Grand Signior and most observable in the Moores in Bâ—aâ—ilia which transplanted about an hundred years past continue the tinctures of their fathers unto this day and so likewise faire or white people translated into hotter Countries receive not impressions amounting to this complexion as hath been observed in many Europeans who have lived in the land of Negroes and as Edvardus Lopes testifieth of the Spanish plantations that they retained their native complexions unto his dayes Fourthly if the fervor of the Sunne were the sole cause hereof in Aethiopia or any land of Negroes it were also reasonable that inhabitants of the same latitude subjected unto the same vicinity of the Sunne the same diurnall arch and direction of its rayes should also partake of the same hue and complexion which notwithstanding they do not For the Inhabitants of the same latitude in Asia are of a different complexion as are the Inhabitants of Cambogia and Java insomuch that some conceave the Negroe is properly a native of Africa and that those places in Asia inhabited now by Moores are but the inâ—rusions of Negroes ariving first from Africa as we generally conceave of Madagascar and the adjoyning Islands who retaine the same complexion unto this day But this defect is more remarkable in America which although subjected unto both the Tropicks yet are not the Inhabitants black betweeâ—e or neere or under either neither to the Southward in Brasilia Chili or Peru nor yet to the Northward in Hispaniola Castilia del Oro or Nicaraguava and although in many parts thereof it be confessed there bee at present swarmes of Negroes serving under the Spaniard yet were they all transported from Africa since the discovery of Columbus 〈◊〉 are not indigenous or proper natives of America Fifthly we cannot conclude this complexion in Nations from the vicinity or habitude they hold unto the Sun for even in Africa they be Negroes under the Southerne Tropick but arâ— not all of this huâ— either under or neere the Northerne So the people of Gualata Agaâ—es â—aramantes and of Goaga all within the Northerne Tropicks are not Negroes but on the other side about Capo Negro Cefala and Madagascar they are of a Jetty black Now if to salve this Anomaly wee say the heate of the Sun is more powerfull in the Southerne Tropick because in the signe of Capricorne falls out the Perigeum or lowest place of the Sun in his Excentrick whereby he becomes neerer unto them then unto the other in Cancer wee shall not absolve the doubt And if any insist upon such nicities and will presume a different effect of the Sun from such a difference of place or vicinity we shall ballance the same with the concernment of its motion and time of revolution and say he is more powerfull in the Northerne hemisphere and in the Apogeâ—â— for therein his motion is slower and so his heate respectively unto those habitations as of duration so also of more effect For though he absolve his revolution in 365. dayes odde howres and minutes yet by reason of his Excentricity his motion is unequall and his course farre longer in the Northerne semicircle then in the Southerne for the latter he passeth in 178. dayes but the other takes him 187. that is eleven dayes more so is his presence more continued unto the Northerne Inhabitant and the longest day in Cancer is longer unto us then that in Capricorne unto the Southerne habitator Beside hereby we onely inferre an inequality of heate in different Tropicks but not an equality of effects in other parts subjected to the same For in the same degree and as neere the earth he makes his revolution unto the American whose Inhabitants notwithstanding partake not of the same effect And if herein we seek a reliefe from the Dogstarre we shall introduce an effect proper unto a few from a cause common unto many for upon the same grounds that Starre should have as forcible a power upon America and Asia and although it be not verticall unto any part of Asia but onely passeth by Beach in terra incognita yet is it so unto America and vertically passeth over the habitations of Peru and Brasilia Sixtly and which is very considerable there are Negroes in Africa beyond the Southerne Tropick and some so far removed from it as Geographically the clime is not intemperate that is neere the cape of good Hope in 36. of Southerne Latitude Whereas in the same elevation Northward the Inhabitants of America are faire and they of Europe in Candy Sicily and some parts of Spaine deserve not propâ—rly so low a name as Tawny Lastly whereas the Africans are conceaved to be more pâ—culiarly scorched and torrified from the Sun by addition of drinesse from the soyle from want and defect of water it will not excuse the doubt For the parts which the Negroes possesse are not so void of Rivers and moisture as is herein presumed for on the other side the mountaines of the Moone in that great tract called Zanzibar there are the mighty Rivers of Suama and Spirito Santo on this side the great River Zaire the mighty Nile and Niger which doe not onely moysten and contemperate the ayre by their exhalations but refresh and humâ—ctate the earth by their annuall inundations Beside in that part of Africa which with all disadvantage is most dry that is in site betweene the Tropicks defect of Rivers and inundations as also abundance of sands the people are not esteemed Negroes and that is Lybia which with the Greeks carries the name of all Africa A region so desâ—rt dry and sandy that travellers as Leo reports are faine to carry water on their Camels whereof they finde not a drop sometime in 6. or 7. dayes yet is this Countrey accounted by Geographers no part of terra Nigritarum and Pâ—olomy placeth herein the Leuco Aethiopes or pale and Tawney Moores Now the ground of this opinion might bee the visible quality of Blacknesse observably produced by heate fire and smoake but especially with the Ancients the violent esteeme they held of the heate of the Sun in the hot or torrid Zone conceaving that part unhabitable and therefore that people in the vicinities or frontiers thereof could not escape without this change of their complexions But how farre they were mistaken in this apprehension moderne Geography hath discovered And as wee have declared there are many within this Zone whose complexions descend not so low as blacknesse And if we should strictly insist hereon the possibility might fall into some question that is whether the heate of the Sun whose feâ—vor may swarâ—e a living part and even black a dead or dissolving flâ—sh can yet in animals whose parâ—â— are successive and in continuall flâ—x produce this deepe and perfect glosse of Blacknesse Thus having evinced at least made dubious the Sunne is not the Author of this blacknesse how and when this tincture fiâ—st began iâ— yet a Riddle and positively to determine it surpasseth my presumption Seeing
of all men that horses dogs and foxes wax gray with age in our Countries and in colder regions many other animals without it Other Authors write often dubiously even in matters wherein is expected a strict and definitive truth extenuating their affirmations with aiunt ferunt fortasse As Dioscorides Galen Aristotle and many more Others by heâ—â—e say taking upon trust most they have delivered whose volumes are meer collections drawne from the mouthes or leaves of other Authours as may bee observed in Plinie Aelian Atheâ—aeus and many others Not a few transcriptively subscribing their names unto other mens endeavours and meerely transcribing almost all they have written The Latines transcribing the Greekes the Greekes and Latines each other Thus hath Justine borrowed all from Trogus Pompeius and Julius solinus in a manner transcribed Plinie thus haâ—e Lucian and Apuleius served Lucius Pratensis men both living in the same time and both transcribing the same Authour in those famous Bookes Entituled Lucius by the one and Aureus Asinus by the other In the same measure hath Simocrates in his Tract de Nilo dealt with Diodorus Siculus as may be observed in that worke annexed unto Herodotus and translated by Jungermannus Thus Eratosthenes wholy translated Timotheus de Insulis not reserving the very Preface The very same doth Strabo report of Edorus and Ariston in a Treatise entituled de Milo Clemens Alexandrinus hath also observed many examples hereof among the Greekes and Plinie speaketh very plainely in his Preface that conferring his Authors and comparing their workes together hee generally found those that went before verbatim transcribed by those that followed after and their originalls never so much as mentioned Even the magnified Virgil hath borrowed almost all his works his Eclogues from Theocritus his Georgicks from Hâ—siod and Aratus his Aeneads from Homer the second Booke thereof containing the exploit of Sinon and the Trojan horses as Macrobius observeth he hath verbatim derived from Pisander Our own profession is not excusable herein Thus Oribasius Aetius and Aegineta have in a manner transcribed Galen But Marcellus Empericus who hath left a famous worke de medicamentis hath word for word transcribed all Scriboneus Largus de compositione medicamentorum and not left out his very peroration And thus may we perceive the Ancients were but men even like our selves The practise of transcription in our dayes was no monster in theirs Plagiarie had not its nativitie with printing but began in times when thefts were difficult and the paucity of bookes scarce wanted that invention Fourthly while we so eargerly adhear unto Antiquity and the accounts of elder times we are to consider the fabulous condition thereof and that wee shall not deny if wee call to minde the mendacity of Greece from whom we have received most relations and that a considerable part of Ancient times was by the Greeks themselves termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is made up or stuffed out with fables and surely the fabulous inclination of those dayes was greater then any since which swarmed so with fables and from such slender grounds tooke hynâ—es for fictions poysoning the world ever after wherein how far they exceeded may be exemplified from Palaephatus in his book of fabulous narrations That fable of Orpheus who by the melody of his musick made woods and trees to follow him was raised upon a slender foundation for there were a crew of mad women retyred unto a mountain from whence being pacifyed by his Musicke they descended with boughs in their hands which unto the fabulositie of those times proved a sufficient ground to celebrate unto all posteritie the Magick of Orpheus harpe and its power to attract the senselesse trees about it That Medea the famous Sorceresse could renue youth and make old men young againe was nothing else but that from the knowledge of simples shee had a receipt to make white haire black and reduce old heads into the tincture of youth againe The fable of Gerion and Ceâ—berus with three heads was this Gerion was of the City Tricarinia that is of three heads and Ceâ—berus of the same place was one of his dogs which running into a cave upon pursuit of his masters oxen Hercules perforce drew him out of that place from whence the conceits of those dayes affirmed no lesse then that Heâ—cules descended into hell and brought up Cerberus into the habitation of the Living Upon the like grounds was raised the figment of Briareus who dwelling in a city called Hecatonchiria the fancies of those times assigned him an hundred hands T was ground enough to fancy wings unto Daedasus in that he stole out of a window from Minos and sailed away with his son Icarus who steering his cours wisely escaped but his son carrying too high a saile was drowned That Niobe weeping over her children was turned into a stone was nothing else but that during her life she erected over their sâ—pultures a marble tombe of her owne When Acteon had undone himselfe with dogs and the prodigall attendance of hunting they made a solemne story how he was devoured by his hounds And upon the like grounds was raised the Anthropophagie of Dâ—omedes his horses Upon as slender foundation was built the fable of the Minotaure for one Taurus a servant of Minos begat his mistresse Pasiphae with childe from whence the infant was named Minotaurus Now this unto the fabulositie of those times was thought sufficient to accuse Pasiphae of Beastialitie or admitting conjunction with a Bull and in succeeding ages gave a hynte of depravity unto Domitian to act the fable into Realitie Fiftly we applaude many things delivered by the Ancients which are in themselves but ordinarie and come short of our own conceptions Thus we usually extoll and our Orations cannot escape the sayings of the wisemen of Greece Nosce teipsum of Thales Nosce tempus of Pittacus Nihil nimis of Cleobulus which notwithstanding to speake indifferently are but vulgar precepts in Morality carrying with them nothing above the lyne or beyond the extemporall sententiosity of common conceits with us Thus we magnifie the Apothegmes or reputed replyes of wisdome whereof many are to be seen in Laertius more in Lycosthenes not a few in the second booke of Macrobius in the salts of Cicero Augustus and the Comicall wits of those times in most whereof there is not much of admiration and are me thinkes exceeded not only in the replyes of wise men but the passages of societie and daily urbanities of our times And thus we extoll their adageâ— or proverbs and Erasmus hath taken great pains to make collections of them whereof notwithstanding the greater part will I beleeve unto inâ—different judges be esteemed no such rarities and may be paralelled if not exceeded by those of more unlearned nations many of our own Sixtly wee urge authorities in points that need not and introduce the testimony of ancient writers to confirm things evidently beleeved and whereto no reasonble hearer but would assent
the rest of the souldiers called upon Jupiter Sotâ—r There is also in the Grâ—â—ke Authologie a remarkeable mention hereof in an Epigram upon one Proclus the Latine whereof we shall deliver as we finde it often translated Non potis est Proclus digitis â—mungere nasum namque est pro nasi mâ—le puâ—illa manus Non vocat ille Iovem sternutans quippe â—ec audit Se sternutantem tam procul â—ure sonat Proclus with 's hand his nose can never wipe His hand too little is his nose to grype He sneezing calls not Iove for why he heares himself not sneeze the sound 's so far from 's ears Nor was this onely an ancient custome among the Greeks and Romanes and is still in force with us but is received at this day in remotest parts of Africa for so we read in Codignus that upon a sneeze of the Emperour of Monomotapa there passed acclamations successively through the city Now the ground of this ancient custome was probably the opinion the ancients held of Sternutation which they generally conceived to be a good signe or a bad and so upon this motion accordingly used a Salve or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as a gratulation for the one and a deprecation from the other Now of the wayes whereby they enquired and determined it signality the first was naturall arising from Physicall causes and consequencles of times naturally succeeding this motion and so it might be justly esteemed a good signe for sneezing being properly a motion of the braine suddenly expelling through the nostrils what is offensive unto it it cannot but afford some evidence of its vigour and therefore saith Aristotle in his Problems they that heare it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 they honour it as somewhat Sacred and a signe of Sanity in the diviner part and this he illustrates from the practice of Physitians who in persons neere death doe use Sternutatories or such as provoke unto sneezing when if the facultiâ— arise and Sternutation ensue they conceive hopes of life and with gratulation receive the signes of safetie and so is it also of good signality in lesser considerations according to that of Hippocrates that sneezing cureth the hickett and is profitable unto women in hard labour and so is it of good signality in Lethargies Apoplexies Catalepsies and Coma's and in this naturall way it is somtime likewise of bad effects or signes and may give hints of deprecation â—s in diseases of the chest for therein Hippocratâ—s condâ—mneth it as too much exagitating in the beginning of Catarrhs according unto Avicenna as hindering concoction in new and tender conceptions as Pliny observeth for then it endangers abortion The second way was superstitious and Augurial as Caelius Rhodiginus hath illustrated in testimonies as ancient as Theocritus and Homer as appears from the Athenian mastâ—r who would have râ—tired because a boatman sneezed and the tâ—stimony of Austine that the Ancients were wont to goe to bed againe if they sneezed while they put on their shooe and in this way it was also of good and bad signification so Aristotle hath a Probleme why sneezing from noonâ— unto midnight was good but from night to noon unlucky So Eustathius upon Homer observes that sneezing to the left hand was unlucky but prosperous unto the right and so as Plutarch relateth when Themistocles sacrificed in his galley bâ—fore the battell of Xerxes and one of the assistants upon the right hand sneezed Euphrantides the Southsayer presaged the victorie of the Greekes and the overthrow of the Persians And thus wee may perceive the custome is more ancient then commonly is conceived and these opinions hereof in all ages not any one disease to have been the occasion of this salute and deprecation arising at first from this vehement and affrighting motion of the braine inevitably observable unto the standers by from whence some finding dependent effects to ensue others ascribing hereto as a cause what perhaps but casually or inconexedly succeeded they might proceed unto forms of speeches felicitating the good or deprecating the evil to follow CHAP. X. Of the Iewes THat Jews stinck naturally that is that in their race and nation there is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or evil savour is a received opinion wee know not how to admit although we concede many questionable points and dispute not the verity of sundry opinions which are of affinity hereto we will acknowledge that certaine odours attend on animalls no lesse then certaine colours that pleasant smels are not confined unto vegetables but found in divers animalls and some more richly then in plants and though the Probleme of Aristotle enquire why none smells sweet beside the parde yet later discoveries adde divers sorts of Monkeys the Civet cat and Gazela from which our muske proceedeth we confesse that beside the smell of the species there may be Individuall odours and every man may have a proper and peculiar savour which although not perceptible unto man who hath this sense but weake yet sensible unto dogges who hereby can single out their Masters in the dark wee will not deny that particular men have sent forth a pleasant savour as Theophrastus and Plutark report of Alexander the great and Tzetzes and Cardan doe testifie of themselves That some may also emit an unsavoury odour we have no reason to deny for this may happen from the qualitie of what they have taken the Faetor whereof may discover it self by sweat and urine as being unmasterable by the naturall heat of man nor to be dulcified by concoction beyond an unsavoury condition the like may come to passe from putrid humors as is often discoverable in putrid malignant fevers and somtime also in grosse and humide bodies even in the latitude of sanity the naturall heat of the parts being insufficient for a perfect and through digestion and the errors of one concoction not rectifiable by another but that an unsavoury odour is gentilitious or national unto the Jews if rightly understood we cannot well concede nor will the information of reason or sense induce it For first upon consult of reason there will bee found no easie assurance for to fasten a materiall or temperamentall propriety upon any nation there being scarce any condition but what depends upon clime which is not exhausted or obscured from the commixture of introvenient nations either by commerce or conquest much more will it be difficult to make out this affection in the Jewes whose race how ever pretended to be pure must needs have suffered inseparable commixtures with nations of all sorts not onely in regard of their proselytes but their universall dispersion some being posted from severall parts of the earth others quite lost and swallowed up in those nations where they planted for the tribes of Ruben Gad part of Manaâ—â—es and Naphthali which were taken by Assur and the rest at the sacking of Samaria which were led away by Salmanasser into Assyria and after a yeare and half and arived at Arsereth
moving or resting together so that two are alwayes in motion and two in station at the same time the brevity had been more tolerable in the crosse legs for then the motion and station had beene performed by equall legs whereas herein they are both performed by unequall organs and the imperfection becomes discoverable at every hand CHAP. VI. Of the Beare THat a Bear brings forth her young informous and unshapen which she fashioneth after by licking them over is an opinion not only vulgar and common with us at present but hath been of old delivered by ancient Writers upon this foundation it was a Hieroglyphicke amon the Aegyptians Aristotle seems to countenance it Solinus Plinie and Aelian directly affirme it and Ovid smoothly delivereth it Nec catulus partu quem reddidit ursa recenti Sed male viva caro est lambendo mater in artus Ducit in formam qualem cupit ipsa reducit Which opinion notwithstanding is not only repugnant unto the sense of every one that shall with diligence enquire into it but the exact and deliberate experiment of three authenticke Philosophers the first of Mathiolus in his Comment on Dioscorides whose words are to this effect In the valley of Anania about Trent in a Beare which the Hunters eventerated I beheld the young ones with all their parts distinct and not without shape as many conceive giving more credit unto Aristotle and Plinie then experience and their proper senses Of the same assurance was Julius Scaliger in his Exercitations Vrsam faetus informes potius ejicere qu 〈◊〉 parere si vera dicunt quos postea linctu effingat Quid hujusce fabulae authoribâ—s fidei habendum ex hac historia cognosces In nostris Alpibus venatores faetam ursam cepere dissecta eafae tus plane formatus intus inventus est and lastly Aldrovandus who from the testimony of his owne eyes affirmeth that in the cabinet of the Senate of Bononia there was preserved in a glasse a Cub dissected out of a Beare perfectly formed and compleat in every part It is moreover injurious unto reason and much impugneth the course and providence of nature to conceive a birth should be ordained before there is a formation for the conformation of parts is necessarily required not only unto the prerequisites and previous conditions of birth as motion and animation but also unto the parturition or very birth it selfe wherein not only the Dam but the younglings play their parts and the cause and act of exclusion proceedeth from them both for the exclusion of animals is not meerly passive like that of egges nor the totall action of delivery to be imputed unto the mother but the first attempt beginneth from the Infant which at the accomplished period attempteth to change his mansion and strugling to come forth dilacerates and breaks those parts which restrained him before Beside what few take notice of men hereby doe in a high measure vilifie the workes of God imputing that unto the tongue of a beast which is the strangest artifice in all the acts of nature that is the formation of the Infant in the womb not only in mankind but all viviparous animals whatsoever wherin the plastick or formative faculty from matter appearing homogeneous and of a similary substance erecteth bones membranes veynes and arâ—eries and out of these contriveth every part in number place and figure according to the law of its species which is so far from being fashioned by any outward agent that once omitted or perverted by a slip of the inward Phidias it is not reducible by any other whatsoever and therefore mirè me plasmaverunt manus tuae though it originally respected the generation of man yet is it applyable unto that of other animalls who entring the wombe in indistinct and simple materialls returne with distinction of parts and the perfect breath of life he that shall consider these alterations without must needs conceive there have been strange operations within which to behold it were a spectacle almost worth ones being a sight beyond all except that man had been created first and might have seen the shew of five dayes after Now as the opinion is repugnant both unto sense and reason so hath it probably been occasioned from some slight ground in either thus in regard the cub comes forth involved in the Chorion a thick and tough membrane obscuring the formation and which the Dam doth after bite and teaâ—e asunder the beholder at first sight conceives it a rude and informous lumpe of flesh and imputes the ensuing shape unto the mouthing of the Dam which addeth nothing thereunto but onely drawes the curtaine and takes away that vaile which conceded the piece before and thus have some endeavoured to enforce the same from reason that is the small and slender time of the Beares gestation or going with her young which lasting but few dayes a month some say the exclusion becomes precipitous and the young ones consequently informous according to that of Solinus Trigesimus dies uterum liberat ursae unde evenit ut praecipitata faecunditaâ— informes creet partus but this will overthrow the generall method of nature in the works of generation for therein the conformation is not only antecedent but proportionall unto the exclusion and if the period of the birth be short the terme of conformation will be as sudden also there may I confesse from this narrow time of gestation ensue a minority or smalnesse in the exclusion but this however inferreth no informity and it still receiveth the name of a naturall and legitimate birth whereas if we affirme a totall informity it cannot admit so forward a terme as an Abortment for that supposeth conformation and so wee must call this constant and intended act of nature a slip an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or effluxion that is an exclusion before conformaâ—ion before the birth can beare the name of the parent or be so much as properly called an Embryon CHAP. VII Of the Basilisk MAny opinions are passant concerning the Basiliske or little king of Serpents commonly called the Cockatrice some affirming others denying most doubting the relations made hereof what therefore in these incertainties we may more surely determine that such an animall there is if we evade not the testimony of Scripture and humane Writers we cannot safely deny So is it said Psal 91. Super aspidem Basiliscum ambulabis wherein the vulgar Translation retaineth the word of the Septuagint using in other places the Latine expression Regulus as Proverb 23. Mordebit ut coluber sicut Regulus venena diffundet and Jeremy 8. Ecce ego mittam vobis serpentes Regulos c. That is as ouâ—s translate it Behold I will send Serpents Cockatrices among you which will not be charmed and they shall bite you and as for humane Authors or such as have discoursed of animals or poysons it is to be found almost in all as Dioscorides Galen Pliny Soliâ—us Aelian Aetius Avicen Ardoynus
are these Deejus vitae longitudine fabulantur neque enim aut gestatio aut incrementum hinnulorum ejusmodi sunt ut praestent argumentum longaevi animalis that is fables are raised concerning the vivassity of Deere for neither are their gestation or increment such as may afford an argument of long life and these saith Scaliger are good mediums conjunctively taken that is not one without the other For of animalls viviparous such as live long goe long with young and attaine but slowly to their maturitie and stature so the Horse that liveth about thirty arriveth unto his stature about six years and remaineth above nine moneths in the wombe so the Camell that liveth unto fifty goeth with young no lesse then ten moneths and ceaseth not to grow before seaven and so the Elephant that liveth an hundred beareth iâ—'s young above a yeare and arriveth unto perfection at twenty on the contrary the Sheep and Goat which live but eight or ten yeares goe but five moneths and attaine to their perfection at two yeares and the like is observable in Cats Hares and Conies and so the Deere that endureth the wombe but eight moneths and is compleat at six yeares from the course of nature wee cannot expect to live an hundred nor in any proportionall allowance much more then thirty as having already passed two generall motions observable in all animations that is it 's beginning and encrease and having but two more to runne thorow that is it 's state and declination which are proportionally set out by nature in every kinde and naturally proceeding admit of inference from each other The other ground that brings it's long life into suspition is the immoderate salacity and almost unparalleld excesse of venerie which every September may be observed in this Animall and is supposed to shorten the lives of Cockes Partridges and Sparrowes certainely a confessed and undeniable enemie unto longaeuitie and that not onely as a signe in the complexionall desire and impetuositie but also as a cause in the frequent act or iterated performance thereof For though we consent not with that Philosopher who thinks a spermaticall emission unto the waight of one dragme is aequivalent unto the effusion of sixtie ounces of blood yet considering the resolution and languor ensuing that act in some the extenuation and marcour in others and the visible acceleration it maketh of age in most wee cannot but thinke it much abridgeth our dayes although we also concede that this exclusion is naturall that nature it selfe will finde a way hereto without either act or object And although it be placed among the sixe non naturals that is such as neither naturally constitutive nor meerly destructive doe preserve or destroy according unto circumstance yet do we sensibly observe an impotencie or totall privation thereof prolongeth life and they live longest in every kinde that exercise it not at all and this is true not onely in Eunuches by nature but spadoes by Art For castrated animals in every species are longer lived then they which retaine their virilities For the generation of bodies is not effected as some conceive of soules that is by Irradiation or answerably unto the propagation of light without its proper diminution but therein a transmission is made materially from some parts and Ideally from every one and the propagation of one is in a strict acception some minoration of another and therefore also that axiome in Philosophy that the generation of one thing is the corruption of another although it be substantially true concerning the forme and matter is also dispositively verified in the efficient or producer As for more sensible arguments and such as relate unto experiment from these we have also reason to doubt its age and presumed vivacity for where long life is naturall the markes of age are late and when they appear the journey unto death cannot be long Now the age of a Deere as Aristotle long agoe observed is best conjectured by the view or the hornes and teeth from the hornes there is a particular and annuall account unto six yeares they arising first plaine and so successively branching after which the judgement of their yeares by particular markes becomes uncertaine but when they grow old they grow lesse branched and first doe lose their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or propugnacula that is their brow Antlers or lowest furcations next the head which Aristotle saith the young ones use in fight and the old as needles have them not at all The same may be also collected from the losse of their Teeth whereof in old age they have few or none before in either jaw Now these are infallible markes of age and when they appeare wee must confesse a declination which notwithstanding as men informe us in England where observations may well be made will happen between twenty and thirty As for the bone or rather induration of the roots of the arterial veyn and great artery which is thought to be found only in the heart of an old Deere and therefore becomes more precious in its rarity it is often found in Deere much under thirty and wee have knowne some affirme they have found it in one of halfe that age and therefore in that account of Plinie of a Deere with a collar about his necke put on by Alexander the Great and taken alive a hundred years after with other relations of this nature we much suspect imposture or mistake and if we grant their verity they are but single relations and very rare contingencies in individualls not affording a regular diduction upon the species For though Uâ—ysses his Dog lived unto twenty two and the Athenian Mule unto fourscore we doe not measure their dayes by those yeares or usually say they live thus long nor can the three hundred years of John of times or Nestor overthrow the assertion of Moses or afford a reasonable encouragement beyond his septuagenary determination The ground and authority of this conceit was first Hieroglyphicall the Egyptians expressing longaevitie by this animall but upon what uncertainties and also convincible falâ—ities they often erected such emblems we have elsewhere delivered and if that were true which Aristotle delivers of his time and Plinie was not afraid to take up long after the Aegyptians could make but weake observations herein for though it be said that Aeneas feasted his followers with Venison yet Aristotle affiâ—ms that neither Deer nor Boar were to be found in Africa and how far they miscounted the lives and duration of Animals is evident from their conceit of the Crow which they presume to live five hundred yeares and from the lives of Hawkes which as Aelian delivereth the Aegyptians doe reckon no lesse then at seven hundred The second which led the conceit unto the Grecians and probâ—bly descended from the Aegyptians was Poeticall and that was a passage of Hâ—siod thus rendred by Ausonius Ter binos deciesque novem super exit in annâ—s Iusta senes centum
quos implet vita virorum Hos novies super at vivendo garrâ—la â—ornix Et quaâ—er egreditur cornicis saeculâ— cervus Alipedem cervum ter vincit corvus To ninty six the life of man ascendeth Nine times as long that of the Chough extendeth Foure times beyond the life of Deere doth goe And thrice is that surpassed by the Crow So that according to this accoâ—nt allowing ninety six for the age of man the life of a Deere amounts unto three thousand foure hundred fifty six A conceit so hard to be made out that many have deserted the common and literall construction So Theon in Aratus would have the number of nine not taken strictly but for many yeares In other opinions the compute so farre exceeded truth that they have thought it more probable to take the word Genea that is a generation consisting of many yeares but for one yeare or a single revolution of the Sunne which is the remarkable measure of time and within the compasse whereof we receive our perfection in the wombe So that by this construction the yeares of a Deere should be but thirty six as is discoursed at large in that Tract of Plutarch concerning the cessation of Oracles and whereto in his Discourse of the Crow Aldrovandus also inclineth others not able to make it out have rejected the whole account as may bee observed from the words of Plinie Hesiodus qui primus aliquid de longaevitate vitae prodidit fabulose reor multa de hominum aevo reference cornici nâ—vem nostras attribuit aetates quadruplum ejuâ— cervis id â—riplicatum corviâ— reliqua fabulosius de Phaenice nymphis and this how slender soever was probably the strongest ground Antiquity had for this longaevity of Animalls that made Theophrastus expostulate with Nature concerning the long life of Crows that begat that Epithite of Deer 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Oppianus and that expression of Juvenal Longa cervina senectus The third ground was Philosophicall and founded upon a probable reason in nature and that is the defect of a Gall which part in the opinion of Aristotle and Plinie this animall wanted and was conceived a cause and reason of their long life according say they as it happeneth unto some few men who have not this part at all but this assertion is first defective in the verity concerning the animall alleadged for though it be true a Deere hath no gall in the liver like many other animalls yet hath it that part in the guts as is discoverable by taste and colour and therefore Plinie doth well correct himselfe when having affirmed before it had no gall he afterward saith some hold it to bee in the guts and that for their bitternesse dogs will refuse to eat them It is also deficient in the verity of the Induction or connumeration of other annimalls conjoyned herewith as having also no gall that is as Plinie accounteth Equâ— Muli c. Horses Mules Asses Deer Goats Boars Camells Dolphins have no gall concerning Horses what truth there is herein we have declared before as for Goats wee finde not them without it what gall the Camell hath Aristotle declareth that Hogs also have it we can affirm and that not in any obscure place but in the liver even as it is seated in man That therefore the Deere is no short lived animall we will acknowledge that comparatively and in some sense long lived wee will concede and thus much we shall grant if we commonly account its dayes by thirty six or forty for thereby it will exceed all other cornigerous animalls but that it attaineth unto hundreds or the years delivered by Authors since we have no authentick experience for it since wee have reason and common experience against it since the grounds are false and fabulous which doe establish it wee know no ground to assent Concerning the Deere there also passeth another opinion that the males thereof doe yearly lose their pizzell for men observing the decidence of their hornes doe fall upon the like conceit of this part that it annually rotteâ—h away and successively reneweth againe Now the ground hereof was surely the observation of this part in Deere after immoderate venery and about the end of their Rutt which sometimes becomes so relaxed and pendulous it cannot be quite retracted and being often beset with â—â—yes it is conceived to rot and at last to fall from the body but herein experience will contradict us for those Deere which either dye or are killed at that time or any other are alwayes found to have that part entire and reason also will correct us for spermaticall parts or such as are framed from the seminall principles of pâ—rents although homogeneous or similary will not admit a Regeneration much lesse will they receive an integrall restauration which being organicall and instrumentall members consist of many of those Now this part or animall of Plato containeth not only sanguineous and reparable particles but is made up of veynes nerves arteries and in some animalls of bones whose reparation is beyond its owne fertility and a fruit not to be expected from the fructifying part it selfe which faculty were it communicated unto animalls whose originalls are double as well as unto plants whose seed is within themselves we might abate the Art of Taliacoâ—ius and the new inarching of noses and therefore the phaâ—sies of Poets have been so modest as not to set downe such renovations even from the powers of their diâ—tyes for the muâ—ilated shoulder of Pelops was pieced out with Ivory and that the limbs of Hyppolitus were set together not regenerated by Aesculapius is the utmost assertion of Poetry CHAP. X. Of the Kingfisher THat a Kingfisher hanged by the bill sheweth in what quarter the wind is by an occult and secret propriety converting the breast to that point of the Horizon from whence the wind doth blow is a received opinion and very strange introducing naturall Weathercocks and extending magneticall conditions as far as animall natures A conceit supported chieâ—ly by present practice yet not made out by reason or experience For unto reason it seemeth very repugnant that a carcasse or body disâ—nimated should be so affected with every wind as to carry a conformable respect and constant habitude thereto For although in sundry animalls we deny not a kinde of naturall Astrologie or innate presention both of wind and weather yet that proceeding from sense receiving impressions from the first mutation of the ayre they cannot in reason retaine that apprehension after death as being affections which depend on life and depart upon disanimation and therefore with more favourable reason may we draw the same effect or sympathie upon the Hedgehog whose presention of winds is so exact that it stoppeth the north or southerne hole of its nest according to prenotion of these winds ensuing which some men unexpectedly observing have beene able to make predictions which way the wind would turne and have been esteemed hereby
by Moses who distinctly sets downe this account computing by certaine intervalls by memorable Ara's Epoche's or tearms of time Aâ— from the creation unto the floud from thence unto Abraham from Abraham unto the departure from Aegypt c. Now in this number have only beene Samaritans Jews and Christians for the Jews they agree not in their accounts as Bodine in his method of history hath observed out of Baal Seder Rabbi Nassom Gersom and others in whose compute the age of the world is not yet 5400. yeares and the same is more evidently observable from two most learned Jewes Philo and Josephus who very much differ in the accounts of time and variously summe up these intervalls assented unto by all Thus Philo from the departure out of Aegypt unto the building of the Temple accounts but 920. yeares but Josephus sets downe 1062. Philo from the building of the Temple to its destruction 440 Josephus 470 Philo from the creation to the destruction of the Temple 3373 but Josephus 3513 Philo from the deluge to the destruction of the Temple 1718 but Josephus 1913 in which computes there are manifest disparities and such as much divide the concordance and harmony of times But for the Samaritans their account is different from these or any others for they account from the Creation to the Deluge but 1302 yeares which commeth to passe upon the different accounâ— of the ages of the Patriarks set downe when they begat children For whereas the Hebrew Greek and Latine texts account Jared 162 when he begat Enoch they account but 62 and so in others Now the Samaritans were no incompetent judges of times and the Chronologie thereof for they embraced the five bookes of Moses and it seemeth preserved the Text with far more integrity then the Jews who as Tertullian Chrysostome and others observe did severall wayes corrupt the same especially in passages concerning the prophesies of Christ so that as Jerome professeth in his translation he was faine sometime to relieve himselfe by the Samaritane Pentateuch as amongst others in that Text Deuteronomy 27 Maledictus omnis qui non permansâ—rit in omnibus quae scripta sunt in libro Legis From hence St. Paul Gal. 3. inferreth there is no justification by the Law and urgeth the Text according to the Septuagint Now the Jewes to afford a latitude unto them selves in their copies expunged the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Syncategorematicall terme omnis wherein lyeth the strength of the Law and of the Apostles argument but the Samaritan Bible retained it right and answerable unto what the Apostle had urged As for Christians from whom wee should expect the exactest and most concurring account there is also in them a manifest disagreement and such as is not easily reconciled For first the Latins accord not in their account for to omit the calculation of the Ancients of Austin Bede and others the Chronology of the Modernes doth manifestly dissent for Josephus Scaliger whom Helvicus seemes to follow accounts the Creation in 765. of the Julian period and from thence unto the nativity of our Saviour alloweth 3947. yeares But Dionysius Petavius a learned Chronologer dissenteth from this compute almost 40. yeares placing the Creation in the 730. of the Julian period and from thence unto the Incarnation accounteth 3983. yeares For the Greeks their accounts are more anomalous for if wee recurre unto ancient computes we shall finde that Clemens Alexandrinus an ancient Father and preceptor unto Origen accounted from the Creation unto our Saviour 5664. yeares for in the first of his Stromaticks he collecteth the time from Adam unto the death of Commodus to be 5858. yeares now the death of Commodus he placeth in the yeare after Christ 194. which number deducted from the former there remaineth 5664. Theophilus Bishop of Antioch accounteth unto the nativity of Christ 5515. deduceable from the like way of compute for in his first booke ad Antolycum he accounteth from Adam unto Aurelius Verus 5695. yeares now that Emperour dyed in the yeare of our Lord 180. which deducted from the former sum there remaineth 5515. Julius Africanus an ancient Chronologer accounteth somewhat lesse that is 5500. Eusebius Orosius and others dissent not much from this but all exceed five thousand The latter compute of the Greeks as Petavius observeth hath been reduced unto two or three accounts The first accouâ—t unto our Saviour 5501. and this hath beene observed by Nicephorus Theophanes and Maximus the other accounts 5509. And this of all at present is most generally received by the Church of Constantinople observed also by the Moscovite as I have seene in the date of the Emperours letters wherein this yeare of ours 1645. is from the yeare of the world 7154. which doth exactly agree unto this last account 5509. for if unto that summe be added 1645. the product will be 7154. by this Chronology are many Greeke Authors to be understood and thus is Martinus Crusius to be made out when in his Turcograecian history he delivers the City of Constantinople was taken by the Turks in the yeare 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is 6961. and thus unto these Chronologists the Prophecy of Elias the Rabbin so much in request with the Jews and in some credit also with Christians that the world should last but six thousand yeares unto these I say it hath beeâ—e long and out of memory disprovâ—l for the â—aâ—â—aticall and 7000. yeare wherein the world should 〈…〉 on the seventh day unto them is long agoe 〈◊〉 they are proceeding in the eight thousand yeare and numbers 〈…〉 days which men have made the types and shadows of 〈…〉 certainly what Marcus Leo the Jew conceaveth of the end of the heavâ—ns exceedeth the account of all that ever shall be for though 〈◊〉 conâ—eaveth the Elementall 〈◊〉 shall end in the seventh or 〈◊〉 millenary yet cannot he opinion the heavens and more durable part of the Creation shall perish beforâ— seen times seven or 49. thâ—t is the Quadrant of the other seven and perfect Jubilie of thousands And thus may we observe the difference and wide dissent of mens 〈…〉 â—nd there by the great incertainty in this establishment The 〈…〉 onely dissenting from the Samaritans the Latins from 〈…〉 every one from another insomuch that all can be in â—he right it is impossible that any one is so not with assurance deâ—â—â—minable and therefore as Petavius confesseth to effect the same exactly without inspiration it is impossible and beyond the 〈…〉 but God himselfe And therefore also what satisfaction 〈…〉 obtained from those violent disputes and eager enquiâ—ers in what day of the month the world began either of March or October 〈…〉 what face or position of the Moone whether at the prime 〈…〉 let our second and serious considerations 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the reason and ground of this dissent is the â—â—happy 〈…〉 the Greek and â—ebrew editions of the Bible for unto these two Languages have all Translations conformed the holy Scripâ—ure
Flax was bolled but the Wheat and the Rye were not smitton for they were not growne up And thus we see the account established upon the arise or descent of the starres can be no reasonable rule unto distant Nations at all and by reason of their retrogression but temporary unto any one nor must these respective expressions be entertained in absolute considerations for so distinct is the relation and so artificiall the habitude of this inferiour globe unto the superiour and even of one thing in each unto the other that generall rules are dangerous and applications most safe that runne with security of circumstance which rightly to effect is beyond the subtilty of sense and requires the artifice of reason CHAP. IV. Of some computation of dayes and diductions of one part of the year unto another FOurthly there are certaine vulgar opinions concerning dayes of the yeare and conclusions popularly deduced from certaine dayes of the month men commonly beleeving the dayes encrease and decrease equally in the whole yeare which notwithstanding is very repugnant unto truth For they encrease in the month of March almost as much as in the two months of January and February and decrease as much in September as they doe in July and August For indeed the dayes encrease or decrease according to the declinaâ—ion of the Sun that is its deviation Northward or Southward from the Aequator Now this digression is not equall but neare the Aequinoxiall intersections it is right and greater neare the Solstices more oblique and lesser So from the eleventh of March the vernall Aequinox unto the eleventh of Aprill the Sun declâ—neth to the North twelve degrees from the eleventh of Aprill unto the eleventh of May but 8 from thence unto the 15 of June or the Summer Solstice but 3 and a halfe all which make 23 degrees and an halfe the greatest declination of the Sun And this inequality in the declination of the Sun in the Zodiacke or line of life is correspondent unto the growth or declination of man for setting out from our infancie we encrease not equally or regularly attaine to our state or perfection nor when we descend from our state and tend unto the earth againe is our declination equall or carryeth us with even paces unto the grave For as Hippocrates affirmeth a man is hottest in the first day of his life and coldest in the last his naturall heate setteth forth most vigorously at first and declineth most sensibly at last And so though the growth of man end not perhaps untill 21. yet in his stature more advanced in the first septeâ—ary then in the second and in the second more then in the third and more indeed in the first seven yeares then in the fourteene succeeding for what stature we attaine unto at seven yeares we do sometimes but double most times come short at one and twenty And so do we decline againe for in the latter age upon the Tropick and first descension from our solstice wee are scarce sensible of declination but declining further our decrement accelerates we set apace and in our last dayes precipitate into our graves And thus are also our progressions in the wombe that is our formation motion our birth or exclusion For our formation is quickly effected our motion appeareth later and our exclusion very long after if that be true which Hippocrates and Avicenna have declared that the time of our motion is double unto that of formation and that of exclusion treble unto that of motion as if the Infant bee formed at 35. dayes it moveth at 70. and is borne the 210. day that is the seventh month or if it receaves not formation before 45. dayes it moveth the 90. day and is excluded in 270. that is the 9. month There are also certaine popular prognosticks drawne from festivals in the Calendar and conceaved opinions of certaine dayes in months so is there a generall tradition in most parts of Europe that inferreth the coldnesse of succeeding winter from the shining of the Sun upon Candlemas day according to the proverbiall distich Si Sol splendescat Mariâ— puriâ—icante Major erit glacies post festum quam fuit ante So is it usuall amongst us to qualifie and conditionate the twelve months of the yeare answerably unto the temper of the twelve dayes in Christmasse and to ascribe unto March certaine borrowed dayes from Aprill all which men seeme to beleeve upon annuall experience of their own and the receaved traditions of their forefathers Now it is manifest and most men likewise know that the Calenders of these computers and the accounts of these dayes are very different the Greeks dissenting from the Latins and the Latins from each other the one observing the Julian or ancient account as great Britaine and part of Germany the other adhering to the Gregorian or new account as Italy France Spaine and the united Provinces of the Netherlands Now this latter account by ten dayes at least anticipateth the other so that before the one beginneth the accout the other is past it yet in these severall calculations the same events seeme true and men with equall opinion of verity expect and confesse a confirmation from them both Whereby is evident the Oraculous authority of tradition and the easie seduction of men neither enquiring into the verity of their substance nor reforming upon repugnance of circumstance And thus may diverse easily be mistaken who superstitiously observe certaine times or set downe unto themselves an observation of unfortunate months or dayes or howres As did the Aegyptians two in every month and the Romans the dayes after the Nones Ides and Calends And thus the Rules of Navigators must often faile setting downe as Rhodiginus observeth suspected and ominous dayes in every month as the fiâ—st and seventh of March the fift and sixâ— of Aprill the sixt the twelfth and fifteenth of February For the accounts hereof in these months are very different in our dayes and were different with severall nations in Ages past and yet how strictly soever the account be made and even by the selfe same Calender yet is it pâ—ssible that Navigators may be out For so were the Hollanders who pâ—ssing Wâ—stward through fretum le Mayre and compassing the Globe upon their returne into their owne Countrey found that they had lost a day For if two men at the same time travell from the same place the one Eâ—stward the other Westward round about the earth and meet in the same place from whenâ—e they first set forth it will so â—all out that he which hath moved Eastward against the diurnall motion of the Sun by anticipating daylie something of its circle with his owne motion will gaine one day but he that travelleth Westward with the motion of the Sun by seconding its revolution shall lose or come short a day and therefore also upon these grounds that Dâ—los was seated in the middle of the earth it was no exact decision because two Eagles let
this is by a rusticall severity to benish all urbanity whose harmelesse and conâ—ined condition as it stands commended by morality so is it consistent with Religion and doth not offend Divinity 4. The custome it is of Popes to change their name at their creation and the Author thereof is commonly said to be Bocca di Porco or Swines face who therefore assumed the stile of Sergius the second as being ashamed so â—oule a name should dishonour the chaire of Peter wherein notwithstanding from Montacutius and others I finde there may bee some mistake For Massonius who writ the liveâ— of Popes acknowledgeth he was not the first that changed his name in that Sea nor as Platina affirmeth have all his successours precisely continued that custome for Adrian the sixt and Marcellus the second did still retaine their Baptismall denominations nor is it proved or probable that Sergius changed the name of Bocca di Porco for this was his sirname or gentilitious appellation nor was it the custome to alter that with the other but he commuted his Christian name Peter for Sergius because he would seem to decline the name of Peter the second A scruple I confesse not thought considerable in other Seas whose originalls and first Patriarchs have been lesse disputed nor yet perhaps of that reallity as to prevaile in poâ—nts of the same nature For the names of the Apostles Patriarchs and Prophets have been assumed even to affectation the name of Jesus hath not been appropriate but some in precedent ages have borne that name and many since have not refused the Christian name of Emanuel Thus are there few names more frequent then Moses and Abraham among the Jewes The Turkes without scruple affect theâ—◠〈◊〉 of Mahomet and with gladnesse receive so honourable cognoâ—â—ination And truly in 〈…〉 there ever have beene many well directed intentioâ—â— whose rationalities will never beare a rigid examination and though in some way they doe commend their Authors and such as first begâ—n them yet have they proved insufficient to perpetuate imitation in such as have succeeded them Thus was it a worthy resolution of Godfrey and most Christians have applauded it That hee refused to weare a Crowne of gold where his Saviour had 〈◊〉 one of thornes Yet did not his Successors durably inherit that 〈◊〉 but some were anointed and solemnely accepted the Diaâ—â—â—e of Regâ—lity Thus Julius Augustus and Tiberius with great â—umility or popularity refused the name of Imperator but their Successors have challenged that title and retaine the 〈◊〉 even in its titularity And thuâ— to come neerer our subject the humility of Gregory the Great would by no meanes admit the stile of Universall Bishop but the ambition of Boniface his immediate Successor made no scruple thereof nor of more queasie resolutions have beene their Successors eveâ— since 5. That Tamedaane was a Scythian Shepheard from Mr. Knolls and others from Alhâ—zen a learned Arabian who wrote his life and wâ—â— spâ—â—tator of many of his exploits wee have reasons to deny not onely from his birth for he was of the blood of the Tartarian Emperours whose â—ather Og had for his possession the Countrey of Sagathay which was no slender Teritory but comprehended all that tract wherein were contained Bactriana Sogdiana Margiana and the Nation of the Massagetes whose capitall City was 〈◊〉 a place though now decayed of great esteeme and trade in former Ages but from his Regail Inauguration for it is said that being about the age of fifteene his old father resigned the Kingdome and men of warre unto him And also from his education for as the story speakes it he was instructed in the Arabian learning and afterward exercised himselfe therein Now Arabian learning was in a manner all the liberall Sciences especially the Mathematicks and naturall Philosophy wheâ—ein not many Ages before him there â—lourished Aviâ—â—nna Averâ—hoes Aveâ—zoar Geber Almanzor and Alhazâ—n cognominall unto him that wrote his history whos 's Chronology indeed although it be obscure yet in the opinion of his Commentator he was contemporary unto Avicenna and hath leâ—t 〈◊〉 bookes of Opticks of great esteeme with Ages past and textuary unto our dayes Now the ground of this mistake was surely that which the Turkish historian declareth Some saith he of our historians will needs have Tamerlane to be sonne of a Shepheard but this they have said not knowing at all the custome of their Country wherein the principall revâ—newes of the King and Nobles consisteth in cattell who despising gold and silver abound in all sorts thereof And this was the occasion that some men call them Shepheards and also affirme this Prince descended from them Now if it be reasonable that great men whose possessions are chiefly in cattell should beare the name of Shepheards and fall upon so low denominations then may wee say that Abraham was a Shepheard although too powerfull for foure Kings that Job was of that condition who beside Camels and Oxen had seven thousand Sheepe and yet is said to bee the greatest man in the East Surely it is no dishonourable course of life which Moses and Jacob have made exemplary 't is a profession supported upon the naturall way of acquisition and though contemned by the Aegyptians much countenanced by the Hebrewes whose sacrifices required plenty of Sheepe and Lambs And certainely they were very numerous for at the consecration of the Temple beside two and twenty thousand Oxen King Solomon sacrificed an hundred and twenty thousand Sheepe and the same is observable from the daylie provision of his house which was ten fat Oxen twenty Oxen out of the pastures and an hundred Sheepe beside rowe Buck fallow Deere and fatted Fowles Wherein notwithstanding if a punctuall relation thereof doe rightly informe us the grand Seignor doth exceed the daylie provision of whose Seraiglio in the reigne of Achmet beside Beeves consumed two hundred Sheepe Lambs and Kids when they were in season one hundred Calves ten Geese fifty Hens two hundred Chickens one hundred Pigeons an hundred payre CHAP. XVII Of some others 1. VVEE are sad when wee reade the story of Belisarius that worthy Cheiftaine of Justinian who after the Victories of Vandals Gothes and Persians and his Trophies in three parts of the World had at last his eyes put out by the Emperour and was reduced to that distresse that hee beg'd reliefe on the high way in that uncomfortable petition Date obolum Belisario And this we do not only heare in discourses Orations and Themes but finde it also in the leaves of Petrus Crinitus Volateranus and other worthy Writers But what may somewhat consolate all men that honour vertue wee doe not discover the latter Scene of his misery in Authors of Antiquity or such as have expresly delivered the story of those times For Suidas is silent herein Cedrenus and Zonaras two grave and punctuall Authors delivering onely the confiscation of his goods omit the history of his mendication Paulus Diaconus goeth farther not onely passing