Eighty no less than Fifty Ships were missing for seven days But this was but the beginning of the Misfortunes of this Miserable Expedition for the Confusion of Orders was such as the Officers and Soldiers scarce knew who to Command or whom to Obey so that when they came to Cadiz a Conquest which would have paid the Charge of the Voyage and to the Honour of the English offer'd it self for the Spanish Shipping in the Bay lay unprovided of defence so as the surprising of them was both easie and feasible but this was neglected and when the Opportunity was lost Sir John Burroughs Landed the Army and took a Fort but was forced to quit it because of the Disorder and Intemperance of the Soldiers who upon that return'd on Board again and sailed away for England re insecta which occasion'd no small clamour from the People and especially in that none was punished for Mismanagement But how dishonourable soever this Expedition was the King and his Minister lost much more Reputation by lending a Fleet to the French King to beat that of the Rochellers under Monsieur Sobiez the Great Duke of Roan's Brother whereby a foundation was laid to ruin the Protestant Interest in France and which all the power that e're they could afterward make when the Tables were turned could not relieve though the Duke himself who was much sitter for the Delicacies of a Court than the toyls and stratagems of War was at the head of it and perished by the hands of Felton at Portsmouth just as he was ready to Embark the second time in person for that purpose It 's true the design was pursued by the Earl of Lindsey who several times attempted to force the Barricadoes of the River before Rochel but all in vain or if he had it would have been to no purpose for the Victuals wherewith they should have been relieved were all tainted and all the Tackle and other Materials of the Fleet defective so that they could not stay long there The many and unheard-of Violations of the Priviledges of the Subject by Loans Benevolences Ship-money Coat and Conduct-money c. with the continual Jars between this King and all his Parliaments during his Reign so as that there has been scarce three days of mutual harmony between them throughout which cannot be said of any other King since the Conquest how bad soever his Imprisoning Fining and banishing of the Members and his riding the Nation for above fifteen years together by more than a French Government because they are noted else where I think no where so well as in the History of the four last Reigns Written by that Learned Gentleman and my worthy good Friend when alive Mr. Roger Coke I shall not recite the same in this place as not falling exactly under the notion of this Treatise Tho I am to imform you these were the things together with the imposing the Service-Book upon the Scots where the Quarrel was begun by an Old Woman casting her Stool at the Priest when he was reading of it as they said that were the foundation of those dreadful Wars waged so many years within the Bowels of the three Kingdoms which do not fall under our present consideration neither and of the King 's subsequent destiny the Particulars whereof with some other concurring and intervening accidents we shall give you at large After the War had been manag'd between the King and Parliament with various fortune for some years and several Treaties set on foot to compose those unhappy and fatal Differences at last came the fatal day wherein the Quarrel came to be decided between them at Naseby in Northamptonshire which was on Saturnday June 14. 1645. Sir Thomas Fairfax was the Parliaments General and the King commanded his own Army in Person who in the beginning of the Fight prevailed for Prince Rupert Routed the Parliaments Left Wing commanded by Ireton but Pursuing to far left the Kings Left Wing open to be charged by Cromwel who falling furiously on and the rest Rallying obtained a most absolute Victory But among the vast number of Prisoners and Horses taken with Arms and Ammunition that which was even a greater loss to the King then the Battle was that one of his Coaches with his Cabinets of Letters and Papers fell into the Parliaments hands whereby his most Secret Counsels with the Queen which were so contrary to those he declared to the Kingdom were discovered For in one of his Letters he declared to her his intention to make Peace with the Irish and to have 40000 of them over into England to prosecute the War there In others he complained he could not prevail with his Mungrel Parliament at Oxford so he was pleased to call those Gentlemen who had stuck to him all along to Vote that the Parliament at Westminster were not a Lawful Parliament That he would not make Peace with the Rebels the Parliament without her approbation nor go one jot from the Paper She sent him That in the Treaty at Vxbridge he did not positively own the Parliament it being otherwise to be constru'd tho' they were so simple as not to find it out and it was Recorded in the Notes of the King's Council that he did not acknowledge them a Parliament Which Papers the Members took care to Print and Publish to the World and shewed by a publick Declaration what the Nobility and Gentry who followed the King might trust too and I dare say this stuck so close in the Minds of many that nothing contributed more to his Ruine then this double dealing of his Now the King's Garrisons surrender by heaps Oxford was the last which being blocked up by the Parliaments Forces the King thought himself in no security in it For the Parliament refused to admit him to come to London unless he signed their propositions wherefore the French Ambassador in the Scots Quarters advising him to throw himself into the Scots Power it was Hobson's Choice one even as good as the other and so being accompany'd by one Hudson a Minister and Mr. John Ashburnham he threw himself into the Scots hands who having got him into their Power resolve to make a double Bargain of him viz. to have him to order Montross to disband his Army and retire into Scotland and then to Sell him to the Parliament for as much Money as they could get for him The first is no sooner ask'd but granted but the bargain for the Sale of him and surely never was any King in this World so unhappy as to be sold by his own Subjects before himself being a mighty business to the Scots it lasted from the 5 th of May 1646 to January following when being concluded the Parliament who now had a full right to him after they had bought him confine him to â—oldenby-house an House of his own in Northamptonshire under a select Guard of their own choosing So that as Mr. Cook observes he that before had sifted the worthy
A CONTINUATION OF THE Secret History OF WHITE-HALL From the Abdication of the late K. James in 1688. to the Year 1696. Writ at the Request of a Noble Lord and Conveyed to him in Letters by late Secretary Interpreter to the Marquess of Louvois who by that Means had the Perusal of all the private Minutes between England and France for many Years The whole consisting of Secret Memoirs which have hitherto lain conceal'd as not being discoverable by any other Hand Published from the Original Papers Together with the Tragical History of the STUARTS from the first Rise of that Family in the Year 1068 down to the Death of Her late Majesty Q. MART of Blessed Memory By D. JONES Gent. LONDON Printed and are to be Sold by R. Baldwin in Warwick-lane MDCXCVII Of whom is to be had the First Part of the Secret History of WHITE-HALL from the Restoration of King CHARLES II. to the Abdication of the late King JAMES THE PREFACE I Am so far from believing the World will be surprised with the Publication of this Second Volume since 't is no more than what I have promised once and again in my Preface to the First that I am ready to flatter my self it has been waited for with Longing Expectations especially when I consider what a kind and general Reception has been given to the former Part though it has not at the same time according to the Fate of Things of this kind escaped without the Harsh and Malevolent Censures of some as if the Letters were not only not Genuine but the whole of a Supposititious Extract and Original But I have said so much upon this Head already as may in Reason satisfie the scrupulous Curiosity of any ingenious and disinterested Person and therefore I shall concern my self no further with it But as I have not failed to be copious in a Vindication of the Work in my First Preface so I have been as sparing to expatiate upon the Use and Excellency of the Discoveries leaving that wholly to the Observation of the Judicious Reader as I do it also in this wherein I foresee he will be much better satisfied with me than for my Silence in respect to the Nature and Method of this last Correspondence where so much Danger and Difficulty must be apprehended to be and which I find as difficult to gratifie him with a Discovery of any further than the Letters themselves intimate especially that now the Author is actually abroad again and by his Absence contributes a double Reason for my Excuse and the Reader 's Disappointment Some may be apt to wonder these Letters should be so few and consequently bear so little Proportion to those that make up the First Volume But as a manifest Difference in the Duration of Time as well as the different Circumstances of Things in Europe while these last were written are Irrefragable Arguments against any Cavils that may be suggested by reason of such a contracted Compass So the fame Limitation is no less a Proof of the candid Management since 't is far enough from being impossible but an Able Head might have found out Matter and Means to have made the Second Volume of these Letters to swell up to the Bigness of the First Yet after all I do confess I did not think when I published the First Part that these Papers then Rude and Undigested would have been couched in so small a Room And therefore I have found my self under a kind of Necessity to make up the Defect by the Subsequent Treatise concerning which I cannot but expect something should be required to be said by me in a more particular manner 'T is true the Connection here does not so exactly quadrate nor does it look so natural even to my self as I could wish for but yet the Sameness of the Race whereunto both the one and the other Treatise bear a Relation doth sufficiently secure it from appearing with a distorted and monstrous Countenance And this latter being an History dating its Original from the first Foot-steps of Antiquity relating to this Family even long before their Assumption of the Name of Stuart and treating chiefly of the unfortunious Accidents of their Lives 〈◊〉 so many Preludiums to their Tragical Ends wherein no Records of Time can shew a Family so remarkably unhappy not only in such of it as have sway'd a Sceptre of whom only Two went to their Graves in Peace but in all the other diversified Branches of the same This I say doth abundantly â—vince the Truth of the Assertion I had compleatly finished this Treatise before I knew of or that any of the fore-mentioned Papers came into my Hands and was intent upon the Publication of it when the other interrupted me therein But if any should demand of me what were my first Inducements to such an Undertaking I am free inform them that I had my first Intimations from my ever Honoured and Learned Friend Roger Coke Esq with whom while living I have had most intimate and I may say daily Converse for the Revolution of some Years and who during the Time of my Acquaintance with him was pleased to intrust me and no other with the Care and I may say Revisal too of all his Papers and particularly of The Detection of the Court and State of England during the Four last Reigns and from whom I have received some uncommon Hints towards the Compiling of this Structure which upon Perusal I question not but the Unprejudiced Reader will acknowledge as such and whose Memory now he is dead I shall always revere and honour It will be unnecessary to make a Recapitulation here of the Authorities cited by me they will best appear in the Work it self where they cannot escape the Reader 's View and to which I refer him I am not unsensible how sure I am to disoblige one Party of Men by this Undertaking and whose sole Cry is That the Princes here spoken of were the best and most vertuous in their Lives and surely could not be so generally unhappy in their Deaths as here represented but they are for the most part of the other Side and I shall not break my Rest to please them And since t is notoriously known they will hardly allow the present Lawful and Rightful Possessor of the Throne of Great Britain any of those Vertues they so prodigally ascribe unto others who many of them we will not deny had their Good as others had their Bad Qualities either their Judgment may be greatly suspected or else all the Christian World is Witness of their gross and matchless Partiality Profit and Pleasure are the main Things to speak of the general Course of Sublunary Matters that we pursue in this Life and these Two are also the great Props of Humane Studies How far the former may be met with in the Compass of this Treatise I will not take upon me to determine But I shall only observe that I have endeavoured to give as
Narration of Conjectures and Opinions but content my self to inform you as the observation of a person that 's my Friend who has for many Years been very critical and exact to pry into the Court-Conduct and has not had the least opportunity so to do that the Dauphiness at first had been so well received by the King that some malignant Spirits made it their publick Discourse But that a terward meeting with a colder entertainment when they saw it impossible to engage the Duke of Bavaria her Brother to the interest of the Crown of France the Princess her self became so sensible of the change that she grew sad and melancholy upon it till now at length Death it self has put a final period to her grief as I am forced to do to this letter through a pressing occasion who am My Lord Your Lordships most Humble and most devoted Serv. Paris April 28. 1690. N. S. LETTER XIV An exact Account of the number and strength of the French Fleet in 1690 with some intimations of a Conspiracy formed against the Government at the same time My Lord I Cannot but express my great Sorrow to find that many things that relate to the English Affairs and which should be managed in the Cabinet and only known by the Execution of them are so common in most Mens Mouths on this side There must be false Friends some where and who knows but they are the very Men who would possess the Government that the Enemy is not so formidable as is given out But I cannot believe your Lordship to be among the number of those incredulous ones tho' I am confident you 'l find it an hard task to convince those who should concern themselves of their imminent danger This Court seems long since fully to be satisfyed of the King's intention to go for Ireland and that much of his time and thoughts have been taken up for the work that lies before him there and therefore they are more busy here than ever in projecting methods and carrying on designs to allarm England in his absence I heartily wish your Out-works may be firm and strong they are likely to be attacked by a formidable power from without and I do not question but there are attempts formed within to second the same it being in a manner a common Discourse here And this I can firmly assure your Lordship of that several English Men who were some time ago about the Court and this City are all of a sudden disappeared but have since rendevouz'd at Brest with a full design to Embark on Board the Fleet which whatever Men may flatter themselves in England with is very formidable and very near ready to put out to Sea having its full complement of Mariners with an additional number of Landmen which are not sent there without some considerable design in view I am confident some men in England would laugh me to scorn should I tell them that the French Fleet is composed of Fourscore and two great Men of War Forty Frigats Thirty Fireships and Fifteen Gallies but your Lordship I hope will have a better Opinion of my Sincerity than to think I would any ways impose upon you That this formidable Fleet is designed for the English Coast is not doubted but as to any particular management all that ever I could learn is that an attempt will perhaps be made during the King's being in Ireland to raise a Mutiny and that in the Interim King James is to leave the command of his Army to Lauzun and Tirconnell and to hasten with all speed into England to favour which part of the French Fleet is to block up the River of Thames another part in conjunction with the Gallies are to land the Men on board somewhere in the West and such spare Arms as they have with them which is thought to be a great Number and when this is done they are to set sail for the Irish Coast to hinder King William and his Forces from returning Now my Lord I confess I do not think all these things practicable but there must be something more than ordinary in the Wind and you cannot be too cautious There are various other discourses that pass up and down continually concerning this grand Expedition which I shall not trouble your Lordship with as being meer conjectures and therefore I conclude only with subscribing my self as I am unfeignedly and so shall remain My Lord Your Lordships most Humble Faithful and Obedient Servant Paris June 2d 1690. N. S. LETTER XV. Of the late King James his arrival in France out of Ireland and of an uncertain report raised of King William's Death occasioning much ridiculous Mirth and Bon-fires at Paris c. My Lord THat the Arms of this Country have lately prevailed in two great conflicts the one by Sea and the other by Land is sufficiently known here by the publick rejoycings that have been made for both in all parts of the Kingdom and I cannot sufficiently express to your Lordship the Agony I have been under especially when I heard of the defeat by Sea but the arrival of the late King some days ago at St. Germans hath cheered up my drooping Spirits wonderfully again It s universally agreed here that King william has had the better of him though the defeat is minced very much at Court who thereupon foreseeing that it would be a matter of much enquiry and seem no less than a paradox among the people that he should quit Ireland so soon where his presence must have been absolutely necessary for the heartning of his foiled party they have given a reason for his retirement so ridiculous that let them believe it who will I think I shall not yet and I am sure your Lordship will not and that is that Monsieur Lauzun had in a manner constrained him to withdraw himself into France because his extraordinary courage caused him to expose himself like a common Soldier even to so much danger that it had like to have cost him his life And if the foresaid reason was so very ridiculous I am sure your Lordship will not think the rejoycings made in this City upon the groundless report of a Lacque of the Kings who got out of Ireland a few days after his Master to be less so For upon his Arrival he was pleased to acquaint the Court that Duke Schomberg was not only killed but King William dead also which good News as they call it was of that importance that it was glibly swallowed down and the proof thereof never enquired into and the News happening about Mid-night to come into the City the Commissaries immediately ran up and down the Streets knocking up the People and crying out to them Rise Rise make Bonfires So that in about an hours time all Paris was in a Blaze and nothing to be heard there but Hautboys Drums and Trumpets Not content with this the Rabble made the Effigies of King William and Queen Mary dragged them through
once more we have attempted it in five rencounters already and fail'd but in the sixth we shall prevail and so having gather'd some Force together he advanced towards Sterling where he gave Edward the II. who was then King of England such a Defeat as Scotland never gave the like to our Nation and so continued War with various Fortune with Edward the III. till at last Age and Leprosie brought him to his Grave But some time before his Death he got the Crown settled upon his Son David then a Child and for want of his having Issue upon Robert Stuart his Sister's Son and this by Act of Parliament and the Nobles sware to it accordingly His Son David of between eight and nine Years old inherited that which he had with so much Difficulty and Danger obtain'd and wisdom kept He was in his Minority govern'd by Thomas Randolf Earl of Murrey whose severity in punishing was no less dreaded than his Valour had been honoured but he soon after dying of Poyson and Edward Baliol the Son of John coming with a Fleet and being strengthned with the assistance of the English and some Robbers the Governor the Earl of Mar was put to the Rout so that Baliol makes himself King and David was glad to retire into France Amidst these Parties Edward the III. backing of Baliol Scotland was pitifully torn and the Bruces in a manner extinguished till Robert Stuart afterward King of Scotland with the Men of Argyle and his own Friends and Family began to renew the claim and brought the Matter into a War again which was carry'd on by Andrew Murray the Governor and afterward by himself so that David after nine Years Exile adventured to return where making frequent Incursions he did at length in the fourth year after his Return march into England and in the Bishoprick of Durham was routed and fled to an obscure Bridge shewed by the Inhabitants to this day where he was taken Prisoner by John Copeland and continued so for the space of eleven Years Soon after his Releasment and Return home he calls a Parliament wherein he enacted several Laws for the punishment of such as had fled from him at the Battle of Durham and more particularly levelling at Robert Stuart as being one of them who had been the Cause of that great Overthrow He got that Act passed in his Father's time whereby the Crown was appointed for want of Issue of his Body lawfully begotten to descend to the said Robert Stuart to be repeal'd and John Southerland Son to Jane his youngest Sister made Heir apparent in his stead and the Nobility swore to the observance of the said Law This made the Earl of Southerland so confident of the matter that he gave almost all his Lands away among his Friends and Acquaintance But alas he was wretchedly mistaken for his Son being afterwards one of those sent as Hostages into England for the security of the payment of King David's Ransom he died there of the Plague and Robert Stuart attain'd the King's Favour again and succeeded as Heir to the Crown being the first of the Name of the Stuarts that ever sway'd a Scepter But things did not go on so smoothly with Robert Stuart upon the Death of Southerland his Competitor first and of King David afterward but that he met with another Rub in his way from William Earl of Dowglas who when the Lords were assembled at Lithguo about the Succession came thither with a great Power and urged he ought to be preferr'd before Stuart as being descended from the Baliols and Cummins But finding at length that his own Friends and particularly the Earls of March and Murray his Brethren with the Lord Erskein who all three were in great power as being Governors one of Dunbritton another of Sterling and the third of Edinburg opposed him he thought it most advisable to desist from his Claim And so Robert Stuart was Crown'd at Scone on Lady-day in the Year 1370. being the 47th Year of his Age. But that Dowglas might be a little soothed up under his present Disappointment and kept from disturbing the common Tranquillity the King bestows Euphemia his eldest Daughter in Marriage upon him Whether it were thro' an advanced Age or Sloth we find he did but little since his Accession to the Crown but his Lieutenants and the English were perpetually in action during the course of his Reign which was according to Buchanan nineteen Years and four and twenty Days And tho' it's true we do not find his Death to have been violent or any ways accelerated by Grief of Heart but natural in an old age having lived seventy-four Years yet surely he laid the Foundation for the many Parricides Fratricides and other dreadful Calamities that befel his Posterity in a very great measure by preferring his Illegitimate Children by Elizabeth Moor his Concubine before those he had lawfully begotten on Euphemia Ross his Wife And the Case was briefly thus At the time of his attaining the Crown the foresaid Euphemia Daughter to Hugh Earl of Ross was his lawful Wife by whom he had two Sons Walter afterward created Earl of Atholl and David Earl of Strathern but before he was married he kept one Elizabeth Mure for so the Scotch write the Name as his Concubine and had by her three Sons John Earl of Carrick Robert Earl of Mentâ—ith and Fife and Alexander Earl of Buchan with several Daughters Now Queen Euphemia departed this Life three Years after her Husband became King who forthwith marry'd Elizabeth Mure his old Paramour either to legitimate the Children he had by her which it seems was the manner in those days or else for old acquaintance her Husband Gifford for you must know he had got her matched to cover her shame dying about the same time as the Queen had done This step drew on another and there was no stoping now but the Children formerly begotten on this Woman in Adultery must have the Crown entailed upon them by Parliament in prejudice to the other two who by any thing that appears in History were finer Gentlemen and fitter as they had a juster Claim to govern then either of these I know the Lord Viscount Tarbert in a late Pamphlet has taken upon him to vindicate the Legitimacy of Moor's Children against all the Authority of the Scotch Historians who lived at or near those times and ever since who could not be ignorant of so material a thing as this and to this end he Cites several Records It 's not my business to answer his allegations but I am sure the Records would never have named John that afterwards succeeded Tanquam haeres if he had been true and undoubted Heir And so I leave any one to judge if the Records do not thereby make much more against his Legitimacy than it does for it But right or wrong the Sluts Will must be gratified and so John succeeds his Father in the Scottish Kingdom but not by the
to the abrogating of which by the enormous power of the Sword because he could by no means be induced he was brought thither to undergo a Martyrdom for his People Then he prayed and being minded by the Bishop to satisfie the Spectators as to his Religion he said that he had deposited the Testimony of his Faith with that holy Man meaning the Bishop That his Life and Profession had been well known and that now he died in the Christian Faith according to the Profession of the Church of England as the same was left him by his Father of Blessed Memory And then turning about to the Officers and professing the hopes he had of his Salvation he began to prepare for the Circumstances of Death The Bishop put on his Night-cap and uncloathed him to his Sky-coloured Sattin Wastcoat he delivered his George to the Bishop's hands and charged him to remember to give the same to the Prince and having prayed again he stooped down to the Block and had his Head severed from his Body at one Blow about Two of the Clock in the Afternoon the day aforesaid in the year 1648. dying the same death as to kind as his Grandmother Mary Queen of Scots had done sixty two years and eight days before at Fothringham Castle in Northamptonshire and I think was no whit inferior to her in the misfortunes of his Life And to note a few his three Favourites to wit Buckingham Laud and Strafford undergoing a violent death and the two latter falling by the Axe as forerunners of his own destiny And as to his own Personal errors when Bristol was cowardly surrendred by Fines had he then marched to London as he might have done very well all had been his own but loytering to no purpose at Gloucester he was soon after well banged by the Earl of Essex When he had worsted Essex in Cornwall he neglected the like opportunity of getting to London Guilty he was of the same oversight in not commanding the Duke of Newcastle to march Southwards toward the Metropolis of England before the Scots entred the English Borders and in not doing the like himself after he had taken Leicester for there was nothing then that could have hindred him to become Master of the City The same ill success he had as to his Treaties about being restored And in short he was generally unfortunate in the World in the esteem not only of his Enemies but in some sort of his Friends too for as the later were n'er pleased with his breach of Faith so the former would say he could never be fast enough bound and the Blood that some years before dropt upon his Statue at Greenwich and the falling off of the Silver Head of his Cane at his Trial were interpreted as dismal presages of his disastrous fate His Head and Trunk after the Execution were immediately put into a Coffin and conveyed to the Lodgings in Whitehall and there Embowelled and from thence conveyed to St. James House and Coffined in Lead About some fortnight after the Duke of Lennox Marquess of Hartford Earl of Southampton and Bishop of London got leave to bury the Body which they conducted to the Chappel at Windsor and Interred it there in the Vault of Henry the Eight with this Inscription only upon his Coffin Charles King of England And herein he was more unhappy than his Grandmother Mary for whereas her Corpse were some years after her death taken up by her Son King James and Reposited with all the Funeral Pomp that could be in the Chappel of King Henry the Seventh her Great Grand Father This King's Remains notwithstanding the Commons had Voted in 1669 the Sum of 50000 l. for the Charge of taking it up a Solemn Funeral had of it and a Monument for it yet lay neglected as if it had been blasted by fate King Charles the Second his Son they said forbidding of it A Physician that made inspection into the dissection of the Body related that nature had designed him above the most of mortal men for a long life but Providence ordered it otherwise for he was cut off in the Forty ninth year of his Age being his Climacterical and twenty fourth of his Reign leaving six Children behind him three Sons Charles Prince of Wales James Duke of York and Henry Duke of Gloucester whereof the two Elder were Exiles and three Daughters Mary Princess of Orange Elizabeth a Virgin who not long survived him and Henrietta Maria born at Exeter Charles his Eldest Son who was then at the Hague when he heard of his Father's disastrous fate assumed the Title of King of England c. tho an Exile and without any Kingdom to command He was born at St. James's May 30. 1630. it was said a Star appeared over the place where he had been born in broad day which in those times was interpreted to prognosticate his happiness but the Ecclipse of the Sun which happened presently after was no less a presage of his future Calamities There was little remarkable in him or concerning him till the year 1639 when the unhappy disaster of breaking his Arm befell him and that not long after he was afflicted with a violent Feaver accompanied with a little of the Jaundice but having at length recovered his perfect health and the fatal differences begun long before but now daily increasing between the King his Father and the People he accompanied him into the North of England where he was a Spectator of that dismall Cloud which tho small at its first gathering yet was pregnant with that dreadful storm which in a short time spread it self over him his Father and three Nations For going to take possession of Hull as they thought they were by Sir John Hotham denied Entrance and forced to wait several hours at the Gate all in vain From this time forward the War increasing between the King and Parliament he was first spectator of that successless Battle to his Father's Arms at Edgehill staid some time after at Oxford From thence returning to the Field and the King's forces in the West under the command of the Lord Hopton of which the Prince was nominally General being routed by General Fairfax he was necessitated to retire to the Isle of Scilly and from thence betook himself into France To whom his Father now depriv'd of Command himself sent a Commission of Generalissimo of those few Royalists that survived the late unhappy overthrows and this brought him to the Isle of Guernsey where he possest himself of some Vessels that lay there and having joyned them to those he had brought with him out of France he sailed from thence into the Downs where he seized several rich Merchant-Ships and expected some Land-forces from Holland raised by the Prince of Orange for his Service But alas he was as unfortunate now in his Warlike attempts as his Father had been before and was still in his Treaties of Peace for Poyer and Langhorn who made a