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A50522 The works of the pious and profoundly-learned Joseph Mede, B.D., sometime fellow of Christ's Colledge in Cambridge; Works. 1672 Mede, Joseph, 1586-1638.; Worthington, John, 1618-1671. 1672 (1672) Wing M1588; ESTC R19073 1,655,380 1,052

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of Controversie mens passions are vehemently engaged and the Disputants generally argue according to their Interests and therefore when he saw men impetuous in the assertion of their Opinions and peremptory in the rejection of other mens Iudgments he commonly answer'd such only with silence not caring to entertain discourse with them who in stead of a sober and modest Enquiry into Truth were addicted to a disingenuous humour of Disputacity that was his term which in his sense signified To be always resolved for the last word which is the troublesome temper and practice of self-conceited and pertinacious wranglers for after he discover'd any to be such he would give them full leave to have the last word and all because he would speak no more what-ever he thought Nor was he less unwilling to allow them also the last word in writing Witness those Paper-collations between him and Mr. T. H. a great follower of that man of more Reading than Consideration Mr. Hugh Broughton Indeed T. H. had a great opinion of his own performances in this kind and of the much good might be done by such Conferences and accordingly did ply Mr. Mede with one Paper after another who yet was wholly of another mind and plainly told him Of these reciprocations of discourse in writing wherein you place so much benefit for the discovery of Truth I have often heard and seen Truth lost thereby but seldom or never found And for this reason as also because Conferences by writing were tedious and less safe and would take away a great deal of his time he was averse from all such Pen-work as he call'd it desiring him not to make any Reply for he was resolved to answer no more whatsoever he should send and he was as good as his word for though Mr. H. could not hold but would needs send him another large Paper of the same complexion with the former yet could not this provoke him to recede from his fix'd and well-grounded resolution against all multiplying of unnecessary and fruitless Replies So true was he to that expression of his I can with much more patience endure to be contradicted than be drawn to make Reply having little or no edge to contend with one I think setled and persuaded unless it were in something that nearly concern'd his Salvation and withal he added You know as much of my Opinion and my Grounds for the same as I would desire of any mans and I think I perfectly understand yours Why should then either of us spend our time any farther to no purpose 32. But not to dwell only in Generals His Prudent moderation particularly discover'd itself in an Instance of no small weight and importance In short thus When that unhappy difference about the point of Praedestination and its Appendants instead of a more free sedate and Christian-like method of debating it was blown to so high a flame in the Low-Countreys and began to kindle strifes here at home he would often say he wondred that men would with so great animosity contend about those obscure Speculations and condemn one another with such severity considering that as the Wise man saith to whose words he would often allude We hardly guess aright at things that are upon Earth and with labour do we find the things that are before us But the things that are in Heaven who hath searched out But if at any time as it was said of S. Paul at Athens 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 his spirit was stirred within him it was when he observ'd some to contend with an unmeasureable confidence and bitter zeal for that black Doctrine of Absolute Reprobation upon which occasion he could not forbear to tell some of his Friends That it was an Opinion he could never digest being herein much of Dr. Iackson's mind That generally the Propugners of such Tenets were men resolved in their Affections of Love and Hatred both of which they exercis'd constantly and violently and according to their own Tempers made a judgment of God and his Decrees To the like purpose he express'd himself about two years before his death in a Letter to an ancient Friend of his formerly of the same Colledge It seems harsh that of those whom God hath elected ad media Salutis and calls by the preaching of his Gospel any should be absolutely and peremptorily ordain'd to damnation And afterwards by way of Reply to the objected authority of S. Austin as to some part of the Predestinarian Controversie he added If those were Hereticks which followed not S. Austin the most part of the Fathers before him were in Heresie and a part of the Church after him Zelots are wont to be over-liberal in such charges Thus would he sometimes in private reveal his judgment but in his publick performances he was reserved and did purposely abstaìn from medling with these matters And accordingly we have received this from some old acquaintance with him That in those days when the Controversies between the Remonstrants and Contra-Remonstrants made so great a noise in the world he was wont to bring his Common-places to an ancient Friend and Colleague to be perused by him with a desire that he would expunge whatsoever did but seem to countenance the Positions of either party To which may be added this other Instance of his own relating in a Letter to another Friend about four years before his death viz. That there being great combustions and divisions among the Heads of the University in preparation to the Commencement each party being desirous to get the advantage in the Election of the Answerers and so to fit the Questions to their mind and the more Calvinian party having prevail'd upon this occasion I went not saith he to this week as commonly I use to do for fear of being taken to be of a side These things we have noted particularly to shew with how much Sweetness as well as Prudence the great Learning of this Good man was admirably temper'd 33. But besides his Prudent Moderation there was also to be observed in him that which by the Epigrammatist is made one main Ingredient of an Happy life Prudens Simplicitas a mixture of what our Saviour Christ commends as imitable in the wise Serpent and in the harmless Dove He was not so Imprudent as always to utter all his mind that 's the property of a Fool Prov. 29. or before any company to reveal what new Notion or unvulgar Truth he had discover'd But he was always so generously Honest so Apert and Single-hearted as not to speak wickedly for God or talk deceitfully for him nor would he apply himself to any unwarrantable policies for the promoting or commending of Truth to others Such little crafts and undue practices were below the Nobleness and Integrity of his spirit To this purpose we may fitly take occasion here to remember a serious and excellent passage of his I cannot believe that Truth can be prejudiced by the discovery of Truth
nature indifferent the case is otherwise necessity there dispenseth as it did with David in eating of the Shew-bread For the eating of that Bread more than other was not of it self unlawful but only for ceremony sake But Injustice is always Injustice and such a one among other sins is Theft when we take that from another which is his and by no right is ours It is therefore a preposterous plea which Poor men are wont to use therewith to excuse themselves 1. What would you say they have us do the world hath forsaken us we have no friend to help us Alas have men forsaken you and will you make God forsake you too Will no body help you and will you make your selves uncapable of God's help too This is not the way to ease your cross but to procure a curse and to draw a great misery upon your heads Nay if you had not used these unlawful courses but had recourse to God your heavenly Father and trusted upon him who clotheth the grass and lilies of the field he would have provided for you but now you shut the gates of his blessing and mercy against your selves 2. Yea but I am a poor man and he from whom I have taken it is well able to spare it it will do him no harm and me good But who made thee a divider of other mens goods Thou must not look only whether he can spare it but by what means thou comest by it 3. But it is a small thing The more base and abject sinner thou who wilt corrupt thy conscience for such a trifle Take heed he that will serve the Devil for so small advantage if the Devil once mend his wages it is ten to one but he will mend his work This is the first Observation and if we mark it well here will be ground and roomth for another For if it be a sin for a Poor man to steal in his want from those that have enough how much more hainous is it for a Rich man to rob the poor as many do by fraud oppression deta●ning the hire of the labourer and the like The poor man's need is a strong temptation to make him steal therefore Agur makes Theft the poor man's danger and not the rich Lest I be poor saith he and steal not Lest I be rich and steal for why should the rich man steal he hath no need as we say he hath no direct temptation thereto as the poor man hath and therefore his sin is the greater And indeed there can be no other reason of his Theft but the rich man's malady He hath forgotten God and saith Who is the Lord and then no marvel if he be ready for any sin The hainousne●s and unreasonableness of this Sin may appear by that parable of Nathan wherewith David was so much incensed and convinced 2 Sam. 12. 1 c. There were two men in one city saith he the one rich the other poor The rich man had exceeding many flocks and herds But the poor man had nothing save one little ewe-lamb which he had bought and nourished up And there came a traveller unto the rich man and he spared to take of his own flock and of his own herd to dress for the way-faring man that was come unto him but took the poor man's lamb and dressed it for the man that was come to him And David's anger saith the Text was greatly kindled against the man and he said to Nathan as the Lord liveth the man that hath done this thing shall surely die and he shall restore the Lamb fourfold because he did this thing and because he had no pity Hence in Scripture for the rich to spoil the poor is accounted a crying sin which kind of sins are in a degree above the ordinary rank of sins viz. such as call for some visible and remarkable judgment upon the head of the committers Iudge of the rest by that which S. Iames saith of one kind of robbing the poor by detaining their wages Little know some men who out of a kind of pride in their own might and contempt of the poor as scorning to acknowledge themselves obliged to them for their service commit this sin little consider they how grievously they offend Behold saith S. Iames. ch 5. 4. the hire of the labourers which have reaped down your fields which is of you kept back by fraud crieth and the cries of them which have reaped are entred into the ears of the Lord of Saba●th To conclude this observation Men do not despise a thief saith Solomon Prov. 6. 30. if he steal to satisfie his soul when he is hungry yet if he be found he shall restore seven-fold If the poor man's theft be punished seven-fold amongst men sure with God the rich man's shall be punished seventy times seven-fold My third Observation shall be That we must avoid the occasions of sin as well as sin it self Agur prayes not that he might not steal c. but that God would keep him out of that condition which might occasion him to commit those sins This might have been observed from the other part of Agur's reason as well as from this for there he desired God to keep him from that Fulness which might occasion him to deny and forget God but I chose rather to defer it hither Opportunity we say makes a thief It is as true in the general That occasion is a snare whereby a man becomes a prey unto sin Eve by talking with the Serpent was at length caught to eat of the forbidden fruit David by seeing Bathsheba washing her self was tempted to commit adultery with her Peter by intruding himself into the high Priest's Hall out of too much confidence in his own strength came to deny his Master For this cause God commanded his people in the Law not only that they should worship no Idol but that they should demolish all the Monuments of them that they should make no covenant nor affinity with those who worshipped them and all lest they might be drawn by these occasions to commit idolatry with them If this be so we may see hence how much they deceive themselves who think it makes no matter what company they keep or what places they come in they will look to themselves forsooth and mean not to be corrupted but only to observe the fashions either to satisfie their curiosity or as some will pretend for the greater loathing of such abhorred courses This is a dangerous principle to play with the flames as the fly doth If thou wouldst avoid the Sin avoid the Occasion also And let me add one thing more Several sins have their several occasions and their proper gins but Evil company is the Devil's Magazine wherein are contained all Occasions of all sins Now I come to the fourth and last Observation which I gather from the last words of Agur's Reason That the commission of one sin makes way to another Agur thought if he were
wanted the Original Manuscript to examine them by are in Book I. Discourse 40 41 42 43 44 45 47 48 49. In Book IV. Epist. 4 6 10 12 29 34 93 97. THE LIFE Of the Reverend and most Learned Ioseph Mede B. D. 1. IT hath been the practice of the best Historians sometimes in short Characters and sometimes in larger Descriptions to represent the Nature Sayings and Manners of those Persons whose Actions have rendred them Illustrious whether in War or Peace And it is a Custom very commendable for by this means a just Right is perform'd to the Glory of their Memories their Exemplary Vertues are preserv'd in the world by Monuments w ch Time cannot demolish and Ingenuous Readers are highly gratified who are naturally desirous to know as much as they can of those of whom they have heard any thing which is extraordinary 2. The same Reason hath made it a Custom to write the Lives of Authors eminent for their Learning and to annex them to their Works And indeed such Historical Pictures seem no where plac'd more fitly than in the Beginnings of those Books which were design'd by their excellent Authors to promote true Religion and Piety in the world Men being no less prepar'd for a chearful reception of Divine Truth when they see it presented by a Worthy person than they are apt to give an easie credit to good News when they are perswaded of the Integrity of him that brings it We have therefore attempted to give a Faithful though Imperfect Pourtrait of this Excellent Person the Author of the ensuing Discourses that the Reader may know what he was who in so high a degree obliged not only the Age wherein he lived but all succeeding Generations by his excellent Studies and exemplary Life The History whereof is briefly as follows 3. IOSEPH MEDE was born in October 1586. of Parents of honest rank at Berden in Essex and related as the learned Mr. Alsop did particularly remark in his Funeral Sermon to the Family of Sir Iohn Mede of Lofts-Hall in the same County who did much please himself in so worthy a Kinsman to whom also when Fellow of Christ's Colledge he sent his eldest Son to be his Pupil accounting it a singular felicity to have him under the care and conduct of so worthy and accomplish'd a Tutor 4. When he was about Ten years old both he and his Father fell sick at the same time of the Small pox to the Father it proved mortal to the Son very hazardous But Almighty God who designed him for a great Blessing to the world delivered him then out of that and afterwards out of other Dangers of which merciful Preservations he had by him his thankful Memorials the better to excite himself to a due celebration of the Divine Goodness His Mother afterward married one Mr. Gower of Nasing in Essex by whom he was sent to School first to Hodsden and after that to Wethersfield in Essex In which time going to London upon some occasion he bought Bellarmine's Hebrew Grammar His Master having no skill in that Language told him it was not a Book fit for him but he being of the same generous temper with Demonax who as Lucian reports was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 would not be discouraged from the perusal of it but setting upon it industriously attain'd no small skill in the Hebrew Tongue before he left the School by these fair Blossoms giving an early assurance to his Friends of those excellent Fruits which he afterward brought forth being planted in a very fertile Soil and one of the most delightful Seats of the Muses in the University 5. His Friends being encouraged by the pregnancy of his Parts his assiduous Industry and Proficiency in Learning the best grounds of Hope sent him in the year 1602 to Christ's Colledge in Cambridge where he was admitted Pupil to Mr. Daniel Rogers Fellow of that Colledge When he had been there three years Mr. Rogers leaving the Colledge Mr. William Addison became his Tutor to whose Pupils after he was Bachelour of Arts he us'd to read as afterward when he was Master of Arts he moderated at Dis's upon the desire of his Tutor one of the then Proctors of the University 6. The Emprovements which he made in a short time by his industrious Wit were so conspicuous that they drew upon him the eyes not only of his own Colledge but of the whole University which could not but be the more observable in him because he wanted that felicity of Utterance which useth to set off slight parts and had so great an Hesitation in his speech as rendred his expression painful to himself and less pleasing to others Which made him decline as much as he might all publick Disputations and other Exercises as not to be perform'd by him without great difficulty his Labour in them as he was wont to tell his familiars being double to that of others in regard he was put to study not for matter only but for words not to express his mind for such words the matter being excogitated do not unwillingly follow and even offer themselves but for words that he could utter yea and to take care to dispose them too in that order that the contexture might suit with his Ability Wherein yet he in time became a rare Example how much a discreet observation of such an Imperfection can work toward the cure of it For by an heedful inspection into the nature of his defect what words he most stuck at either single or in conjuncture and at what times he was more or less free he attain'd so great a mastery over that Infirmity that he was able to deliver a whole Sermon without any considerable Hesitation 7. That also of his own relation is here not unworthy the remembring That not long after his entrance into Philosophical studies he was for some time disquieted with Scepticism that troublesome and restless disease of the Pyrrhonian School of old For lighting upon a Book in a neighbour-Scholars Chamber whether it were Sextus Empericus or some other upon the same Subject is not now remembred he began upon the perusal of it to move strange Questions to himself and even to doubt whether the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the whole Frame of things as it appears to us were any more than a mere Phantasm or Imagination The Emprovement of this Conceit as he would profess rendred all things so unpleasant to him that his Life became uncomfortable He was then but young and therefore the more capable of being abus'd by those perplex'd Notions by which Pyrrho had industriously studied to represent the Habitation of Truth as inaccessible But by the mercy of God he quickly made his way out of these troublesome Labyrinths and gave an early proof that he was design'd for profound Contemplations by falling so soon upon the consideration of subjects so subtil and curious 8. By that time he had taken the Degree of Master of Arts he
as also several others very familiar to him For his constant Readings upon Homer did not only make him perfect in that Author but he being a diligent Collator of the Greek with the Hebrew Chaldee and Syriack acquainted himself familiarly with the Idiotisms of all those Languages at once He had besides made a Collection of such Greek Latine and English words as he had observed to have a near sense and like sound with the Hebrew as we have been informed by some that saw in his study a Book of his in Quarto containing the Hebrew Radices c. with Greek Latine and English words derived from many of them By which means as he made the Language more familiar to him so he consulted the pleasure and advantage of his Friends being from this store furnish'd with what might render his converse more acceptable to them in whose contentment he had a true satisfaction 13. He preserv'd his knowledge in Academick Learning by the private Lectures which he read to his Pupils to whom he was an able and faithful Guide For being a Fellow of a Colledge he esteem'd it a part of his Duty to further the Education of young Scholars which made him undertake the careful charge of a Tutor and this he managed with great Prudence and equal Diligence After he had by daily Lectures well grounded his Pupils in Humanity Logick and Philosophy and by frequent converse understood to what particular Studies their Parts might be most profitably applied he gave them his Advice accordingly And when they were able to go alone he chose rather to set every one his daily Task than constantly to consine himself and them to precise hours for Lectures In the Evening they all came to his Chamber to satisfie him that they had perform'd the Task he had set them The first question which he us'd then to propound to every one in his order was Quid dubitas What Doubts have you met in your studies to day For he supposed that To doubt nothing and To understand nothing were verifiable alike Their Doubts being propounded he resolved their Quaere's and so set them upon clear ground to proceed more distinctly And then having by Prayer commended them and their studies to God's protection and blessing he dismiss'd them to their lodgings Thus carefully did he discharge the Trust of a Tutor though he well knew and was us'd to say That the Office of training up young Scholars in the University proved oftentimes but a thankless business In short He was not for a soft and easie self-pleasing course of life but was most willing to spend himself in a laborious endeavouring the best emprovement not of himself only but of others those especially committed to his care And here we might take occasion to recount several of his Pupils upon whom his excellent Instructions were not bestow'd in vain Some of them Persons of Honour and Eminency in the State Honourable as well for the noble Accomplishments of their Minds and their exemplary Vertues as for the height of their Descent and Parentage others of great Merits and Esteem in the Church both for their personal Endowments and for their adorning their holy Function by an agreeable Conversation But we must respicere titulum and remember that our present business is to write Mr. Mede's Life and what concerns his Story rather than the Characters of others though otherwise 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 men of renown and the Glory of their times 14. To return therefore to our Author He did so entirely devote himself to the study of all excellent Knowledge that he made even the time which he spent in his Recreation serviceable to his design He allow'd himself little or no Exercise but Walking and oftentimes when he and others were walking in the Fields or in the Colledge-Garden he would take occasion to speak of the Beauty Signatures useful Vertues and Properties of the Plants then in view For he was a curious Florist an accurate Herbalist throughly vers'd in the Book of Nature not unseen in any kind of ingenuous Knowledges such especially as were both for delight and use The chief delight which he took in company was to discourse with Learned friends particularly for several years he set apart some of his hours to spend them in the conversation of his worthy Friend Mr. William Chappell afterward Provost of Trinity Colledge near Dublin in Ireland and L. Bishop of Cork and Ross who was justly esteem'd a rich Magazine of Rational Learning and who again did as highly value the interest he had in Mr. Mede and the singular advantage of his Converse Accordingly when he was to leave the Colledge and prepare for Ireland he made it his particular request to Mr. Mede that he would favour him with his Papers and permit the transcribing of them for his private use So high and yet so just an esteem had he for those Papers richly stored with unvulgar but not unuseful Notions Mr. Mede who was made up of love and kindness did readily gratifie him herein as he did also afterwards when he wrote to him from Ireland for more of his Papers desiring that some that had been his Pupils might transcribe what he would please farther to impart to him who was one that did highly prize all that came from his deliberate pen They were the very words of his Letter 15. In his retirement to his private Studies he employ'd himself principally in a curious enquiry into the most abstruse parts of Learning and endeavour'd for the knowledge of those things which were remote from the vulgar track Among other things he spent no small pains in his younger years in sounding the depths of Astrology and much paper he blotted in calculating the Nativities of his near Relations and Fellow-students having to this Art as he would say above all other Studies a natural propension Yet did not that propension so far sway his Iudgment as not to discover the vanity and weakness of those grounds upon which the Professors of that pretended Art very often build their too confident Predictions That which he thought himself to have found by all his search was only this That the Celestial Luminaries having an unquestionable Influence upon all sublunary Bodies in the like position of the Heavens may reasonably be thought to have a similitude in their Operation and thereby to cause a Sympathy in things produced under like Constellations and an Antipathy under different But this not extending farther than a Natural inclination and being in men alterable by Custom Education and infinite external impediments he judged it not without extream vanity to be presumed upon as any infallible ground of Prediction of future actions especially in such things wherein men acting out of choice run counter many times to their Natural inclinations But to give the Reader his positive judgment as near as we can in his own most apposite and fit words thus he was wont in familiar discourse to determine
other learned man may not have the liberty of his own sense or in such Problematical points should incur any censure for dissenting from others Thus far that Reverend person now deceased the Author 's ancient Friend in the View of his Life 22. In pursuance of which Argument to which we hold our selves obliged both from the great zeal we have for the honour of the Author's Memory and from an honest ambition to endeavour the removing of any the least dissatisfaction which may lodge perhaps in the breasts of some even ingenuous and well-temper'd persons that so none may be offended in him it may not be unnecessary to superadd as a Mantissa these few particulars First That the Author had not the least fond inclination to this or any other Hypothesis as those have that affect to be talk'd of for some new or uncommon Theory his humble Soul was far from any such design of Vain-glory. Nay when he first applyed himself to the study of the Apocalyps he came as he told a Friend of his with a mind rather possest against it and being desirous to differ as little as might be from the sense of others he tried all ways imaginable to place the Millennium elsewhere and if it were possible to begin the 1000 years at the Reign of Constantine for whom he had a great veneration which was the commonly-received opinion of those that wrote before him or after him as Brightman Grotius and others But after all his striving he was forced as he ingeniously confess'd to yield to the light and evidence of this Hypothesis in a sober and qualified sense He was forced to it by the unresistible Law of Synchronisms according to which the Millennium could not possibly be placed otherwhere than it is by him which he nothing doubted but he had demonstrated in his Clavis Part. 2. Synchron 4. and 5. Concerning which performance we shall only say to the Reader as the Author himself us'd to do and it was a great word with him whenever he brought forth any unordinary and important Notion Expende he would say or else Consider it And here it is not unworthy to be remembred that the late learned Arch-deacon of Surry Dr. Hakewell gives this fair testimony of Mr. Mede that in his Clavis he hath shew'd himself an able man and particularly that this part of his Synchronisms is a very exact piece and such as gives a marvellous great light to the Prophecies of that Book Besides this would farther forbid him to make the Millennium of Satan's being bound and restrain'd from deceiving the world to begin at Constantine namely That the great deceiving of the world by Mahometism a most vile and yet prevailing Imposture began before less than half of the Millennium from Constantine was run out and strangely prosper'd in the world for the space of 600 years within that Millennium and not this only but Antichristian Idolatry and the greatest Cruelty imaginable against the faithful Servants of Christ fell out within the same Millennium wherein the Devil was so far from being chain'd and shut up that he never deceived the world more grossly nor raged more furiously and consequently was never more loose and at liberty to do mischief Secondly Our Author was not fondly desirous to proclaim this or any other peculiar Sentiment of his before others as one that was eagerly sollicitous to get Disciples or make Proselytes to his Persuasion No man did ever dictate less than he or propounded his Iudgment with the Reasons thereof with more modesty and submission none was more averse from the humour of masterly imposing an Opinion upon others none with less impatience and more civility could bear anothers dis●ent It was his own expression There are few men living who are less troubled to see others differ in opinion from them than I am If any man can patiently suffer me to differ from him it nothing affects me how much or how little they differ from me In short He was not big with a Paradox and in pain to be delivered of it as some are when they have discover'd as they think some rare and unvulgar Notion which temper in them is a certain sign of a Weak mind foolishly over-pleas'd with its own conceptions Nay he was so far from proclaiming this or any other new Opinion that when he was invited by others to speak of it for he chose rather to be led into such discourse than over-forwardly to begin it of himself he would speak but sparingly and in general especially before such who for want of age and experience were less prepared for such Speculations and therefore when such proceeded to enquire more particularly concerning his thoughts herein his way was not to declare himself magisterially but having quoted such or such a Text of Scripture modestly to express himself thus What if it should be so understood Why may it not be thus And when he was urged by Friends to add at the end of his Commentary upon the Apocalyps some Notions of his upon the following Chapters that the whole might be the more complete he only publish'd a short Specimen or Essay about this Hypothesis together with some short Notes upon a passage in Iustin Martyr purporting that it was the General opinion of all Orthodox Christians in the Age immediately following the Apostles and that none were known to deny it then but Hereticks which denyed the Resurrection Let the whole Specimen be carefully perused by any unpassionate and judicious person and it will approve it self to be a great Instance of the Author 's both Modesty and Prudence as to the way of communicating his particular thoughts concerning the Millennial mystery And accordingly the Reverend Dr. Charles Potter sometime Provost of Queen's College in Oxford a person of a very discerning and candid spirit in a Letter to his worthy friend Mr. Mason gave this fair account of Mr. Mede's proceeding in this abstruse Argument That whereas others are confident he does but modestly conjecture viz. in his Specimen de Mille annis and that upon other and better grounds than their dreaming heads ever thought of Whereas others would sally out into curious and minute descriptions of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and venture to speak as particularly of the Quality of that State as Dionysius the Areopagite so called does of the Angelical Hierarchy intruding into those things which they have not seen our Author on the contrary kept himself to Generals industriously abstaining from expressing himself de modo or concerning the particularities of the state of Christ's Kingdom and was far from being definitive in the least as to any circumstantial account thereof This was his pious Prudence He contented himself with that more General account the H. Scripture gives of this Millennium and in his explication of it he kept within the compass of that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Form of Ecclesiastical Doctrine set forth by the First Nicene Council
and with as great Solidity of Reason and Embroidery of Rhetorick pressed as his Theme led him Works of Charity Among other passages he exhorted his Hearers to make this Experiment When they had received good gain by Traffick or Bargain c. to take 6 d or 4 d in the Pound and put it in a Purse by it self for works of Piety This he warranted as it would be very beneficial to their Estate so it would take away all secret Grudgings For now they had lay'd so much aside for such a purpose they would rather wish for an Opportunity of disbursing it c. After Sermon being visited by a neighbour-Divine and one allied to him they presently fell into discourse about that Subject and Mr. Whateley's Iudgment was desired more particularly concerning the Quotapars to be so devoted As for that saith he I am not to prescribe to others but since here are none but very good friends and we are all so private I will tell you what hath been my own practice of late and upon what occasion You know Sir some years since I was often beholden to you for the Lone of 10● at a time The truth is I could not bring the year about though my Receipts were not despicable and I was not at all conscious to my self of any vain Expences or of Improvidence At length I began to examine my Family what Relief was given to the Poor And although I was assured that was not done niggardly yet I could not be so satisfied but resolved instantly to lay aside every Tenth shilling of all my Receipts for Charitable uses And to let you see how well I have thrived this way in a short time now if you have occasion to use an 100● or more I have it ready for you Iust Mr. Mede's Method and with a like prosperous Success This I can avouch for I was present both at the Sermon and at the Conference Neither do I conceive I have been wandering far from Mr. Mede all this while these two Persons meeting so near in so many Respects Both of them of the same House in the University both Contemporaries both Eminent though in far distant ways both inviolably kept their Principles of Loyalty to their Prince and Obedience to their Mother the Church both suffered injuriously some when time was made themselves too Poetically merry with Mr. Whately's Name both met in the same practice of Charity for which chiefly the latter was instanced in lastly both of them were peaceably and honourably Interred a little before the late unnatural War I do not ask the Reader 's Pardon for this seeming Impertinency because I rather expect his Thanks for helping him to so rare a Project how he may no less certainly than Piously improve his Estate if he please to make due Trial of it Howsoever I shall make him amends as to Brevity in the ensuing Particularities Whereof the next is 2. Concerning Mr. Mede's Communicativeness AS to be Communicative of Good is a Royalty and Beam of Glory even in the Divine Majesty itself so upon what Person soever this shall be more or less shed and diffused it must needs render him proportionably God-like Now that such a Quality was eminently conspicuous in this divine Person is altogether as unquestionable as Whether there ever was such a Man as Mr. Ioseph Mede I shall not instance in his Writings wherewith he hath blest the world concerning which I speak of those few then extant if the commending of them would not be but as the Gilding of Gold and the Painting of Rubies I could give you the opinion of one among many others who was Master of as great a Treasure of choice Learning and of as curious a Pen and Tongue as few Ages have seen which he hath often expressed to me in these words I never in all my life met with such a Vseful Critick as Mr. Mede with many other Encomiums That I have now to speak to is his Communicativeness in ordinary Discourse And this indeed he made the main of his Divertisement and Recreation I never heard he used any other unless it were in and upon the Fellows Orchard the Beautifying whereof he took great delight in and towards that he would not only lend his handsome and happy Contrivances but also disburse Money before-hand till the Colledge-Audit Here he hath been found very busie at due hours and sometimes knuckle-deep when he would say smiling Why this was Adam's work in his Innocency But then instantly taking for his Theme either a Plant or a Weed or almost any thing next hand he would fall into some very significant discourse All his Discourses to speak it once for all were extremely distant from any thing that looked like either Levity or Vanity or Paedantry These Charitable works of his Tongue for so I call Mr. Mede's Discourses as well as those other of his Hand proved no less Gainful to himself than they were Beneficial to others A double Gain he hath often acknowledged came in to him this way One That his Notions by often Repeating them became more fixed and rivetted in his Memory And therefore he would merrily say to a Familiar whose Studies lay quite another way and in that kind of Learning was confessedly incomparable and unmatchable when he seemed not so attentive to some of his Discourses Chuse saith he whether you will hear me or no I love to repeat what I have been gathering though it be but to the Walls for my own Memorie 's sake The other Gain was That hereby his Notions were better shaped and formed and so more accommodated to use For said he every time I am imparting them to others it is great odds but some fitter and clearer Expression will casually come out of my Mouth than at first came into my Mind So that his Notions always lay by him ready in good Currant Coin whiles others who too much affect the hoarding up have theirs at the best but in the Barre and Ingot and perhaps sometimes but in the Ore Wherefore I am apt to believe it was not a mere Complement of Mr. Mede's when he thanked those for Hearing him who thought they had a great deal more reason to thank him for his so Edifying them because he knew his own Gains hereby were still multiplied When my Acquaintance with him was of that Standing as to take the Degree of one of his Familiars he would treat and entertain me in this manner After some short prelusory talking of News and Occurrences Come now saith he what be your Questions Which as I was never to come unprovided of so was he always much more provided to resolve them to my unspeakable satisfaction Yea more than that such was his Obligingness he would sometimes fetch out of his Study divers of his Colledge and Publick Exercises and sometimes one peculiar Paper-book wherein he was wont to write sundry knotty Questions and difficult Texts of Scripture and under them set down
thereof might as by way of pledge be certified of his acceptation into Covenant and fellowship with his God by eating and drinking at his Table S. Augustine comes toward this Notion when he defines a Sacrifice though in a larger sense Quod Deo nuncupamus reddimus dedicamus hoc fine ut sanctâ societate ipsi adhaereamus That which we devote dedicate and render unto God for this end that we may have an holy society and fellowship with him For to have society and fellowship with God what is it else but to be in league and covenant with him In a word a Sacrifice is Oblatio foederalis For the true and right understanding whereof we must know That it was the universal custom of mankind and still remains in use to contract covenants and make leagues and friendship by eating and drinking together When Isaac made a covenant with Abimelech the King of Gerar the Text saith He made him and those that were with him a Feast and they did eat and drink and rose up betimes in the morning and sware one to another Gen. 26. 30 31. When Iacob made a covenant with Laban after they had sworn together he made him a Feast and called his brethren to eat Bread Gen. 31. 54. When David made a league with Abner upon his promise to bring all Israel unto him David made Abner and the men that came with him a Feast 2 Sam. 3. 20. Hence in the Hebrew tongue a Covenant is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 To eat as if they should say An eating which derivation is so natural that it deserves to be preferred before that from the other signification of the same Verb which is To chuse And this will suffice for the custom of the Hebrews Now for the Gentiles Herodotus tells us the Persians were wont to contract leagues and friendship inter Vinum Epulas in a full Feast whereat their wives children and friends were present The like Tacitus reports of the Germans Amongst the Greeks and other Nations the Covenantees ate Bread and Salt together Unto which comes near that Ceremony some-where used at Weddings that the Bridegroom when he comes home from Church takes a piece of Cake tastes it then gives it to his Bride to taste it likewise as a token of a Covenant made between them The Emperor of Russia at this day when he would shew extraordinary grace and favour unto any sends him Bread and Salt from his Table And when he invited Baron Sigismond the Emperor Ferdinand's Ambassador he did it in this form Sigismunde comedes Sal panem nostrum nobiscum Sigismond you shall eat our Bread and Salt with us Hence that Symbol of Pythagoras 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Break no bread is interpreted by Erasmus and others to mean Break no friendship Moreover the Egyptians Thracians and Libyans in special are said to have used to make leagues and contract friendship by presenting a cup of Wine one to another which custom we find still in use amongst our Western Nations And what is our ●le pledge you but I take it as a pledge of league and friendship from you Yea it is a rule in Law that if a man drink to him against whom he hath an accusation of slander or other verbal injury he loses his Action because it is supposed he is reconciled with him Such now as were these Covenant-feastings and eatings and drinkings in token of league and amity between men and men such are Sacrifices between Man and his God Epulae foederales Federal feasts wherein God deigneth to entertain Man to eat and drink with or before him in token of favour and reconcilement For so it becomes the condition of the parties that he which hath offended the other and seeks for favour and forgiveness should be entertained by him to whom he is obnoxious and not è contrá that is that God should be the Convivator the entertainer or maker of the Feast and man the Conviva or Guest To which end the Viands for this sacred Epulum were first to be offered unto God and so made his that he might entertain the offerer and not the offerer him For we are to observe that what the Fire consumed was accounted as God's own Mess and called by himself the meat of his Fire-offerings the rest was for his guests which they were partakers of either by themselves as in all the Peace-offerings or by their proxies the Priests as in the rest to wit the Holocausts the Sin and Trespass-offerings The reason of which difference was I suppose because the one was ad impetrandum or renovandum foedus for the making or renewing the Covenant with God where therefore a Mediator was needful the other to wit the Peace-offerings ad confirmandum consignandum for the confirming the Covenant only wherein therefore they addressed themselves before the Divine Majesty with greater confidence If any shall object That the Holocaust was wholly burnt and consumed and so no body partaker thereof I answer It is true the Beast which was slain was wholly burnt and so all of it as it were God's Mess But there was a Meat-offering and Drink-offering annexed thereunto as a part of the holy Feast of which a handful only was burnt for a memorial the remainder was for the Priests to eat in the holy place Besides Burnt-offerings were regularly accompanied with Peace-offerings as you shall find them in Scripture ordinarily joyned together now in these the people that offered had the greatest share In a word That those who offered Sacrifice both among Iews and Gentiles were pertakers of the same is a thing to be taken for granted as appears by the warning God gave the Israelites Exod. 34. 12 15. That they should make no covenants with the inhabitants of the land Lest when they went a whoring after their Gods and offered a sacrifice unto them they might call them and they also eat of their sacrifice Also by that Psal. 106. 28. They joyned themselves to Baal-Peor and ate the sacrifices of the dead By that of S. Paul Heb. 13. 10. We have an Altar whereof they have no right to eat which serve at the Tabernacle So that of this there need be no question It remains only that we prove That these sacred Epulae were Epulae foederales Federal Feasts and so our Definition will stand good Now this will appear first in general by that expression of Scripture wherein the Covenant which God makes with Man is expressed by eating and drinking at his Table Luke 13. 26. Those to whom the Lord opens not plead for themselves We have eaten and drunk in thy presence and thou hast taught in our streets c. Chap. 22. 29 30. Our Saviour tells his Disciples I appoint you a Kingdom as my Father hath appointed unto me That ye may eat and drink at my Table in my Kingdom Apocal. 3. 20. Behold I stand at the
and the Latin call it Imperium orbis terrarum 13. Daniel himself interpreteth the Stone to be a Kingdom which the God of heaven should set up in the days of those Kingdoms and therefore it cannot be the Kingdom of Christ as God coeternal with his Father but the Kingdom of Christ as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which began not before he was incarnate In the days of these Kingdoms saith he that is whilst some of them were yet in being the God of heaven shall set up a Kingdom which should never be destroyed nor left as the former should to another people but should break in pieces and consume all those Kingdoms and it self should s●and for ever Forasmuch saith he as thou sawest a Stone was cut out of a mountain without hands and that it brake in pieces the iron the brass the clay the silver and the gold Here make the full point for these words belong not to that which follows as our mis-distinction in the verses seems to refer them but to that which went before of their interpretation See the same reference of Forasmuch in the 40 and 41 verses 14. I will not now dispute of the Preposition●● though I had enough to say against you but I say that the words In the daies of those Kings are much more likely to be construed by Ellipsis particulae partitivae usual in the Hebrew and Chaldee qu●si In the daies of some one of those Kings viz. the last of them So Iephtah is said to have been buried in the cities of Gilead that is in some one of them c. There be some other passages not so principal though I dissent from you in them which I omit as I desire to do this whole Disputation That I had reserved to have answered in your former Reply was to that of the Ruffling Horn which by the express words of the Angel was to last until the time came the Saints should possess the Kingdom that is until the Son of man came in the clouds of heaven to take a Kingdom for this is the Angel's exposition of that part of the Vision and therefore it could not be Antiochus Epiphanes Your Answer to this seemed very unsufficient I desire you to weigh it better and I make an end Yours I. M. October 13. EPISTLE IX Mr. Hayn's Fourth Letter to Mr. Mede about several passages in Daniel and the Revelation 1. SCaliger's or Iunius his Opinion prevail not so much as should their Reasons God had told the Iews plainly the year and by types the time of the year when Messias should work their redemption So that it was not enough to know in what age it should be 2. The coming of the Son of man is to his Kingdom on earth on which the Scripture runs abundantly Dan. 2. 7. Apoc. 1. 7. Luke 17. 20. and was to be before that generation passed Matth. 24. 34. And within that space of time he came on Ierusalem as the Floud on the old world There shall be a Second coming of Christ namely to Iudgment And then he shall give up his Kingdom here to the Father Yet shall this Kingdom here and that in Heaven be one and the same consist of the same men or subjects and have the same bent to the honour of God 3. The Greeks Rule after Antiochus Epiphanes was sufficient to express the clayie legs that is enough for me and the clayie legs are part of the Fourth Monarchy The Romans more the Iews friends full many scores of years after Epiphanes his time Their war against God's people is that for which God paints them out as Beasts And though the Romans conquered Macedon long before Christ's coming yet both Iulius Caesar and Antonie let Cleopatra hold her due of what Rule she had and were but sticklers not opposites at first 4. If Christ's Kingdom took place at his first coming the same is one and but one and that everlasting 5. The seven Trumpets seven Vials two Witnesses c. shew a new matter not particulars of the Fourth Kingdom particularized before in Daniel 6. The late Iews God enlighten them shift abundantly and the ancient both before and after their desertion did but groap in darkness 7. Yet both the late and old Iews and Porphyrie too saw some truth who can deny it 8. The Text saith In the days of those Kingdoms say you as if it were in all of them and the Stone confounds all Why should we allow 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 typi 9. You deny the duration of the Fourth Kingdom to hold proportion with the parts of the Image I affirm it my reason is If the Three former do then the Fourth also 10. I know there is a Second coming of Christ that at the day of Iudgment But the Kingdom once begun is one for it is everlasting If there were two Kingdoms the one must end the other begin Though there be degrees in the progress of Christ's Kingdom in regard of the world's indisposition to submit to it yet de jure all is Christ's at his Ascension 11. The Mystery which now you speak of I acknowledge and bless God for it namely of the calling of the Gentiles The Iews Rejection also is plain in the time of the Gospel yet was a remnant of their Nation saved And what more were the elect out of other Nations ● few to the many 12. Though de facto the Gospel was not preached to all the world then yet see mentem Legislatoris the mind of the Law-giver Go preach to all Nations 13. Christ is the Stone what is said of him in many things is and may be said of them of his Kingdom He bruises with a rod of von Ps. 2. so do his servants Rev. 2. 27. He the Stone and his kingdom and people here do the same thing 14. For ● the Proposition the authority I brought was sound and good That about Iephtah is though I use not to be sudden in this kind ill translated I wish time would have given me leave to have conferred with Books and men about it I pray you think of it Were it not better Gideon was buried by the cities of Gilead namely the men of them all much honouring him joyned in solemnizing his burial 15. Not the ruffling Horn as you call it but the body of the Beast Dan. 7. 11. continued till the Son of man came Now the Body of the Beast hornless may express the same or be correspondent to the clayie legs and thus the answer is home in this particular also Much more I could have said but must here make an end and leave you to God whom I pray to keep us in his truth Octob. 16. 1629. EPISTLE XII Mr. Mede's Answer to Mr. Hayn's Fourth Letter about several passages in Daniel and the Revelation NOW I have obtained a Release that you might not think I shook off this Collation out of Pride or Contempt but to avoid too great a diversion from other
after so many hundred years And if your self in this difference follow Mr. Broughton's way you may as soon perswade me there is no Sun in heaven as make me believe it And though it mattereth not much what I think or think not yet in this I dare say that all the Learned men of note in Christendom are of my mind And for my part I cannot but think it a prodigium that any man should think otherwise and I suppose your self are so far of my judgment 4. If you make the Fourth Beast hornless before his destruction you will make Daniel both at odds with himself and the Angel his interpreter If the Horn continue until the Ancient of days comes to give Iudgment to the Saints of the most High and until the time came that the Saints possessed the Kingdom verse 22. or if he continue until the Iudgment sit and they take away his dominion and the Kingdom be given to the people of the Saints of the most High verse 26 27. how was he Hornless when the Ancient of days sat in Iudgment to destroy him and give his body to the burning flame This I should have taken notice of in another place but I then forgat it yet I said there that which was sufficient to overthrow it I would not have such an Evasion in my Opinion 5. Though all the Four Kingdoms have respect to the Iews as those who were all that time to be in bondage under them yet it doth not follow that the beginning of each Kingdom should be counted from the time they were first possessed of Palaestine but from the time the Caput regni should be given unto the people which were next to succeed Nor is that Observation solid That those Kingdoms were called Beasts for the beastly usage of God's people the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Heb. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies naturally Animal And you will not I know say so of the quatuor Animalia in the Apocalyps though we translate them also four Beasts The congregation of Israel as we translate it Ps. 68. 10. is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And if 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies Coetus Caterva that notion may be applied to Kingdoms and States also So the type is so much the more concise by reason of the ambiguity of the word in those languages But whether it be this or that I affirm nothing nor is it much to the purpose either way And thus I think I have not left any thing of moment unanswered I had no other end in all this but to let you see I have sufficient grounds to be perswaded of my Tenet and to be averse from yours Whether others can be perswaded by them or not that I know not nor do I arrogate so much ability to my self as to perswade others what I am perswaded of my self There is more goes to perswasion than Reasons or Demonstrations and that is not in my power I desire not you should make any Reply but the contrary for I am now resolved to answer no more whatsoever you should send You know as much of my Opinion and my grounds for the same as I would desire of any mans and I think I perfectly understand yours and where your chief strength lies Why should then either of us both spend our time any further to no purpose Thus desiring the Father of lights to guide us in the way of Truth and to open our eyes to see where we see not I rest and remain still Your very loving Friend Ioseph Mede Christ's Colledge Octob. 21. EPISTLE XIII Dr. Twisse's First Letter to Mr. Mede Good Mr. Mede AMongst many fruits of my acquaintance with Dr. Meddus this hath been one of the chiefest that he hath brought me acquainted with your self though not de facie yet de meditationibus and that in the opening of Mysteries I was so happy as to light upon two Copies of your Clavis Apocalyptica thereby to gratifie both my self and my friend I was beholden to Dr. Meddus for the one and to Mr. Briggs for the other Since that I have seen divers Manuscriptpieces of yours whereof I make precious accompt Your distinction of Fata Imperii Fata Ecclesiae the one contained in the Seals the other in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 doth exceedingly affect me as a Key of great use for the opening of these Mysteries Your interpretation of the Seals proceeds in my judgment with great evidence of illustration And in the last place your Exposition of the Trumpets hath taken me quite off from the Vulgar opinion that formerly hath been so common For all which I most heartily thank you And did it become me to profess so much who am nothing worth I should be apt to say you are as dear in my affection as to any friend you have I beseech you go on to perfect the good work you have begun in the Revelation and in other mysterious passages for the clearing whereof I well perceive by the blessing of God you have attained to a very singular faculty I seem to discern a providence of God in causing the opinion of a Thousand years Regnum Sanctorum to be blasted as an Error by the censure passed upon the Chiliasts to take men off from fixing their thoughts too much on that in those days when the accomplishment was so far removed but with purpose to revive it in a more seasonable time when Antichrist's kingdom should draw near to an end Concerning which I have something to propose in searching after more particular satisfaction But I know not whether yet I may be so bold with you and besides I fear to divert you from your so weighty and so profitable studies yet they are such as withall I have thought with my self of accommodating an Answer But though my heart serve me not to communicate them to you at this time yet surely I shall make them known to Doctor Meddus A friend of mine also hath this day given into my hands certain Disputations upon divers mysterious points in Daniel and the Revelation In one of them he disputes of this Thousand years Regnum Sanctorum with variety of Reasons pro con but inclining rather to the contrary A very ingenuous man he is and a great student in Mr. Brightman If I may have liberty to communicate these things unto you and that it might be without offence to your more weighty studies I would so use this liberty as not to nourish my self in idleness but withal to imploy my self in answering what soever I find therein to the contrary At this time give me leave to propose to your consideration Whether that fear of a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 almost of our Protestant profession may not be avoided and the three days and an half Rev. 11. not signify a space of time succeeding the continuance of those Witnesses but intermixed with it My Reason is this The two Witnesses signifie all the Witnesses giving
The third day Herbanus required to end the controversie that if Iesus of Nazareth were indeed living and reigning in Heaven and if those who worshipped him had any power with him that he would upon their prayers manifest himself from Heaven and they would then believe in him Thereupon all the multitude of Iews cried out in derision Ostende nobis Christum tuum Vae quia fiemus Christiani c. The conclusion was that Christ Iesus after a dreadful Thunder and Lightning appeared from Heaven with beams of glory walking upon a purple cloud with a Sword in his hand and a Diadem of inestimable beauty upon his head and over the Assembly uttered a voice Appareo vobis in oculis vestris ego crucifixus à Patribus vestris Which having spoken the cloud took him presently out of their sight The Christians shouted Domine miserere the Iews were all stricken blind and received not their sight till they were all baptized This Story whereof I tell you but the brief hath been long unknown to these Western parts and was brought in our time from the Eastern among divers other Greek Manuscripts and published in Greek and Latin by Nicolaus Gulonius in octavo under the name of Gregentii Archiepiscopi Tephrensis Disputatio cum Herbano Iudaeo The beginning is imperfect In the end is the Story I have related I have seen and used that Book but could not be owner of it But the Latin translation is inserted into the Bibliotheca Patrum of the edition of Colen in the fifth Tome pag. 919. which if you read I could wish you would joyn with it the Story of the Martyrium Omeritarum published by Baronius out of a Vatican Manuscript in his sixth Seculum about the middle It is worthy your reading and supposed to have happened a little before this Conversion of the Iews I speak of which Baronius nevertheless then knew not of as being published after he had written that Tome The Persecution was raised by Dunaan a Iew who had gotten the Kingdom of the Omerites and meant to extinguish the Christian City and Dition of Nargan which was subject as many other small Reguli were to that Kingdom c. If this Story be true it makes much for a probability of such a conjecture for the future If it be counterfeit at least it argues that some many ages ago thought such a mean not unlikely For Poets themselves are wont to feign Verisimilia So howsoever I am not the first that thought of such a matter That which you say of S. Paul's miraculous Conversion that by it he had Apostolical authority immediate and independent as having his Mission from Heaven and not from Men I acknowledge it But that this should be the only end of his so being converted I suppose it is not necessary For it might have pleased God to have converted him by an ordinary mean and yet have given him a Mission for his Apostleship by an immediate and extraordinary way The immediateness of Apostolical Mission depended not upon such a miraculous Conversion though it pleased God at one and the same time by one and the same miraculous manifestation both to convert him to the Faith of Christ and send him to be an Apostle to the Gentiles But it is now time to give over I have been tedious and troublesome I know and perhaps not well busied in spending so many words and paper about a wavering and uncertain Speculation But because in my first Letter I had unawares discovered my fancy I was somewhat solicitous till I had more fully explained my self lest I might seem to believe much upon very little reason or be supposed to be more confident in this conceit than I am But he that seeks for that which is yet to find must be poring as well where it is not as where it is God Almighty the Father of Lights direct us in the search of his Truth and give us grace when we find it to use it to his Glory and our own Salvation To whose protection I commend your self not forgetting my best respect who am Your assured Friend Ioseph Mede Christ's Colledge Decemb. 2. 1629. I shall bid you farewel for this year and write shorter Letters the next that so I may hold out I have made a saltus in my Meditations by these Discourses of the Great Day I am not come to it yet I have much to think of and bring to more perfection which is preceding to it The Witnesses Dragon Beast c. EPISTLE XVIII Mr. Mason's Letter to Mr. Mede touching the Millenaries Good Mr. Mede I Think my self much indebted unto you that you do so freely communicate unto me your learned Writings I wish I had been more conversant in studies of this nature that I might in some sort be able to talk with you in your own language But you have had the happiness to follow these studies with good leisure and much opportunity and I to say nothing of other wants have been hindred both with businesses of my place and weakness of my body that I have scarce had time to think on any thing but what hath been necessary for my present imployment and so it happeneth to me in my studies as to poor men in getting of their living we have nothing but from hand to mouth The consciousness of these wants maketh me to write so seldom and so slightly Else if I had any thing in my thoughts that might be fit for your reading I would be as free in communicating my studies with you as you are in imparting yours unto me especially in this business wherein you have travelled with such success I only now can say that I wish I may see the full finishing of your intended Work and so do others abroad also but yet I had rather stay your leisure till you have concocted all according to your mind than to hasten you forward before the time Dr. Potter hath read your former Papers which you committed to Mr. D. and by occasion thereof hath proceeded to read others of the same Argument which when I understood I desired him to peruse two Writings of Dr. Gerhard of the same Argument both purposely intended against the Millenaries the one is in the second part of his Disputationes Theologicae Disp. 3. de novis Fanaticis the other in the ninth Tome of his Common Places Loc. de Consummatione seculi cap. 7. p. 442 c. Vpon the reading of those Treatises he sent a Letter expressing his mind and judgment concerning them which I received this evening And because I know you desire to hear the opinion of Learned men I have sent down inclosed herein so much of his Letter as concerneth that business Which I did the rather also because I suppose this may give you oc●●sion to answer such grounds as Gerhard hath laid to the contrary Perhaps if you consider him well you may find a tacit Answer to that which you object against S. Hierome for
then to pronounce the Sentence of Condemnation upon such as are to be condemned Now I suppose the Sentence of Absolution shall continue all the time of the First Resurrection that is all the Thousand years long that that once ended and finished and not before he shall then proceed to pronounce the Sentence of Condemnation upon such as are to be condemned For so the Text saith that he shall in the first place pronounce the Sentence of bliss and Absolution upon those who are to be absolved and that done then come to the Sentence of Condemnation upon those who shall be in statu ordine damnandorum that is successively and not at one and the same time though the Scripture here mentions not the Intervallum which shall be between the beginning of the one and the other Thus you see although my plough stand still unless sometimes it joggs me yet then I am not unwilling to listen unto it 7. To that in the end of Esay 66. of Festivities in the Kingdom of Christ I answer I see no reason why the Lord's-day should not be a celebrious Day when the Lord reigneth Yet I think the expression there is accommodated to the condition and Diurnial of the Church under the Old Testament ad capium Auditorum and no more thereby to be understood but that in that New world not the Iews alone as then did but all the Nations should come before the Lord to worship him in the frequent Festivities then to be whatsoever they should be Thus I have as well as I could answered your Sabbatical number of Quaeres if not so largely and fully as you desired it is because there were too many of them for the narrowness of my mind to intend at one time Thus therefore with my Prayers to the Almighty for the continuance of his blessing and favour to you and yours I rest Christ's College April 18. 1636. Your respectful and true Friend Ios. Mede EPISTLE LXVII Mr. Mede's Second Letter to Mr. Estwick touching the Gothick Liturgy and the time when the Goths became Christians SIR THE Cothick Missal is that which the Goths in Spain used till they received the Roman which though as all other Liturgies it be to be supposed to have received many alterations and additions in time yet no doubt may retain some ancient passages whereof these Prayers pro defunctis may be some either received from the Spanish or African Christians or from the beginning of their Christianity which was before Chiliasm was condemned by Damasus or they plundered the Roman Empire For Theophilus Gothorum Episcopus was at the Council of Nice Anno 360. Vlphilus their Bishop at a Council at Constantinople assented to the Formula Ariminensis from whence the Goths became first infected with Arrianism S. Augustine de Civitate Dei useth this argument of the Goths Christianity against the Gentiles calumny That the Ruine of the Empire was for their rejecting their ancient Gods and receiving the Christian Religion For they were Christians that took and sacked Rome saith he and not Gentiles Vide Thus with my wonted affection and prayers I rest Christ's Coll. Nov. 9. 1636. Your assured Friend Ioseph Mede EPISTLE LXVIII Mr. Mede's Third Letter to Mr. Estwick more fully treating of the Gothick Liturgy and a Clause therein of Praying for the Dead to have part in the First Resurrection with a Passage in Methodius touching the Millennium Mr. Estwick THE body of the Gothish Nation or of one part thereof had received the Christian Faith before they plundered the Roman Empire as appeared by Alaricus himself who with his Army solemnly observed the Christian Rites Yet seems this to have been between the days of Constantine and Iulian and not elder Howsoever there is no question but there were many Churches among them before as was in other Nations long before the Faith was publickly received by them If so then without doubt when the Nation publickly received the Faith they received likewise that Form of Liturgy which had formerly been used in their Countrey by those of the Christian Rite amongst them And thence might remain those passages of Praying for the Dead to have part in Resurrectione Prima Irenaeus Lib. 1. cap. 3. edit Fevardent 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Tertullian Lib. adv Iudaeos where he tells us that Brittannorum inaccessa Romanis loca were Christo subdita says moreover that In Sarmatarum Dacorum Germanorum Scytharum abditarum multarum Gentium Insularum nobis ignotraum locis Christi Nomen qui jam venit regnat c. Why may not the Goths be comprehended under some of these As for the Vandals and the rest of those Northern Nations I find not that they brought any Signs of Christianity with them when they first invaded and seated in the Empire but were altogether Pagans As for that Form of Prayer for the Dead Vt partem haberent in Resurrectione Prima I believe it was usual in those Formulae for the Dead till Chiliasm was cried down and then expunged namely that it followed those words which appear yet in most of those Forms Vt collocet e●orum animas Deus in sinu ●brahae unde abest doler suspirium as it does in this Gothish Missal Whence it is that now in those Forms there appears no Prayer at all for their Resurrection or Consummation then notwithstanding that in the Protasis they compellate God with Qui hominem mundi civem mortalem in constitutione sua fecisti promisisti ei Resurrectionem Who can believe that in such Prayers they should not at all pray for the Resurrection But that passage being it seems anciently specificated to Resurrectio Prima they thought it sufficient in after-times to omit it without substitution of any other for it And hence comes that silence of the Resurrection But that you may yet see my thoughts still now and then reflect upon that Speculation which you thought I had forgotten I will give you a passage of Methodius Olympi Lyciae deinde Tyri Episcopus and a Martyr sub Decio alii sub Valeriano which passage with a good part of his Dialogue de Resurrectione contra Originem is preserved by Epiphanius Haeres 74. There Proclus cui tribuit lonquendi partes speaks in this manner Et verò conturbatam iri Creaturam velut in conflagratione ista morituram ut restauretur non tamen extinctum iri exspectandum Vt in instaurato Mundo ipsimet instaurati ac doloris expertes habitemus juxta illud Psal. 103. Emittes spiritum tuum creabuntur renovabis faciem terrae Quòd nimirum ambientem Aerem temperatissimum deinceps facturus sit Deus Cum enim 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Terra adhuc perseveratura sit habitatores in ea futuros omnino necesse est qui nec morituri sunt ampliùs neque copulandi nuptiis aut procreandae soboli operam deturi sed Angelorum more 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in immortalitatis
us was none of the Sublata though somewhere it be as well as the rest And the field of my defence is so much the larger if it be considered that one of the three Res sacrae is capable of Subdivision But enough of this it being no well-becoming Theme to dispute upon I said there was eadem ratio Loci temporis not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but eadem ratio Loci Temporis sacri to wit for the Sanctification i. e. holy and discriminative usance due unto them both and the formal reason in respect whereof it is due For the reason why a thing is to be Sanctified or Sanctè habendum is because it is Sanctum or Sacrum Now whatsoever is appropriate unto God and his Service is such whether the determination thereof be by God's own immediate Ordination or mans Devotion it is all one in this respect so the Appropriation or Dedication thereof be supposed lawful and agreeable to the Divine will For this Sanctification we speak of depends not either upon the difference of the cause or manner whereby the thing is consecrated nor upon the diversity of Natural and Artificial being but upon the Formalis ratio of the Object because it is Holy or Sacred therefore to be sanctified with holy usance For to Sanctifie in Scripture is not only to make holy 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but to do unto a thing as becometh its holiness 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Moreover I believe the Sanctification of Place to be intended in the Fourth Commandment as well as that of Time and that not only from the Rule observed in the interpretation of the rest of the Commandments by one of the kind named to understand all the rest ejusdem generis but especially the Lord himself hath conjoyned them as pairs Levit. 19. 30. Keep my Sabbaths and reverence my Sanctuary And why not when they are so near a-kin being both Circumstances of Action why may I not then say Quae Deus conjunxit nemo separet And it may be if it be well looked into the Sanctification of the Lord's-day might be urged with far more advantage upon the ground I intimate than upon that other which is so much controverted But it is partialitie that undoes all It seems by this Objection I have now answered you supposed the Argument of my Book to be The Reverence of holy Places which is only The Antiquity of them You ask me if I believe indeed that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was Ignatius his word I say I do till I hear some sufficient reason why I should not For that of my not being able to give an instance of the like either in his time or within 100 years after seems to me to have no force of concluding at all When I affirmed in my Altare That the name of Table could not be shewed given to that whereon the Eucharist was celebrated in any Ecclesiastical Writer confessed to be genuine before 200 years after Christ I inferred not therefrom that therefore the name Table was never used all that time nor if I had would you have believed me And yet to tell you the truth when I wrote that I had some persuasion or suspicion that that Name could not be shewed in any Writer for 3 hundred years after Christ but durst not affirm so much as I thought because I was not sure of Origen But when a Friend of mine soon after wondred how I durst avouch in publick a thing so incredible as this to him seemed to be I discovered that I had affirmed somewhat less than I believed and desired him to make trial whether he could find it in 300 years or not wherein when he had spent some time he could not He alledged indeed Cyprian de Coena Domini but I told him that was confessed of all sides to be none of his c. And now see the luck of it The week before I received yours a Friend shewed me the New Articles of the New Bishop of Norwich his Diocesan wherein besides some other unwonted things which some body will startle at the Bishop avouches upon the credit of his reading That the name Table in that sense is never to be found in any Ecclesiastical Writer of the first 300 years save only once in an occasional passage of Dionysius Areop agita Now Sir what think you of this Yet you see I can shew the name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 oftner than once in those first 300 years Yea if you would grant me that the Author of that Hierarchical Treatise whosoever he were lived but within the compass of 200 years after Christ I could give you an instance both of the name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 within the time by you limited For this Dionysius in his Mysterium Synaxeos describes the Deacons standing 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and in his Theory of the same mentions the sending of the Euergumeni at the time of the Eucharist 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 However it be it follows not that because I can shew it but once within that 200 years therefore I should believe it was used never Besides methinks I observe some unreasonableness used in this kind viz. Notwithstanding such paucitie of Monuments remaining unto us of those first Ages upon every unconcluding suspicion to discredit those we have and then when we have done to require proof that such things were in those times which we without proof deny when those who alone could give testimony are disenabled and sometimes for no other reason but because they give such testimony Is this dealing reasonable As for the taking down of S. Gregorie's Church I answer In the Law some things Sacred were unalienable even quoad Individuum as for example such as were consecrated by way of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 See Levit. 27. 28 29. Others were unalienable as touching the kind only and therefore if need were the Individuum might be changed so it were for the better and with the Lord's advantage which the Law provides should be by adding a fifth part thereunto See the rest of the Chapter quoted But what is this to the deciding of the lawfulness or truth of what is in question to alledge that which men do Is not all the world full of Contradictions I verily believe that even those who are zealous for the Sanctification of the Lord's-day do in their practice if not in their Theory too overthrow the Principles whereupon it stands I think I have no more to make answer to and I confess I have done this not without some tediousness For you must pardon me if judging as a Stander-by I am not persuaded you are by nature so prone and pliable as you think to the way which you say I take Yes I now find one thing more S. Gregorie's Church you say is going down at least is to be built elsewhere but we never yet heard the like of the Lord's-day● No but I have namely that
Potter's Book but by a sure hand for the Carrier I dare not trust It cost me to be written out to my mind besides mine own pains in distinguishing it and dividing the whole into 8 Sections and prefixing the Contents of every Section at the beginning and writing the margins with mine own hand and therefore I would not willingly lose it If I light upon a convenient messenger I shall send it The Analytical Table of the Apocalyps if you had not charged me therewith I should not have believed it had been still in my hands for I verily thought I had sent it back long before this and was a while very much afraid I must have sent you word it was lost yet at length I found it and have sent it herewith The Author of the Analytical Table differs from me wholly in the 20. Chapter and follows Mr. Brightman What I conceive you may find in my Commentationes Apocalypticae My difference will appear by these particulars 1. I hold but one Millennium and that to begin at the destruction of the Beast He holds two one beginning at Constantine another at the destruction of the Beast 2. I deny that Satan was ever yet tied up much less at the time of Constantine 'T is one thing to be dethroned and thrown down from Heaven that was at the time of Constantine another thing to be bound and close prisoner and not so much as peep out of his dungeon See my Synchronisms Clav. Apocal. Part. 2. Synch 4. pag. 22 23. 3. I take the Resurrection both of them First and Second to be proper and real he Metaphorical 'T is not safe to deprive the Church of those Texts whereon her faith of the Resurrection is builded For this interpretation will necessarily rob us of that of Daniel Chap. 12. also whereon I believe the Church of the Old Testament built her faith of that Article there being no such evident place besides in all the Old Testament 4. He seems to appropriate the Second Millennium which I think the only to the glory of the Iews only I extend it to the whole Catholick Church of the Gentiles when the Iews shall come into the fold and that the Apocalyps is properly and primarily the Gentiles Prophecy I mean of the Church of the Gentiles and of the Iews but by accident and coincidence only The Iews have prophecies enough of their own in the Old Testament In my Books and the papers I once sent you concerning this Point all this is easily to be seen With my best and wonted affection I rest Christ's Colledge April 16. 1638. Your assured Friend Ios. Mede EPISTLE XCVI Mr. Mede's Letter to Mr. Hartlib modestly excusing his own abilities and intimating what cause he had to decline coming forth in print with his Observation touching the Latitude of Rome Mr. Hartlib TOuching the Letter you sent me De necessitate Textualis interpretationis S. Scripturae I so fully agree with the Author in the former part thereof that I could not have expressed mine own thoughts thereabouts in mine own words better than he hath done in his But for the latter part alas it is nothing so I know my self better than any man else and I am conscious that I am infinitely far from any such ability as he collecteth out of a little diligence perhaps in a Discourse or two If I have hit upon any Truth it is wholly to be attributed to my indifferency in such searches to embrace whatsoever I should find without any regard whether it were for the advantage of one side or other and not to any ability beyond others Freedom from prejudice studium partium or desire to find for this side rather than that which I confess I endeavour as much as I can possibly to subdue my self unto is sufficient with a little diligence to discover more than I have yet done without any such great learning I confess I know my self to have so little of that this Gentleman supposeth me to have that the very reading thereof hath made me more than half melancholick ever since I am bound to love him and take it kindly that he hath any good or favourable conceit of me or ought of mine But no man can make me believe that I have those abilities I have not yea 't is somewhat burthensome and unwelcome to me to bethought to have Ex animo loquor Yea I am almost so uncharitable as to suspect this is some stratagem to work me to something I know not what But let it go I could tell some tales of my Altare of another strain that would make you think I have no great joy to come in publick as I think I can safely say I did never yet plenâ voluntate but yielding to other mens importunities or desires yet I know not whether I shall yet rest and keep my thoughts and my self in my Cell In a word Mundus amat decipi magis quàm doceri and will never entertain any man well that shall deal ingenuously with them He must look to have Micaiah's luck He must say true and yet not prophesie against Ahab If he does he must to Pound and to hard meat for it For mine to Dr. Twisse there is something wherein I had not fully informed my self about the Latitude of Rome as having not Ptolemy by me I said the old Astronomers made the Latitude thereof 41. 50. minutes the later promoted it some minutes more to the North. When I wrote so I trusted to Io. Stadius who makes it so and supposed he had derived it from those before him But after looking upon Maginus his Ptolemy I find that Ptolemy according to him makes it but 41. and 40. min. and some others and some Maps less The sum is this Ptolemy 41. 40. Stadius and others 41. 50. Maginus himself 42. 2. Origanus 42. 4. The Middle is about 41. 51. I have no time to enquire further nor Books at hand I pray transcribe this in yours to Dr. Twisse lest he send my notion or mistake to Mr. Potter without this correction though it be not material For by his words to you I suspect he means to do it which occasioned me to add this Thus with my wonted affection I rest and am Christ's Coll. Iune 4. 1638. Yours Ioseph Mede EPISTLE XCVII Mr. Mede's Letter to a worthy Friend touching some Papers of his printed without his privity Worthy Sir I Thank you very heartily for your Book and kind Letter as I should have done long ago for another Book you sent me But I have entangled my self a long time with so much needless writing to no purpose as it makes me sometimes glad of any pretence to be idle when I should not For what you say of a Scribe it was I that took order to have such a one sent to you not you to me I 'le assure you you have performed more than I durst have thought of doing though you please to profess yourself my Disciple
But it is no unwonted thing for Scholars thus to outgo their Masters There are some Papers of mine walking I know not where concerning Bowing towards the Altar which were written by way of Answer to some body and a man of note demanding of me what I thought thereof One was my first Answer Another more large replying to the Exceptions he made against that first and the whole opinion and practice being somewhat larger than I use to write Letters and written with some intention of mind after my thoughts that way had been long asleep I by chance kept a Copy of it which how it came to be so much dispersed I profess I know not That so-long-since-written Discourse of mine De Sanctitate Relativa c. savours too much of my infancy in Divinity and first thoughts and affection of style ever to see the publick light And indeed I had resolved to enjoy my self and such contentment as I could find in my Cell and never to have come in print again either to please or displease any man but only to vent such Notions as I had conceived privately by a new way I took of Common-placing changing my Theme qualibet vice When now on a sudden before I was aware and little expected any such matter one of my Straglers is perkt into the Press telling the world he was one of those Common-places What his destiny is I know not but if it be good some body can say He hath flung many a stone in his days but never hit the mark till now and that too by mere chance and not so much as intending it For writing to Sir W. B. I think it is not tanti upon this occasion 'T is a Pamphlet and I had rather it should come to his hands with a kind of neglect on my part than with too much pomp But I thank you for what you have done and for your further offer Thus with my best affection I commend you to the Divine blessing and am Your old and assured Friend Ios. Mede Christ's College Iuly 3. EPISTLE XCVIII Mr. Mede's Letter to Mr. Hartlib touching some Socinian Books and Tenets together with his resentment of the Difficulties which Mr. Dury's Pacifick Design met with and of the Evil of Prejudice and Studium partium Mr. Hartlib I Received yours with the Discourse inclosed of Schism That Extract of the Letter to you is but a Symptom of Studium partium of which kind he that will be an indifferent and moderate man must look to swallow many Therefore Transeat Only thus much to be nearer or further off from the Man of sin is not I think the measure of Truth and Falshood nor that which would be most destructive of him always true and warrantable If it be there be some in the world that would be more Orthodox and Reformed Christians than any of us The Socinians you know deny That Souls live after death until the Resurrection or That Christ hath carnem sanguinem now in Heaven both as most destructive of the idolatrous errours of the Man of sin the first of Purgatory and Invocation of Saints which they say can never be solidly everted as long as it is supposed Souls do live the other of Transubstantiation of the Elements of Bread and Wine into the Body and Bloud of Christ. Is not this to undermine Antichrist with a vengeance as they say I have not been very obtrusive unto men to acquaint them with my notions and conceits in that kind for some of them that are but lately known have lien by me above these twenty years and not shewn to any unless they urge me and ask me what is my opinion and yet my freedom to utter my mind than to such as are prejudiced the contrary way does neither them nor me any good Therefore Cupio defungi if it would be and to be troubled no more either with Quaesita or Reciprocations in that kind For the Discourse you sent me It proceeds from a distinct and rational Head but I am afraid too much inclined that way that some strong and rational wits do It may be I am deceived The Conclusions which he aims at I can more easily assent to than to some of his Premisses I have yet looked it but once over But any more free or particular censure thereof than what I have already given look not for left I be censured my self 'T is an Argument wherein a wise man will not be too free in discovering himself pro or con but reserved Thus with my wonted affection and prayers I rest Your assured Friend Ioseph Mede Christ's Coll. Aug. 6. 1638. After this Mr. Mede wrote another Letter the last Letter he wrote to Mr. Hartlib about a month before he died wherein besides matters of News and his repeating what he had said in the foregoing Letter concerning the great Learning of the Author of that Discourse of Sschism he expresseth his resentment of the Difficulties which Mr. Dury's design of Pacification met with in these words Mr. Dury and such as wish well to his business must comfort themselves as the Husbandman doth who though he sees no appearance of his Seed awhile after it is sown especially in dry weather yet despaireth not but as soon as the Rain from above shall water the ground to see it begin to spring up You see what an invincible mischief Prejudice is and Studium partium It leaves no place for admission of Truth that brings any disadvantage to the side That 's the Rule which they examine all by Will so many Rents of the Church as we see ready to sink it never make us wiser Thus with my prayers and best affection I rest Your assured Friend Ioseph Mede Christ's Colledge Aug. 28. 1638. The End of the Fourth Book THE FIFTH BOOK OF THE WORKS OF The Pious and Profoundly-Learned Ioseph Mede B. D. SOMETIME Fellow of CHRIST'S Colledge in CAMBRIDGE CONTAINING FRAGMENTA SACRA OR MISCELLANIES OF DIVINITY Io. 6. 12. Colligite quae superfuerunt Fragmenta ne quid pereat Chrysost. Homil. in 1 Tim. 5. 23. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 THE CONTENTS OF THE FIFTH BOOK CHAP. I. The disposition of the years of Iehoiakim according to the several Events mentioned in Scripture pag. 889 CHAP. II. The Mystery of S. Paul's Conversion or The Type of the Calling of the Iews pag. 891 CHAP. III. An Answer concerning a Discourse inferring from the Septenary Types of the Old Testament and other Arguments That the World should last 7000 years and the Seventh Thousand be that happy and blessed Chiliad pag. 892 CHAP. IV. An Explication of Psal. 40. 6. Mine ears hast thou bored compared with Hebr. 10. 5. A body hast thou prepared me pag. 896 CAP. V. D. HIERONYMI Pronunciata de Dogmate MILLENARIORUM cum Animadversionibus pag. 897 CAP. VI. Verba GAII apud EUSEBIUM Lib. 3. cap. 22. Hist. Eccles. cum Animadversionibus pag. 899 CAP. VII De Nomine Antichristi apud S. Ioannem pag. 900.