Father Restorer and Preserver of his Country hence created perpetuall Dictator and Consul for ten yeares and perpetuall Censor of their Customes his Statue erected among the Kings of Rome hence he had his thrones and chaires of state in the Theatre and Temples which as also all publick places were filled with his pictures and images Nay their adoration ascended to that point that from these humane honours they attributed to him divine finding marble little enough for Temples and Statues for him which were dedicated to him with the same veneration as to their Gods and metall little enough to represent his high and almost incredible adventures But all the power and command of so many nations as he had conquer'd was inconsiderable as to the extent of his mind whereby we may see what small acquaintance there is between Ambition and Acquiescence It was not sufficient to have been personally engag'd in fifty signall Battels and to have lay'd with their Bellies to the Sun a million ninety and odd thousand men abating all those that fell in the Civile warres but there yet remains something to do greater then all this The fierce Parthians break his sleep they are yet unconquer'd which once done t' were easy like lightning to passe through Hyrcania and other Countries to the Caspian Sea and so scoure the Provinces of Scythia Asiatica and so passing over the River Tanais to come into Europe and bring in Germany and the bordering Provinces under the wings of the Roman Eagle In order to this expedition had he in sundry places raised 10000. horse and 16. Legions of choice foot but another greater power thought fit he should leave some work for his successours Nay some things he aim'd at beyond Man's attempt correcting even nature it self As that design of making Peloponnesus an Island by cutting of that neck of Land which is between the Aegeaan and Ionian Seas He thought to have altered the courses of the Rivers Tiber and Aâ—ien and made them navigable for ships of the greatest burthen He had begun to levell diverse hills and mountains in Italy and to dry up Lakes and Fenns He re-edified and re-peopled the once famous Carthage and Corinth These and many other things he had done without doubt had not an unexpected and barbarous death surpriz'd him in the midst of his designations Which because it is the tragicall part of this Relation we
bank did naturally second their violent impression Neither can the shock at handy-blowes be any thing so furious which was a point of great respect in their battels when the souldiers spent their strength in franchising the in jury of a rising Mountain as when the place by a naturall inclination did further their course And to conclude if the battel succeeded not according to theâ— desire the favour of the place afforded them meanes of a strong retreat in the highest part whereof they had commonly their Camps well fenced and fortified against all chaunces If it be demanded whether the upper ground be of like use in regard of our weapons I answer that in a skirmish of shot I take the advantage to ly in the lower ground rather then on the hill for the peeces being hastily charged as commonly they are after the first volley if the bullet chance to ly loose when the nose of the peece is lower then the breech it must needs flie at randome and be altogether uneffectuall but when the nose shall be raised upward to the side of a hill the bullet being rammed in with his own weight shall fly with greater certainty and fury considering the nature of the powder to be such that the more it is stopt and shut in the more it seeketh to enlarge his room and breaketh forth with greater violence and fury Concerning other weapons I take the upper ground in the shock and incounter to be advantageous as well for the sword as the pike and would deserve as great respect if the controversy were decided by these weapons as seldome times it is THE SECOND OBSERVATION BY Causidius his demeanour we see that verified which Physicians affirme That nothing will sooner carrie our judgement out of her proper seat then the passion of fear and that amongst souldiers themselves whom custome hath made familiarlie acquainted with horrour and death it is able to turn a flock of Sheep into a squadron of Corselets and a few Canes or Oliers into Pikes and Lanciers Which may serve to advise a discreet Generall not easily to credit a relation of that nature when a man of reputation in so perfect a discipline and so experienced in the service of three famous Chiefs was so surprised with fear that he could not discern his friends from his enemies But I will speak more of this passion in the war with Aâ—â—ovistus THE THIRD OBSERVATION IN every relation throughout the whole course of this historie the first words are commonly these Re frumentaria comparata as the foundation and strength of every expedition without which no man can manage a war according to the true maximes and rules of the Art Military but must be forced to relieve that inconvenience with the losse of many other advantages of great consequence Which gave occasion to Gaspar de Coligm that famous Admirall of France amongst other Oracles of truth wherewith his mind was marvellously inriched often to use this saying That he that will shape that beast meaning war must beginne with the belly And this rule was diligently observed by Caesar who best knew how to express the true pourtraiture of that beast in due proportion and lively resemblance The order of the Romans was at the day of measuring to give corn to every particular souldier for a certain time which was commonly desined by circumstances and by the measure which was given them they knew the day of the next paiment for every footman received after the rate of a bushell a week which was thought sufficient for him and his servant For if they had payed them their whole stipend in money it might have been wasted in unnecessarie expenses but by this meanes they were sure of provision for the time determined and the sequell of the war was providently cared for by the Generall The Corn being delivered out was husbanded ground with hand-milles which they carried alwayes with them and made into hasty cakes dainty enough for a souldiers mouth by no other but themselves and their servants Neither could they sell it or exchange it for bread for Salust reckoneth this up amongst other dishonours of the discipline corrupted that the souldiers sold away their corn which was given them by the Treasurer and bought their bread by the day And this manner of provision had many speciall commodities which are not incident to our custome of victualling for it is impossible that victuallers should follow an Armie upon a service in the Enemies Countrey twenty or thirty dayes together with sufficient provision for an Armie And by that meanes the Generall cannot attend advantages and fittest opportunities which in tract of time are often offered but is forced either to hazard the whole upon unequall termes or to found an unwilling retreat And whereas the Victuallers are for the most part voluntarie respecting nothing but their gain and the souldiers on the other side carelesse of the morrow and prodigall of the present in that turbulent marre-market where the seller hath an eye onely to his particular and the buyer respecteth neither the publick good nor his private commoditie there is nothing to be looked for but famine and confusion Whereas the Romans by their manner of provision imposed the generall care of the publick good upon the chief Commander whose dutie it was to provide store of Corn for his Armie and the particular care upon every private souldier whom it especially concerned to see that the allowance which the Commonweale had in plentifull manner given him for his maintenance might not be wasted through negligence or prodigalitie which excellent order the nature of our victuals will no way admit Their Provinces and the next consederate States furnished their Armies continually with Corn as it appeareth by this place that for provision of grain he depended altogether upon the Hedui and when they were in the Enemies Countrey in the time of harvest the souldiers went out to reap and gather Corn and delivered it threshed and cleansed to the Treasurer that it might be kept untill the day of paiment But to leave this fiugall and provident manner of provision as unpossible to be amitated by this age let us return to our historie and see how the Helvetians were led by a probable errour to their last overthrow Chap. VII The Helvetians follow after Caesar and overtake the Rereward He imbattaileth his legions upon the side of a hill and giveth order for the battel WHereof the Enemy being advertised by certain fugitives of the troup of horse commanded by L. Emilius presently whether it were that they thought the Romans did turn away for fear and the rather for that the day before having the advantage of the upper ground they refused to sight or whether they thought to cut them off from provision of Corn they altered their purpose and turning back again began to attack our men in the Rere Which Caesar perceiving drew his forces to the next hill and sent the Cavalrie
for that it jumpeth with the necessity of their condition For men are willing to do well when well-doing agreeth with that they would do otherwise the Act may happily be effected but the mind never approveth it by assent And this manner of exhortation or speech of encouragement was never emitted by Caesar in any conflict mentioned in this historiâ— but he still used it as a necessary instrument to set vertue on foot and the onely meanes to stir up alacritie Or if it happened that his men were at any time discouraged by disaster or crosse accident as they were at Gergobia and at the two overthrows he had at Dyrrachium he never would adventure to give battell untill he had incouraged them again and confirmed their minds in valour and resolution But this age hath put on so scornfull a humour that it cannot hear a speech in this key sound it never so gravely without scoffing and derision and on the other side discontinuance of so necessarie a part hath bred at length such an inutilent pudorem in our chief Commanders that they had rather lose the gain of a great advantage then buy it with words to be delivered in publick THE SECOND OBSERVATION IN this Chapter we may further observe the violence of the Roman pile which being a heavie deadly weapon could hardly be frustrated with any resistance and in that respect was very proper and effectuall against a Phalanx or any other thick and close battell or wheresoever else stroke was certain or could hardly deceive the aime of the caster for in such encounters it so galled the enemy that they were neither able to keep their order nor answer the assault with a resisting counterbuffe By which it appeareth that the onely remedie against the Pile was to make the ranks thin allowing to every souldier a large podisme or place to stand in that so the stroke might of it self fall without hurt or by fore-sight be prevented as it shall plainly appear by the sequele of this historie which I will not omit to note as the places shall offer themselves to the examination of this discourse But as touching the Pile which is so often mentioned in the Roman historie Polybius describeth it in this manner A Pile saith he is a casting weapon the staffe whereof is almost three cubits long and it hath palmarem diametrum a hand-breadth in thickness The staves were armed with a head of iron equall in length to the staffe it self But in that sort that half the head was fastened up to the middle of the staffe with plates of iron like the head of a Halbert and the other half stuck out at the end of the staffe like a pike containing a fingers breadth in thicknesse and so decreasing lesse and lesse upto the point which was barbed This head was so slender toward the points that the weight of the staffe would bend it as it stuck as appeareth in this battel of the Helvetians This weapon was peculiar to the Romans and was called Pilum as Varro noteth of Pilum a Pestell quod Hostes feriret ut pilum Lipsius finding that Palmarem diametrum was too great a thicknesse to be managed by any mans hand interpreteth it to be four inches in circuit if the staffe were either round or square for they had of both sorts and so he maketh it very manageable but nothing answerable to the description given by Polybius either informe or weight Patricius in his Paralleli maketh the staffe to have Palmarem diametrum in the butt end but the rest of the staffe he maketh to decrease taper-wise unto the head of iron where it hath the thicknesse of a mans finger and so it answereth both in form and weight to a Pestell as may be seen by the figure and I take it to be the meaning of Polybius Patricius in that place setteth down four discommodities of the Pile First a furious and hot-spirited enemie will easily prevent the darting of the Pile with a nimble and speedy close And so we read that in the battell which Caesar had with Ariovistus the Germans came so violently upn them that the souldiers cast away their piles and betook them to their swords And likewise in that worthy battell between Catiline and Marcus Petreius they cast away their piles on either part The second discommodity was that the piles being so heavy could not be cast any distance but were only serviceable at hand Thirdly they could not be cast with any aime or as they say point-blank And lastly the souldiers were to take advantage of ground backward when they threw them which might easily disorder their troups if they were not very well experienced THE THIRD OBSERVATION THe last thing which I observe in this speciality is that the legionary souldiers had no other offensive weapon but one pile or two at the most and their swords By which it may be gathered that all their victories came by buckling at handy-blowes for they came alwayes so near before they cast their pile that they left themselves no more time then might conveniently serve them to draw their swords neither would their Arms of defence which was compleat besides a large target which they carried on their left arm suffer them to make any long pursuit or continued chase whensoever a light-armed enemy did make any speedy retreat as will more plainly appear by that which followeth Chap. IX The Helvetians fainting in the battel retire to a Hill the Romans follow after and the battel is continued THE BATTEL WHICH CAESAR HAD WITH THE HELVETIANS The Hill being taken and the Legions following on to drive them from thence the Boii and â—ulingi to the number of fifteen thousand being in the Rere of the Enemy to guard the lag of their Army setting on our men as they were in pursuit of the rest did charge them upon the open side and began to inclose them about which the Helvetians that had got the Hill perceiving began again to fall upon our men and renewed the battel The Romans dividing themselves turned their Ensignes two wayes the first and second Army fought against the Helvetians that returned from the Hill and the third battel took charge of them that stood ready to inclose them about And here the fight was doubtfull and furious for a long time untill at length they were no longer able to endure the violence of the legionary souldiers and so one part betook themselves as at the first to the Hill and the other to the place where their Carts and baggage were lodged And hitherto there was not one man seen to have turned his back in all this conflict although the fight continued from the seventh hour untill the evening THE FIRST OBSERVATION COncerning the Ensignes of the Romans we are to understand that the chiefest Ensigne of every Legion was an Eagle which alwayes attended upon the Primipile or chief Centurion of the said Legion The Ensigne of
Target was of such reputation among the Roman Armes and challenged such interest in the greatnesse of their Empire let us enter a little into the consideration of the use commodity thereof which cannot be better understood then by that comparison which Polybius hath made between the weapons of the Romans and the Macodonians and therefore I have thought good to insert it in these discourses And thus it followeth Of the difference of the Roman and Macedonian Weapons I Promised in my sixth book that I would make a comparison between the weapons of the Romans and Macedonians and that I would likewise write of the disposition of either of their Armies how they do differ one from another and in what regard the one or the other were either inferiour or superiour which promise I will now with diligence endeavour to perform And forasmuch as the Armies of the Macedonians have given so good testimonies of themselves by their actions by overcoming the Armies as well of Asia as of Greece and that the battels of the Romans have conquered as well those of Africa as all the Eastern countries of Europe it shall not be amisse but very profitable to search out the difference of either especially seeing that these our times have not once but many times seen triall both of their battels and forces that knowing the reason why the Romans do overcome and in their battel carry away the better we do not as vain men were wont to do attribute the same to fortune and esteem them without reason happy victours but rather looking into the true causes we give them their due praises according to the direction of reason and sound judgement Concerning the battels between Hannibal and the Romans and concerning the Romans losses there is no need that I speak much For their losses are neither to be imputed to the defect of their Armes or disposition of their Armies but to the dexterity and industry of Hannibal But we have intreated thereof when we made mention of the battels themselves and the end it self of that warre doth especially confirm this our opinion for when they had gotten a Captain equall with Hannibal even consequently he with all his victories vanished And he had no sooner overcome the Romans but by and by rejecting his own weapons he trayned his Army to their weapons and so taking them up in the beginning he continued them on unto the end And Pyrrhus in his war against the Romans did use both their weapons and order made as it were a medly both of the cohort and phalanx but notwithstanding it served him not to get the victory but alwayes the event by some means or other made the same doubtful concerning whom it were not unfit that I should say something least in being altogether silent it might seem to prejudice this mine opinion But notwithstanding I will hasten to my purposed comparison Now touching the phalanx if it have the disposition and forces proper to it nothing is able to oppose it self against it or to sustain the violence thereof as may easily by many documents be approved For when an armed man doth stand firm in the space of three foot in so thick an arraie of battel and the length of their pikes being according to the first basis or scantling sixteen foot but according to the true and right conveniency of them fourteen cubites out of which are taken four allowed for the space between the left hand which supporteth the same and the butt end thereof whiles he stands in a readinesse to attend the encounter being thus ordered I say it is manifest that the length of ten cubites doth extend it self before the body of every armed man where with both his hands he doth advance it ready to charge the Enemy By which meanes it followeth that some of the pikes do not only extend themselves before the second third and fourth rank but some before the foremost if the phalanx have his proper and due thicknesse according to his naturall disposition both on the sides and behind as Homer maketh mention when he saith that one target doth enclose and fortify another one head-piece is joyned to another that they may stand united close together These circumstances being rightly and truly set down it must follow that the pikes of every former rank in the phalanx do extend themselves two cubites before each other which proportion of difference they have between themselves by which may evidently be seen the assault and impression of the whole phalanx what it is and what force it hath consisting of sixteen ranks in depth or thicknesse The excesse of which number of ranks above five forasmuch as they cannot commodiously couch their pikes without the disturbance of the former the points of them not being long enough to enlarge themselves beyond the foremost ranks they grow utterly unprofitable and cannot man by man make any impression or assault but serve only by laying their pikes upon the shoulders of those which stand before them to sustain and hold up the swayes and giving back of the former ranks which stand before them to this end that the front may stand firm and sure and with the thicknesse of their pikes they do repell all those darts which passing over the heads of those that stand before would annoy those ranks which are more backward And farther by moving forward with the force of their bodies they do so presse upon the former that they do make a most violent impression For it is impossible that the foremost ranks should give back This therefore being the generall and particular disposition of the phalanx we must now speak on the contrary part touching the properties and differences as well of the Armes as of the whole disposition of the Roman battel For every Roman souldier for himself and his weapon is allowed three foot to stand in and in the incounter are moved man by man every one covering himself with his target and mutually moving whensoever there is occasion offered But those which use their swords do fight in a more thin and distinct order so that it is manifest that they have three foot more allowed them to stand in both from shoulder to shoulder and from back to belly that they may use their weapons with the better commodity And hence it cometh to passe that one Roman souldier taketh up as much ground as two of those which are to encounter him of the Macedonian Phalanx so that one Roman is as it were to oppose himself against ten pikes which pikes the said one souldier can neither by any agility come to offend or else at handy blowes otherwise annoy And those which are behind him are not only unable to repell their force but also with conveniency to use their own weapons Whereby it may easily be gathered that it is impossible that any battel being assaulted by the front of a phalanx should be able to sustain the violence thereof if it have
had brought out of Aquitain OBSERVATIONS IT semeth by this place that France in those dayes did favour archery for as the story saith they had great store of Archers amongst them but of what value they were is not here delivered The use they made of them followeth after in this Commentary which was to intermingle them amongst the horse and so they fought as light-armed men In the times that our English nation carried a scourging hand in France the matter between us and them touching archery stood in such tearms as gave England great advantage for I have not heard of any bow-men at all amongst them whereas our Nation hath heretofore excelled all other as well in number of bow-men as in excellent good shooting and hath made so good proof thereof against the French as it needeth not any long dispute Concerning Archery I finde these things considerable First that every man be so fitted with bow and arrowes as he may be apt for strong and quick shooting wherein I cannot so much commend these livery bowes being for the most part heavy slugs and of greater weight then strength and of more shew then service Secondly that in a day of service the bow-men endeavour so to deliver their quivers that the whole band or sleeve of shot may let go all at one instant of time for so the shower of arrows will be more fierce and terrible and more available against an enemy Thirdly the fittest form of imbattelling for bow-men which must not at any hand be deep in slank for so such as are in the hindmost ranks will either shoot short or to no purpose And therefore the fittest form of imbattelling for Archery hath ever been accounted a long-sided square resembling a hearse broad in front and narrow in flank Fourthly their defance in a day of battell which must either be a covert woody place where the horse of the enemy cannot come at them or a trench cast before them or the place must be fortified with galthrops and stakes such as were devised by Henry the fifth at Agincourt field or some other means to avoid the cavalry The last thing is the effects which the bowmen worke which are two first the galling of the enemy and secondly disorder Touching the galling of the enemie there cannot be a better description then that which Plutarch maketh of the overthrow of the Romans by the Parthian arrowes The Roman souldiers hands saith he were nailed to their targets and their feet to the ground or otherwise were sore wounded in their bodies and died of a cruell lingring death crying out for anguish and pain they felt and turning tormenting themselves upon the ground they brake the arrowes sticking in them Again striving by force to pluck out the barbed heads that had pierced farre into their bodies through their veins and sinews they opened the wounds wider and so cast themselves away The disorder or routing of an enemy which is caused by the bow-men cometh from the fearfull spectacle of a drift of arrowes for a shower of arrowes well delivered and well seconded for a while is so terrible to the eye and so dreadfull in the success that it is almost unpossible to keep the enemy from routing The two great victories which our Nation had in France at Cressie and Agincourt next to the valour of the English are attributed to our archery and the effect of our archery at those times was first disorder and consequently slaughter In the battell of Cressie the King of Bohemia fighting for the French caused his horsemen to tie the bridles of their horses together in rank that they might keep order notwithstanding the galling which he feared from our English archery but it fell out as ill as if he had tied their heads and their tails together in file for the drift of arrowes fell so terribly amongst them that they ran together on heaps with such confusion as made the slaughter great and their particular destinies most miserably fortuned At Agincourt the number of prisoners which every souldier had was admirable to speak of for some report that many of our English had ten prisoners apiece which hapned chiefly from the disorder which fell amongst the French and that disorder came by our archery And doubtless if ever we should have occasion to go against an enemy that so aboundeth in horse as the French do there could be no better means against such horse then our English bow-men I know it hath been said that now the times are altered and the harquebuse and musket are so generally received and of such reputation in the course of our modern wars that in comparison of them bow-men are not worth the naming Wherein I will not go about to extenuate the use of either of these weapons as knowing them to be both very serviceable upon fit and convenient occasions nor take upon me to determine which of them is most effectuall in a day of service but onely deliver my conceit touching their effects and leave it to the consideration of wise and discreet Commanders And first touching shot A wing of musketiers is available against an enemy onely in such bullets as do hit for such as do not hit pass away insensibly without any further fear and the crack is but as the lose of the bow Of such bullets as do hit the greatest part do not strike to death but are oftentimes carried untill the skirmish be ended before the party do feel himself hurt so that an enemy receiveth no further hurt by a charge of shot then happeneth to such particular men as shall chance to be slain outright or sore hurt But a sleeve of Archers is available against an enemy as well in such arrowes as do not hit as in such as do hit for whereas the cloud of arrowes is subject to our sight and every arrow is both suspected and able to bring death sitting on the head an enemy is as much troubled at such arrows as come fair upon him and do not hit as at those that do hit for no man is willing to expose his flesh to an open and eminent danger when it lieth in his power to avoid it And therefore whilest every man seeketh to avoid hurt they fall into such confusion as besides the loss of particular men the enemy doth hardly escape disorder which is the greatest disadvantage that can befall him Moreover the arrowes having barbed heads although they make but a light hurt yet they are not easily pulled out which maketh the souldiers not to intend the fight untill they be delivered of them and the horse so to fling and chafe that it is impossible they should either keep their rank or be otherwise managed for any service And thus much touching bow-men and archery which is a weapon as ancient as the first and truest History and is of the number of such weapons as
desire to see a parallell drawn between Caesar and the other Leaders for matter of warre it shall suffice to take the issue for a square of their directions being drawn to this head within fourty dayes after Caesar came within sight of the Enemy as Curio noteth in his speech to the souldiers Cato seeing the prosperous successe of Caesar against Pompey said their was a great uncertainty in the government of their Gods alluding peradventure to that of Plato in his Politicks where he saith that there are ages wherein the Gods do govern the world in their own persons and there are other times wherein they altogether neglect the same the world taking a course quite contrary to that which the Gods directed But Lucan spake from a surer ground where he saith Victrix causa Diis placuit sed victa Catoni The conquering cause pleas'd Jove the conquered Cato And thus endeth the first Commentary The Second Commentarie of the Civile VVarres The Argument THis Commentarie hath three speciall parts The first containeth the siege of Marseilles the strange works and extreme endeavours to take and to keep the Town The second expresseth the vain labour which Pompey's Lieutenant undertook after that Afranius and Petreius were defeated to keep the Province of Andaluzia out of Caesar's power and command And the third part consisteth of the expedition Curio made into Africa and endeth with his overthrow CHAP. I. The preparations for the siege as well within as without the Town WHilst these things were doing in Spain C. Trebonius the Legate being left to besiege Marseilles had begun in two places to raise Mounts to make Mantelets and Towers against the Town One next unto the Port where the Ships lay and the other in the way leading from Gallia and Spain into the town just upon the creek of the sea near unto the mouth of the Rhosne For three parts of Marseilles are in a manner washed with the sea and the fourth is that which giveth passage by land whereof that part which belongeth to the Castle by reason of the nature of the place and fortified with a deep ditch would require a long and difficult siege For the perfecting of those works Trebonius had commanded out of all the Province great store of horses for carriage and a multitude of men requiring them to bring rods to make Hurdles and other materials for the work which being prepared brought together he raised a Mount of fourscore foot high But such was the provision which of ancient time they had stored up in the town of all equipage and necessaries for the warre with such provision of munition and engines that no Hurdles made of rods or Osiers were able to bear out the force thereof For out of their great Balistae they shot beams of twelve foot long pointed with Iron with such force as they would pierce through four courses of Hurdles and stick in the earth Whereby they were forced to roof their Gallery with timber of a foot square and to bring matter that way by hand to make the Mount A Testudo of sixty foot in length was alwayes carried before for the levelling of the ground made of mighty strong timber covered and armed with all things which might defend it from fire and stones or what else should be cast upon it But the greatnesse of the work the height of the wall and towers together with the multitude of Engines did retard and hinder the proceeding thereof Moreover the Albici did make often sallies out of the town setting fire to the mounts and to the turrets which were kept by our souldiers with great facility and ease forcing such as sallied out to return with great losse OBSERVATIONS HAving described in the former Commentaries these Engines and works here mentioned the Reader may please for his better satisfaction to review those places as also farther to note that the word Artillery was brought down to these ages from the use of ancient Engines which consisted of those two primitives Arcus and Telum And according as diversity of Art and wit found means to fit these to use and occasions so had they severall and distinct names whereof I find chiefly these Balistae Catapultae Tolenones Scorpiones Onagri Of each of which there are divers and severall sorts as first of the Balistae some were called Centenariae others Talentariae according to the weight of the bullet or weapon they shot Of the rate and proportion whereof Vitruvius and his learned interpreter Daniel Barbarus have made accurate description Again some were made to shoot stones as appeareth by that of Tacitus Magnitudine eximia quartaedecimae legionis Balista ingentibus saxis hostilem aciem proruebat the Balista of the fourteenth legion being an exceeding great one beat down the army of the enemy with huge stones and others to shoot darts and piles of timber headed with Iron as it is manifested by this place Moreover the manner of bending of these Engines made a difference some being drawn up with a wrinch or scrue and some with a wheel some having long armes and others having short but the strings were generally either all of sinewes or of womens hair as strongest and surest of any other kind Of these Vegetius preferreth the Balistae and the Onagri as unresistable when they were skilfully handled The word Onagri as Ammianus Marcellinus noteth was of a later stamp and imposed upon those Engines which former time called Scorpiones and was taken from the nature of wilde Asses that are said to cast stones backward with their feet at the Hunters with such violence that oftentimes they dashed out their brains In the time of Barbarisme all these Engines were generally called Mangonella as appeareth by Viginâ—rius in his Annotations upon Onosander Which is likewise shewed by that which Mr. Camden hath inserted in the description of Bedfordshire concerning the siege of Bedford Castle in the time of Henry the third out of an Authour that was present Ex parte orientali fuit una Petraria duo Mangonella quae quotidie turrim infestabant ex parte occidentis duo Mangonella quae turrim veterem contriverunt unum Mangonellum ex parte Australi c. On the East side was placed one Engine to cast stones and two Mangonels which continually plaid upon the tower and on the West side two Mangonels which beat down the old tower and one Mangonel on the South side c. But our powder having blown all these out of use it were to no purpose to insist longer upon them CHAP. II. The Marseillians prepare themselves for a Sea-fight IN the mean time L. Nasidius being sent by Cn. Pompeius with a Navie of sixteen ships amongst which some few had their beak-head of Iron to the succour and supply of L. Domitius and the Marseillians he passed the straights of Sicilie before Curio had intelligence thereof and putting
desirous to have fought with them yet wondering at the great number of his enemies he pitched his camp directly over against theirs on the other side of a valley which was more in deepnesse downward then in widenesse any way at the bottom This camp he commanded to be fortified with a rampier of twelve foot and an open gallery to be builded upon it according to the measure of the same height and a double ditch to be made of fifteen foot apiece with sides plumme down and many turrets to be reared of three stories high and to be joyned together with draw-Bridges to let down at pleasure the fronts whereof were fenced with grates of wicker to the intent the enemy might be repulsed with double rows of defendants of which the one from the Bridges the more out of danger they were by reason of the height so much the boldlier and the farther off might they send their darts the other the nearer they were placed to their enemy upon the Rampier so much the better should they be covered from the artillery that might fall down upon them and over the gates he made high towers This kind of fortification was to two good purposes for by the greatnesse of his works and his pretence of fear he hoped to put the barbarous Galles into a great confidence and whensoever he should have occasion to send out farre for forrage or victuals he saw that the camp might be defended with a small power the strength of the fortifications was so great In the mean while parties on both sides would severall times go out and skirmish in the marish that was between our two camps the which oftentimes either the Galles and Germans that were of our host would passe and eagerly pursue their enemies or else in like manner our enemies passing over it did send our men farther off It happened in our daily forraging as there was no other shift forasmuch as we were fain to fetch forrage at houses that stood scattering farre a sunder that our forrages being dissevered in disadvantageous places were entrapped The which thing as it was some losse to us of our beasts of carriage and slaves so it heightened the foolish courages of the barbarous Galles and that so much the more because Comius of Arras who we said before was gone to fetch aid of the Germans was returned with some horse of whom although there was not above the number of five hundred yet the Galles were puffed up at the coming of the Germans CHAP. III. Caesar strengthens himself with more forces The men of Rhemes worsted by the Enemy and they again by the Germans on Caesar's party WHen Caesar perceived how his enemies kept themselves many dayes together within their camp which was fortified both with a marish and also with advantage of the ground and that he could neither assault them without manifest perill nor inclose the place where they were with any fortifications without a greater army he directed his letters to Trebonius that he should with all haste possible send for the thirteenth legion which wintered amongst the Bituriges under T. Sextius the Legate and so with three legions make long marches to come to him In the mean season he sent out by turns the horsemen of Rhemes and of the Lingones and other States of whom he had called forth a great number to safe-conduct the forragers and to withstand the suddain assaults of the enemy This being done day by day and our men taking now lesse heed because it was an ordinary matter with them which thing for the most part cometh to passe by daily custome the Bellovaci with a band of chosen footmen knowing the places where our horsemen daily kept their standings laid ambushes in woody places and the next day they sent thither their horsemen first to draw cut our men into the danger of their ambushments and then to assail them as they were enclosed The lot of this ill luck lighted upon the men of Rhemes whose turn it was to perform the duty that day For they when they had espied the horsemen of their enemies upon the suddain despising them because they werelesse in number followed them over-greedily and were enclosed by the footmen Whereby being disordered they retired more hastily then horsemen are accustomed to do in battell with the losse of Vertisco the Prince of their State and Captain of their horsemen Who being scarce able to sit upon a horse by reason of his age would notwithstanding according to the custome of the Galles neither seek to disburden himself of the Captainship by excuse of his age nor suffer the encounter to be fought without him With this lucky battell wherein they slew the Prince and Captain of the men of Rhemes the courages of our enemies were heightened and raised and our men were taught by their own harm to search the places better where they should keep their standings and to follow their enemy more advisedly when he fled In the mean while ceased not the daily skirmishes in the sight of both our Camps which were made at the foords and passages of the marish In this kind of exercise whenas the Germans whom Caesar had for the same purpose fetcht over the Rhene that they should fight intermingled with his horsemen in the battel had all boldly passed the marish and slaying a few that made resistance followed eagerly upon the rest of the multitude not only they that were overthrown at hand or wounded aloof but also they that were wont to succour afarre off were so stricken with fear that they ran away shamefully and never left flying from higher ground to higher which they oftentimes lost before they either recovered into their Camp or as some did for very shame fled farther off With whose danger the rest of the host was so troubled that it can scarcely be judged whether good successe were it never so small would make them more arrogant or a misfortune were it never so mean would make them more cowed and fearfull CHAP. IIII. The Galles discamp and are pursued by Caesar The routing of part of them and the death of Corbeus AFter they had linked many dayes in the same Camp when the Captains of the Bellovaci understood that C. Trebonius one of Caesar's Legates was at hand with mo Legions fearing the like siege as was at Alexia they sent away in the night all such as by reason of yeares or otherwise wanted strength and all such as wanted armour among them and with them they sent away also their carriages While they were setting forth this troubled and confused company for the Galles even when they go lightest are wont to have a great multitude of Carts following them day-light came upon them and therefore they set their men in battel-array in their camp lest the Romans should pursue before the company of their carriages could get any thing forward But Caesar thought it not good to assail them that were ready to defend themselves having so