another of Antipholas's Brothers and the Mother I to them both confessed no less being constrained thereunto by force of violence and torture and acknowledged the Box. The King's Wife also who was the Daughter of the High Priest The King putteth away his Wife and blots his Son out of his Testament He degradeth Simon and instateth Matthias in the Priestood was accused of confederacy and concealment of all these Treasons For which cause Herod put her away from him and cancelled his Sons name out of his Testament wherein he had bequeathed him the Kingdom after his decease He displaced also his Father-in-law Simon the Son of Boethus from the Priesthood and placed Matthias the Son of Theophilus who was born in Jerusalem In the mean time Bathillus Antipater's Freeman returned from Rome who being tortured confessed that he brought a Poyson with him to deliver it to Antipater's Mother and Pheroras to the end that if the first Poyson were not effectual enough to dispatch the King they might K make use of this other to cut him off speedily There came Letters also to Herod's hands from his friends at Rome Archelaus Philip are accused by Antipaters means written and devised by Antipater's means to accuse Archelaus and Philip for very often they had refreshed the memory of Alexander and Aristobulus's death contrived by their Father and for that they lamented the miserable fate of them who were innocently betrayed and that now also they themselves were called back into their Countrey for no other cause but upon their arrival to be made partakers of their Brother 's miserable destiny These things did Antipater's friends certifie Herod of in that by many and mighty Presents he wrought them thereunto He himself also wrote unto his Father colourably after a manner excusing the young men and imputing their words unto their indiscretion and young years L Mean while he busied himself in accusing Syllaeus and courted the chiefest Romans buying divers Ornaments and Jewels to present them with to the value of two hundred Talents And it is to be wondred at that so great matters being in agitation against him seven months at least before his return into the Countrey of Judaea that no inkling thereof came unto his ears But the cause partly was the diligent search and watch that was kept upon the High-ways and partly the hatred that all men had conceived against Antipater For there was not any that would put themselves in hazard to procure his security M CHAP. VII Antipater being returned back into Judaea from Rome is convicted in the presence of Varus Governour of Syria for having endeavoured to poyson the King his Father Herod causeth him to be imprisoned and writeth to Augustus on that Subject HErod concealing his displeasure Hedio Ruffinus chap. 6. answered Antipater his Son's Letters giving him a strict charge as soon as he had dispatched his affairs to hasten homeward lest his long absence should prove hurtful to him Herod writeth friendly Letters to Antipater and calleth him home from Rome He likewise after a temperate manner N complained unto him of his Mother promising notwithstanding to remit the fault upon his return and by all means he made shew to him of much kindness fearing lest he apprehending any suspicion should defer to hasten his return and lingring too long at Rome should contrive some treacherous stratagem to the prejudice of himself and the overthrow of his Kingdom Antipater received these Letters in Cilicia and had already received others at Tarentum by which he understood of Pheroras his Unkle's death whereat he was sore grieved not for the love he bare to Pheroras but for that he died before he had murthered his Father according as he had promised him As soon as he came to Celenderis a City of Cilicia he grew doubtful whether he should return or no and was grievously troubled at his Mother's disgraces O who was banished from the Court The opinions of his friends in his behalf were various for some of them counselled him to stay and expect the event of these troubles A in some place others on the other side advised him to delay no longer his return into his Countrey for that upon his arrival he might easily satisfie all those objections and accusations that were forged against him because his accusers had nothing else to strengthen their cause with but his absence This later advice pleased him best so that he betook himself to Sea Celenderis in Cilicia and at last arrived in the Port of Sebaste so called and builded by Herod to his great charge in honour of Caesar And now already it manifestly appeared that Antipater was upon his downfal Sebaste a Haven builded by Herod in honour of Caesar For no man came out to salute him no man entertained him as they did upon his departure when as all of them accompanied him with prayers and happy acclamations but contrariwise they boldly and openly spake against him and bitterly cursed him telling B him that he was justly punished for the wickedness that he had committed against his brothers Antipater upon his return is saluted by no man About the same time Quintilius Varus who was sent to succeed Saturnine in the Government of Syria was at Jerusalem Quintilius Varus Governour of Syria and drew thither at that instant upon Herods request to assist him with his Counsels in his present and weighty occasions Now whilest these two sate and cousulted together Antipater came in before any man expected him and in that purple garment and Royalty that he was accustomed to use entered the Palace The Guard of the Gates suffered him to enter in but they excluded all those that were with him This first of all affrighted and appaled his Spirits in that he already perceived into what calamity he was fallen and now also C when he drew near his Father he thrust him from him accusing him of the murder of his Brethren and reproaching him with that intent he had to poyson him telling him that the next day Varus should both hear and judge all his misdemeanours He altogether daunted at the greatness of that unexpected mischief which he both heard and saw departed presently from them wholly amazed and in the way met with his Mother and his Wife which was Antigonus's daughter who had been King of the Jews before Herod by whom he was advertised of all that which had happened and for that cause more diligently prepared himself for his tryal Herod calleth his Son in question before Quintilius Varus The next day Varus and Herod sate in judgement accompanied by their friends on both sides thither also D were cited the Kings kindred and his sister Salome and certain others who could discover his secret practices some of which had been tortured and namely Antipaters mothers servants who a little before his arrival had been apprehended with a letter to this
present and of certain men that were lately come out of Syria also whether Herod had led an Army out of the limits of his own Kingdom Which they not denying and Caesar not vouchsafing to hear the cause why his displeasure against Herod was greatly encreased so that he writ threatning Letters unto him telling him that hitherto he had used him as a Friend The Arabians and Trachonites understanding that Caesar was offended with Herod rejoyce thereat but hereafter he would use him as a Subject which also Syllaeus signified unto the Arabians By which Letters they were made proud and would G neither render unto him the Thieves that were escaped nor restore the money he lent their King nor pay him rent for the pasture-ground that they hired of him Moreover the Trachonites hearing this rebelled against the Garrison of the Idumaeans and joyning with the Arabian Thieves The year of the World 3960. before Christ's Nativity 4. who wasted their Countrey not so much respecting H their own gain as their revenge and particular profit they did many mischiefs and exercised great cruelty against them Herod did put up all injuries and durst not once mutter Caesar being offended with him for the which cause he was not so couragious nor valiant as he was before Caesar offended with Herod For first of all Caesar would not admit his Ambassadours whom he sent to plead his cause before Caesar and Herod again sending other Ambassadours Caesar sent them back again their business undone Wherefore Herod being in this perplexity greatly feared Syllaeus who being now at Rome did easily perswade Caesar any thing for Caesar was very credulous and Syllaeus aimed at some greater matter Obodas dying Eneas succeeded him in the Arabian Kingdom For Obodas dying Eneas succeeded him in the Kingdom of Arabia changing his name called himself Aretas whom Syllaeus by I forged calumniations did seek to depose from the Crown and usurp the Kingdom unto himself giving great summs of money unto the Courtiers and promising great summs unto Caesar whom he now perceived to be angry against Aretas for that without his consent he presumed to take upon him the government of the Kingdom But at last he also sent letters and gifts unto Caesar and amongst the rest a Crown of Gold worth many Talents and in those letters he accused Syllaeus who as an impious and disloyal servant had poysoned his King Obodas in whose life-time he had also invaded the Government of the Kingdom committing Adultery with the Arabians Wives getting together other men's money Caesar would not give Audience to the Arabian Ambassadours thereby to obtain the Kingdom Caesar would not permit these Ambassadours to have Audience but refusing their gifts suffered K them to depart without obtaining that they came for In the mean time the affairs of Judea and Arabia every day became worse and worse every one seeking to trouble the estate of both Kingdoms and no man endeavouring to quiet them For the King of Arabia was not yet established in his Kingdom and therefore could not control his Subjects And Herod feared that if he did defend himself he should so much the more incite Caesar against him and so was forced to put up all injuries that were done unto him Herod sent Nicholaus Damasâ—â—ne to Caesar And finding no end of his miseries he at length determined to send again to Rome Ambassadours to see if by the help of friends Caesar might be perswaded to think better of him and so committed that Embassage unto Nicholaus of Damasco and sent him to Rome L CHAP. XVI Herod more incensed than ever against his Sons Alexander and Aristobulus by several Aspersions causeth them to be imprisoned Augustus is made sensible of Syllaeus's wickedness condemns him to die confirms Aretas in the Kingdom of Arabia he is sorry for having had so ill an opinion of Herod adviseth him to call a great Assembly at Berite where his Sons after new complaints given in against them are to be judged M IN the mean time the dissention of Herod's house was much encreased Hedio Ruffinus chap. 11. al. 17. by the augmentation of hatred against his Sons Alexander and Aristobulus and although at all other times his Court was never void of suspicion Eurycles a Lacedemonian insinuateth himself into Herod's familiarity which is a pernicious evil to Kings and Princes yet at that time especially this mischief was in his principal vigour and force For one Eurcyles a Lacedemonian and a Noble man of his Countrey but having a turbulent wit given over to flattery and pleasure yet cunningly dissembling both vices coming unto Herod and giving him gifts and receiving greater gifts at his hands was by him courteously entertained and familiarly conversing with him brought it so to pass that he was esteemed amongst his especial friends This Eurycles N lodged at Antipater's house Eurycles insinuated himself into Alexander's friendship being also familiar with Alexander for their often meeting one another For he said that Archelaus King of Cappadocia and himself was great friends and therefore he counterfeited himself to reverence Glaphyra very much and all men judging him indifferent in all parties he diligently noted whatsoever past and every word that was spoken seeking by all means he could matter to gratifie others carrying of tales and with such flattering fair speeches he insinuated himself into every man's friendship that he seemed Alexander's only trusty friend and that all his endeavours with others were only for to be more serviceable to Alexander in his concerns And by this his deceit he so insinuated himself into Alexander's favour that the young Prince thought him to be his only friend unto whom he O might impart his secrets so that Alexander shewed him how much he was grieved for not being in his Father's favour and related his Mother's misfortune and that A Antipater had now gotten all authority and dignity from him and his Brother and was the only man that could do all and that these injuries were no longer tolerable their Father being now incited against them that now he would neither admit them unto his Councils nor Banquets And he committed his griefs as he then thought into his friends bosom Eurycles observing all Alexander's words and actions related them to Antipater and Herod But Eurycles told Antipater all affirming that thought it nothing concerned him yet he could not but speak of it for the greatness of the present danger desiring him to beware of Alexander who did not stick openly to shew what mind he bare but did as it were manifestly shew that he desired to make away his Father Which done he received of Antipater most rich gifts and pledges of his good will towards him at length he perswaded him to B relate his news himself unto Herod The King gave an attentive ear whilst he related Alexander's malice and was so moved with the
was said he mocked So that in every thing he found his Father's affection turned from him and that he was only favourable to Antipater so that he would die with all his heart if he failed of his purpose If he killed him his Father-in-law Archelaus would afford him safety to whom he might easily flee And after he would go to Caesar who as yet knew not Herod's manners and he would not stand before him then as he did L before terrified because his Father was present neither would he only speak of his own wrongs but of the wrongs of the whole Nation who were oppressed by exactions even to the death And then he would lay open on what pleasures and after what sort the money gotten with Blood was consumed and who and what kind of men they were that were thereby enriched and what was the cause of the affliction of the City and there he would bewail the death of his Unkle and his Mother and unfold all Herod's wickedness which being once made manifest to the World no man would account him a Murtherer of his Father Eurycles having falsly reported this of Alexander to Herod fell presently to praise and extol Antipater affirming that he only loved his Father and hindred such practices M The King Another false Accusation of Alexander and his Brother moves Herod to indignation yet not throughly appeased for that which was past grew into exceeding fury and Antipater again suborned other false Witnesses against him who affirmed that they were wont to have secret talk with Jucundus and Tyrannus who sometimes were Officers of the King's Cavalry and now displaced for some offence they had committed Whereupon Herod being very angry presently tortured them and they affirmed Diophantus the King's Notary writeth feigned Letters in Alexander's name that they were ignorant of all that which was laid to their charge But there was found and brought to the King a Letter pretended to be written by Alexander to the Governour of the Castle of Alexandrium requesting him that he would receive him and his Brother Aristobulus into the Castle when he had killed his Father and to assist them both with Arms and other Necessaries Alexander affirmed N that this Letter was counterfeited by Diophantus the King's Secretary who was both malicious and could counterfeit any one's hand and who afterwards having counterfeited many was at last for the same put to death Herod caused the Governour of the Castle to be tortured but he confessed nothing that was laid against him and although he had no good proof of any thing yet he commanded his two Sons to be kept in hold He likewise termed Eurycles who was the Incendiary of his house and the breeder of all the mischief Author of his safety and one who had well deserved at his hands and gave him fifty Talents Who departing from Judaea before matters were well known went to Archelaus and feigning that he had reconciled Alexander and Herod he received there a piece of money O From thence he went into Achaia and spent that which he had evilly got in as bad manner as he had got it Lastly he was accused to Caesar that he had caused dissension A in all Achaia and spoiled the Cities for which cause he was banished And this was the punishment that was inflicted upon him for his treachery to Alexander and Aristobulus It is not amiss here in this place to compare Avaratus of Cous unto this Eurycles who being a dear friend to Alexander Cous Evaratus and arriving about the same time that Eurycles did being put to his Oath sware that he heard the young men say nothing though indeed his Oath nothing prevailed nor profited them for Herod would only hear and give ear to Accusations and he highly esteemed them that would believe them with him and shew themselves moved thereat Moreover Ant. lib. 16. cap. 12. Salome encreased his rage against his Sons for Aristobulus minding to B engage her to assist him being his Mother-in-law and his Aunt sent to her to look to her self as though the King was minded to put her to death because it was reported to him that she purposed to marry with the King's enemy Syllaeus the Arabian to whom she privily revealed the King's Secrets This was the utter ruine of the young men Herod by Salome's counsel imprisoneth his Sons wherewith they were overthrown as it were with a violent Tempest For presently Salome went to the King and told him of what Aristobulus had admonished her And he becoming outrageous caused both his Sons to be bound and imprisoned in several places Then he he sent Volumnius General of his Army and Olympus one of his familiar Friends The year of the World 3961. before Christ's Nativity 1. to Caesar to carry the Informations against his Sons in writing who sailing to Rome after their arrival delivered the King's Letters And Caesar was very sorry C for the young men yet he permitted the Father to do what he would to his Children and so writ to him that he should have license to do what he thought good Yet he signified to him that he should do better to call his Nobles together and let them make enquiry concerning the Treasons and then if he found them guilty of those things whereof they were accused to put them to death Hereupon Herod Ant. lib. 16. cap. 13. according to Caesar's direction went to to Berytum and there gathered an Assembly to sit in Judgment Herod gathereth a Council against Alexander and Aristobulus the chief in that Judgment were the Governnours that Caesar in his Letters appointed Saturninus and Pedanius presided and with them Volumnius Intendant of the Province next the King's Kindred and Salome and Pheâ—oras and then the Nobility of Syria Archelaus only excepted who D because he was Father-in-law to his Son Herod suspected him to be partial But he suffered not his Sons to come into Judgment for he knew that the very sight of them would have moved all men to compassion And moreover if they were permitted to speak for themselves that Alexander would easily have acquitted them both For which cause they were kept in Platan Herod accuseth his Sons in open Judgment a Village of Sidonia The King beginning his Oration was as vehement as though they had been present against whom he spake But he was half afraid to object any Treason against them because he had no proof thereof and therefore he aggravated their opprobrious words injuries and offences which they had committed against him which he affirmed to be more unsufferable than death E At last when no man contradicted him he began to complain of their silence Herod's sentence against his Sons which seemed to condemn him and thereupon requested every one to give their verdict And first of all Saturninus condemned his Sons but not to die saying that he had three Sons present and he
apart I told him I was not ignorant of those Treasons which he intended against me nor by whose provocations he attempted the same Yet I told him that I would pardon him if so D be by changing his manners he would be faithful to me hereafter He promised me all that I demanded Joseph's bounty towards Jesus and I dismissed him with his Weapons yet threatned to punish the Sephorites except hereafter they desisted from their Treasons About the same time there came to me two Noblemen who were Subjects to the King of Trachonites bringing with them both Horsemen Armor and Money whom when the Jews would have constrain'd to be circumcised Joseph's care of Religion if so be they would remain amongst them I would not permit them to be troublesom to the Trachonites alledging that every Man ought to serve God according to his own mind and not by other Mens impulsion and that it was not to be suffer'd that they who for their security fled unto us should repent themselves of the trust they put in us And E thus having persuaded the multitude I freely and abundantly furnished these Men with all things necessary In the mean space Agrippa sent out his Forces under the Conduct of Equus Modius to take the Castle Magdola by force which for that they durst not assault they beset the ways and only troubled Gamala by placing Forces upon the Avenues Ebutius against Joseph But Ebutius Decadarcus who had the Government of the great Plain hearing that I was come to a certain Village called Simonias scituate on the Confines of Galilee and distant from the same some sixty furlongs took with him by night an hundred Horse that attended him and about two hundred Footmen with certain Inhabitants of the City of Gaba their Associates whom he conducted by F night and beset the Borough where I was Against whom after I had drawn forth a valiant Band of Men Ebutius laboured all he could to toul us into the Field for that he trusted very much in his Horsemen but I would not give him that advantage considering we were but Footmen and resolv'd to fight in the place where we were Ebutius departeth without performing any thing and accordingly Ebutius charged us for awhile very valiantly At length perceiving that he had no use of his Horsemen in that place he sounded a Retreat and departed back again with lost labour to Gaba having onely lost three Men in the Battel But I presently pursued him with two thousand Men and when I came to Besara which is scituate on the Confines of Ptolemais some twenty furlongs from Gaba where Ebutius encamped at that time I G beset all the passages with Corps of Guard whereby we might be more secure from the Excursions of our Enemies till we had carried out the Wheat whereof there was a great quantity stored up in that place Joseph transporteth Corn to Galilee which was gathered out of H the Townships thereabout belonging to Queen Bernice and loading divers Camels and Asses which to that end I had brought with me I sent the same into Galilee Joseph against Neopolitanus Having finished this business I offered Ebutius Battel and whereas he detracted the same being terrified by our boldness I took my course to encounter with Neopolitanus who as it was reported was in the Territory of the Tiberians and foraged there This Neopolitanus was a Captain of Horsemen and had undertaken to defend Scythopolis against their Enemies I hinder'd him from doing any wrong in the Countrey belonging to the Tiberians and provided for the security of Galilee But John the Son of Levi John maligneth Joseph's good success who as I said lived at Gischala after he heard I that all things fell out fortunately with me that I was loved by the People and feared by mine Enemies he consider'd my good fortune as an obstacle to his own and being filled with no small envy and greater hope to hinder my good success if so be he could bring me in hatred with the People he sollicited those of Tiberias and Sephoris and the Gabarenians to revolt to him which Cities are the chiefest in Galilee For he told them that under his Conduct they should be more happily govern'd But amongst the rest the Sephorites gave least ear unto him and neglecting us both onely held for the Romans As for the Tiberians they would not consent to Rebel yet promised him some friendship The Gabarenians revolt upon John's persuasion But the Gabarenians wholly addicted themselves to John by the means K of one Simon a principal Citizen who was John's friend Yet did they not openly declare for him because they feared the Galileans whose good will towards me they were long time assured of but privily they sought other means to entrap me And truly I fell into great danger upon this occasion For when certain Debarrittenians being audacious young Men had intelligence that Ptolomy's Wife the Kings steward The Debarittenians spoil Ptolomy's Wife was Travelling along the great Plain with a great Equipage out of the Kings Countrey into the Roman Government they suddenly set upon her and putting the Woman to flight they seized on all the Baggage which she carried with her Which done they came to Taricheas where I then was with four Mules laden with Apparel and Houshold-stuff of divers sorts among which were L divers silver Vessels and five hundred pieces of Gold Intending therefore to reserve these things for Ptolomy as being a Jew because our Law permitteth not to take any from those of our own Nation though they be our Enemies I told those that brought the Goods that the same should be kept to be sold and the price bestowed upon repairing the Walls of Jerusalem This motion of mine the young men interpreted very hardly because they were depriv'd of the prey which they hoped for For which cause dispersing themselves in the streets of Tiberias they spread a rumor that I design'd to betray the Countrey to the Romans and that I onely feigned that the prey was destinated to repair the Walls of Jerusalem but the truth was I kept the same to the intent to restore it to Ptolomy M In which matter they were not deceived For after the departure of the young Men I called to me two chief Citizens Dassian and Jannaeus the Sons of Levi Joseph laboureth to restore Ptolomy to his Goods true Friends to the King and commanded them to take the Houshold-stuff and convey it to the King threatning them with death if they revealed this secret to any Man But when the rumor was spread thorow Galilee that I would deliver the Province into the hands of the Romans all the People were incens'd against me and resolv'd to destroy me They of Taricheas also giving credit to the young Mens feigned speeches persuaded my Guard and the rest of the Soldiers to take a time whilst I was asleep
consequently might easily be wrought upon with it Whereupon I said unto him if thou wilt drink with me thou shalt have a drachm for every glass thou drinkest To this the Soldier listned willingly and having drunk good store of Wine to get the more Money he became drunk so that he was unable any longer to conceal his secrets but of his own accord he declared the Treason that was prepared and how the sentence of death was given by them against me Joseph's policy Which when I understood I answer'd them to this effect Joseph's answer to Jonathan Joseph to Jonathan and those that accompany him Health I am F very glad to hear that you are arrived in Galilee in good health especially because I may now deliver into your hands the government of the affairs thereof to the end according as I have long time desired I may return into my Countrey I am willing not only to come to you at Xallon but to any further place also though you should not send for me But you will please to pardon me though I come not at this present for I am now at Chabalon to attend Placidus who pretendeth to invade Galilee Resort you therefore unto me after you shall have read these my Letters Farewel After I had written this answer and deliver'd it to the Soldier to carry it to them I sent with him thirty of my most approved Friends of Galilee commanding them to salute the Deputies without any further speech of any business whatsoever I assigned also to G each of these one of my most resolute and best Soldiers to watch carefully if any of those I sent should confer with Jonathan's Men. They therefore set forward on their way and Jonathan and the other seeing their first purpose failed them they sent me another Letter to this effect Jonathan's Message and Letter to Joseph Jonathan and his Company to Joseph Health We command you that H within three dayes you make your appearance before us without any of your Soldiers in the Borough of Gadara to the end we may take cognisance of the Crimes whereof you have accused John As soon as they had written this and received those Galileans whom I had sent they went to Japha which is the greatest Town of Galilee fenced with strong Walls and peopled with many Inhabitants The People of that City with their Wives and Children The Ambassadors of Jerusalem coldly entertained in Galilee came forth to meet them exclaiming against them with loud cryes and charging them to return back and not to deprive them of the good Governor they had Jonathan and his Companions though displeas'd with these words yet durst not make any open shew of their displeasure but without returning them any answer they resorted to other Towns where they met with no less peremptory Exclamations from the Multitude I who protested plainly that they would have no other Governor but Joseph Whereupon Jonathan with his Followers departed without any further speech and went to Sephoris the greatest City of Galilee The Inhabitants thereof being affected to the Romans went forth to meet them but they said nothing at all concerning me Departing from Sephoris they went to Asochim where the Citizens sung the same Song that the Japheans did Whereupon they being unable to contain their displeasure commanded their Soldiers to beat with their Truncheons those that exclaimed against them and desir'd me for their Governor And when they drew near Gabara John came out to meet them accompanied with 3000 Soldiers and I having intelligence by their Letters that they were resolved to make War against me departed from Chabalon accompanied with 3000 Soldiers and K having committed the Camp to the charge of one of my trustiest Friends I went to Jotapata because I would be within forty stades of them and sent them this Letter If your will be that I must needs come unto you Joseph writeth again to them there are in Galilee two hundred and four Cities and Boroughs I will meet you in any one of them which you please except Gabara and Gischala for that the one is the place of John 's Nativity and the other is Confederate with him After Jonathan had received this answer he replied no more but sought means to entrap me The consultation of the Ambassadors against Joseph John was of the opinion to write to all the Cities and Boroughs of Galilee supposing that without question there were one or two in them that were mine Enemies whom they might incense against me as against their common Enemy He gave order also that this his resolution should be sent to Jerusalem to the end that those of the City L understanding that I was adjudged an Enemy by the Galileans might in like sort confirm that their decree by their opinion For he said that by this means it would come to pass that the Galileans who were well affected towards me would forsake me for the fear they stood in of them This advice of Johns greatly pleased them all and was presently brought unto me about the third hour of the Night by one Sacchaeas who flying from them came and brought me the News and particularly related to me their intent For which cause perceiving that the time requir'd no longer delay I commanded Jacob who was one of my most assured and trusty Servants Joseph besetteth the wayes of Galilee to take two hundred Men with him and to beset the wayes between Gabara and Galilee and to send me those Passengers whom he should take and especially those that carried Letters I sent Jeremy also who was one M of my Friends to the marches of Galilee with six hundred Men at Arms to keep the passages that way toward Jerusalem commanding him to seize on all those that carried Letters and to commit the Men to Prison and to send me their Packets After I had in this sort instructed those whom I sent I commanded the Galileans the next day following to take their Arms Joseph with his Troops resorteth to Gabaroth and to furnish themselves with Victuals for three dayes and to attend me at the Borough of Gabaroth Those Soldiers that I had I distributed into four Companies and kept those with me in whom I reposed most confidence for the guard of my person and having appointed Captains over them and commanded them to be careful I charged them to suffer no unknown Soldier to enter in among them The next day I came to Gabaroth at the fifth hour of the day where I found all the N fields about the City full of armed Galileans who resorted thither to assist me according as I had commanded them Thither also came a multitude of other Men from other Boroughs As soon as I came amongst them and was ready to speak to them all of them began to cry out calling me their Benefactor and the Maintainer of their Countrey After I had solemnly given them
Lodging where Jonathan and the Embassadors were Whereupon seeing that it was impossible to restrain their fury I incontinently betook me to my Horse and commanded the People to follow me to Sogan a Borough of the Arabians distant from thence some 20 stades By this means I brought to pass that the beginning of a Civil War might not be imputed to me When I arrived at Sogan I made a halt and admonisht my Followers not to give way to their froward displeasures Joseph sends one hundred Ambassadors to Jerusalem nor entertain any desire of revenge and I commanded I them to choose out an hundred of the chiefest and eldest amongst them who should repair to the City of Jerusalem and there complain unto the People against those that had kindled Sedition in their Province And I said unto them If the People be favourable and listen to your discourse you shall persuade them to write unto me that by their authority I remain in Galilee and that John and his Followers depart from hence After I had given them this charge and that they were furnished with all things necessary for their journey with all expedition on the third day I dispatched them and sent five hundred armed Men with them I writ also to my Friends in Samaria so to provide for their passage that they might finish their journey in all security For Samaria was already in subjection to the Romans and it behoved my Men of necessity in order to make a short K journey to pass that way For from Galilee by this means a man may in three days arrive at Jerusalem Furthermore I conducted the Ambassadors my self as far as the Frontiers of Galilee setting Guards upon the ways to the end that none might easily know of their departure Which done I sojourned for a certain time at Japha But Jonathan and his Companions having failed of their purpose intended against me dismissed John to Gischala as for themselves they went to Tiberias hoping to bring the same under their obedience The Ambassadors hope to get Tiberias into their hands and possession for that Jesus who was President at that time had writen to them and promised them to persuade the People to entertain them and to take their part if they came in which hope they retired thither Sylas who as I declared was left by me as Agent in Tiberias certified me of all this by his Letters advising me to return in all diligence L in doing which I was brought in danger of my life upon this occasion that ensueth Jonathan and his Followers being come to Tiberias persuaded divers who were mine Enemies to revolt from me Joseph falleth in danger but after they were certified that I was there in person they were afraid and came unto me and saluting me told me that they reputed me happy in that I had so wisely behaved myself in Galilee and they rejoyced also in appearance that I was returned with honor telling me that they participated in that honor as being their Fellow-Citizen And they protested to me that the friendship which I bore them was more considerable to them than that of John and desired me to return promising very shortly to deliver John into my hands and these speeches of theirs they seconded with dreadful Oaths Jonathan and his Confederates policy which made me think that I had no cause to disbelieve them Furthermore they M prayed me to take up my Lodging in another place because the Sabbath being near it were an inconvenience that the City of Tiberias should be drawn into trouble on that day I who suspected nothing repaired to Tarichea leaving notwithstanding certain of my Friends behind me in Tiberias who might curiously observe what the common talk was of me and all along the way betwixt Tarichea and Tiberias I laid certain Men in wait who from one to another might certifie me of that which was discovered by them who remained in the City The next day therefore they all assembled in the Proseucha or Oratory which was a large house wherein they prayed and capable of a great Multitude The People assemble in the Proseucha When Jonathan was entred into this place he durst not openly speak to them of a revolt but only told them that their City had need of a better Governor But the President N Jesus without dissembling spake plainly after this manner unto them It were better for you my Friends that you were subject to four Men of Nobility and great wisdom than to one and thereupon he pointed to Jonathan and his Collegues Justus stood up and praised this advice and drew some of the people to his opinion But the greater part assented not and there had presently followed a mutiny had not the Assembly been dismissed The Jews sixt hour is to ui eleven or twelve a Clock at noon by reason it was mid-day which is the ordinary hour amongst them to take their repast Thus did Jonathans consorts remit the determination of the matter until the next day retiring themselves without any good done Which being reported to me I resolved with my self the next morning to repair to the City of Tiberias and accordingly arriving there very early I found the People already assembled in the place of O prayer but they knew not the cause why they were assembled Jonathan and his Collegues seeing me there contrary to their expectation were very much troubled and A bethought themselves of this subtilty They told the Multitude that a certain Friend of theirs had inform'd them Jonathan and his Associates subtilty that he had discovered certain Roman Horsemen upon the Frontiers of that Territory some thirty stades from the City in a place called Homonoea Whereupon they cry'd out that they ought not to endure their Countrey to be pillag'd by the Enemy in their sight They used this Speech supposing that under pretext of rescuing the Countrey they might send me abroad and so remain Masters of the City by getting the affection of the Inhabitants to my prejudice Now although I knew very well their intent yet I gave ear to them lest I should bring the Tiberians into an opinion that I was negligent and careless of their security I therefore rode out and came to the place of which they had spoken where finding no footstep B or appearance of an Enemy False Accusations and Epistles produced by the Ambassadors against Joseph I returned speedily without delay to Tiberias When I came there I found the whole Council assembled with a Multitude of People and Jonathan making against me a very vehement Invective that I made no account to relieve them in their Wars and studied nothing but mine own pleasure And whil'st they spake these words they produced four Letters as written unto them by those who live upon the Marches of Galilee requiring succor of them for that the Roman Horsemen and Footmen would within three days forage
austerity to apply himself to the favor and good liking of the multitude for that by this his affability he might the more easily draw their hearts unto him because that by a natural inclination Subjects take delight in those Kings that are courteous who with a certain decent familiarity Ver. 8 ad 11. entertain themselves amongst them But Rehoboam rejected this counsel of theirs which was both good and profitable in all occasions Rehoboam rejecteth the advice of the Elders and followeth the counsel of the younger but especially upon the first entrance into a Kingdom and that not without Gods providence since contrary to all reason he neglected the right course and followed the perverse so that calling unto him certain young men of his own humor and disposition he told them what the Elders had counselled him and willed them to discover their opinion in that matter F but neither their age nor Gods permission suffered them to know that which was expedient For which cause they counselled him to answer the people That his little finger was more great than the loins of his father and that if they had experimented and endured grievances under him that he would be far more rigorous and that if his father had chastised them with the stroke of the Rod that they should expect to be punished by him with a severer chastisement The King delighted herewith supposed the answer to be agreeable to the dignity of his Empire When therefore the people were assembled on the third day to hear his resolution and all of them were in suspence expecting and desirous to hear him speak from whom they hoped nought else but sweetness Rehoboam contemning the counsel of his friends proposed unto himself that of the young Men. All which G hapned by the Will of God to the end that that which Achias had prophesied might be fulfilled H They touched by these his answers no less than if they had been wounded with a sword were much displeased and no less moved than if they had already felt the mischief that was threatned so that they began all of them to cry with a loud voice that from that time forward they had nothing to do with Davids alliance neither with his succession Ver. 18 c. telling him that they would only leave the Temple his father had built unto his charge and threatning him to abandon him The Israelites moved with their repulse revolt from Reâ—oboam Furthermore they were so heinously incensed that Rehoboam having sent unto them Adoram the Superintendent of the Tribes to pacifie their wrath and to persuade them to pardon his youth if he had spoken any thing lightly and unrespectively unto them they could not endure to hear him speak but slew and well-nigh overwhelmed him with stones Which when Rehoboam I perceived supposing that it was himself who in the person of his Officer was put to death and stoned by the people he feared lest in effect his life and the fortune of his Kingdom should fall into the like disaster Whereupon he took his Chariot and fled to Jerusalem where the Tribe of Juda and that of Benjamin by their common suffrages made him King Ver. 21 22. But as touching the rest of the people Rehoboam intending to make War on those Tribes that revolted is inhibited from that day forward they revolted from the Successors of David and proclaimed Jeroboam King of their estates Rehoboam the son of Solomon being sore displeased herewith assembled the two Tribes with an intent to muster One hundred and fourscore thousand chosen Men to make War on Jeroboam and his people and to inforce them by War to acknowledge him for their Sovereign But God restrained him by the means of a Prophet who forbade him to make K War saying That it became not those of the same Nation to contend one against another and the rather for that this their revolt had hapned by the Will of God by which means and persuasion he dismissed his Army But first of all I will rehearse that which Jeroboam King of Israel did and afterwards declare the acts of Rehoboam King of the two Tribes and thus shall the course of the History continue in order After that Jeroboam had setled his Court in the City of Sichem The Court and Palace of Jeroboam he made his ordinary abode in that place except that sometimes he sojourned in the City of Phanuel Not long after this the feast of Tabernacles being at hand Jeroboam supposing that if he permitted the people to go up and worship God in Jerusalem and solemnize the feast in that place they might either repent themselves of the revolt or that by the magnificence of L the Ceremonies used in the worship of God in the Temple and service that was celebrated therein Ver. 26 27 28. they might be persuaded to forsake him Why Jeroboams Calves were made and submit themselves to their first King and by that means he might be drawn into danger of his life to prevent the danger of such a mischief took this course He caused two golden Calves to be cast and built two several Temples the one in Bethel and the other in Dan which is scituate near to the source of little Jordan in which he placed these Calves and afterwards assembling the ten Tribes that were under his subjection he spake unto them in manner following My Friends and Countreymen I know that you are not ignorant how God is in all places and that there cannot be any place wherein he assisteth not nor time wherein he heareth and beholdeth M them not that serve him with true affection For which cause I think it not convenient that you go up unto Jerusalem which is a City at enmity with us neither that you make so long a journey to perform your devotion Jeroboam persuadeth the pâ—ople to Idolatry for it was a man that built that Temple even as I have consecrated two golden Calves the one in Bethel and the other in Dan to the end that every one of you that inhabit near unto those Cities may go thither and worship God Neither shall you want Priests and Levites for I will elect some such among you to the intent that you may have no more need of the Tribe of Levi or the Sons of Aaron Whosoever therefore amongst you would be a Priest let him offer Calves and Muttons unto God after the same manner that Aaron did when he was first appointed to be a Priest By such like Speeches seduced he the people and caused them to fall from their Forefathers N Religion and transgress the Ordinances of their Countrey and this was the beginning of all those mischiefs that afterwards fell upon the Hebrews by which means being overcome in War The neglect of Gods service is the cause of all evil they fell into captivity and were made subject to strangers whereof we will treat
priviledges granted to the Jews by Seleucus Nicanor King of Syria and permitted them to dwell in those Cities which he built in Asia and lower Syria and in Antioch which was the Metropolitane chief City Moreover he gave order that B they should be held in as great estimation as either the Macedonians or Greeks that inhabitted therein so that even unto this day that order is continued as it appeareth by this for that the Jews refusing to anoint themselves with forrain oyl do receive a certain sum of money from the Masters of the exercises in lieu of the Oyl Which when the people of Antioch intended to abolish during the present War Mutianus at that time Governour of Syria The priviledge in Antioch continued to the Jews opposed himself against them Again when Vespasian and his Son Titus had conquered the world although the Alexandrians and Antiochians desired that the priviledges which the Jews enjoyed might continue no longer yet could they not obtain it Whereby the humanity and valour of the Romans may appear and especially of Vespasian and Titus that notwithstanding they had received so great C trouble the Wars of the Jews and were so bitterly incensed against them for that they had not by laying down their Arms submitted themselves but had continued War against them to the uttermost yet they deprived them not of their privileges but put a stop to that displeasure which they had long before conceived against them and in like manner had no regard to the request of two so pusient Cities as Alexandria and Antioch wherefore they granted nothing in favour of them nor ordained any thing to the prejudice of those whom they had overcome in War so as to abolish one jot of those priviledges which they had in times past but said that they that had resisted them by Arms and who had been overcome were sufficiently punished for their obstinacy and as touching those that had not committed any offence they saw D no reason to deprive them of their rights and priviledges We know likewise that Marcus Agrippa was of the same opinion touching the Jews For whereas the Jonians were seditiously bent against them and besought Agrippa that it might be only lawful for them to make use of the priviledges which Antiochus Seleucus's Nephew whom the Greeks intituled by the Name of God had given them requiring that if the Jews were of their blood they might be tyed to adore the same gods which the Jonians worshipped When therefore this matter was referred to the determination of the Judges the Jews had the better and obtained the liberty to live according to their own Laws and Customs and he that at this time pleaded their cause was Nicholas Damascene For Agrippa pronounced That it was unlawful for them to innovate any thing And if any man desire E to have a more exact knowledge hereof let him read the 123 and 24 book of the Histories of Nicholas Neither ought this judgment of Agrippa's to seem in any sort strange for at that time our Nation had not by any Wars procured the Romans displeasure But upon just occasion may a man admire the magnanimity of Vespasian and of his son Titus who behaved themselves with such moderation after so great a War and such doubtful Battels as they had fought against us Antiochus the great King of Asia and Syria vexeth the Jews But to return to my purpose from whence I have digressed At such time as Antiochus the great reigned in Asia the Countrey of Jewry was much harassed and both the Jews and Inhabitants of Coelosyria endured many miseries For Antiochus making War against Ptolomey Philopater and his son called Ptolomey the famous they were miserably perplexed For whether Antiochus overcame or was overcome they were continually spoiled so that betwixt the prosperity and adversity of Antiochus F they fared like a ship tossed in a storm But at length after Antiochus had overcome Ptolomey he conquer'd Jewry After the death of Philopater his son sent a great Army into Coelosyria under the conduct of Scopas who seized a great number of those Cities and falling upon our Nation also he conquer'd it Not long after this Antiochus fought with Scopas near unto the River Jordan and obtained the victory discomfiting the greater part of the Enemies Army at which time Antiochus recover'd again those Cities of Coelosyria which were before taken by Scopas He took Samaria also which when the Jews perceived they submitted themselves of their own accord unto him and having received him into the City of Jerusalem they gave both his Army and his Elephants abundance of provision and willingly assisted him with their Forces to subdue those Garisons which G Scopas had placed in the fortresses of the higher City Whereupon Antiochus supposing it to be for his honour to acknowledge and remunerate the affection and forwardness which the Jews had expressed in his service wrote unto his Captains and Friends signifying unto them how forward the Jews had been in his Wars and to let them know that he was resolved to gratifie them for their service Hereafter I will insert the copy of his letters which he wrote in favour of them after A I have recited that which Polybius the Megalopolitane writeth to this purpose which I will recite out of the sixteenth Book of his histories Scopas saith he the General of Ptolomey Army marching towards the mid-land did in one winter overcome the whole nation of the Jews Ptolomey Epiphames King of Egypt wareth against the King of Syria He reciteth also in the same Book that after that Scopas had been overcome Antiochus seized Bathanaea Samaria Abila and Gadra and anon after the Jews which dwelt at Jerusalem where the Temple was joyned themselves with him and although we are to speake more amply and particularly of that appartition that hapned neare unto the Temple yet we shall defer the recital hereof untill another time This is that which Polybius hath written But to return unto our purpose I will recite B in this place the copy of those letters which were sent by the King King Antiochus to Ptolomey Health Whereas the Jews have given us most apparent testimony of there affection towards us Polybius the Megalopolitane of Scopas Ptolomeys Captain since the first time of our entrance into their Countrey and have magnificently entertained at such time as we were in person before their City by presenting themselves before us with all their Elders Antiochus Epistle to Ptolomy as touching the liberty of the Jews and have also furnished us largely with all that which was necessary for our Souldiers and our Elephants and have likewise taken Arms with us against the Aegyptian Garrison we have thought fit to afford them some satisfaction in repairing their City ruinated by casualties to the intent it might be inhabited and Peopled again by gathering together C those Jews that are scattered abroad in
of almost three thousand talents of his in Alexandria For gathering up his money in Syria he was wont to send it thither and as oft as the prefixt time came E wherein the Kings tributes were to be paid Treason intended against Hircanus he commanded Arion to pay them Having therefore letters of Credit unto him he went towards Alexandria Whereupon his brethren wrote presently unto all the Kings friends that by some means they would make him away As soon as he was arrived in Alexandria and had delivered his fathers Letters to Arion Arion asked him how many talents he would have Hircanus apology for his actions hoping that he would desire but ten or thereabout but when Hircanus had told him he had need of a thousand he waxed wroth and reproved him for his prodigality telling him how his Father had gathered his goods with much labour and frugality and refusing to give it him he prayed him to imitate his fathers example and in a word he told him that he would deliver him F no more than ten talents and that for no other use than to buy presents for the King Whereupon Hircanus was offended and caused Arion to be kept in Prison Whereof his Wife informed Queen Cleopatra and desired her that the young man might be chastised for his insolence for Arion was in great esteem with the Queen so that she acquainted the King with the matter Whereupon Ptolomey sent for Hircanus and said unto him That he marveiled that being sent unto hin by his Father he had not as yet visited him and besides that he had committed his Fathers Agent to Prison he therefore commanded him to yield him a reason thereof Whereunto he answered that there was a law among the Jews that no man should taste of the sacrifices that had not first of all visited the Temple and sacrificed unto God and that in that respect he had not hitherto visited his Majesty because he expected G certain presents to present unto his Majesty from his Father who was his Servant Furthermore he alledged that he punished his Fathers Servant because he had disobeyed his commandment A which he ought not to do The year of the World 3780. before Christ's Nativity 184. whether his Master were noble or ignoble and if said he we chastise not such men as they have deserved expect O King that you also shall be neglected by your Subjects When Ptolomey heard these words he rose well pleased and wondred at the magnanimity of the young man Arion perceiving that the King rose satisfied and that he was like to have no assistance at his hands Hircanus apologie for his actions delivered Hircanus the thousand talents and by this means he was set at liberty Some three days after Hircanus came and saluted both the King and Queen who entertained him graciously and feasted him for the kindness which they bear unto his Father He enquiring among the Merchants bought one hundred young Lads well learned and in the flower of their age paying a talent B for each one and the like number of Virgins for so many talents Being invited to a banquet by the King with all the Princes and other Lords he was placed beneath them all because that by reason of his youth they that assigned the places according to every mans dignity made small account of him The rest that sate at table after they had eaten their meat laid all their bones before Hircanus so that the table was covered round about him whereupon a certain Droll called Triphon in whose railery the King took some delight to divert the company said See here Sir what store of bones lie before Hircanus whereby you may conjecture after what manner his Father hath fleeced all Syria Hircanus jests The King laughing at Tryphons words asked Hircanus how he came by so many bones before him Not without good reason said he O C King for doggs devour the flesh with the bones as these do poynting at those who sate with him at the Table because they had no bones before them but men eat the flesh and cast the bones away as I do because I am a man The King was so well pleased with his discreet answer that he commanded the rest not to offer him any affront for the future The next day he sought out all the Kings friends and the principal Courtiers and saluted them one by one Hircanus sounding what other men would give gave more than the rest for which he receiveth another kingly reward enquiring of their Servants what presents they would court the King with upon the birth of his Son Who told him that some of them would give twelve Talents and others that were in dignity would present them according to their ability Whereupon Hircanus seemed dissatisfied as wanting power to offer such a present pretending that he had no more than five Talents All which these Servants D presently reported to their Masters who were very joyful thereat in hopes that the King would not be well pleased to receive a small present from Hircanus Now when the day of solemnity was come and they that pretended to present the King most magnificently offred no more than twenty Talents Hircanus presented the hundred young Lads he had bought to the King and the Virgins unto Cleopatra for whom he had paid a talent by the pole At this unexpected magnificence all men were amazed but besides this he gave gifts of divers Talents to the King and Queens favourites and Servants and their attendants whereby he secured himself from the danger that might fall upon him by their means For the brothers of Hircanus had written unto them to murther him Ptolomey was much pleased with the great magnificence of this young E man and bid him ask whatsoever he pleased at his hands But he required no other thing but that it would please the King to recommend him by his letters to his father and brethren When therefore the King had particularly honored him and had given him many rewards he wrote unto his Father and brethren and all his Governours and Commissaries Hircanus brothers assailing him on the way are slâ—in and discomfited and in that manner sent him away His brothers hearing how he had in all things highly pleased the King and that he returned with great glory they went out to meet him with an intent to murther him with their fathers knowledg For he being displeased with him by reason of his above mentioned large expence took no care to secure him yet concealed he his discontent for fear of the King But when his brothers came and encountered him on the way he slew divers of those that accompanied F them and two of his brethren also were left slain upon the place and the rest fled unto Jerusalem unto their Father And when upon his comming unto Jerusalem he perceived that no man welcomed him he was afraid and departed
of the Sabbath-day to set upon him hoping that he would not defend himself on that day because of the prohibition of the Law But he contrary to his expectation encouraged his Soldiers and declared unto them how it concerned their lives to be valiant for that it was impossible for them to escape because they were shut up in the midst betwixt the River and the Enemy for they had the Enemy before them and the River on their backs As soon therefore as he had made his Prayer unto his God That it might please him to grant him the victory he set upon the Enemy with great resolution and slew a great number of them and perceiving how Bacchides assaulted him with great fierceness he stretched out his right hand to strike him but he preventing the stroke by stepping aside Jonathan and his companions leapt into the River and so saved E themselves by swimming over to the other side of Jordan because the Enemy durst not pass the Water to pursue them Whereupon Bacchides returned incontinently to the Castle of Jerusalem after he had lost about 2000 of his men After this he fortifi'd divers Cities which were before ruinated namely Jericho Emaus Bethoron Bethella Thamnata Pharathon Techoa and Gazara and built in every of them certain Towers and great and strong Walls and afterwards he planted Garisons therein to sally out upon the Jews and vex them but especially he fortifi'd the Cittadel of Jerusalem in which he kept for hostages the children of the principal men of Judea About that time there came a certain man to Jonathan and his brother Simon bringing them news The Castle of Jerâ—salem 〈◊〉 that the sons of Amareus would solemnize their Nuptials and were to lead F the Bride which was daughter to one of the noblest amongst the Arabians from the City of Gabatha and it was intended that she should be conducted with great magnificence and pomp Jonathan and his brother supposing that a fit opportunity was offer'd them to revenge their brothers death Simon revengeth his brother Johns blood on the sons of Amaraeus and to punish the Medabanes for the wrongs they had done unto their brother they took with them the greatest Forces that they could and marched towards Medaba where they lay in ambush under the side of an hill But when they saw them that led the Bride and accompanied the Bridegroom and a great Troop of their Friends likewise according to the manner of Marriages they brake out of their ambush and put them all to the sword and after they had seized their jewels and all the other booty of that company that follow'd them they retired back again joyfully G having accomplish'd their design and thus revenged they the death of their brother John upon the sons of Amareus For not only these alone but their friends that accompanied H them with their Wives and Children The year of the World 3880. before Christ's Nativity 156. were all of them slain to the number of 400. And in this manner Simon and Jonathan returned into the marshes aforesaid and abode there But Bacchides having fortified all the Garisons of Judea returned back unto the King And at that time the state of the Jews was in peace for the space nigh two years But the wicked Demetrius by the sollicitation of the fugitives sendeth Bacchides against Jonathan with an Army and such as were revolted from the Religion of the Jews seeing that Jonathan and his followers conversed in the Countrey with great assurance by reason of the Peace they sent certain Ambassadors unto King Demetrius requiring him to send them Bacchides who might apprehend Jonathan declaring that it might easily be done and that in one night breaking in upon them he might murther them all before they I were aware When Bacchides by the King's commandment came into Jewry he wrote unto all his Friends Bacchides displeased with the Apostates for that they could not surprize Jonathan killeth 50 of them both Jews and also his other Allies requiring them to lay hold on Jonathan but when by no policy nor prowess of theirs they were able to apprehend him for that Jonathan having notice of their ambushes stood upon his guard Bacchides the Macedonian was displeased with the Apostates and Fugitives objecting against them that they had deceived both the King and him and laying hold on fifty of the principal of them he put them to death But Jonathan and his brother with those of their company Jonathan and his brother besieged in Bethalaga retired themselves into Bethalaga a certain village in the desart for fear of Bacchides in which place he built Towers and Walls to keep his Garison in more security Bacchides having notice of it took the Army that he had with him and those K Jews that were his Confederates and marched forward against Jonathan and approaching those fortifications that were made by him he besieged him for many dayes But Jonathan Jonathan stealing out of the City assaileth Bacchides by night for all his siege and violence was not a whit terrifi'd but stood out valiantly and leaving his brother Simon in the City to make head against Bacchides he secretly stole out and gather'd a great number of Soldiers that favor'd his proceedings and in the night-time couragiously brake into Bacchides Camp and after he had there slain a number of his men Bacchides revengeth himself on the fugitives and is enforced to retreat he gave his brother Simon notice of his coming who as soon as he heard the noise in the Enemies Camp hastily issued forth with his Soldiers and burnt all the Macedonians Engines and made a great slaughter of them Bacchides seeing that he was circumvented by his Enemies and that both before and behind he was pressed L by them being astonished at this so unexpected an encounter was almost out of his wits so much was he troubled at the issue of his siege that fell out altogether contrary to his expectation for which cause he discharged all his choler upon those Apostates supposing he was abused by them who had sent unto the King and had caused him to be sent thither so that he thought of nothing now but raising the siege and returning home with as little dishonour as he could CHAP. II. Jonathan constraineth Bacchides to make peace with the Jews and to depart out of the M Countrey WHen Jonathan knew his intentions 1 Mac. 9. he sent an Ambassador unto him to conclude a Peace betwixt them Bacchides maketh peace with Jonathan with this condition That they should each of them deliver up those Prisoners that were taken on either side Bacchides judging the Proposal to be honourable Jonathan liveth at Macâ—mas punishing the wicked and that a fit occasion was now offered him whereupon he might raise his siege without any disgrace promised Jonathan his friendship so that both of them swore from that time forward
approved of whereupon he took care of the City himself and committed the Countrey to his brother Simon But Demetrius passing the River came into Mesopotamia with a design to make himself Master of Babylon intending to make that the seat of the Empire when he should have subdu'd the other Provinces For the Greeks and Macedonians who inhabited that Countrey had sollicited him often by Ambassadors to come unto them promising him to submit to his authority and to serve him in the War against Arsaces King of the Parthians Demetrius maketh War upon Arsaces King of the Parthians and is taken Prisoner Demetrius flattering himself with those hopes marched towards them with great speed presuming that if he could overcome the Parthians he might easily vanquish Tryphon and drive him out of the kingdom of D Syria Being therefore entertain'd by those of the Countrey with great joy he levied a great Army and made War against Arsaces but he lost the day and was himself taken Prisoner as we have elsewhere declar'd CHAP. X. Tryphon seeing Demetrius ruined contrives how he may quit himself of Antiochus that he might reign in his stead and likewise how he may destroy Jonathan He deceives him causeth a thousand of his men to be put to death at Ptolemais and keepeth him Prisoner E WHen Tryphon understood that Demetrius was utterly ruined Hedio Ruffinus cap. 9. he forsook Antiochus and contrived how he might kill him 2 Mac. 11. 13. and make himself King But the fear that he had of Jonathan Antiochus's friend Tryphon labouring to transfer Antiochus's kingdom unto his own hands and fearing Jonathans opposition traitetously complotteth his death hindred his design whereupon he resolv'd first of all to deliver himself of Jonathan and afterwards to kill the young King Antiochus Having therefore resolv'd to kill Jonathan by some Treason he came from Antioch to Bethsan which the Greeks call Scythopolis whither Jonathan came to meet him with 40000 chosen men supposing that Tryphon came thither to make War upon him But he knowing that Jonathan came thither with so great a strength and imagining that he could not prevail upon him by open force he had recourse to fraud he made him rich Presents and accompanied them with a great deal of civility and that he might free him from all F distrust and ruine him when he should least suspect it he commanded the Officers of his Army to obey him in all things After this he invited Jonathan to come to Ptolomais and to bring with him some few of his Soldiers promising to deliver the City into his hands and resign all the Fortresses that were in the Countrey into his possession assuring him That he came into that Countrey to no other purpose Jonathan suspecting no sinister dealing and believing that Tryphon spake what he intended disbanded his Forces and took only 3000 men with him whereof two he left in Galilee and with 1000 he came to Tryphon at Ptolomais But the Inhabitants of the City shutting the gates as soon as he was entred according as Tryphon had commanded them took Jonathan Prisoner and slew all those that attended upon him Hereupon Tryphon presently sent part G of his Army unto the 2000 that were left in Galilee to the intent to put them all to the Sword but they having notice of that which had befaln their Chieftain took up their H Arms The year of the World 382â— before Christ's Nativity 124. and departed out of Galilee without any loss And although the Soldiers of Tryphon exceeded them far in the number yet were they not so hardy to attack them because they knew that the Jews were ready to expose themselves to all dangers to defend their lives and so they returned back to him that sent them without doing any thing CHAP. XI The Jews make choice of Simon Machabeus for their General in the place of Jonathan his brother who was kept Prisoner by Tryphon who after he had received an hundred and I two Talents of his Children for his ransom breaks his promise and puts him to death Simon erects a stately Monument for his father and his other brethren He is created Prince and High-Priest of the Jews His admirable conduct he delivers his Nation from the Macedonian yoke takes by storm the Fortress of Jerusalem and defaceth it levelling both the Cittadel and the Hill whereon it stood even with the ground WHen the Inhabitants of Jerusalem heard of the surprizal of Jonathan 2 Macch. 14. and the loss of his Soldiers Jonathans want lamented by all men they were much troubled that so great a man was taken from them for they feared and that not without cause that being depriv'd of his valor and conduct the neighbouring Nations would invade them with K all manner of hostility which till then they durst not attempt standing so much in awe of Jonathan The neighbouring Nation and Tryphoâ— invade Judea Neither did their expectation deceive them For they understanding Jonathan's death began presently to invade the Jews on all sides as those who had no longer any Captain under whose conduct they might make War and shew their valor And Tryphon having likewise gather'd Forces was resolved to march into Judea to make War against the Inhabitants thereof Simon perceiving that the Citizens of Jerusalem were alarum'd with the fear which they apprehended of those Rumors and new Tumults of War and being desirous to animate them against all incursions and attempts intended by Tryphon assembled the People in the Temple and began to exhort them after this manner L You are not ignorant men and brethren how both I Simon Jonathans brother assembleth the people and animateth them my father and brethren have voluntarily exposed our selves to all dangers for your liberty Since therefore I have abundance of such like examples and that it is the ordinary course of our family to die for our Law and Religion there is no fear so great as to hinder me to prefer my honour and duty to my life Wherefore since you have a Commander who despiseth all danger to procure and maintain your safety you ought to follow me couragiously to what place soever â— shall conduct you For I am of no better account than my brethren to value my life more than others neither am I less than they to be backward and cowardly to follow their footsteps but I shall rather glory to imitate them in dying for the defence of our Countrey Laws and Religion I will make manifest therefore by M all the testimonies that I can that I am their true and lawful brother for I trust in God that he will give me power to take vengeance of our enemies and deliver not only all of you but your wives and children from the injury which they intended against you and by the grace of God I will preserve the holy Temple that it may not be ruinated by their
their opinions and receive Herod yet this opinion of his was not answerable to equity For notwithstanding whatsoever violence he did devise yet could they not be induced to call him King in so high esteem and account held they their former King But Antony supposed that that infamy would obscure his renown and lessen the general hatred they bare to Herod See here what Strabo writeth As soon as the High-Priest Hircanus who was Prisoner among the Parthians heard that Herod had taken possession of the Kingdom Hedio Ruffinus câ—ap 2. he returned back unto him Hircanus hearing tydings that Herod had obtained the Kingdom returneth unto him being deliver'd after this manner following Barzapharnes and Pacorus Princes of the Parthians had taken Hircanus who was first High-Priest and afterwards King and with him Phasaelus Herods brother and led them away Prisoners with them into their own Countrey Phasaelus I not able to endure the dishonour of imprisonment and preferring an honourable death before a reproachful and ignominious life murther'd himself as I have heretofore declar'd CHAP. II. Phraates King of the Parthians letteth his Prisoner Hircanus return into Judea Herod to make sure of him contributeth hereunto and giveth the High-Priesthood to a man of no account Alexandra Herod's Mother-in-law and Aristobulus's Mother addresseth her self to Cleopatra to obtain this function for her son through Antonius's means Herod K discovereth it gives that employment to Aristobulus and feigneth to be reconciled to Alexandra PHraates Hircanus heighly honoure in Babylon by the Jews King of Parthia understanding how nobly Hircanus was descended who was brought Prisoner unto him entertain'd him graciously and for this cause drew him out of Prison permitting him to converse in Babylon in which place there were a great number of Jews who honour'd Hircanus very much and no less than their High-Priest and King The like also did all they of that Nation inhabiting as far as Euphrates which did not a little content Hircanus But after that he was advertised that Herod was possessed of the Kingdom Hircanus leaving his Countrey expecteth favor at Herods hands he transferred his hopes another way being of his own nature tenderly L affected towards his friends expecting that one day Herod would requite him for that he had deliver'd him from death whereunto he was condemned and in danger likewise of the penalty and punishment He began therefore to consult with the Jews about his journey who in way of duty and love came to visit him and who prayed him and importuned him to continue with them offering him all service and honour assuring him that he should in no less manner be respected among them than their High-Priest and King yea in far higher regard than he might any wayes be in his own Countrey by reason of the maim he had in his body through Antigonus's tyranny alledging that Kings do not ordinarily call to their remembrance those pleasures that they have received in their mean condition because that with their estates they change both their manners M and inclinations But notwithstanding all these or such like Allegations yet could not Hircanus be withdrawn from the desire he had to repair homeward Herod also wrote unto him That he should require Phraates and the Jews that inhabited his Kingdom in no sort to envy his felicity in that he should partake with him both in dignity and royalty alledging that the time was now come wherein he might acknowledge the kindness he had received by being heretofore nourished and preserved by him Samaralla Herods Ambassador to Phraates With these Letters he sent Samaralla likewise in quality of an Ambassador to Phraates furnish'd with great and rich Presents endeavouring by that means to win him that he in no wayes should hinder his good intent towards one that had so highly deserved it at his hands yet his protestations were not answerable to his pretence For insomuch as he governed not with that uprightness N which became a just King he feared lest some alteration might befall him according to his demerits for which cause he sought to get Hircanus under his power or at least wise to dispatch him out of his life which he afterwards performed When therefore Herod had persuaded the Parthian to dismiss Hircanus Herod highly honoureth Hircanus and the Jews to furnish him with money sufficient to bear his expence in his journey he received him with all honour In common Assemblies he gave him alwayes the highest place and in the time of Festivals he made him alwayes sit down before him and the more closely to deceive him he called him brother Herod giveth the High-Priesthood to Anâ—nel endeavouring by all means wholly to take away all colour and suspition of treachery neither omitted he any other stratagems whereby he might any ways further or promote his cause and yet by these means occasioned no small sedition in his O own family For fearing lest any one among the Nobility should be established High-Priest he sent to Babylon for a certain man of a base extraction called Ananel and gave him the Priesthood For which cause Alexandra grew suddenly displeased not being able to endure that afront The year of the World 3934. before Christ's Nativity 34. This woman was Hircanus daughter and Alexanders wife A who was King Aristobulus son who had two children by her husband the one very beautiful who was called Aristobulus the other was Mariamne who was likewise fair and married to Herod She was highly displeased to see her son so much undervalued that during his life another was called to the honor of High-priesthood for which cause she wrote unto Cleopatra by the means of a certain Musician beseeching her to beg the High-Priesthood at Antonius hands for her son Alexandra solliciteth Antonius by Cleopatras mediation for the High Priesthood for her son Which Cleopatra did most willingly but Antonius made little reckoning of those suits A certain friend of his called Gellius who was come into Jewry about certain of his affairs and who had seen Aristobulus fell in love with him by reason of his beauty and admiring likewise his tall stature and allured by Mariamnes admirable beauty he openly protested that he accounted Alexandra B a happy Mother in her children and discoursing to this effect with her he perswaded her to send the pictures of her two children to Antonius for that if he should but behold them he would refuse him nothing wherein he should request his friendship Alexandra perswaded by these words â—ent their pictures unto Antonius Gellius also made the matter more wonderful telling him that the children seemed rather to be ingendred of no mortal strain Antonius requireth Aristâ—bulus at Herods hands but by some divine power endeavoring as much as in him lay that Antonius might be allured to affection them Who supposing it to be a matter ill beseeming him to send for Mariamne who was married
being in prison his friends were tortured he would afterwards have gone to Rome Wherefore endeavouring to find some stronger argument of his Son's impiety and because he would not be thought rashly to have committed his Son to prison he caused the most noble and eminent of all Alexander's friends to be tortured and they confessing no such matter as he expected he put them to death Whilst thus all the Court did resound with fear One accused Alexander to have sent letters to Rome against his Father torments and contentions a certain B man accused Alexander to have sent letters to his friends at Rome to entreat them to cause him to be sent for by Caesar thither that he might accuse his Father of certain conspiracies against Caesar and how he more esteemed the friendship of Mithridates King of the Parthians than the friendship of the Romans affirming also that he had poyson ready prepared at Ascalon Herod hearing this was comforted by flatterers about him as having not done any thing rashly and so he gave now full credit unto all Alexander confesseth the treason and who had a hand in it Yet the poyson was diligently sought for but could not be found Alexander being now oppressed with this calamity he yet took courage and because he would more incite his Father's displeasure against him he did not deny it Perhaps meaning to make his Father ashamed of himself for giving credit so easily unto forged C tales or at least if he could not effect that entangle all the Court and him too in calamity and misery Which that he might the better do he writ four little Pamphlets and sent them unto his Father telling him that it was needless to use any more torments for indeed treason was intended against him and that Pheroras and his most trusty friends were herein conspirators And that in the night time Salome came secretly unto him and as it were forced him to lie with her And that all of them aimed at this mark to have him made away that so they might enjoy their wished liberty He also accused Ptolomeus and Sapinnius of this conspiracy who were more faithful unto their King than all others So that now these men who before were most friendly one to another began like mad men to rage one against another and punishment so D hastily pursued every one that they had not time to speak in their own defence Neither was their punishment deferred till their cause was tried and the truth known so that some were bound and imprisoned others presently put to death others laughed in their sleeves to see that day yet discontented for that any delay was used for their punishment Herod was so troubled with the contention in his house that he was weary of his life So that the King's Court was now greatly defaced with sorrow and heaviness wherewith the usual felicity thereof was destroyed Herod himself amidst these calamities could not but be weary of his life who not daring to trust himself in any bodies hand he was tormented with a dayly and hourly fear of some untimely death that would befall And many times perswaded himself that he did see his Sons before him with a drawn sword ready to kill him and this was his cogitation night and day E so that herewith he almost ran mad CHAP. XII How Archelaus King of Cappadocia reconciled Alexander to his Father WHilst Herod was thus troubled in his mind Hedio Ruffinus chap. 9 al. 13. Archelaus King of Cappadocia careful of his Daughter and the young Prince his Son in Law and pitying his friend Herod in such calamities Archelaus the King of Cappadocia feigneth displeasure against Alexander his Son in Law and so reconciled Herod unto him he thought it his duty to make a journey unto him And F finding him so affected as it was reported unto him before his coming he thought it an unfit way to argue him of too much credulity and rashness perceiving that thereby he would be rather exasperated so much the more labouring to excuse himself Wherefore Archelaus devised another way to appease these troubles he counterfeited indignation against the young Prince approving all the King's actions affirming that he would break the band of Wedlock between his Daughter and Alexander and that if she knew of the Conspiracy and did not inform the King thereof himself would punish her Then Herod contrary to his expectation seeing Archelaus so angry for the offence committed against him began to remit his anger And now with just consideration weighing what he had done by little and little G he began to have a Fatherly affection and to be hereby moved to compassion yet so oft as any one sought to excuse the young Prince he grew very angry thereat but when Archelaus also began to accuse him then Herod's heart relented and he with tears besought Archelaus not to yield too much to anger nor for the young Princes offence H break off the marriage Then Archelaus perceiving him to relent began to turn the matter against Herod's friends as the causes of all this mischief who had corrupted Alexander who of himself was void of malice and especially he aggravated the matter against Pheroras the King's Brother Archelaus layeth the fault of Alexander's offence upon others and especially upon Pheroras Pheroras having now incurred the King's displeasure perceived that none could so soon reconcile him unto the King as Archelaus wherefore clothed in black and making other signs as though he despaired of his life he went unto him who did not deny to help him what he could yet he told him that it was no easie matter for him to pacifie the King so highly offended perswading him rather himself to go unto the King his Brother and crave pardon of him confessing himself to have been cause of all this mischief by which confession of his I the King's wrath would be greatly appeased and so he also should have better occasion to entreat for him Pheroras confessed himself to be the author of all mischief and obtaineth pardon of his brother Pheroras followed his counsel which fell out happily for them both for the Prince contrary to any ones expectation was freed from all his troubles And Archelaus made Pheroras and Herod friends and he himself having obtained great friendship of the King in his adversities he returned joyfully into Cappadocia being rewarded with rich gifts and being accounted of as Herod's chiefest friend They also agreed amongst themselves that Herod should go to Rome because he had already written unto Caesar Herod accompanied Archelaus unto Antioch concerning this matter And they both went together to Antiochia and there Herod reconciled Titus the President of Syria unto Archelaus and so he returned into Judea K CHAP. XIII Herod declareth War against the Arabians for protecting Trachonites Robbers WHilest Herod being gone to Rome The year of the World 3956. before
you any thing or help to save your life I am ready to tell any lie whatsoever seeing I must die and will deny nothing you would have me to say Alexander answered Neither did I purpose any impiety against my Father as some suppose who ought not to think so neither dost thou know of any one this thou knowest that thou and I purposed to fly unto Archelaus thy Father and that he promised to convey us to Rome which she also affirmed Herod now thinking that Archelaus was disaffected towards him Archelaus excuseth himself to Herod delivered Letters L unto Olympus and Volumnius commanding them in the way as they went to pass by Eleusa a Town of Cilicia and deliver certain Letters unto Archelaus himself to the same effect and that from thence they should go to Rome and if so be when they came there they found that Caesar had been reconciled to him by Nicholaus his means that then they should also deliver certain Letters unto him declaring all that was past between him and his Sons and the proofs alledged to convince the Princes Archelaus writ again unto Herod that indeed he would have entertained the young men for fear that any greater mischance should befall them or their Father by reason of the suspicion against them yet was he was he not minded to send them to Caesar nor to have confirmed them in any malicious course Caesar and Herod made friends The Messengers coming to Rome found Caesar reconciled to M Herod and delivered the Letters unto him For Nicholaus his Embassage was to this effect So soon as he came unto Rome and had entred the Palace beside the charge he had given him he did also undertake to accuse Syllaeus For he perceived the Arabians at variance among themselves and that some of them had declared all Syllaeus his bad practices and that by his means many of Obodas's Kinsmen were murthered as his adversaries manifestly proved by his Letters which they intercepted Now Nicholaus desirous to reconcile Herod unto Caesar omitted not this occasion by chance offered him Hedio Ruffinus chap. 12. al. 18. for he well knew that if he began with the King's defence he should then find a hard and heavy Judge against him but if he began to accuse Syllaeus he should find also a fit occasion to plead his King's cause Nicholaus accuseth Syllaeus and excuseth Herod Wherefore Nicholaus taking N upon him to prove the accusation against him at the day appointed he conversed with King Aretas's Ambassadours accused Syllaeus as a murtherer of his Lord and King and many other Arabians and that he had borrowed much money to trouble the peace of the Commonwealth and that he had corrupted many women and honest Matrons both at Rome and in Arabia He added hereunto a most grievous crime to wit that he by his lies and false reports had deceived Caesar whom in all things he had misinformed concerning that which Herod had done Which when he once mentioned Caesar commanded him to omit the rest and only to relate the matter concerning Herod whether Herod did not enter into Arabia with an Army and did kill two thousand and five hundred men and carry away Captives and rob and spoil the Countrey O Nicholaus answered that to these demands himself was able to answer that Herod did none of these and that he did not deserve any displeasure Caesar contrary A to his expectation hearing this began to give diligent ear to what Nicholaus said And hereupon Nicholaus related unto Caesar how Herod had lent five hundred Talents and that he had a Writing in pawn wherein he was permitted after the day appointed if then it were not repayed him again to prey upon all the whole Countrey and satisfie himself A Narration of the Arabian Wars and the borrowed money and that this was no hostile invasion but according to Law and equity a requiring of his right and debt due unto him And that this was not rashly done though by the writing he was so permitted to do but by the consent of Saturninus and Volumnius Presidents of Syria in whose presence Syllaeus swore by Caesar's good fortune at Berytum that within thirty days after both the debt and also certain fugitives fled from the King should be restored unto him and that Syllaeus performed none B of these And so Herod went again unto the Presidents and they permitted him to go and take pledges for his money and that so by their permission he went into Arabia And this is the War that his adversaries have so tragically exaggerated and yet how can it be called a War seeing that it was done by the consent of the Presidents and that by Covenant after Perjury wherewith both God's and also Caesar's name was violated The Thieves of Trachon It now remaineth that I speak something concerning the Captives There were forty Thieves of Trachon and afterward more that fled from Herod for fear of punishment and fled into Arabia whom Syllaeus protected and succoured to the injury of all men and gave them ground to inhabit and was partaker of their preys notwithstanding that by his foresaid oath he was bound to restore them together with the C borrowed money neither can he name any man beside them taken in Arabia and carried away Captive and some of them also escaped This his forged tale concerning the Captives being thus refuted hear O Sovereign Caesar the lying invention which to provoke thee to wrath himself devised For I am well able to affirm this that when the Arabian Army assaulted us and one or two of our men were killed then at last Herod forced to make resistance he killed Nacebus and with him five and twenty and no more for every one of which Syllaeus falsely told Caesar a hundred and so told him that two thousand and five hundred were killed Caesar hereat greatly moved with an angry countenance looking upon Syllaeus he asked him how many Arabians were killed in the fight He amazed and knowing not what to reply answered D that he erred in the number Presently Caesar commanded the Writings to be read containing the conditions between them and the Writings of the Presidents and the Letters of the Cities containing the complaints of the Robberies Syllaeus condemned to die And so the matter was brought to pass that Caesar was reconciled unto Herod and condemned Syllaeus to die and repenting himself to have written so threatning Letters to Herod he objected that also unto Syllaeus affirming that by his false informations he had caused him to pass the limits of friendship in using his friend so hardly And so he sent Syllaeus into his Countrey that after he had satisfied his creditors he might be punished according to the sentence But he still continued angry with Aretas for that without his authority Caesar was purposed to give the Kingdom of Arabia to Herod and was altered by Herod's
age and beloved of him whom Alexander much accounted of This fellow many times amidst the multitudes exclaimed that truth and equity were banished out of the world and that in their stead malice and untruth reigned Whereby there was such a mist and a fog caused over the whole world that no man could see his own errors This his free Speech though it was not without danger yet all men hereat were moved for that he had some reason to shew his fortitude in so dangerous a time and every one was willing to hear his Speech and though themselves for fear were silent yet did they not reprehend him for speaking freely For the expectation of the event of so great mischief was able to have wrested from every one of them words of commiseration B Tyro with great audacity also came unto the King and begged of him that he might talk with him alone Tyro speaketh to Herod and not observing modesty he and the Captains were imprisoned which the King granting he used these words with great lamentation I can no longer O my King suppress this my grief which causeth me so boldly to speak though with my own peril yet if it please thee my King that which I intend to speak shall be for thine advantage Where now my Lord are thy wits Where is thy couragious mind ever hitherto able to match all difficult businesses whatever How happeneth it that thou hast so few Friends and Kindred For I account not them Kinsmen or Friends that permit such wickedness and hatred in thy Court which was most happy and fortunate And what art thou unto thy self Wilt thou not look and see what is done Wilt thou put to death C the two young Princes born unto thee by the Queen thy Wife who abound in all vertue and commit thy self now in thy old age unto one only Son who nourisheth impious Hopes and Designs and to thy Kindred who by thy own censure have often deserved death Dost thou not perceive that the people keeping themselves quiet and still do both condemn the errour of thy Friends and also pity and compassionate the two Princes Moreover all thy Soldiers and the Captains themselves have compassion on them and curse the Authors of this unfortunate calamity The King at first took these words of Tyro in good part as being admonished of the perfidious dealing of them about him and his own calamity But Tyro immodestly and Soldier like urging the King and for his own simplicity not able to D discern what fitted that time the King at last thought this rather a turbulent upbraiding him than a friendly adomonition and asking who those Captains and Soldiers were he commanded them all and Tyro also to be bound and kept in prison Then one Tripho the Kings Barber taking hereat occasion told the King that Tyro had often sollicited him Tyro is by his Son and a Barber accused to have practised Treason against the King as he shav'd the King to cut his throat with his razor promising him for recompence great rewards and that he should be one of Alexander's chief Friends Having spoken these words the King commanded him to be apprehended and the Barber and Tyro and his Son to be tortured Tyro his Son seeing his Father in most miserable torments and that he still persisted in them and by the Kings displeasure conjecturing that there was no hope of life told them that tortured E his Father that he would confess all the truth conditionally that his Father and himself might be no more tormented and having his request granted he told them that it was agreed that Tyro with his own hand should have killed the King for he could get opportunity to come unto the King when no man else was with him and so he would kill him and for Alexander's sake endure any torments whatsoever This spoken he delivered himself and his Father from further tortures but it is uncertain whether the tale he told was true or whether he devised it to free them both from torments Then Herod now laying all doubt aside if before he were in any thought what death his Sons should die Tyro with 300 Captains are accused before the people and slain Alexander and Aristobulus strangled at Sebaste and buried in Alexandrium and leaving no place to repentance and mercy he hastened to execute his purpose and producing 300 Captains and Tyro and F his Son and the Barber his accuser he accused them all before the people and the people throwing any thing that came to their hands at them they killed them every one And Alexander and Aristobulus was carried unto Sebaste and there by their Fathers command were strangled and their bodies carried by night into the Castle Alexandrium where there Grand-father by their Mothers side and many of their Progenitors lay buried But perhaps some will not marvel that a hatred so long a breeding should in the end so prevail that it overcame natural affections But one may justly doubt whether the fault were in the young Princes who exasperated by a hard Father so long time The cause of these calamities was Destiny and Gods Providence fell into such a hatred of him or whether it is to be imputed unto his unkindness and immoderate desire of Honour and Rule who could G not abide any to be his equal but rather chusing to do all at his own pleasure Or rather unto Fortune whose power the wisest living is not able to resist Wherefore I am perswaded Fortune hath predestinated all humane actions so that they must have a necessary event And this inevitable force we call Fate or fatal Destiny H for that there is nothing which it effecteth not But it sufficeth briefly to have touched this high matter which of it self is very difficult which attributeth something unto our actions and examineth the causes of the variety of our actions which speculation is already comprised in the two Volumes of our Law Wherein Alexander and Aristobulus offended Furthermore touching the Princes fault we may accuse their youthful arrogancy and their pride who did give too great ear to their Father's accusers and for that they were unjust searchers into his life and actions and that they maliciously suspected him and could not rule their tongues Herod's shameful errour not to be excused but hereby gave double occasion to their Adversaries and matters unto those tale-bearers that sought to get the King's favour But their Father 's shameful fault cannot be excused who suffered himself so to be over-ruled with passion that he I put them to death that were begotten of his own body without any proof or argument of the crimes laid unto their charge yea two young Princes of excellent feature of body not only beloved of their own Nation but also of strangers they were dextrous in all Exercises and commendable in Military Affairs and eloquent in Civil Discourses For in all these things
death amongst the Pharisees who were the principal Authors of this Advice and with them also the Eunuch Bagoas and Carus who was his darling and one of the finest men of that time He afterwards cut off all those amongst his houshold Servants who were of the Pharisees Faction for the Pharisees had perswaded Bagoas that this new King whom they prognosticated would not only consider him as his Benefactor and Father but that he himself should also marry and find himself capable to beget Children D But after that Herod had punished those amongst the Pharisees Hedio Ruffinus chap. 4. who were convicted to have been of the Conspiracy Herod accuseth Pheroras's Wife and commandeth him to put her away he assembled a Council of his friends before whom he accused Pheroras's Wife and ripped up the injuries that were done unto his Daughters as it hath been declared ascribing the same to the pride of this woman objecting it for a crime against her for having injured his Honour Besides this he accused her that she had of set purpose stirr'd up Mutinies and by all means possible both in words and deeds contrary to all Law of Nature stirred up debate betwixt him and his Brother and that the Fine that he had imposed upon his Adversaries was satisfied at her charge so that no jot of that Conspiracy was contrived without her consent For which causes said he Brother Pheroras it shall not be amiss for you of your own accord E to drive such a wretched woman from you before you be requested and the Sentence be pronounced against her otherwise she will be the cause to kindle a War betwixt you and me For if you will continue the Friendship and Brotherhood betwixt you and me seperate your self from her In so doing I will account you for my Brother and you shall lose nothing by the affection which I bear unto you For the bond of Brotherly love cannot continue safe and inviolable unless you put her away Now although Pheroras was moved with the importance and weight of this discourse Pheroras refuseth to put away his Wife yet he said that for the love he bare unto his Wife he would forget nothing of that duty which Consanguinity required at his hands in regard of his Brother but that he had rather die than live without her company Herod interdicteth Pheroras and Antipater their privy meetings and forbiddeth the Ladies no less whom he loved more dearly than his life Herod although he took this answer F of his Brother 's for a most grievous injury yet forbare he to discover his displeasure towards him He only forbad Antipater and his Mother and in like manner Pheroras to frequent the one with the other any more He commanded the women likewise that they should give over their familiar entertainments the one with the other which all of them promised to perform Yet this notwithstanding upon fit opportunities and occasions they visited one another and Antipater and Pheroras feasted one another by night The report also went that Antipater had the company of Pheroras's Wife and that his Mother was the means and instrument of their privy meeting G CHAP. IV. H Herod sendeth Antipater to Augustus with his Will by which he declareth him his Successor Syllaeus bribeth one of Herod's Guards to kill him but the plot is discovered ANtipater suspecting his Father's distastes Herod sendeth Antipater to Caesar and fearing lest his hatred should bring him into hazard he wrote unto his friends in Rome requiring them to write their Letters unto Herod requesting him to send Antipater unto Caesar with all expedition as was possible Which being brought to pass Herod sent him thither with divers Royal I Presents and gave him his Testament and Will with him wherein he had bequeathed the Kingdom to Antipater And if it should happen that Antipater should die before him then he bequeathed the same to his Son Herod whom he had by the High Priest's Daughter About the same time Syllaeus the Arabian repaired to Rome notwithstanding he had neglected those things which Caesar had commanded him Antipater accused him before Caesar Antipater accuseth Syllaeus at Rome before Caesar for the same faults wherewith he was charged by Nicholaus Syllaeus also was accused by Aretas for murthering divers of the best account in the City of Petra countrary to his mind amongst the which was Sohemus a man of much virtue and honour and Probatus Aretas accuseth Syllaeus for killing Probatus and others Caesar's Servant of which Crimes Syllaeus was accused upon this occasion which ensueth There was a certain man of K Corinthus who was one of the King's Guard and one he put very great trust in Syllaeus perswaded him by store of money and Bribes to kill Herod which he promised to perform Probatus made privy to Syllaeus's mind he presently told it to the King who caused him to be apprehended and tortured A Traytor that sought the King's death is apprehended who confessed the whole matter He laid hands also on two Arabians perswaded by this Corinthian's confession one of which was a man of Command in his Countrey and the other was Syllaeus's chief friend They being examined confessed that they came thither to solicite with many exhortations the Corinthian to execute the murther and to assist him if he stood in need of them Which being fully proved by Herod before Saturnine he sent them to Rome there more amply to be proceeded against and so to be punished L CHAP. V. Pheroras's death HErod perceiving that his Brother Pheroras did constantly continue his affection towards his Wife he commanded him to retire himself into his own Dominions whereupon he willingly departed to his Tetrarchy An Oath solemnly observed protesting by many solemn Oaths that he would never more return into the City unless he were assured that Herod was M dead Not long after it hapned that the King fell sick he was sent for to receive certain secret instructions as from the mouth of a dying man but Pheroras would not obey him in regard of his Oath Notwithstanding Herod dealt more kindly with him and continued his love and affection towards him Pheroras in his Sickness is visited by Herod and being dead is honourably buried by him for he came to Pheroras as soon as he heard of his first Sickness without being sent for And after he was deceased he sent his body to Jerusalem and honourably entombed him in that place and grievously lamented his death This was the beginning of Antipater's mis-haps who at that time was gone to Rome For it was God's pleasure that at last he should be punished for the murther of his Brethren I will discourse of this at large that it may serve for an example to many Kings how they ought to practice and follow Virtue in all their N actions CHAP. VI. Pheroras's Wife is accused and Herod is
sent for Archelaus also and esteeming it too base an indignity for him to write unto him Go said he unto him with all expedition and bring him unto me without delay He posting forward with all diligence at length arrived in Judaea where he found Archelaus banqueting with his friends and having acquainted him with Caesar's Commands Archelaus banished and confined he hastened him away As soon as he came to Rome after that Caesar had heard his Accusers and his justification he banished him and confined him in the City of Vienna in France and confiscated all his Goods But before Archelaus was sent for to Rome he reported unto his friends this Dream which ensueth He thought that he saw ten Ears full of Wheat and very ripe which E the Oxen were eating and as soon as he awaked he conceived an opinion that his Vision presaged some great matter For which cause he sent for certain Sooth-sayers who made it their profession to interpret Dreams Now whilst they were debating one with another for they differed for the most part in their exposition a certain man called Simon Simon the Essean interpreteth Archelaus's Vision an Essean having first of all obtained security and licence to speak said that the Vision prognosticated that a great alteration should befal in Archelaus's Estate to his prejudice For the Oxen signified Afflictions in respect that those kind of creatures do ordinarily labour and as for the change of Estate it was signified by this in that the earth being laboured by the Oxen altered its condition and shape and as touching the ten Ears of Corn they signified the like number of years F And therefore when as one Summer should be overpast that then the time of Archelaus's Sovereignty should be at an end Thus interpreted he this Dream And the fifth day after the Vision thereof Archelaus's Agent by Caesar's Command came into Jewry to summon him to Rome Some such like matter happened to Glaphyra his Wife also the Daughter of King Archelaus She as we have said married Alexander Herod's Son when she was a Maid and Brother to this Archelaus who being put to death by his Father she was married the second time to Juba King of Mauritania and he also being dead she living with her Father in Cappadocia was married to Archelaus who put away Mariamne his Wife for the love he bare unto Glaphyra She living with Archelaus Glaphyra's Dream had such a Dream She thought she saw Alexander by her she cherishing and G embracing him he checked her saying Glaphyra Thou verifiest that Proverb which saith Women have no Loyalty For having given me thy faith and married with me at such time as thou wert a Virgin and born Children by me thou hast forgotten and neglected my love thorough the desire thou hast had to be married the second time H Neither wast thou contented to have done me this wrong but hast taken unto thee likewise a third Husband lewdly intruding thy self into my Family and being married to Archelaus thou art content to admit my Brother for thy Husband Notwithstanding this I will not forget the love that I have born thee but will deliver thee from him who hath done thee this reproach by retaining thee for mine own as heretofore thou hast been After that she had told this Vision to some women that were her Familiars she died very shortly after Which accident I have thought good to register in this place in that I was to treat of those things and otherwise the matter seemeth to be a notable example containing a most certain argument of the Immortality of Souls and God's Providence And if any one think these things incredible let I him keep his opinion to himself and no ways contradict those who by such events are incited to the study of Virtue Cyrenius Censor of Syria Now when the Government of Archelaus was united to Syria Cyrenius who had been Consul was sent by Caesar to tax Syria and to dispose of Archelaus's house A THE EIGHTEENTH BOOK Of the B ANTIQUITIES of the JEWS Written by FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS The Contents of the Chapters of the Eighteenth Book 1. Judas and Sadoc taking an opportunity by vertue of the Tax which was imposed upon C all Judea endeavour to establish a fourth Sectary and kindled a great Civil War 2. Of the four sorts of Sectaries that were among the Jews 3. Salome's death the Sister of Herod the Great Augustus's death whom Tyberius succeeds Herod the Tetrarch caused the Town of Tyberias to be built in honour of Tyberius The Troubles among the Parthians and in Armenia Other Disturbances in the Kingdom of the Comagenes Germanicus is sent from Rome to the East to establish the Authority of the Empire He is poysoned by Piso D 4. The Jews are so highly offended that Pilat Governour of Judea had suffered the Imperial Standards to be brought into Jerusalem having the Emperour's Picture on them that he was forced to cause them to be carried out again The Commendations and Praises of JESUS CHRIST A horrid injury done to a Roman Lady by the Goddess Isis's Priests how Tyberius punished them 5. Tyberius causeth all the Jews to be banished from Rome Pilat punisheth the Samaritans for having drawn themselves together in Arms They accuse him to Vitellius Governour of Syria who sends him to Rome to clear himself 6. Vitellius restoreth the High Priest's Vestments to the Jews to keep as they did formerly E He treateth in Tyberius's behalf with Artobanus King of the Parthians The cause of his hatred against Herod the Tetrarch Philip Tetrarch of Trachonitis of Gaulanitis and of Bathanaea dieth without Children his Dominions are reunited to Syria 7. A War between Aretas King of Petra and Herod the Tetrarch who having married his Daughter would repudiate her to marry Herodias Aristobulus's Daughter and his Brother Herod's Wife Herod's Army is totally routed and the Jews impute it to John the Baptist's Imprisonment Herod the Great 's Posterity 8. By what several Accidents of Fortune Agrippa surnamed the Great who was Aristobulus's F Son and Herod the Great 's Grand-child and Mariamne's was made King of the Jews by the Emperour Caius Caligula as soon as he had succeeded Tyberius 9. Herodias Herod the Tetrarch's Wife and King Agrippa's Sister being impatient to see her Brother reign in so much Prosperity compels her Husband to go to Rome to obtain a Crown also but Agrippa having written to Caius against him he banisheth him and his Wife to Lions in France 10. The Sedition of the Jews and Grecians in the City of Alexandria 11. Caius commands Petronius Governour of Syria to compel the Jews by force of Arms G to receive his Statue in the Temple but Petronius mollified by their Prayers writeth to Caius in the Jews behalf 12. Two Jews called Asinaeus and Anilaeus both Brother and of a mean extraction become so powerful near Babylon that they give
saluted in the Theatre for a God and spieth the Owl which the German foretold him of that five days after he should die Whereupon a company of base Sycophants whose flatteries do usually poyson the hearts of Princes cried out thus Be merciful unto us hitherto we have feared thee as a man but hence-forward we will confess and acknowledge thee to be of a Nature more excellent than Mortal Frailty can attain unto Agrippa reproved them not for using these words neither rejected he their palpable and detestable Flattery as he ought to have done But not long after he looking upwards perceived an Owl over his head pearched upon a cord and knew presently that he was but I a messenger of his misfortune whereas formerly he had denounced unto him his felicity and conceived thereupon a most hearty and inward grief And suddenly he was seized with a terrible griping in his belly which began with very great vehemency For which cause turning his eyes towards his friends he spake unto them after this manner Behold him said he whom you esteem for a God condemned to die and destiny shall apparently convince you of those flattering and false speeches which you have lately used in my behalf For I who by you have been adored as one immortal am under the hands of death But I must willingly entertain that which God pleaseth to send me For I have 〈◊〉 lived in obscurity but in so great and wonderful felicity that each one of you have held me happy K Whilst he spake thus his griefs augmented in such sort that he was brought almost to his last for which cause he was with all expedition conveyed into his Royal Palace and the rumour was spread in every place that very shortly he would be dead For which cause the people with their Wives and Children put on Sack-cloth according to the custom of the Countrey to the end they might solicit God's Mercy on the King's behalf and all the City was filled with tears and lamentations The King that lay in an upper Chamber and looking down into the Court saw them lying thus on the earth could not refrain from tears And after he had for the space of five days without ceasing been tormented with griping in his belly he gave up the Ghost in the fifty fourth year of his Age and the seventh year of his Reign for he had reigned four years under the Empire of Caius Caesar having first of all governed Philip's Tetrarchy I three years to which was added the Segniory of Herod in the fourth year and three years under the Empire of Claudius Caesar during which time he governed over the above-named Countreys and moreover over Judaea Samaria and Caesarea His Revenue amounted to twelve hundred Myriades The year of the World 4009. after Christ's Nativity 47. besides which he made many Loans For in regard he was very liberal in giving he spent far more than his Revenue and spared not any thing to shew himself magnificent Before the people knew of his death Herod his Brother Prince of Chalcis and Chelcias the King's Lieutenant and Friend agreed between themselves to send Aristo 1200 Myriades amount to 15 Tuns of Gold one of their trustiest Servants to kill Silas who was their enemy as if they had been commanded by the King M Thus died King Agrippa leaving behind him a Son called Agrippa seventeen years old Herod the Prince of Chalcis and Chelcias kill Silas and three Daughters one of which that was called Bernice was married to Herod his Father's Brother when she was sixteen years old The two other were Mariamne and Drusilla this Mariamne being of the age of ten years was promised in marriage by her Father Hedio Ruffinus chap. 8. alias chap. 9. to Julius Archelaus Chelcias's Son and Drusilla which was six years old was promised also to Epiphanes Son to the King of Comagena After Agrippa's death Agrippa's Children alive they of Caesarea and Sebaste forgot those benefits they had received from him and used him no less despightfully than as if he had been their utter enemy The Caesareans and Sebastians revile Agrippa being dead For they reproachfully abused him after his death and reviled him in such sort that it is unseemly to report the same Moreover all the Soldiers who were at N that time many in number went into the King's Lodging and with one accord seized the Statues of the King's Daughters and carried them to the Brothel-house where after they had placed them they uttered all the indignities they could possibly practising such shameful matters as they may not be expressed Besides this resting themselves in the publick places they banquetted in the open Street wearing Chaplets of Flowers on their heads and perfuming themselves with Odours to sacrifice to Charon drinking to one another for joy that the King was dead Thus they expressed their ingratitude not only towards their King Agrippa who had bestowed so many Liberalities on them but also towards Herod his Grand-father who had builded their Cities and to his extream charge Agrippa Agrippa 's Son erected their Ports and Temples At that time Agrippa the deceased Agrippa's Son was at Rome and was brought up under the Emperour Claudius O When Caesar understood how those of Caesarea and Sebaste had injuriously dealt with A Agrippa he was highly displeased and moved with their ingratitude And his purpose was to send the younger Agrippa with all expedition to take Possession of the Kingdom of his Father and therewithal to discharge him of his Oath but divers of his Free-men and Friends who were in great credit with him disswaded him from it alledging that it would be a dangerous thing to commit the greatness of such a Kingdom to a young man Claudius intendeth to send young Agrippa into his Father's Kingdom but is disswaded and sendeth Caspius Fadus for President into Judaea and those parts who scarcely had as yet attained to the age of eighteen years and for whom it was impossible to support the care of so great a Kingdom considering that if he were at man's estate he should find himself over-burthened with the charge of a Kingdom This advice of theirs was approved by Caesar and for this cause he sent Cuspius Fadus to govern Judaea and the whole Realm honouring his dead Friend in B this in that he would not suffer Marsus who had been his Enemy to enter into his Kingdom He gave especial Commission also that Fadus should sharply punish those of Caesarea and Sebaste for the injuries they offered to his deceased Friend and the excess that was committed against his Daughters who were yet living commanding him to transport the Companies of the Caesarians and Sebastens and the five Roman Legions into the Countrey of Pontus to serve in that place and to take those Roman Soldiers that bare Arms in Syria to serve there Yet notwithstanding this Command they were not displaced
away F Now when they came to Rome the younger Agrippa who was his Son that lately died knowing the cause of their coming and being ordinarily accustomed to attend upon Caesar according as we have heretofore declared besought Caesar that he would grant the Jews their request concerning the Sacred Robe and that it might please him to signifie no less unto Fadus On this his Petition Claudius gave the Ambassadours Audience and told them that he favoured their suit desiring them to be thankful to Agrippa upon whose suit he respected them and granted their Demands And besides this Answer he delivered them a Letter to this effect Claudius Caesar Germanicus Conserver of the people Consul created the fifth time G Emperour the fourth time Father of the Countrey the tenth time to the Magistrates of Jerusalem the Senate People and all the Nation of the Jews Being required by our well beloved Agrippa whom I both have and at this present do bring up with me I have heard your Ambassadors who were admitted to my Presence by his H means and have received their thanks for the benefits I have bestowed on your Nation I have also willingly inclined to that instant and express request you have made unto me and it is my pleasure that the Sacred Robe of the High Priest and the Holy Miter remain in your custody Claudius upon the younger Agrippa's motion granteth the Jews liberty to have the custody of the High Priest's Vestments in such manner as our most dear and right honoured Friend Vitellius heretofore ordained To which demand of yours I vouchsafe my allowance first in regard of mine own Piety and that I desire that every one should serve God according to his own Religion Moreover in so doing I shall gratifie King Herod and young Aristobulus whose affection towards me I am privy to and whose good inclination towards you I can witness for whom I have a particular kindness by reason of their singular Virtue I have also written to this effect to Cuspius Fadus mine Agent the names of those who have received my I Letters are Cornelius the Son of Ceron Tryphon the Son of Theudeon Dorotheus the Son of Nathanael alias chap. 3. and John the Son of John Given the eight and twentieth of June in the year wherein Rufus and Pompeius Silvanus were Consuls Claudius's Epistle to the Jews At the same time Herod who was Agrippa 's Brother that had lately deceased to whose hands in times past the Government of Chalcis had been committed Alias cap. 9. required the Emperour Claudius to grant him the power over the Temple Herod Prince of Chalcis hath Authority granted him to create the High Priest and the Sacred Vestments and the Authority of chusing the High Priest all which he obtained And from that time forward until the end of the War of the Jews this power remained in all his Successors According to this Authority Herod deposed Canthara from the Priesthood and gave the Succession thereof to Joseph the Son of Caneus K CHAP. II. Izates King of Adiabena and Queen Helena his Mother embrace the Religion of the Jews Their singular Piety and the great Actions of this Prince whom God protects visibly Fadus Governour of Judaea punisheth a man and his followers who deceived the Jews L AT that time Helena Queen of Adiabena Hedio Ruffinus cap. 2. and her Son Izates conformed themselves to the Religion of the Jews Alias 5. upon this occasion that ensueth Monobazus King of Adiabena Monobazus the King of Adiabena begetteth two Sons on Helena his Sister Monobazus and Izates who was also called Bazeos having fallen deeply in love with his Sister Helena married her and got her with Child Upon a time it happened that sleeping with her he laid his hand on her belly whilst she lay asleep and he thought that he heard a voice that commanded him to take away his hand from off her belly lest he should crush the Fruit that was therein which by God's Providence should have a happy beginning and no less fortunate ending Monobazus was much troubled at this voice and as soon as he awoke he told it to his Wife and afterwards when the Child was born he called him Izates Besides he had another elder Son M by the same Wife who was called Monobazus according to his own name And he had also other Sons by his other Wives yet notwithstanding Izates was most manifestly his best beloved and so cherished by him as if he had been his only begotten Son for which cause his other Brothers envied him The Father manifestly perceived all this yet he pardoned them knowing that they did it not for malice but for the desire that every one of them had to be best esteemed by his Father Notwithstanding being afraid lest some mis-hap should betide Izates by reason of the hatred his Brethren bare unto him Izates sent to Abemerigus marrieth his Daughter Samacha he gave him many great Gifts and sent him to Abemerigus who reigned at that time in a Fort called Spasinus committing his Son's life into his hands Abemerigus also entertained him very kindly and loved him so N that in process of time he gave him Samacha his Daughter to Wife and for her Dowry he gave him a Countrey of great Revenue Monobazus being old Caron very fruitful in 〈◊〉 in which the Relikes of Noahs Ark are to be seen and seeing he had not long time to live desired before his death that his Son might come and visit him he therefore sent for him and received him very lovingly giving him a Countrey which he called Caeron which bringeth forth great abundance of Odoriferous Plants In this place was the remainder of the Ark in which Noah was saved during the Deluge which remnants are to be seen at this day if any man have a desire to behold the same Izates remained in that place until his Father's decease But on the very day of his death Helena sent for all the Lords and Governours of the Kingdom and Captains of all the Army and upon their O assembly she spake unto them after this manner I suppose said she that you are not ignorant of my Husband's mind who hath desired that A Izates might be King in his stead and hath esteemed him most worthy of such an honour yet I expect your judgment in this point For he that receiveth the Sovereignty not from one mans hand but from many and hath the same confirmed unto him by their consent is happy She used this discourse unto them to try what their intent was who were there assembled Izates was made King by his Mother Helena and the Nobility and Monobazus governeth the Kingdom till his coming They understanding her mind prostrated themselves first of all upon the earth before the Queen according to the custom of their Country and afterwards answered her that they approved the Kings election
sends him to Rome with Ananias the High Priest and several others to clear themselves before the Emperour who put some of them to death The Emperour condemns the Samaritans and banisheth Cumanus maketh Foelix Governour of Judaea giveth Agrippa the Tetrarchy that Philip had viz. Bathanaea Trachonit and Abila and K taketh Chalcis from him The Marriage of Agrippa's Sisters The death of the Emperour Claudius Nero succeeds after him He giveth the Lesser Armenia to Aristobulus Herod's Son King of Chalcis and to Agrippa some part of Galilee viz. Tiberiades Tarichee and Juliad THere happened also a quarrel betwixt the Samaritans and the Jews Hedio Ruffinus cap. 10. upon this occasion Alias 12. They of Galilee who resorted to the City of Jerusalem at the times of our solemn Feasts Certain Samaritans kill divers Galileans in their way to Jerusalem were accustomed to pass thorough the Contrey of the Samaritans And at that time it happened that their way lay thorough a Burrough called Nais scituate in a great Champain Field where a Quarrel arising betwixt divers Inhabitants L of that place and some Passengers a great number of the Galileans were murthered Which when the Magistrates of Galilee understood they resorted to Cumanus requiring him to execute Justice on those that had murthered their Countrey-men but he being corrupted with money by the Samaritans The year of the World 4014. after Christ's Nativity 52. made no account of their complaint The Galileans being provoked by this Contempt of his perswaded the common people of the Jews to betake them to their Weapons and maintain their Liberty telling them that slavery is of it self very harsh but that when it is accompanied with injuries it is intolerable But their Magistrates endeavoured to pacifie them promising them to deal so effectually with Cumanus that he should punish the Murtherers but they gave them no Audience but fell to Arms requiring Eleazar the Son of Dinaeus M to be their Leader This Eleazar was a Thief who for many years made his abode in the Mountains The Galileâ—â—â—â— in revenge 〈…〉 of the Samaritans and spoil the same they therefore spoiled and burnt certain Villages of the Samaritans After that the report of all that which had passed came to Cumanus's ears he took some Troops out of Sebaste with four Companies of Foot and armed the Samaritans likewise to go and fight against the Jews whereof they killed many and led more of them away Prisoners When the chiefest Magistrates of Jerusalem saw into what a number of miseries they were fallen they clothed themselves in Sack-cloth and cast ashes on their heads exhorting those that were mutinous to consider that if they did not lay down Arms and return peaceably to their own homes they would be the cause of their Countrey 's utter ruine that they should see the Temple burnt N before their eyes and themselves their Wives and Children made Slaves By which words in the end they being perswaded returned home and betook them to their business The Thieves also retired again into their strong Holds and from that time Hedio Ruffinus cap. 8. all Judaea was full of Robberies The Governours of Samaria resorted to Numidius Quadratus Alias 12. Governour of Syria who dwelt at that time in Tyre to accuse the Jews The Samaritans accuse the Jews before Numidius Quadratus for that they had fired their Villages and plundered them telling him that their loss did not so much trouble them as for that they saw the Romans were contemned by the Jews who notwithstanding ought to appear before them as their competent Judges yet nevertheless that they assembled themselves as if the Romans were not their Superiors For which cause they addressed themselves to him O to the end they might have redress of those wrongs which they had received by them This is that wherewith the Samaritans charged the Jews who answered to the contrary A alledging that the Samaritans themselves had been the Authors of that mutiny and uproar and that Cumanus being wholly corrupted by their money had smothered the matter and done no justice on the Murtherers When Quadratus heard this he reserved the judgment till another time telling them that he would give sentence in the matter when he came into Judea The Jews say the burthen of the Wars on the Samaritans and Cumanus and had examined the truth on both sides so that they returned without doing any thing Shortly after Quadratus came into Samaria where he heard that the Samaritans had been the Authors of the trouble and on the other side knowing that some Jews likewise intended some insurrection he caused them to be crucified whom Cumaenus had left in prison From thence he transported himself to Lydda which is a Burrough of B no less bigness than a City in which place he sitting on his Tribunal Seat heard the Samaritans the second time and discovered by the report of a certain Samaritan that one Dortus one of the chiefest among the Jews Dortus with four other are crucified and four other his Confederates induced the people to rebel against the Romans Quadratus caused them to be executed As for Ananias Ananias Ananus Cumanus Celer and some other are sent to Rome who was the High Priest and the Captain Ananus he sent them bound to Rome to render an account to the Emperor Claudius of that which they had done Moreover he commanded the chief Governours both of the Samaritans and Jews that they should speedily repair to Rome whither Cumanus and Captain Celer should conduct them to the end they might be judged by Caesar himself upon the information taken on both sides And fearing lest the common people of the Jews C should break out into some Rebellion he repaired to the City of Jerusalem to give order that the Jews should attempt to raise no new stirs but when he came thither he found all in peace and busied in the celebration of the Feast and offering Sacrifices to God according to their accustomed Ceremonies Being therefore assured that no man would rebel in that place he left them to their solemnites and repaired to Antioch But the Jews that were sent to Rome with Cumanus and the principal Samaritans had a day assigned them by the Emperor to decide the differences that were between them Alià s cap. 13. Cumanus and the Samaritans endeavoured all that they might by the mediation of Caesar's friends and freemen to have the upper hand of the Jews and indeed D the day had been theirs if young Agrippa had not been at Rome Agrippa moveth Agrippina to intreat Caesar to hear the cause of the Jews For he seeing that the matter was handled to the disadvantage of the Jews besought Agrippina the Emperors Wife that she would prevail so with her Husband that he would be pleased to take full knowledge of that which was done and that afterwards he should execute
were laid upon them he presently made Herod and them friends upon these conditions that they in all D things should be obedient to their Father and that their Father should leave the Kingdom to whom he pleased Hereupon Herod returned from Rome and though he seemed to have forgiven his Sons yet he laid not his jealousie and suspicion aside For Antipater still persisted to make Herod hate his other two Sons though for fear of him that reconciled them he durst not openly shew himself an enemy to them Afterward Herod sailed by Cilicia Archelaus kindly entertaineth Herod and his Sons and arrived at Eleusa where Archelaus received him very courteously thanking him for the safety of his Son-in-law and declaring himself very joyful that they were made friends for he had writ to his friends at Rome with all speed possible that they should be favourable to Alexander when he came to plead his cause And E after this entertainment he conducted Herod to Zephyria and made him a present of thirty talents and so took his leave of him Herod as soon as he came to Jerusalem assembled the people together and in the presence of his three sons he shewed them the cause of his going to Rome and blessed God and thanked Caesar who had appeased the discord of his family and made his Sons friends which he esteemed more than his Kingdom Herod's worthy Oration to the people wherein he distributeth honours to his three Sons And I saith he will make their friendship firm For Caesar hath not only given me an absolute power in my State but lieve also to chuse whom I please of my Sons for my Successor And now I declare my intention to divide my Kingdom amongst my three Sons which purpose of mine first I beseech Almighty God and secondly you to favour for one of them for his years the other for their Nobility of Birth F have right to the Kingdom which is so large that it may suffice them all Wherefore honour those whom Caesar hath conjoyned and I their father ordained my successors Give them the respects and duty according to their age which they have reason to expect from their Charge not the order establisht by nature For a man cannot do a greater pleasure to the younger when he honoureth him above his years than he shall give discontent to the elder For which cause I will constitute to every one of them such friends and well-willers as with whom they may be most conversant and of them I will require pledges of concord and unity amongst them For I know that discords and contentions arise by malice of those who are conversant with Princes Herod 〈◊〉 not the Kingdom to his Sons but the honours of the Kingdom and that if they be well disposed they will increase friendship And I require not only these but also all G such as bear rule in my army that they regard me only for the present for I give not my Sons the Kingdom but only the hope and assurance thereof and they shall have pleasure as though they were Kings themselves yet I my self will bear the burden of affairs Let every one of you consider my age my course of life and piety for I am not so old that any H one may quickly despair of me nor have I accustomed my self to such kind of pleasure as is wont to shorten mens days and I have been so religious that I am in great hope of long life But if any one despise me and seek to please my Sons such a one will I punish I do not forbid them to be honoured whom my self have begotten for that I envy them but because I know well that such applauses nourish pride and arrogance in the fierce minds of young men Wherefore let all those that apply themselves to their service consider that I will be ready to reward the good and that those who are seditious shall find their malice to have an unprofitable event at their hands whom they so flatter I easily perswade my self that all men will be of my mind that are of my Sons mind For it is good for them that I reign Herod converteth his Speech to his and that I am friends with my Sons And you my Sons I exhort you to acquit I your selves religiously of all the duties to which Nature obliges you and which she imprints in the hearts of the most savage beasts also reverence Caesar who hath reconciled us And last of all obey me who request and intreat that at your hands which I might command namely that you remain Brethren I shall take order that you want nothing sutable to your royal Dignity if you continue and remain friends I pray God with all my heart that what I have ordain'd may tend to your advantage and to his glory After he had thus spoken he embraced them very lovingly and dismissed the people Herod by his words did not utterly extinguish the hatred between his Sons some praying that it might be as he had said others who desired alteration making as though they heard nothing Yet for all this the dissention amongst the K Brethren was not appeased but they were more divided in heart than ever For Alexander and Aristobulus could not endure that Antipater should succeed to part of the Kingdom and Antipater was griev'd that his Brethren should have a share with him yet he so craftily carried himself that no man could perceive his hatred towards them And they derived of a noble race spake all they thought and many endeavoured to set them on and others friends to Antipater insinuated themselves into their company to learn intelligence so that Alexander could not speak a word but presently it was carried to Antipater and from him to Herod with an addition so that when Alexander spake any thing simply meaning no harm it was presently interpreted in the worst sence possible and if he chanced at any time to speak freely L of any matter Antipater's treason against his Brother Alexander presently it was made a great thing Antipater suborned men to urge him to speak that so their false reports might be shadowed with a colour of truth and that if he could prove any one thing true all lyes and tales else divulged might thereby be justifyed All Antipater's familiars were either naturally secret or else he stopped their mouths with bribes lest they should disclose his intents so that one might justly have termed his life a mystery of iniquity By what means Antipater corrupted his Brother Alexander's friends All Alexander's friends were either corrupted by money or flattering speeches wherewith Antipater overcame all and made them thieves and proditors of such things as were either done or spoken against him But of all the means he employed to ruine his Brothers with the King Antipater whetteth Herod and his Courtiers against Alexander the most crafty and powerful was that instead of declaring
which was objected against him and that the cause which moved him to do all these things was the frantick and mad fits he fell into for the love of that woman After Pheroras had thus become his own Accuser and a Witness B against himself Pheroras by Archelaus's means pacifieth Herod Archelaus endeavoured to mitigate Herod's wrath towards him and excuse his fault by alledging for example that his Brother had attempted greater matters against him whom notwithstanding for Relation's sake he had pardoned Adding that in every Kingdom as in mighty bodies frequently some part begins to inflame which notwithstanding is not presently to be cut off but to be cured by easie means Archelaus using many speeches to Herod to this purpose at last quite appeased his wrath towards Pheroras Archelaus compelleth Herod of his own accord to be entreated for Alexander but still counterfeited himself angry with Alexander affirming that he would take his Daughter away with him till at last he brought Herod of his own accord to intercede for the young man not to break the Marriage Archelaus C after much entreaty answered that he was willing that the King should bestow his Daughter upon any save Alexander for he greatly esteemed his affinity Herod replyed that if he would not divorce his Daughter from Alexander he should think that he had bestowed his Son upon him again For they had no Children and his Daughter was dearly loved by the young man so that if he would permit her to stay still there for her sake he would pardon all Alexander's offences Hereto Archelaus with much ado agreed and so was reconciled to his Son-in-law and he to his Father Yet Herod affirmed that he must needs be sent to Rome to speak with Caesar for he had written the whole matter to Caesar Thus Archelaus craftily delivered his Son-in law from danger and after this reconciliation was made they spent the time D in Feasting and Mirth Herod dismisseth Archelaus and his friends with great Presents Upon Archelaus's departure Herod gave him seventy Talents and a Throne of pure Gold adorned with Precious Stones and Eunuchs and a Concubine named Panichis and rewarded every one of his Friends according to their deserts And all the King's Kindred by his appointment bestowed rich Gifts upon Archelaus Ant. lib. 16. cap. 11. and both he and all his Nobility accompanied him to Antioch Not long after Eurycles the Lacedemonian secretly accuseth Alexander to his Father and is the cause of his death there came one into Judaea far more subtil than Archelaus who both disannulled the reconciliation made for Alexander and caused his death also This man named Eurycles was a Lacedemonian born and brought to Herod rich Gifts as it were for a bait of that he intended He had so behaved himself in Greece that it could no longer tolerate his excess And Herod again rewarded him with far greater E Gifts than those were that he gave him But he esteemed his liberality as nothing except it were accompanied with the blood of the Princes For which cause he circumvented the King partly by flattering him partly by praising him feignedly and especially by his own craft and subtilty And quickly perceiving his inclination he both in word and deed sought in please him so that the King accounted him among his chiefest friends And both the King and all the Court honoured him the more for his Countrey-sake because he was a Lacedemonian But he perceiving the distractions of Herod's House and the hatred between the Brethren and how the King was affected towards each of them Eurycles by feigned friendship deceiveth Alexander he first of all lodged at Antipater's house making a shew in the mean while of good will towards Alexander pretending that in times F past he had been much beloved by King Archelaus his Father-in-law And by this means he quickly insinuated into favour with him and was considered as a friend and a faithful friend Alexander presently likewise brought him into friendship with Aristobulus and he having gained their affections accommodated himself to their humours in order to compass his design of adhering to Antipater and betraying Alexander And he often used incensing words to Antipater as it were chiding him that being eldest of the Brethren he so slenderly looked after them who pretended to put him besides the Crown which was his right Many times likewise he used the like words to Alexander admiring that he who was born of a Queen and Husband to a Queen would permit one descended of a private woman to succeed in the Kingdom G especially seeing he had such a fair opportunity and means to effect the contrary for he might assure himself of Archelaus's help in any thing Alexander supposed he spoke as he thought because he counterfeited friendship with Archelans so that misdoubting nothing he disclosed to him all his mind concerning Antipater saying H that it was no wonder though Herod dis-inherited them of the Kingdom since he had slain their Mother formerly Eurycles counterfeiting pity for them and sorrow for their mis-fortune enticed Aristobulus to speak to the like effect And having animated them both to complain in this sort against their Father he presently went to Antipater and disclosed to him all their secrets falsely adding also a story of some Treachery which those two Brethren intended against him which was to dispatch him with their Swords Antipater rewarded him with a great Summ of Money for this advice and commended him to his Father And thus he being hired to effect the death of Alexander and Aristobulus became himself their accuser Whereupon he came to Herod and told him that I in regard of those benefits he had received at his hand he would now venture his life for him by giving him notice of a thing which concerned his own which was that Alexander and Aristobulus had long since resolved together to kill him and that he only was the cause that they performed it not by promising them to assist them in the matter That Alexander used these speeches that Herod was not contented to enjoy a Kingdom which was another's right nor yet to have put Queen Mariamne to death but he would also leave the Kingdom belonging to their Ancestors to a pernicious Bastard Antipater But for this cause he would revenge Hircanus and Mariamne's death And that it was not fit that such a man as Antipater should receive the Kingdom without blood And every day he had occasion given him to persist in this resolution K for he could speak nothing without being calumniated for if any mention were made at any time of any ones Nobility presently he was upbraided without cause for his Father would presently say There is none Noble but Alexander whose Father 's base Birth is a shame and discredit unto him And that going a hunting if he held his peace his Father was offended if he praised him then it
her to bring forth the poyson and she making as though she went forth to fetch it cast her self headlong down from a Gallery thereby to prevent the torments which if she were convicted they would inflict upon her But by the providence of God as it should seem it came to pass that she fell not on her head but on her side and so escaped death to the end that God might inflict punishment upon Antipater And being brought to the King as soon as she was come to her self for she was amazed with the fall the King demanded of her wherefore she had done so and swore unto her if that she would truly disclose all he would pardon her but if she told an untruth her body should be torn in pieces with torment and not be buried She a while held her F peace Pheroras wife freely confesseth what was become of the Poyson and at last said Wherefore should I keep any thing secret seeing Pheroras is dead to save Antipater who hath caused all this mischief Hear O King and God who cannot be deceived be witness of the truth of what I shall say When I sate weeping by Pheroras as he lay a dying he called me to him and said See wife how much I was deceived concerning my Brothers love towards me for I hated and sought to kill him who thus loveth me and sorroweth so much for me though I am not yet dead but truly I am justly rewarded for my iniquity And now wife bring me hither the poyson which was left by Antipater in your keeping for my Brother and make it away before my face that I carry not with me to Hell a guilty Conscience for that crime So I brought it as he desired me and the most part of G it I cast into the fire where it was consumed and kept a litle thereof for fear of mischances and of you And having thus said she brought forth a box which had in it a very little of the poyson Hereupon the King tortured the brother and mother of Antiphilus and they also confessed that Antiphilus had brought a box out of Egypt H and that he received it from his brother who practised Physick at Alexandria Thus it seem'd that the Ghosts of Alexander and Aristobulus went about the whole Kingdom to discover the most hidden things and to draw testimonies and proofs from the mouths of those that were furthest from all suspicion For the Brothers of Mariamne daughter of Simon the High Priest being put to the rack confess'd that she was acquainted with this conspiracy Gods justice leaveth nothing unpunished Wherefore the King punish'd the mothers fault upon her child for having writ in his Will that Herod her son should succeed Antipater in the Kingdom now for her fault he raz'd him out I CHAP. XX. How Antipaters malicious practices against Herod were discover'd and punish'd THe arrival of Bathyllus was the last proof of Antipater's Crime and confirm'd all the rest This Bathyllus was one of his freed men and brought from Rome another sort of poyson compos'd of that of Asps and other Serpents to the end that if the first proved too weak and took not effect then Pheroras and his wife might make an end of the King with this And for the height of Antipater's wickedness he also had given this man Letters which he had written to Herod against K Archelaus and Philip his Brethren Antipater's treasons against Archelaus and Philip his brothers who were at that time brought up at Rome to study being very hopeful young men and for that Antipater feared they might be some hindrance to him in that which he expected he devis'd all means possible to make them away And the better to effect this purpose he counterfeited Letters in his friends name that were at Rome and for money got others to write that these two young men used in taunting wise to rail against their Father and openly to complain of the death of Alexander and Aristobulus and that they took it ill that they were sent for home for their Father had sent word that they should come away at which also Antipater was much troubled For before his departure from Judaea to Rome he procured such like Letters to be forged against them at Rome L and so delivering them to his Father to avoid all suspicion he seemed to excuse his Brethren affirming somethings that were written to be lyes other things to be offences whereunto young men were prone Antipater giveth a great sum of money to those that counterfeit letters against his Brothers At the same time he gave great sums of money to them in whose name he had written the Letters against his Brethren hereby as it were hiring them to be secret For the concealment of which subornation from Herod's knowledge he bought much rich Housholdstuff and Tapistry of curious work and Plate and many things more amounting by his account to the sum of two hundred Talents which he pretended was to be employed in presents in prosecuting the business against Syllaeus But the mischief which he provided against was inconsiderable in comparison of those which he had more reason to fear M and it cannot be sufficiently admired that though all those that had been tortured gave evidence against him how that he practised his Fathers death and the Letters witnessed how again he went about to make away other two of his Brethren yet for all this none of them who went out of Judea to Rome bare him so much good will as to give him intelligence what troubles were in the Court at home although it was seven months before he return'd to Judaea from Rome Peradventure they who were minded to tell him all were forced to hold their peace by consideration of the blood of Alexander and Aristobulus which cried for vengeance against him At last he sent Letters from Rome to his Father that now he would shortly return home Ant. lib. 18. cap. 8. and that Caesar had treated him very honourably The King desired greatly N to have the Traytor in his power Antipater is sollicited by Herod with many kind words to hasten his return and fearing that if he had inkling of matters he would look to himself feigned great kindness towards him and sent back again unto him very loving Letters willing him to hasten his return which if he did possibly he might obtain pardon for his Mothers offence for Antipater had understood that she was banished Antipater received a Letter at Tarentum whereby he understood the death of Pheroras and greatly lamented it which divers that knew nothing thought well of Yet as far as one may conjecture the cause of his grief was that his treason had not gone forward as he wished and that he feared lest that which had passed might come to light and lest the poyson should be found Yet when he came to Cilicia O and there received his Fathers
now lay murthered and naked in the open streets left as it were a prey to be torn in pieces by Doggs and wild Beasts Was Virtue ever more insolently outraged And could she N without shedding Tears behold Vice thus triumph over her A The FIFTH BOOK Of the WARS of the JEVVS B Written by Flavius Josephus The Contents of the Chapters of the Fifth Book 1 OF another Massacre and of the Return of the Idumeans and the Cruelty of the Zealots 2 Of the Civil Discord amongst the Jews 3 Of the Yielding of Gadara and the Massacre there C 4 How certain Towns were Taken and the Description of Jericho 5 Of the Lake called Asphaltites 6 How Gerasa was Destroyed the Death of Nero Galba and Otho 7 Of Simon of Gerasa Author of a new Conspircy 8 Of Galba Otho Vitellius and Vespasian 9 Of Simon 's Acts against the Zealots 10 How Vespasian was chosen Emperour 11 The Description of Aegypt and Pharus 12 How Vespasian Redeemed Joseph from Captivity 13 Of Vitellus his Death and Manners D 14 How Titus was sent against the Jews by his Father CHAP. I. Of another Massacre and of the Return of the Idumeans and the Cruelty of the Zealots SUch was the end of Ananus and Jesus After whose death the Idumeans and E the Zealots massacred the People as though they had been a flock of pernitious Beasts and very few escaped the Butchery The Nobility and chief sort of men were put in Prison The cruelty of the Idumeans and the Zealots in hope that by deferring their death some of them would become partakers with them Yet none was hereby moved but every one desired to die rather than impiously to joyn with these Wretches against their own Country Whereupon they were most cruelly whipped before they were put to Death their Bodies being made as it were one sore place by Whipping and Stripes and when they could not endure these Torments any longer they were killed Who so was taken in the day time was in the night carried to Prison and those that died in Prison and Torments they cast their dead Bodies out F that they might have place to imprison others in their room The People were so terrified that none durst weep openly for his Friend nor bury the dead Body of his Kinsman yea those that were in Prison durst not openly weep but secretly looking about them lest any of their Enemies should see them For whosoever mourned for any that was afflicted was presently himself used in the same manner as he had been for whom he lamented Yet sometimes some in the night scraped up a little earth with their hands and therewithal covered the dead body of their Friend and some bolder than the rest did the like in the day-time 12000 of the Nobility executed And in this general slaughter were twelve thousand young Noblemen slain in this manner After which being hated for these Massacres they mocked and flouted the Magistrates and made no account of their Judgments So that when they determined to put to death Zachary the Son of Baruch one of the chief of G the City because he was an Enemy to their wickedness and loved the virtuous and one that was rich by whose death they hoped not only to have the spoil of his goods but also to be rid of one who might be able to resist their bad purposes they called seventy of H the best amongst the common People together as it were in Judgment with a pretended Authority and before them they accused Zacharie that he had betrayed the Common-wealth to the Romans and for that intent had sent to Vespasian but they neither shewed any evidence or proof thereof but only affirmed it to be so and therefore would have credit given to their words When Zacharie perceived that under pretence of being called to Judgement Zacharie condemned to death by the Zealots he was unjustly cast into Prison though he had no hope of Life yet he spared not to speak freely his mind and began to scorn the rage and pretence of his Enemies and purged himself of the crimes whereof he was accused and converting his speech against his Accusers he laid open all their Iniquities and much lamented the miseries and troubles I of the City In the mean-while the Zealots gnashed their teeth and could scarcely contain themselves from drawing their Swords and were desirous that their pretended Accusation and Judgment might be ended He also requested them who by these Miscreants were appointed his Judges Seventy Judges absolve acquit Zacharie to remember Justice notwithstanding the danger they might incur by it The seventy Judges all pronounced that he was to be absolved and freed as guiltless and rather chose to die than to cause his death who was Innocent This Sentence being pronounced the Zealots began to shout and cry with a loud voice and they all were angry at the Judges Zacharie slain in the midst of the Temple who did not understand to what end that counterfeit K Authority was given them Then two of the boldest amongst them set upon Zacharie and killed him in the midst of the Temple and insulted over him saying Thou hast now our Sentence and Absolution far more certain than the other was And presently they cast him down from the Temple into the Valley below and then contumeliously with the Hilts of their Swords they beat the Judges out of the Temple yet they did not kill them to the end that being dispersed thorow the whole City they might tell the People as Messengers from them of their miserable condition The Idumeans were now sorrowful for their coming One of the Zealots discovereth their cruelty and barbarous dealing to the Idumeans for they misliked these proceedings and being assembled together one of the Zealots secretly told them all that their Faction had done from the beginning that it was true the Idumeans had taken Arms L because they were informed that the Metropolitan City was by the Priests betray'd to the Romans but they might perceive there was no proof nor sign of any such matter and that indeed the Zealots who pretended themselves Defenders of the Liberty of the City were indeed Enemies and had exercised Tyranny over the Citizens even from the beginning And though they had associated themselves with such wicked persons and made themselves partakers of so many Murthers yet they ought now to cease from such wickedness and not assist men so impious to destroy their Country and Religion For though they took it in bad part that the City Gates were shut upon them yet now they were sufficiently revenged of those that were the cause thereof That Ananus himself was slain and almost all the People in one night whereof M many of them ere long would repent and that they might now themselves perceive the cruelty of those who requested their aid to be more than barbarous had not
in all those affairs For I was D Captian of the Galileans amongst our Nation so long as any resistance could be made against the Romans and then it so fell out that I was taken by the Romans and being Prisoner to Titus and Vespasian they caused me to be an eye-witness of all things that past First In bonds and fretters and afterwards freed from them I was brought from Alexandria with Titus when he went to the Seige of Jerusalem So that nothing could then pass whereof I had not notice For beholding the Roman Army I committed to writing all things with all possible diligence My self did only manage all matters disclosed to the Romans by such as yielded themselves Joseph writ the History of the Jews wars being at Rome for that I only did perfectly understand them Lastly Being at Rome and having leisure after all business was past I used the help of some Friends for the skill of the Greek tongue and so I published a E History of all that had hapened in the foresaid War which History of mine is so true that I fear not to call Vespasian and Titus the chief Commanders in that War to witness for them I first gave a Copy of that Book to them and afterwards to many noble Romans who also were present in the War I sold also many of them to our own Nation to such as understood the Greek language amongst whom were Julius Archelaus Herod Some do derogate from Josephs History a Man of great vertue and to the most worthy King Agrippa who all do testify that my History containeth nothing but truth and who would not have been silent if either for ignorance or flattery I had changed or omitted any particular Yet notwithstanding all this some ill disposed Persons endeavour to discredit my History as though they were disputing pro and contra amongst children in schools never considering F that he who promiseth other men a true Relation of things past must either be privy to them by his own knowledg as having been present in the affairs or else have that which he speaketh from other mens mouths by report of those who know them both which I have done For I gathered my other Books of Antiquity out of holy Scripture being my self a Priest and skilful in our Law and the History of our War I have written my self being an Agent in many matters therein contained and an eye-wirness of the rest so that nothing was said or done whereof I had not notice How then can any one excuse them from impudency and malice who labour against me to prove my Relation false Perhaps they alledge that they have read the Commentaries of Vespasian and Titus yet for all this they were not present in any action repugnant G to that which my History recounteth Thus as I thought necessary I have made a digression to shew how they are able to H perform their word who discrediting my History promise to set down the truth in writing I have also sufficiently as I think demonstrated that the registring of things is more ancient amongst other Nations than amongst the Greeks I will now first of all dispute against those who labour to prove our Nation of no Antiquity because as they say no Greek Writer maketh any mention of it Two things which Joseph intendeth This done I will bring forth proof and testimony of the Antiquity thereof out of other Writers and so I will shew that their malice who seek to discredit our Nation First therefore our Nation neither inhabiteth a Country bordering upon the Sea nor are we delighted in merchandise nor for this cause wearied with pilgrimages from place to place The Jews care to bring up their Children But our Cities lye far from the Sea in a most fertile soil which we cultivate with all industry and our I whole endeavours are how to get food for our Children The ancient Jews had no need to traffick with the Grecians and to keep our country Laws and to leave to our posterity the knowledg of Piety in which work we think all our Age ought to be employed Beside all this we have a form of living different from all other Nations All which concurring together we had no need to traffick with the Greeks as the Egyptians and the Phoenicians do who give themselves to bargaining and merchandise only for the covetousness of money Neither were our Ancestors delighted in thefts and robberies nor did our Fathers make war upon any Nation for desire of larger possessions nowithstanding our Country was furnished with many thousands of strong warlike men Wherefore the Phoenicians sailing to the Greeks to traffick with them they were thus made known to them and by them the Egyptians K and all other Nations sailing upon the Seas brought Merchandise into Greece The Medes also and Persians were known to them after such time as they reigned over Asia and the Persians brought war even into Europe Moreover the Greeks knew the Thracians because they were their Neighbours and the Scythians by sailing to Pontus and finally all that were disposed to write knew all the Nations bordering either upon the Eastern and Western Seas but such as dwelt far from the Sea-coast were long time unknown as also appears in Europe For neither Thucidides nor Herodotus nor any other of that time make any mention of Rome notwithstanding that so long since it was mighty and made so great Wars because it was but lately that the Greeks heard of it The Romans were lately known to the Greeks Yea their most exact Writers L and particularly Ephorus were so ignorant of the French and Spaniards that they thought the Spaniards to be a People only denominated from one City Certain Historiographers report Spain to be only one City wherein they inhabited whereas the whole World now knoweth them to inhabit a vast Country and a great part of the Western World Likewise the said Greek Writers relate the manners of the foresaid People to be such as neither are nor were ever used among them And the only cause why they were ignorant of the Truth was the distance of place and these Writers would seem to tell something which others of former time had not spoken of No marvel therefore though our Nation was unknown and none of them in their Writings made any mention of us being both so far from the Sea and living after a different manner M Suppose therefore I should deny the Greeks to be of any antiquity and to prove my assertion should conclude their Nation to be modern because our Histories make no mention of them Arguments to prove the Jews of more antiquity than the Greeks would they not laugh at this reason and use the Testimony of their neighbour Nations to prove their Antiquity I therefore may argue in like manner and use the Testimony of the Egyptians and Phoenicians whose Record the Greeks cannot
marry her as she hoped who having an Army at Babylon warred against Antioch and had taken the City and that she fled into Selucia whereas she might have made a C speedier escape by water but was forewarned to the contrary in a sleep and that she was there taken and died c. Agatarchides having used this Preface and inveighed against Stratonices superstition useth an Examyle of our Nation on this manner The People that are called Jews inhabit a most strong City which they call Jerusalem these People are wont to rest upon the seventh day The Jews Sabbath and do neither bear Arms nor till their Grounds nor any other business on that day hut their custom is to remain in their Temple and there with stretched out armes continue in prayer till night And so upon a time they persevering in that foolery whilst they should have defended their City Ptolomeus Lagus entred it with a great Army and greatly tyrannized over them instructing them by experience that the solemnity appointed by their Law was prejudicial unto them Such like Churches as this did teach D them and all Nations else to flie unto dreams which their Law teacheth neither considering that humane policy cannot prevail against that which must necessarily happen Agatarchides thought this which he reports of us to be ridiculous but they that weigh it with indifferency shall perceive that it is greater commendation to our Nation who rather suffer their Country and safety to be lost and endamaged Why certain Writers omit to speak of the Jews than to violate the Laws of God I think I am thus able to shew that many Writers omitted to make mention of our Nation not for that they knew us not but for envy For Jerom writ a Book of the Successors in the same time that Hecateus lived and being a friend to King Antigonus and President of Syria never mentioneth us in all his History notwithstanding he was brought up almost in our Country whereas Hecateus writ an entire Book of us so E different are the minds of men for one of them thought our Nation worthy to be diligently recorded the other through malice was hindred from speaking the truth yet the Histories of the Chaldeans Egyptians and Phoenicians may suffice to prove our Antiquity together with the Greek Writers for besides those before mentioned Theophrastus also Theodotus Manaseas Ariphanes Hermogenes Euemeus Conon Zepyrion and many others no doubt for I have not perused all mens Books have manifestly testified of us For many of the foresaid men were blinded with errors as not having read our holy Scriptures yet they all joyntly testify our Antiquity for which I now alledge them Truly Demetrius Phalerius Philon the elder and Eupolemus did not much erre from the truth and therefore reason it is they should be born withal for they were not so skilful F as to teach our Writings with so much curiosity Being come thus far it resteth that I now present one point more whereof I made mention in the beginning of this Book The last part against certain detractions and slanders to wit that I declare the detractions and slanderous reports of divers concerning our Nation to be false and void of truth and I will use the Testimony of those Writers who record that the lying Historigraphers at such time as they committed to writing the foresaid detractions did also even against themselves register such like slanders as they did against us And I doubt not but that all those who are conversant in Histories can testifie that the like hath been done by most Writers upon private hatred or such like respects For some of the Gentiles have attempted to deface the honour and reputation of the most renowned Cities and to defame G the manners of their Inhabitants Thus did Theopompus to Athens and Ptolicrates to Lacedemon and the Author that writ Tripoliticum for it was not Theopompus as some suppose used the City Thebes very hardly And Timeus in his Histories of the foresaid H places doth many times detract both them and others And this they do calumniating the most excellent that are in something or other some for envy and malice others that their fond babling may make them famous and so indeed it doth among fools that are known to have no sound judgment but wise men will condemn their malice To be short The cause of malice between the Egyptians and Jews this is the cause of so many slanderous reports forged against our Nation some to gratify the Egyptians have attempted to deprave the truth and so have neither reported the Circumstances concerning our Ancestors coming into Egypt nor touching their departure from thence and they have had many causes of malice and envy urging them hereto And chiefly for that our Progenitors in their Country waxed mighty I and so departing to their own Country were made happy and fortunate Secondly The Egyptians Idolatry the diversity of our two Religions made great discord and variance amongst us our Religion so far excelling theirs in piety as the divine Essence GOD excelleth unreasonable Creatures for they commonly worship such bruit beasts for gods and every one worshipeth divers kinds vain and foolish men who from the beginning have been accustomed to such sottish opinions as would not permit them to imitate us in our divine Religion and comformable to Reason and yet seeing many favour and follow our Religion they were hereby incited to such hatred that to derogate from us they feared not to falsify their own ancient Records not considering that in so doing they were led through a blind passion to write against themselves Moreover I will prove K all I have spoken to be true Manethon an Egyptian Historiographer by one mans words whom a little before being a famous Historigrapher we have produced as a witness of our Antiquity Manethon therefore who confesseth himself to have gathered the Egyptian History out of their holy Writings having by way of Preface recounted how our Predecessours came into Egypt with many thousands and there conquered the Inhabitants afterward confesseth Manethons fabulous reports of the Egyptian Lepers that losing all their Possessions in Egypt they got the Country which is now called Jury and in it builded a City named Jerusalem and a Temple and thus far he followeth ancient Writers And then usurping to himself authority to lye protesting that he will insert into his History certain reports divulged amongst the common People he reports things of the Jews altogether incredible intending to mix with our L Nation the Lepers of the Egyptians and other sick people of other Countries who as he saith being abominable to the Egyptians fled to us affirming also that they had a King named Amenophis which being a feigned name he durst not presume to speak determinately of the time of his Reign though he speaketh exactly of the Reign of all other Kings Hereupon also