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Word A	Word B	Word C	Word D	Occurrence	Frequency Band	MI	MI Band	Prominent
friend_n	write_v	year_n	york_n	11	3	8.3116	4	false

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ID	Title	Author	Corrected Date of Publication (TCP Date of Publication)	STC	Words	Pages
A30658	A commentary on Antoninus, his Itinerary, or, Journies of the Romane Empire, so far as it concerneth Britain wherein the first foundation of our cities, lawes, and government, according to the Roman policy, are clearly discovered ... / by VVilliam Burton ... ; with a chorographicall map of the severall stations, and index's to the whole work.	Burton, William, 1609-1657.	1658 (1658)	Wing B6185; ESTC R6432	288,389	293

affectionem tenebricae vestis cetrici supra caput velleris in Bellonae montis fugantur There are two French men of as great name and credit in learning as any whoever of the last or former ages which notwithstanding about this place and divers others as often as they can lay hold of occasion sometimes in their own sometime under forged names they have wounded worse then ever the Bellonarii did themselves They are Dionysius Petavius and Claudius Salmasius The laters reading of it matters not here Petavius defends the former in these words Erant haud procul Carthagine quantum suspicari licet montes ita nominati forte quod Bellonae ac Bellonariis sacrati in quibus insanis illis cursitationibus operabantur And backs it with the like place wherein saies he there is mention of one of those mountains out of the Acts of the Purgation of Caecilian and Felix at Carthage Victor respondit Fugeram hanc tempestatem si mentior peream Cum incursum pateremur repentinae persecutionis sugimus in montem Bellonae In a word for I perceive by this time the Reader is weary of me as well as of these mad fellows as they were not unlike to the old Galli Sacerdotes of Cybele or the Mother of the Gods so do they much resemble our Toms of Bedlam or among the Turks their Torlacchi as they are described by the best writers whose respect was such with all sorts that one of them being admitted neer the person of Bajazet II. he had almost slain him but the blow failing his aim fell on his horse and wounded it for which the whole gang was suppressed for a time but since have raised their head as much as ever Marinus Barlerius in the life of Scanderbeg mistakes the Deroises by far a more civil sect for these ruffling Franticks and Assassins And now if after all this there be any Reader that entertains not satisfaction concerning this Aruspex rusticus let him then please himself and follow his own fancy by thinking that this Temple of Bellona at York served for the same purpose as that at Rome did namely to denounce war against the Enemies from a Pillar standing before it which is reported by Sextus Pompeius Bellona dicebatur dea bellorum ante cujus templum erat colum●…lla quae bellica vocabatur supra quam hastam jaciebant cum bellum indicebatur Although that in Rome was put also to other uses as for Embassadors from foreign Nations whom they would not admit farther into the City here they gave them hearing likewise here they entertained their Generals returned from service abroad And that Sylla here held a Senate we learn from Seneca whose words deserve transcribing Cum Sylla in vicino ad aedem Bellonae sedens exaudisset conclamationem tot millium sub gladio gementium exterrito Senatu Hoc agamus inquit seditiosi pauculi jussu meo occiduntur And then I must request such Readers to teach me what is meant by a Countrey Wizards lighting upon the Emperour being in a humour to sacrifice as he entred into the City how he came to lead him to Bellona's Temple and what he was to do there wherein did appear this Wizards Error or mistake and lastly in what of all this consisted the presage of Severus death If any one of them can give me content in all these they shall find me a man who never will be unwilling to confess per quae profecerim which every good man of duty is bound unto as he is ingenuo●…s But if perhaps I was right in what I thought before then will I interpret that errore in the Historian by fanatica excursiones with Petavius for what else doth it mean And gratify the favourable and candid with a corrected reading of the whole Pericope or passage in him thusz ductus est errore aruspicis rustici Deinde hostiae furvae sunt applicitae Quod cum esset aspernatus c. putting a period or full point after rustici where was onely a Comma That which follows Deinde hostiae by any means beginning a new Presage For what had Bellona to do with black Sacrifices or indeed with any colour else her Priests alwaies sacrificing as you have been taught in what goes before non alieno sed suo cruore A new as I said and another distinct Presage it is exhibiting black sacrifices which ever were accounted unhappy except offered to infernal Deities and such as they were proper to which the very boyes of the Chappel know Where this Temple of Bellona was sited at York perhaps is utterly unknown at this day That in Rome where it stood though I could tell you yet it is nothing to our purpose We will not therefore have any more to say to either of them Herodian in his History writes that Severus presently after his arrival here himself with his eldest son Antoninus going forth to finde out the Enemy left his youngest son Geta in that part of the Island which was obedient to the Romans he must needs mean YORK to administer civil affairs appointing him for counsel and Guides the gravest of his Friends More then three years after he and his son Antoninus sate also at York about common business and gave their judgement in ordinary cases as in that of Caecilia about recovery of right of possession Their Rescript or Law thereabout is still preserved in the CODE to the great glory and renown of this City and dated as you see from thence with the names of the Consuls of that year neither can I forbear to publish it here as the gallantest monument of Antiquity which it hath Etiam per alienum servum bona fide possessum ex re ejus qui eum possidet vel ex operis servi acquiri dominium vel obligationem placuit Quare si tu quoque bona fide possedisti eundum servum ex nummis tuis mancipia eo tempore comparvit potes secundum juris formam uti defensionibus tuis Mancipium autem alienum mala fide possidenti nil potest acquirere sed qui tenet non tantum ipsum sed etiam operas ejus nec non ancillarum partus animalium foetus reddere cogitur PP III. Non. Maii Eboraci Faustino Rufo Coss. That is It seems just that a man may have right of Lordship and propriety in a foreign slave possessed bona fide as of his own proper goods and also of his services So that if thou hadst possession of the said Servant and he with thy money in the time of his servitude purchased any estate thou mayest be relieved by the Law But he that possesses a strange servant unlawfully can have no remedy but shall be forced not only to restore him but also his services and all the increase both of the women and cattel What the learned Cujacius of Great Britain hath noted to this Law I had rather you should have from his own

example was every where proposed abroad to imitate but notalwaies in the use of Baths Stricter times and Commanders sometimes forbad them and would not admit them either for cleanliness of healths sake For Polyanus speaking of Scipio and his restraint of corrupt discipline in his Army tells us he forbad that not any body should either use a silver drinking cup or bathing among them And Xiphilin in his Epitome of Dio relates concerning Caracalla that affecting a seeming austerity he marching along with the Souldiers never made use of any Bath And hence is that of I. Chrysostome The Souldier minding Baths is censured as one that runs away from his colours And that judgement of the Wisest Historian concerning the more civilized Britains and reduced to the Roman fashion of feasting and bathing is very home and free For after that saith he our attire grew to be in account and the Gown much used among the Britains Paulatimque disc●…ssum ad delinimenta vitiorum porti●…us balnea convit iorum elegantiam idque apud imperitos humanitas vocabatur ●…um pars servitutis esset There is farther mention of this Station as in the Notitia Occidentis Sub dispositione Viri Spectabilis Ducis Britanniarum Prafectus Numeri Exploratorum Lavatris of whom before I have given notice And yet our learned Antiquary though his mind run too much upon the Balineum here vi ignis ex ustum had rather deduce the name of the Mansion from Laver a stream that runs by very neer then à Lav●…ris However he is confident upon good reasons the sit distance from the next place already spoken of and his finding it upon the Military Way to affirm that it is at this day called Bowes but the reasons for the name I had rather you should have from him then me and indeed which is my rusticity I understand not old British or W●…lsh so well CATARACTONI M. P. XVI This Station is written so curtail'd for Cataractonium or if you will Cataractonio As this is the distance here from Lavatris so in the first Journey from Binovia it is distant XXII M. P. of this I have already spoken ISURIAM M. P. XXIV The very distance in the first Journey save that there it is set down Isurium EBURACUM M. P. XVIII In the first Journey it wants a Mile of this distance You have also there added Leg. VI. Victrix CALCARIA M. P. VIIII It is otherwise called Cacaria Our Antiquary placeth it by Verbeia at Tadcaster agreeing therein with Robert Marshall politi judicii Viro whom he names as he saies honoris causa The same before them thought Humphrey Lhuyd yet therein he is out that he delivers it to be Ptolemies 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is rather Antoninus his Gallacum But the former opinion is confirmed by the distance from York for it is just IX Italick Miles thence which is the number also here Again the nature of the Soyl and the very account of the Name makes it good For it was called Calcaria a colce a place well stored with Chalk That Calcaria signified so much there are sufficient Authorities Tertullian de carne Christi cap. VI. de Calcaria ad carbonariam Ammianus lib. XXVII Libentius se vino proprio Calcarias extincturum quam ad venditurum preciis quibus sperabatur That to these Calcariae offending persons were condemned Ulpian is our Author whence is it that in the Code we read of the Calcarienses From the Calcariae therefore or Limekills here as also to a place neer to Marsilia in this very book and elsewhere also was this name Calcaria given and there is no reason we should doubt of it for Chalke scarce any where else in this whole Tract is to be found yet about this Town it is still plentifully digged up and for building conveyed to York and the whole Countrey round Nor want there other Arguments to prove its Antiquity to let alone the Situation by the Rode way Coynes of the Roman Caesars are often turned up there remaines the Reliques of the Foss or Ditch with which it was environed and the ruines of an old Castle of which the Bridge was whilome made which when the River Wherf had past under it mingleth its Water with the Ouse besides a Hill by the Town called Kelk-bar seemeth yet to retain some part of the old Name After Antoninus Beda also maketh mention of it out of whom take the story too if you will which he relates Heina religiosa Christi famula qu●… prima foeminarum fertur in provincia Nordanbumbrorum propositum vestemque sanctimoniablilis babitus consecrante Aidano Episcopo suscepisse secessit ad civitatem Calcariam quae agente Anglorum Calca-cester appellatur ibique mansionem sibi instituit CAMBODUNO M. P. XX. Besides Antoninus you shall find mention also of this Mansion in our Beda Paulinus saith he in provincia Deirorum baptizabat in fluvio Sualva qui vicum juxta Cataractam praeterfluit Non enim Oratoria vel Baptisteria in ipso exordi●… nascentis Ecclesiae poterant aedificari Attamen in Campo Dono ubi nunc etiam villa Regia erat fecit Basilicam quam postmodum pagani à quibus Edwinus Rex occisus est cum tota eadem villa succenderunt But he writes it with a P. in the second syllable as Strabo writes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which Munster renders Campidona that City of Vindelicia which in ptolemy is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 moreover Beda divides the word Campo-dona whence it is that of old K. Alfred 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 who translated his Ecclesiastical History into the Saxon or old English language above DCCC years agone renders it Dona-●…eloa although it was written in the Manuscript Copy of Beda which was in the hands of that excellent Divine Doctor Samuel Ward Professor at Cambridge Campadono as we are taught by our Learned Friend Abraham Wheclocke the Professor of Arabick at Cambridge and publick Library keeper there In Ptolemy amongst the Cities of the Brigantes it is printed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Camulodunum for which in the Palatine Copie you have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 so that none now may wonder with Ortelius whence Ferdinand Pintianus had that reading Which Ortelius notwithstanding not onely much thinks amisse wherein he takes this Cambodunum here to be the same with Pliuies Camulodunum which he saith was distant from Mona about CC. miles but also that he affirms that Talbot and a man of singular learning as he calls him William Camden did think that it was of old time called West-chester For Camdens part he thought long agoe that the Situation of this Cambodunum was in old time neer the right hand bank of the River Calder in Yorkshire by Almondbury and that from the distance on oneside from Mancunium on the other side from Calcaria which Antoninus himself sets down Neer this village saith he Cambodunum sate upon an hill sufficiently

dare not assure it by reason of this former mention of it as he saies in Ptolemie by Severus had it's residence at Eboracum It is plain in Antonine as well as Ptolemie too But in Ptolemie then you must recover him from a violent luxation which he suffers in some common Editions where 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Camalodunum which should come after is interposed between 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Legio VI. Vict. which number also Z. as Surita mis-cites him is to be corrected But Talbot using a right Copy of Ptolem●… as it appears he did I wonder how he could make any question here about it There are many such in Ptolemie as where 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is turned out of it's place and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or London made a City of the Cantii and others But far worse are they out who from abused Copies would have that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as the all learned Selden hath taken notice to belong to Camalodunum next to Eboracum of which see more in CAMBODUNUM in the II. Journey and it to be the Colony placed by Clandius the Emperor so long before in Essex and so far away short of Eboracum contrary to the evident testimony of a Coyn of Severus in the averse of which we read COL EBORACUM LEG VI. VICTRIX Of nine Cities of the Brigantes named by Ptolemie in the second of his Geography Eboracum is reckoned the eighth in order of naming But there they are placed according to their situations not dignity He mentions it likewise again in the eighth Book of this same Work in these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i e. Eboracum maximum diem habet horarum XVII cum dodrante distat ab Alexandria versus occasum horis II. triente In his Astronomicall Canons you shall finde it somewhat differently written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Euoracum whence perhaps the Saxons speld it Euo●…pic adding their own pic or vicus of which elsewhere enough In the Almagest or his great Construction published in Greek at Basil it is named 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Brigantium as you would say The chief City of the Brigantes saith our learned Antiquary but withall he suspects the Copy to be corrupted And not without some cause For as we are taught by the most admired Primat of Armagh that word is quite wanting in the Greek MS. of the Library at Lambeth as in a Latine Copy likewise in New Colledge at Oxford there is no word answering 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for which notwithstanding there is to be found in the printed Latine Translation of the same Work out of the old Arabick Bericanas For which in the MS. of All-Soules Colledge in Oxford you may finde Bencanas You shall have the whole pericope as it is in the Translation of Ptolemie from the Arabick and just as it was written in the copy I speak of transcribed thence for me by the singular courtesie of my excellently learned friend Dr. Gerard Langbaine the worthy Provost of Queens Colledge then whom I know no man alive who furthereth Learning and good Letters more either at home or abroad or with the like pains yet take first Ptolemies own Greek and that after Ptolemie Lib. 11. Cap. 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. The Latine out of Arabick in the MS. thus Et linea equidistans 22. est in qua longitudo diei longioris est 17. bore quarta here Et ejus elongatio ab equatione diei 55. partes descripta super Bencanas terre Britannie majoris c. Bericanas or Bencanus here are words that signifie Mirmantum i. e. Eboracum Yet for this we may give you some satisfaction in what follows I mean discover the mistake But for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I fear how well I may do it against more then the single authority of the Lambeth Gr. MS. except you will read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and so take it for York as the chief City of them which yet I like not for then would there remain some vestigium of that word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 rendred into Arabick had it been ever in the Greek What I hoped for from my Arabick friends that by chance in this flourishing age of those studies and books they might light upon a Copy of Ptolemie in that Language I now utterly despair of Or if perchance this might happen yet I fear the genuine reading in the Greek may but very obscurely be restored in proper Names which the most learned hath sufficienly taught us Neque est sayes he quisquam literis hijce Arabicis non prorsus alienus qui nesciat etiam notissima nomina in idiotism●…s Orientales deformata obscura nimis solere reddi Etiam nomina ipsa Aegyptiaca Africana alia quae originis non sunt Latinae aut Graecae quamplurimum à nominibus Graecis ac Latinis in usu saepius desidere It were to be wished that Dr. Bainbridge the learned Professor of Astronomy in Oxford whom I have heard from his chaire seriously commending a new Edition of Ptolemie to the free Beneficence of some great Prince when he collated the Gr. printed Text with the Lambeth MS. and exactly noted the various lections in which the want of this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is taken notice of by him had also given us a note of his conjecture upon this place For I cannot see to speak truly how 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or some such word can at all be missing here that signifie just nothing And yet perhaps as much as that we finde in the Glosse upon an old Ninnius in that place I mean where it is added Cair segint i. e. Eboracum Mirmantum i. e. Eboracum There are besides these certain other appellations or expressions rather as indeed they are of this most famous place which perhaps you would not I should omit Ninnius the antientest Historiagrapher of the Britans as who wrote about DCCC years ago in his Catalogue of the Cities of Britain names it according to the best Copies compared Cair Ebrauc al. Cair Brauc Ge●…ffry of Monmouth the Author or Translator of the British History which you will will have it named Ebrauc by a K. of Britain descended of Trojan race and himself so named Condidit Civitatem de nomine suo Caer Ebrauc And yet the old Britains call it at this day Caer-Effroc as the English now York the Saxons Euoppic for U●…dwick saith Leland more contractedly indeed and also more corruptly For Leland saith Ortelius stifly maintains that York is called Uroricum à Graecis Latinis scriptoribus For the Greek truly I have little to say as much as nothing who I beleeve scarce knew what Vicus was For the Latine he was good at it hear him therefore I pray what he sayes himself in these writings of his which now I have under my hand Sunt qui suspicentur nec temere

according as you prove either skilful or lucky in the digging The figures of some of them I have here caused to be represented to the Reader The first and greatest with an Inscription graven and cut in and about the neck of it SEVERIANUS c. was above a year ago by the pious and ingenious Vicar of that Parish Mr. Henry Dearing bestowed upon me which I keep as a great Treasure as also was the last not long after with the cover of it over it so severally represented of purpose that the form of either might the better appear The words of the Inscription of that first as neer as they could be imitated are these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In the writing of which words although something may be observed not ordinary as Ola for Olla and those kind of A. and L. c. yet is there nothing so singular but a learned Antiquarie well versed in Gruters Thesaurus of Inscriptions will soon find examples of it As for the sense and meaning of the words though not so obvious perchance as might be wished yet must I because few words will not serve suspend my opinion till some fitter opportunity That in the middle with the Inscription COCCILLIM was by the means of a worthy friend M. Dr. Winston that great ornament of his profession procured unto me from the Right Honourable for his worth and love to learning as well as by his place Richard Earl of Portland Lord High Treasurer of England c. whom with some other rare Antiquities it was sent unto some years ago I was desirous to compare these that I had for the Inscriptions sake especially with some others of the same kind But I find this difference That whereas mine were much perished and worn by age such was the brightness and smoothness of this middle of the cover of it I mean which is of a read coloured earth as that it rather resembled pure Coral then ordinary red earth and as for the Letters of the Inscription that they were not as mine rudely ingraven in with the hand but in the same mould and at the same time when the cover it self was formed very artificially printed or imbossed rather as by these figures that are represented you may in part perceive Since that when I passed last by Newington coming from London among many other fragments of Antiquity in M. Dearings Garden I found the pieces of just such another Cover but that the color of it is nothing so fresh with this Inscription in the middle likewise PRISCIAN Now as the multitude of these Newington Urns for I do not remember that ever so many in so narrow a Compass of ground were found is observable so is the manner of their laying in the ground They that have been present often at their digging up have observed that where one great Urn is found divers less vessels are some within the great some about it all covered either with a proper cover of the same Earth and making as the pot it self is or more coursly but very closely stopped up with other Earth Of all those small vessels of what fashion soever that are found either in or about these Urns I know no other use to satisfy in some part their curiosity that wonder at them when they see them that was ordinary among the Romans but either to contain some fragrant odoriferous liquor and durable confection or that libatio of wine and milk that they used about their dead or lastly not to speak here of those burning Lamps that have been found in some antient Urns and Monuments which so many have largely written and disputed of to receive and preserve the tears that were shed by the friends of the deceased for grief of their death as for the difference of the greater and lesser Urns Fabricius in his Roma and Marlianus in his Topographieal description of the same are of opinion that when Urns of different bigness are found in the same place the greater were for the greater and richer as the Masters and Patroni and the lesser for the poorer and inferiour as the Servants and Clients In things of th●… nature which were I mean altogether arbitrary there is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but different fashions were used in different places 〈◊〉 ●…nd likely in the same place as every mans particular conceit or humor served him And therefore it were hard to determine any thing as certainly and generally true But as for these Newington Urns this seems to have been the custome there used One great Urn was appointed to contain the bones and ashes of all one either houshold or kindred As often therefore as any of them dyed so often had they recourse unto the common Urn which so often was uncovered To prevent this I find that the fashion hath been in some places to let in the ashes through some holes made and fitted for that purpose See Gruter fol. 814. Now besides the great and common Urn it is likely that every particular person that dyed had some less Urn or Vessel particularly dedicated to his own memory whereby both the number of the deceased and the parties themselves might the better be remembred There might be also another use of these lesser pots in my judgement very necessary and that is that by them the common great Urns might the better be known and discerned one from another which being so neer in so small a compass of ground and not much unlike one another might otherwise easily be mistaken And this is the more likely because of those many hundreds that have been taken up of the lesser sort scarce have there been found any of one and the same making I hear not of any thing that hath hitherto been found in these Newington Urns besides bones and ashes and sometimes clear water And so do I read of Urns or Earthen Vessels plenis limpidissima aqua that have been found elsewhere as that which is mentioned in Gruterus fol. 927. I doubt not but many would be glad as well as I to know certainly what this place hath formerly been But alass how should we who are of yesterday and know nothing without the help of ancient Records recall the memory of things forgotten so many hundred years ago Thus much we may certainly conclude First from the multitude of these Urns that it was once a common burying place for the Romans Secondly from the History of the Romans in this land that no Urn is there found but is 1200. or 1300. Years old at the least so many ages of men have these poor Earthen Vessels of so much better clay for durance then humane bodies are outlasted both the Makers of them and the persons to whose memory they were consecrated Lastly from the place which is upon an ascent and for a good way beyond hilly not far from the Sea and neer the High-way we may affirm in all probability that it was once the Seat of a Roman Station