by them inclosed That when hee was come to Flint the Duke with all his Army came thither likewise That the Archbishop Arundel was the first with whom hee treated and that having gathered by what had befallen him that Lancaster was not so simple as hereafter to affie in him whom he had so highly offended That punishments pardons and reformations were but the songs of Syrens and that his aime was at the Kingdome hee offered to surrender it up unto him But however it was he was from Chester sent into the Tower of London And if in his taking water at Westminster had he not been waited upon by the Maior and his associates he was likely to have been slain before he could have got unto the Tower Lancaster on the contrary was received by the Citie and all the Companies thereof as King with processions applause and all expressions of joy A Parliament was called in Richards name The Duke took serious advice concerning this affair with his best friends particularly with his Uncle of Yorke who were all of one opinion That the resignation should be so done as that it might appeare voluntary nor that being sufficient since his imprisonment would argue an inforcement that his deposing might bee strengthened by act and authority of Parliament To effect the first of these divers were suborned who having formerly been his friends shewed unto him the danger wherein hee was if he did not purchase his life at the rate of the free resignation of his Kingdome The which being obtained they fell to the effecting it The chiefe Lords as well Ecclesiasticall as Temporall together with the prime Judges and Lawyers came all to the Tower to all which Richard with his Robes on his Crowne on head and Scepter in his hand presented himselfe and taking his Chaire after some few acknowledgements and excuses of his own misgovernment he himselfe read his Surrender affirming it to be freely done and without compulsion Hee moreover freed his subjects of whatsoever bonds oathes fidelity or homage renouncing all further claime authority dignity or title to the Crowne leaving it free for the time to come with all the appurtenances belonging thereunto This being done he subscribed it And then falling upon the praise of his cousin the Duke of Lancaster hee desired them to chuse him for his successor And made the Archbishop Arundell and Bishop of Hereford his substitutes to acquaint the Parliament with this his request and resignation And the more to witnesse his good inclination towards the Duke he tooke from off his owne finger a Ring wherein his Armes were ingraven and put it upon the Dukes finger giving him therewithall his Ensignes of Regality whereof he had disrobed himselfe All this he did as seeming desirous to lead a private life though in his disrobing he could not hide his inward griefe at the which there was no so hard heart as was not mollified The Trustees discharged their trust unto the Parliament which accepted the resignation And that there might remaine no scruple for such as should come after many Articles were framed wherein he was accused of extortion prodigality tyranny of having preferred men of base condition to the highest places of being cause of the imprisonment and death of the Duke of Gloster and Earle of Arundell against the rules of Law and Justice of having kept about him people to destroy him permitting unto them all insolences without correction They omitted not his lasciviousnesse perjuries falshood losse of reputation rapine Maximes of State able to ruine a State Principals contrary to the rights of a Crowne his cancelling of publicke writings his injurious proceeding against the Archbishop of Canterbury nor any thing else that might be objected to an apparant tyrant And as such a one he was by all the Judges deputed for this purpose declared incable and unworthy and by the votes of them all deposed from the dignity and title of a King Insomuch as not contented to bereave him of his kingdome they would likewise have him therewithall to lose his reputation Commissioners were deputed to acquaint him with the Act of Parliament and to renounce unto him all former tyes homage fidelity subjection or oath To the which he made no other answer save That not regarding these titulary circumstances he hoped his cousin would be his good friend and Lord. I have heard by some that the lower House did not give its consent to his deposition the which may very well be true but Writers doe not mention it In the interim of this inter-regnum the Duke of Lancaster made known his Titles by which hee laid claime unto the Crowne and was by generall applause cried up King and installed in his Throne by the Archbishops of Canterbury and Yorke Thus ended the reigne though not the life of Richard the second a Prince in many respects worthy to have reigned if he had not reigned The end of the first Booke THE CIVILL VVARRES OF ENGLAND IN THE LIFE OF HENRY the fourth The second Booke HENRY the 4th a Prince naturally well given when he knew himself to be King began to differ in many things from what he formerly was for the usurpation of Kingdomes a vice in all times blamed yet pursued if it do not totally destroy vertue doth at least infeeble it or keep it in suspence It is impossible to contract Matrimony between the Regall Throne and Injustice unlesse it bee by unjust meanes and that the Dowry consist of any thing save cruelty and rapine All things here below have mediums conformable to themselves and in the order of Nature subordinate to their Genus the good to good the bad to bad So he while hee was in his prime innocency did nothing which was not praise worthy neither did his praise exceed his merit but being arrived to that where ambition doth its uttermost hee did more shamefully then miraculously metamorphose himselfe his nature though not changed but some wayes altered did by fits reduce him to what hee naturally was in the vehemencie of his forces revenge or command he did not out-goe his owne preservation or security so as though hee might deserve the name of an Usurper yet did he not deserve to bee tearmed a tyrant for were it otherwise since among the Roman Emperours there were few found who were not usurpers and yet of the number many good men the good could not have shunned the being reputed Tyrants Henry did not subvert the fundamentall Lawes he was sent for before he did insinuate himself the Kingdom was offered unto him before he did usurpe it He did better make good the office of a Prince to his subjects then did his subjects their duties unto him their Prince neither of them forgetting their peculiar natures he his innate goodnesse nor they their naturall wavering and inconstancie This may bee witnessed to us by what befell him while he was a private man hee did with temperance and modesty receive the praises due unto him
of his keepers the Queene this meane while not being able to secure herselfe The King and Kingdome but by the ruine of the Duke and the two Earles of Salisbury and Warwick nor yet able to worke their ruine but by cosenage and deceipt made the King to goe to Coventry under pretence of passing away his time in hunting and hawking and of changing the ayre she thought London enclined too much to them and faining some great affaire sent for them by expresse letters from the King the which they beleeved and had beene caught had they not beene advertised by their friend which caused them to eschew the danger The King was displeased at these proceedings of the Queene as contrary to his good inclination and being returned to London he called a councell wherein having stated the condition the Kingdome was in he shewed how that the rent and division had encouraged both the Scots and the French to assault him at home and that therefore a reconciliation was necessary the which if particular mens offences and the offences of his owne family were likely to impeach he for his part would forget the injuries done unto himselfe and would endeavour his kindreds agreement with them who in the late uproares had spilt their bloud promising that the Duke of Yorke and his followers should in this busines have nothing to doe but barely to desire When he had ingeniously said this every man beleeved him for of himselfe he was not accustomed to cousenage Choise was made of some personages of quality to be sent to the Duke of Yorke and to those of the house of Lancaster many of which had forborne comming to the Court since the battell of Saint Albans they told how they were sent to treate of things necessary and expedient for the publique and private peace the Duke of Yorke and the Earles of Salisbury and Warwick came accompanied with 1500. men the Duke of Somerset the Earle of Northumberland and the Lord Clifford waited upon by as many these were sonnes to the three Fathers slaine in that battell the Dukes of Excester and of Buckingham the Lord Egremont and almost all the nobility of the Kingdome appeared in like manner lodgings were severally appointed for them in different places to shun their encountering the City was assigned to Yorks faction The Suburbs to that of Lancaster the King and Queene lay in the Bishops house serving as a barre betwixt the two the Major and Magistracy together with 5000. armed men supplied the place of guard walking the streets day and night to prevent tumults those of Yorke assembled themselves together at Black-Friers and those of Lancaster at Westminster much a doe there was to compound the busines wherein the Archbishop of Canterbury laboured much At last a reconciliation was signed wherein the offendors being fined in certaine payments to the offended they all indifferently obliged themselves to the obedience of the King and to esteeme those as friends or enemies who the King should esteeme such the which being done a solemne procession was made wherein all the Nobility of both factions intermingled did walke before the King in his roabes and diademe and the Duke of Yorke followed after him leading the Queene by the arme but the more discreet might read in their countenances that their ill wills were not changed according as they endeavoured to make them appeare to be and as almost immediately did appeare The Duke of Yorke and Earle of Salisbury went to Yorke Warwick stayed at London his charge of Callais detaining him longer in Court It hapned that as he was one day sitting in Councell one of his men fell into contestation with one of the Kings servants by whom hee was provoked wounded him and withdrew himselfe to a place of safety The guard and others of the Court who were hot upon the revenge of their fellow servant not able to get him who had offended them reflected upon the person of the Earle his Master and set upon him as he was comming from councell to take boate and had beene slaine had he not beene assisted by some he had leasure to leape into his boate and recover the City The Queene were it that shee was misformed of the busines or that out of malice shee tooke his pretence to bereave the Earle of his life commanded his being detained the which if it had hapned he had bin for ever lost But being by his friends advertised he hastned to Yorke and brought the first newes himselfe to the Duke and his Father He concluded that the violation of oaths and of the peace brooked no more dissimulation that the last of fortune was to be attempted either to live or dye and taking leave of them hee went to Callais to sease himselfe of the Towne as it well behooved him to doe where hee was received according to the authority of his charge which had not beene had the King given order to the contrary at his departure from London without this fort the Tryumverat had beene ill besieged for from thence they tooke their first advantage Yorke and Salisbury were of opinion that this disorder proceeded from the Queenes malice to the end that Warwick being slaine they might the easilier be supprest and although they resolved to make use of force yet they thought best that the Earle of Salisbury should goe to London with such troopes as were most in readines should complaine of the violated faith and demand justice to the end that if it should be denied their actions might appeare more justifiable That the Duke assembling this meane-while a good army should come to joyne with him that they might joyntly advise what resolutions to take according as time and occasion should serve the Earle marched towards London with neere upon 5000. men whilest the Queene advertised of his comming gave order to the Lord Audely through whose territories hee was to passe to give him battell out of pretence that justice ought not be demanded at a Princes hands with troopes of men contrary to the tenure of the lawes since such proceedings were fit for him that would enforce not entreate the Baron having this commission meet him neere Drayton in Shropshire with 10000. fighting men The Earle seeing himselfe twharted resolved to fight so as encamping himselfe neere unto him the two armies being onely devided by a small water he tarried there all night and commanded his bowmen to shoot upon breake of day into the enemies campe so to provoke him and at the same time they should retreat Audely egg'd on by the arrowes but more by the Queenes expresse command to take the Earle alive or dead seeing him retire commanded his vanguard to passe over the water and stay him he himselfe passing over at the same time whilest the rest which were on the other side were of no use Unto him which was the very thing the Earle aimed at in his retreat so as turning about he furiously assaulted him The welfare of
made them be brought out of Prison and being exposed to publike view as Traitors they were beheaded without any other manner of Justice He would not suffer them to speake least their innocency being made knowne and commiserated might make the Author thereof more odious These being ridde out of the way as likewise the Chamberlaine and Stanley being hurt and a Prisoner there remained no further obstacle every man looking to himselfe not troubling themselves with other mens affaires And say there had beene other rubbes they would have come out of time the designe being to be effected before they could be prepared to hinder it and though there was neither pretence nor least appearance thereof every shadow or colour would serve the turne for force if it be not able to make things be believed it is sufficient to make Beliefe be Fained 'T is dangerous for an unarmed man to dispute and worse to give the lie to one that is in the posture of striking But as the successe of things cannot bee represented upon a Theater without the concourse of severall personages requisite to the composure of the Story so did it behove him to make use of many others besides the above named to the weaving of this Treason Amongst the rest Sir Edmund Shaw Lord Major of London his brother Iohn Shaw and Pinker Provinciall of the Augustine Friers were some the first to draw the City to the Protectours will and to suppresse tumults a very fit personage for this purpose whose vanity did aspire to greatnesse though by what so ever precipitious way and whose ambition for the like cause did not detest the most enormous misdeed the second and third Doctours of Divinity and by the people esteemed famous Preachers chosen to give Authority and Fervour as is usuall in such like actions for such men pretending integrity of Profession and minding nothing lesse are the best meanes to seduce and irritate the People But had not the feare men stood in of the Protectour been of more force then their preaching little progresse would have been made in the businesse for by their endeavours they had raised so Universall a hatred against them that from the estimation they formerly were in they fell into such a Detestation as Doctour Shaw dyed for grief The knot of this businesse lay in finding out a meanes to exclude the heires of Edward the Fourth and though he made no great account of the Duke of Clarence his heires yet did he not altogether contemne them though they were but young without or Friends or Favour The pretences found out to this purpose were two the first that King Edward and the Duke of Clarence were both of them the issue of Adultery that they were not sonnes to the Duke of Yorke whose onely legitimate heire the Protectour was The second that Edwards children were not only Bastards as Children of a bastard but as borne in an illegitimate Marriage he having before hee married their Mother engaged himselfe by word to the Lady Lucy who if she did not make good her claime when shee was interrogated thereupon it was for feare so as the Dutchesse of Yorke Mother to them all three layd it afterwards to Edwards conscience therefore such Marriages being illegitimate before God did exclude all Children therein begotten from all pretences due to the lawfull Heires I write not the Particulars of this Matrimonall dispute because they have beene sufficiently spoken of in the Life of Edward the Fourth whereunto I referre the Reader These pretences were to be to Preachers the subject of their Sermons especially to Shaw the introducer of them and from the beginning partaker of the Counsell the Augustine Fryer was afterwards imployed therein both of them behaving themselves in it with so bare-faced flattery as they nauseated the eares of their auditors And because the First of these two points was out of measure scandalous the whole House of Yorke being thereby injured and the Protectours Mother in particular defamed they resolved not to Treate thereof in downe-right termes but by way of circumspection as if it should seeme to be done out of a feare of offending the Protectour In the second point they were not mealy-mouth'd but did at large expatiate themselves Shaw Preached at Pauls Crosse taking his Text out of the Wisdome of Solomon Spuria vitulamina non agent radices altas The bastard slippes shall take no deepe rooting Whereupon hee discoursed amply it being a subject plentifull in Examples Sentences and Apophthegmes taken out of both Holy and Profane writ and seconded by the agreeing diversity of Fathers Philosophers and Poets He shewed Gods blessings to such as proceeded from lawfull Matrimony his Curses to such as were Adulterously begotten the usurpation of Goods belonging to the lawfully begotten being an abomination in his Eyes that therefore God would replant the lawfully begotten and roote out the contrary Here falling upon the praises of Richard Duke of Yorke hee made a long Panegyrick repeating his Titles to the Crowne confirmed by Parliament and declared King after the Death of Henry the sixt that the now Protectour was his onely legitimate Heire as the onely issue discended from him King Edward and the Duke of Clarence being by such as knew the secret passages of the House not esteemed His that they resembled Others who were very well knowne more then Him and did likewise so farre differ from him in Vertue as they could not discend from Him That there was no dispute to be made of Edwards Sonnes they being the Issue of a Marriage contracted whilst the Lady Lucy His First and True Wife was alive so as the Protectour was the onely Legimate of-spring of that house in whom might easily be discern'd his Fathers manners Image and Valour that therefore he was onely to be looked upon as he on whom the Laws by Nature and the Heavens by Grace had conferred all their favours The further Order herein taken was that when Shaw should be entred into this Encomium the Protectour should appeare to the end that the People hearing these things said at the instant of his arrivall might thinke Shaw inspired by the Holy Ghost and might cry up Richard King but he comming somewhat late and the Preacher being past on to some other matter hee quitted it at His appearing turning disorderly and from the purpose to what he had formerly said This said he is that Noble Prince the mirrour of Chevalry this is hee that naturally represents the noble Duke his Father as well in the Lineaments of his Minde as Countenance this is his very Figure his true stampe his undoubted Image his full Resemblance whose memory will never die so long as this man lives Had hee who saies Vox Populi Vox Dei the Peoples voyce is Gods voyce seene how husht all the Auditory was hee would have said The Peoples silence is Gods silence for being amazed to heare such bold and shamelesse impudence they stood like so many Statues in so
Tirrel and his servant Iohn Dighton who were the onely Two that remained alive of the Four which were conscious of this cruelty for Miles Forrest the Second rogue that slew them and the Priest that buried them were dead they deposed That Tirrel saw them Dead after they were Smother'd that he made them be buried underneath a stair and cover'd them with a Stone from whence by order from Richard they were afterwards tane and reburied by the Minister of the Tower but in what place they knew not the Minister being Dead But the King not satisfied with these testimonies that he might divert the danger and satisfie the World he bethought himself of some other means whereby he might discover the Impostors condition and descent He made choice of some and scatter'd them thorowout all Flanders directing them what they were to do Those who were not to stay in any setled place were ordered diligently to enquire after his Birth and to give Him daily advertisement of what they should learn which makes men believe he had some glimpse of it before the other who were to make their abode where He was were by his direction to seem as if they were fled away so to shun the danger they should incur if they were discover'd to be well-wishers to his party and to professe they were come to run the like fortune with Him they were as the Other to make Discovery but more particularly to finde out the Designes and Correspondencies they were to grow familiar with those whom Perkin most confided in and to shew them the Vanity of the Undertaking they having to do with a wise King not easily to be beaten without extraordinary Forces that the Dutchesse's favours were not answerable to their need that they wanted assistance and were not certain of what they presumed to be Secure which was the assistance of the party and the peoples inclination both which were unuseful for that such accurate and diligent provision was made that all men would forbear to declare themselves unlesse they might be encouraged by the sight of a Great army which the Duke of York was not likely to shew them no not if all Flanders were to declare it Self for him But their chief care was to sound Clifford by tasting him with fair promises for if they could win Him over the deed was done he being the Cabinet of secret Correspondencies between Flanders and England neither were they much troubled to effect it for being come to the knowledge of this imposture he was wrought upon by them with promise of Forgivenesse and of Rewards proper baits for such a fish Henry this mean while had made all those whom he had sent to be excommunicated in Pauls and their Names to be registred in the Book of the King's enemies according to the custom of those times to the end that no man might suspect them neither did he forbear to sollicite the Confessors of the greatest men that he might learn how they were enclined not weighing the Profanation of Religion and holy things since his particular interest was concern'd though in all Other things he was reputed a Pious Prince At last they came to the perfect knowledge of Perkin's Birth Name Surname Countrey Employments and Voyages till coming to the Dutchesse he was metamorphis'd into the Duke of York they likewise won over Clifford who gave them such proofs of his repentance as the King was therewithal satisfied Perkin's Genealogie was published in the Court and thorowout the Kingdom and Henry not esteeming it fitting that a Mechanick should with such ostentation be protected in Flanders under a false name and which redounded to His injury he sent Ambassadours to the Archduke Philip Maximilian being gone into Germany who were Sir Edward Poynings and Sir William Warham Doctor of the Civil Law The Council gave them audience the Archduke being yet a Childe their Embassie was That Flanders being confederate and in friendship with England the King could not but resent that she should nourish an Impostour who durst call himself Duke of York and pretended unto his Kingdom that such a Belief must needs admit of some Malignity since the Duke of York's death was too manifest to the world which were it not so very Conjecture were sufficient to put it out of doubt the Nature and Craft of Richard the Third was not such as would encourage the Executors of his cruelty to save One brother and murder the Other Mercy was not to be suppos'd in such Rascals and if it were not without Reward and freedom from Punishment Reward was not to be expected from a Childe destitute of Hopes and who getting out of prison had not wherewithal to feed himself but say that meer Compassion had moved them to save him such compassion must be either in One or in All of them it was impossible it should be in One of them and the Rest not know of it and it was incredible it should be in All of them for that three such wicked ones could not so far trust one another as not to live in perpetual Jealousie And give this likewise granted how could a childe ignorant of the ways wanting direction and counsel passe undiscover'd that the Night-guards which are usual in all the streets of London should not stop him should not take him or that some other difficulty should not hinder him 't was impossible a tender childe of Nine yeers old alone in Lord-like looks and apparel could passe on unknown by any Certainly this could not have befallen the True Duke of York much lesse could it have happened unto the Counterfeit whose true name was Perkin that the King knew him well knew his Countrey and his Extraction that the Nurse or rather Mother of this the Dutchesse of Burgundy knew it well enough who emulating the ancient Fables had brought him forth as Iove did Mercury out of her Brain feigned him to be her Nephew given him instructions and taught him how to lye that she could not tolerate that her Neece should reign being joyned to the House of Lancaster her hatred being thereunto such as rather then to suffer her to be a Queen with such a Husband she would bereave Her and her Children of a Kingdom and give it to Perkin begotten by a Jew turned Christian They desired that after the example of the King of France they would chase him out of their Countrey and that if the useful friendship which was between the two Nations should perswade them as well it might to do More they should do like true friends indeed if they would deliver him up into Their Hands The Answer was That they desired to preserve friendship with the King that they would not assist the pretended Duke of York but that they could not hinder the Dutchesse who was absolute in her Countrey from doing what she listed Henry was not pleased with this answer knowing that Princesses Dowagers have not the like Prerogative over the Countreys where they govern
for mastery was the cause of all the mischiefe which was by either of them given or received rather then hatred or avarice Percy was famous for what hee had already done and now more then ever desirous of glory Douglasse was big with fame and that he might bring it to light was desirous to adde thereunto the fame of his enemy these two respects were the whetstone whereon the valour of both parties was sharpned Exhortations and warlike noises were needlesse every man was by himselfe encouraged and ready for what he had to doe each side equally thirsting for the others bloud The conflict endured a long time with like affect as is seene in a sheete of corne which when driven with violent windes bends now on the one side and then on the other alternately till at last Fortune taking stand under Saint George his Crosse thought it not sacriledge to beare to ground that of Saint Andrew Dowglasse who in the battell had lost an eye was taken prisoner with him Fife Murrey Angus Atholl and five hundred more the greatest part of the Gentry of Scotland dyed manfully fighting of which number were twenty seven Knights and of common souldiers as the English writers say for the others say nothing herein 10000. Percie as soone as he had made the prisoners safe in sundry forts passed forward in Loughdeane and the Marches of Scotland making use of the present occasion as having slaine and tane prisoners all that were to defend those parts which when hee had sacked and utterly ruinated hee besieged Coclaven a place neither to bee long kept nor soone lost it was agreed upon that it should be surrendred if not succoured within three months The Governour was advised not to succour it for that the losse of it would be of lesse moment then the hazarding of a second battell The defeat at Hamilton had so allayed the courage of the Gentry as that not being confident of any good intention in the Governour they could not bee perswaded to a new conflict but hee his mischievous designes not being now the thing in question but the honour of the Kingdome on the preservation whereof much of his hidden hopes depended swore hee would succour it though not seconded by any but the first two months being past and nothing done the castle was freed the third for which no thanks was due to him for Percy was forced to raise the siege that hee might follow the King in his warres in Wales Whilst England was thus beset on both sides new troubles arose unto her out of France which though at first sight of no consideration were yet the occasion of incensing mens mindes and of the more easie breach of truce The Duke of Orleans brother to King Charles a Prince of an unquiet spirit borne to be the ruine of himselfe and Kingdome tooke a fancie out of a meere capriciousnesse to send a letter to King Henry by a Herald the contents whereof were to this purpose That having considered how the rust of idlenesse in youth had been the losse of many Princes sprung from Royall bloud he was resolved to shake it off and to win renowne and honour by the way of Armes to effect the which he could think of no readier means then that they two should meet at a certain place to be by them agreed upon where each of them accompanied by a hundred Gentlemen of name valour and void of blemish they might make triall of themselves till the one of them should yeeld and that such prisoners as should be taken should be liable to ransome and their ransomes to be paid to such as tooke them That to this purpose he went with his hundred to Angolesme and that if hee would come with his hundred to Burdeaux they might chuse some neighbouring place for the combat The Duke had been the Kings great friend whilest he was in France insomuch as in signe of their more reall friendship they sealed a writing between them wherein they bound themselves to the defence of one another against all the world except some whom the Duke excepted but this chalenge being directly opposite thereunto and Henry having not been long in his kingdome and by reason of his affaires free from that idlenesse which the other desired to shun he answered that he would never have beleeved that the letter which was delivered him by his Herald had been directed to him had not the circumstances assured him that it was That the publick truce between the two Kingdomes and the private confederacie between them two ought to have disswaded him from making such a request but that since he was pleased so to resolve hee for for his part was likewise resolved to breake their former confederacie That Kings ought to bee chalenged by Kings not by inferiours That Kings ought not to use their weapons for vain-glory but for the glory of God and good of Christianity and when by their state necessitated thereunto That hee would come to Burdeaux with as many men as hee pleased when it might ought availe him And that in such a case occasions would not bee wanting to the Duke to finde him out nor should will be wanting in him to be found out by him To this answer the Duke by new letters replyed that he avouched the writing of the former letters to be to him to him onely and that if he did not therein give him the title which now he assumed 't was because he did not approve thereof that hee would have had due respect to their confederacy if it had not first been violated by him that he would never have made any confederacy with him if he had thought he would have so behaved himselfe towards King Richard God knowes how and by whom slaine for what concerned his present dignity that God never gave it him but did onely permit it in him and that God did oftentimes suffer Princes to reigne for their greater confusion so as the comparison he made between them two was to no purpose since his reputation was void of blemish as was not the Kings that for the duty and office of a King hee could not say better and doe worse that Queen Isabel his Neece might serve to prove this who was sent backe into France her husband being slaine her jonyture denied the goods shee brought with her into England deteined That hee would maintaine all this to bee true in single combat hand to hand to the end that as hee had said the deaths of so many might bee spared that hee thanked him for having more charity to the blood of France then hee had to his owne Lord and King This reply was too sharpe not to bee answered The King wrote backe That having communicated his designes to him when hee parted from France which he the Duke did then approve of and promised his assistance hee wondred why he should now blame them as if they were new unto him that if by his words of God knowes
by reason of the profit they receive by its residency with them at the which being lesse satisfied and more offended then ever they sent for Burgundy who came to them well accompanied but his conscience pointing out unto him his injustice and keeping him in perpetuall agitation he sent his cosen William Duke of Baviers to Towres to make him some agreement for him not out of any acknowledgement of repentance but out of a desire which guilty people have to bury their shame and because a warre in such a case alwaies blameable and unjust brings ruine if it be lost and if wonne it doth but erect Trophies of shame and infamy the King sent Lodovick Duke of Baviers the Queens brother to meet him and Montaigne Lord high Steward of the houshold with the articles of agreement The Duke hated Montaigne as a maine Orleanist and gave him bitter words which he took patiently but the articles not being according to his liking he regulated them and though they were not afterwards agreed upon according to his corrections they were yet so handled as that he was contented for his adversaries having lost all their defence by the death of their mother Valentina who died of griefe not long before there was none to oppose him They being all yong orphans unexperienced and for want of direction abandoned by all Peace being concluded the parties met at Shartres where in the presence of the King Queene and Dolphin and Princes they swore the peace though the yong Duke of Orleans and the Count Vertu the Count of Anguleine the third brother not being present by reason of his infancy were observed to weepe in the doing of it being inforced by the King and of yeares and power not fit to make refusall The Duke of Burgundy being together with the Court returned to Paris and knowing that what was done was not likely long to continue he resolved to work his own establishment by the ruine of such as favoured the house of Orleans but being to guild over his unjust intention with the title of justice directly opposite to the sworne peace and resolute not to suffer Montaigne live as one of the chiefe of them he caused him to be questioned before the Magistracy for the administration of the Kings monies where in his account between figures and cyphers his head was struck off and his life was made a cypher The Duke of Berry who was a Courtier born well verst in Court policies guest at his designes and not able to indure affronts as one who had formerly lived with as much or more authority in the government then any other Prince withdrew himselfe to Angeires whither unsent for all the malecontents did presently flock this unexpected assembly caused a speedy confederacy between the Duke of Berry the Duke of Orleans and his brother the Count Cleremont now Duke of Burbony by his fathers decease the Count Alanson and Count Arminiacke so as the peace of Shartres proved a short lived Ephemera which died the day it was borne and indeed it was never thought other by the wisest sort the newes of this conjunction did more and more exasperate the Duke of Burgundy he willed the Lord Albret constable of France to raise as many men as possibly he could making use of the name of the Kings safety to save himselfe since he not the King was the marke that was aimed at Albret obeyed as not able to doe otherwise hee was no friend to Burgundy and a great friend to his enemies as the successe demonstrated France like a firebrand newly extinguished tooke fire againe at the approaching of this sudaine blaze Count Richmonte hearing that the colleagues were retired to Shartres came thither likewise with a great number of men They first demanded audience of the King but they wished him to come armed with patience whilest they pretended to appeare before him armed with iron The Queen who did both hate and feare Burgundy did what in her lay to appease them having to this purpose made two journeyes her selfe in person but it was not in her power to keep them from comming to Paris of so much force is desperation when it hath usurped the place of reason and advice They came to the very Suburbes of Marcelles strange were the disorders which were every where committed by the souldiers aswell of one side as of the other But the incommodities and difficulties equally divided after many too 's and fro's caused a second peace called the peace of Winchester wherein was concluded that both Berry and Burgundy were to withdraw themselves from the Court that when the one should be sent for the other should bee sent for likewise and that the meane while they should all withdraw themselves which gave but small satisfaction to the three brothers for Berry made use of them for his own particular ends which when he had compassed he cared no longer for them and it being a thing usuall for the parties offended not to forgive unlesse some satisfaction be made they pretended not to be included in this peace since in their particular they had received no manner of satisfaction so as if they swore unto the peace of Shartres it was to obey the King and if they consented unto this it was for that they could not doe otherwise being abandoned by all The Duke of Berry was returned to Burges and the Duke of Burgundy desirous to calme all the former distastes sent unto him three Embassadors of which the Lord of Croy was chiefe They went on their intended way when met by certaine of the Duke of Orleans his people betweene Orleans and Burges the Signeur de Croy was stayed by them and all the rest suffered to passe the next day being questioned concerning the Duke of Orleans death hee confessed nothing of prejudice though he suffered terrible torment The other two complaining hereof to the Duke of Berry to whom the affront appertained required his freedome wherein though the King joyned with him neither protestation threats nor reason could prevaile with the brothers They pretended the peace of Shartres to be invalid as pursued contrary to the order of Law and Justice and that the King was compelled thereunto that the Duke of Burgundy had violated the same by pursuing undoing and putting to death as many of their friends as he could that the peace of Winchester had been likewise by him in many points broken that those who had murthered their father though condemned and banished did live securely in his territories and did likewise come at their pleasure into France no notice being taken of them and that they were pensioned by him and that no Councellors nor Officers depending upon either of the parties being to tarry near the Kings person his Majesty was not only waited upon by such as had dependency upon Burgundy The Queene and Duke of Berry did what they could to make a new accord betweene them But Burgundy resolute not to recede
would not doe it the meanes hee had made choice of being the fittest and safest for his souldiers and the best suiting with their deserts That he would keep on his course and that when they should be humbled with famine he would further humble them with such punishment as their obstinacy did deserve This being said hee retired himselfe with an angry countenance into his lodgings commanding his officers to keepe them at dinner with them These people were as much astonished at the Kings wisdome as they were at his power After dinner having advised of what was to be done they desired another audience the which was by the King graciously granted them They desired a truce for eight daies and having obtained it returned to the City The English set up in their campe three rich tents one for their Commissioners one for those of the City and the third for the one and the other to conferre together in The King named the Earles of Warwicke and Salisbury the Baron Fitzhugh Sir Walter Hungerford Sir Gilbert Humfreville and Sir Iohn Robsert together with Iohn Vasques of Almadas the City Iohn Buttler and six more The eight daies were spent in contentions accusations excuses demands and denialls nothing being concluded Whereupon when those of the City tooke their leaves they compassionately begged a prorogation of the truce till the suns next rising and obtained it When they were returned to the City they found the people in such an uproare as that they ran in danger of their lives so as they went early the next morning to Sir Iohn Robsert intreating him to interceede for a second prorogation of truce for foure dayes To the which the King againe giving way the surrender of the Towne was agreed upon the first day of the foure upon three and twenty Articles The chiefe of the which were That they should pay unto the King 365000 French Crownes that Robert Linet Vicar generall to the Archbishop Iohn Giordane Captaine of the Crosse-bowes and Allen Blancard should be delivered to the Kings disposall That they should sweare perpetuall fealty to him and all the Kings of England and that so doing they should enjoy all immunities and priviledges which they had enjoyed in the reigne of Saint Lewis That those who would might have leave to depart carrying nothing along with them but one ordinary suit of apparrell That the Souldiers marching out unarmed with a white staffe in their hands and one onely suite should sweare not to beare Armes against the King for one yeare next ensuing This Citie was surrendred the 19 day of January 1419. Guy Buttler accompanied by the best of the Towne brought the keyes and the Duke of Exceter tooke possession placing Corps de guarde and Sentinels where he thought necessary The next day the King made his entrance waited upon by foure Dukes ten Earles eight Bishops sixteen Barons and a great many Knights being met by the Clergy and Citizens who led him to the chiefe Church where he was received by the Archbishop and Cannons As soone as hee had given thankes he gave order for repaire of the ruines and causing proclamation to be made that all such Cities and Townes as would willingly submit themselves to his obedience should enjoy their former priviledges Caudebe Monstravillier Diepe Fescampe Arques Chasteau Neuf Dencourt Vernon Mante Gourne Honfleur Pont de Mer Triet Tancarville Abrichier Moleurier Vallemont Nucaville Ballacombre Fontenes Nugondeville Logembre Saint Germaine upon Calli Bodemont Bray Villaterra Ciarles Menill Ferefonte Beccrispin Baqueville and many other Townes sent him their keyes and received in English Garrisons The Countrey people and such as lived in the fields did the like so as the white Crosse of France was changed into the red of England Normandy fell into the hands of the English 229 yeares After the time that Philip the second tooke it from Iohn King of England which was the yeare of our Lord 1190. Allen Blancard was beheaded and the other two reserved to bee disposed of as the King should please were sometime after restored to their liberty having payed therefore great summes of money and the government of the Citie was conferred upon the Duke of Glocester The Duke of Burgony was hee who suffered more then any other in this losse whose authority being grounded upon the peoples good opinion was in danger to have fallen upon his opposite The evils which happened thereupon were to be imputed to him alone hee was the directer if not rather the corrupter of the State hee who by his evill practises had got possession of the Kings person had through his ill government obscured his lustre lost his reputation and lessened his command not void of suspition that he had intelligence with the King of England to suppresse the Dolphin a fault not to bee averred because it was not true the opinion thereof though likely to cause his ruine He could not contest against two enemies it behoved him to reconcile himselfe with one of them His naturall hatred his faction his ancient and new injuries his opinion of him to be of an humour not to be trusted his behoving to yeeld the government to him and the often denyed agreement between them made him despaire of reconciliation with the Dolphin With King Henry set the warre aside which may notwithstanding be maintained between generous Princes without malignity or hatred he had nothing of injury or offence His affaires being reconciled to him were not onely to be continued in thir present condition but bettered for his forces would be preserved entire to contend more vigorously against another The which being well weighed by him hee chose the later and sent expresse messengers unto Henry to perswade him to send Embassadours with whom at Troyes in Champania a truce was concluded by meanes whereof the two Kings meeting in a Parke neer Melune might treat of a peace And though King Charles came not thither hindered by a new accesse of his accustomed indisposition the Queene her daughter and the Duke failed not to come This fair Princesse was by them of purpose brought out of hopes that the beames of her beauty dazling King Henries eyes might make him desist from his rigorous pretences so as peace might be the easilier made and upon more advantagious conditions but where honour and love doe intershock Honour though a friend cannot but treat Love like an enemy Honour is not Honour if encountring with passions it overcome them not So as the King though he were much taken with her did not forgoe any thing he had formerly pretended unto hoping if hee could not get her by peace to win her by warre They came not at first to the Rendevous but having made choyce of two neighbouring places the Queen tarried at Pontouse the King at Mantes where he kept his Whitsuntide and made there three Earles Gaston de fois a great man in Gascony hee made Earle of Longaville Iohn Grey Earle of Tancherville and the Lord Bourchiere Earle
all his other Ensigns cursing those who had perswaded them to shut themselves up in that Fort upon perjur'd Oaths of succour they yeilded themselves their lives only saved the which was denied to such as had served Henry the fifth to those who had sworne the finall Peace to those who were Complices in the Death of the Duke of Burgony and to such Souldiers as were Scotts Irish or Welsh together with Melene they surrendred all other Forts which were in their hands amongst which were Marchuse and Monliere those who would sweare fealty and Homage had their liberties granted them without Ransome the which all of them almost did in particular Greville mov'd therunto as I beleeve by his beleeving Charles to bee dead at Rochell for when hee knew the contrary hee was not long in forswearing himselfe This meane while Arthur Count de Richmond Brother to Iohn fift Duke of Britanny escaped away from the Earle of Suffolke Lord Lieutenant to the King in Normandy with whom ever since the Battell of Agencourt he had beene Prisoner A civill liberty was permitted him upon Oath and promise not to depart the which as long as the King lived was precisely observed by him not listning to his friends who had sundry times offered to backe him if he would fly away now thinking that by reason of the Kings Death he might with safety to his honour escape he fled pretending himselfe to be free from his Oath as personall to him that was dead but who shall well observe it shall find that bare promises not aggravated by curtesies no wayes due nor inforced as was this the largnes of his Imprisonment are of as much force in morall affaires with Princes and amongst such as are Nobly borne as is an Oath in Religion especially when as pretensions not dying with the King they together with their estates remaine in title and in substance intire unto their Successours if when the King dyed he had beene close Prisoner he could not without a note of folly have said himselfe to be disoblig'd from his promise so as having escap'd hee seem'd to repent that resolution which though at all times requisite was then the more to be esteemed of as it was now the more blame worthy since his owne Death and not the Death of any other was only able to acquit him of his Oath and promise made His first flight was to his Brother in Britanny from thence to his Cousin Philip in Flanders from whom he received a Commission to procure a Parley betweene him Britanny and Bedford so as being return'd from his Brother and having concluded the Interview Bedford went to receive them upon the confines of Normandie all three of them comming into an appointed place where Philip stayed expecting them the Confederacy which was contracted betweene them was confirmed by a double Marriage the one betweene the Duke of Bedford and Anne the younger Sister to Philip together with the County of Artois in portion in case they should have any Issue the other betweene Count Richmond and Philips eldest Sister Widdow to the Dolphin Lewis This being done Burgony and Richmond withdrew themselves to Arras Bedford to Paris and the Duke of Britanny to his owne Country to whom Bedford paid 6000. Crownes for his expences in that journey The inconstancy of the Dukes of Britanny in their friendship may seeme strange to some being subject to often and momentary changes but who will examine passages from the time that that State grew litigious will not wonder at it I have thought good to give you a short breviat thereof for the better understanding of the History and to ease the Reader of the paines of seeking that in others which I should have omitted Iohn the third Duke of Britanny who dyed without Issue married his Neece Iane of Britanny Daughter to Guy his next Brother but now dead to Charles of Blois second Sonne to Guy of Chatillione Count de Blois and Margaret Sister to Philip the sixt King of France to the end that shee being the true Heire other Woemen having beene formerly Heires to that Dukedome shee might have a Husband that might defend her When he was dead Iohn Count de Montfort his third Brother who during his life had no wayes opposed his Neece pretended by prerogative of sex to be Heire unto the State so as Blois relying upon France and he on England they had fierce Warre together for 23. yeares in which time 200000. Men were slaine in that quarrell To Count Montfort who as not having intirely possessed Britanny was not numbred amongst the Dukes therof did his Sonne Iohn succeed named Iohn the fourth after that Charles de Blois slaine in a great Battaile left him possessor therof The King of France who could not by force take from him his Estate indeavour'd to weaken him by Interposition Hee agreed upon this with the Widdow and the Sonnes of Charles the Defunct who renounced their pretensions to the Dutchy and he his pretences to the Vice-county of Limages restoring unto them together with other obligations the County of Pointevere an agreement which lasted not long among ulcerated minds The Duke beside these had two other great Enemies Beretrand de Gueschin and Oliver de Clissenne his naturall Subjects who having betaken themselves to the service of Charles the fift against the English proved so gallant Men that both of them one after the death of the other were Constables of France so as they having drawne unto the Kings pay the greatest part of the Lords and Commanders of Britanny who under their command had fought against Charles de Blois they left the Duke quite bereft of Captaines and Military affaires and but badly obeyed by his Subjects who were naturally inclin'd to the French so as wrought thereunto by gratitude Edward the third being his Father in Law who had put him into his Estate and by necessity the King of France being his Neighbouring powerfull Enemy hee turned sometimes one way sometimes another till being abandoned by his Subjects it behoved him to retire himselfe into England forsaking his Countrey least he should be made Prisoner by them not for that they hated him but for that they hated his friendship with the English whom they thought to be the cause of their ruine being at last aware that the King of France molested him not out of the pretended suspitions but to bereave him of his Estate they sent for him backe a little before the Death of Charles the fift wherby hoping now to be in quiet to please them he renounced his friendship with England and sided with Charles the 6 t who succeeded to Charles the fift Clissonne who was of greater power with the now King then he had been with the former finding him without his leaning stocke Ransomed Iohn Count de Pointevere from his Imprisonment in England upon whom as Sonne to Charles de Blois and Iane of Britanny Heire to Iohn the third the pretences to the Dutchy
the height hee aymed at during his life Humphrey Stafford Duke of Buckingham for that being sonne of Anne Plantaginet who was descended from Thomas Duke of Glocester the seventh sonne of Edward the third if the Duke were out of the way he should be the first Duke of England wherefore hee thought that this prerogative and his being couzen to the King would cause his advancement the Cardinall of Winchester by reason of his emulation which their reciprocall hatred had kindled not to be quenched but by the last of revenges The Archbishop of Yorke for that Glocester having declared himselfe his enemy in his last accusations he was desirous though not according to the Gospell to render him evill for evill but his eminency and universall love had rendred all their designes vaine had they not come assisted by the Lawes They accused him at the Councell Table of many faults of all which he did with such sinceritie acquit himselfe as that hee freed the Councells minde from any the least scruple and used such arguments as did adde to his reputation They objected unto him that he had caused many to be put to death contrary to the Lawes of the Kingdome inferring thereby that hatred and cruelty had beene the directors of his justice whilst that whereby they were most scandalized was that hee could not indure wicked men These forenamed men together with them the Queene perceiving that nothing was done caused a Parliament to be called at Berry in Suffolke whither hee came together with the rest of the Peers not dreaming of any evill relying more upon his owne integrity then by reason of the others malice he ought to have done The first day of Parliament passed over quietly spent in the accustomed ceremonies the second day he was made prisoner by the Lord high Constable of England accompanied by the Duke of Buckingham and many others a guard was set upon him his servants were all taken from him whereof 32. were imprisoned and hee not long after Hale saith the very next night was found dead in his bed some affirming that he dyed of an Apoplexie some of an Imposthume in his Head but although there was no doubt but that his death was violent yet did no man know of what sort some thought hee was strangled some stiffeled betweene two pillowes and many that hee had a red hot spit thrust in at his fundament five of the prisoners were examined and condemned but as they were carrying to execution they were set at liberty by the Marquesse of Suffolke who brought their pardon signed by the King which did not satisfie the people for the saving of these mens innocency did not salve the treason used to the Duke By a pardon given to one of his servants may bee seene the pretence they tooke to commit this Murther where it is said that hee was one of the many Traitors who came in the traine of Humphery Duke of Glocester to destroy the King and set his Wife Elianor at liberty The death of this Prince was lamented by the whole Kingdome from whom hee deserved the surname of good for so in effect hee was a lover his Countrey a Friend to good men a Protector of the learned whereof hee himselfe was one as well verst in the lawes of the Kingdome as whatsoever Lawyer and if hee erred in his enmity with the Duke of Burgony and the Cardinall of Winchester 't was through the greatnes of his Spirit the which if it bereave not of fault doth at least deminish the blame for all humanity is subject to errour After him the title of Glocester was reputed ominous for the foure last Glocesters came to violent ends Thomas Duke of Glocester sonne to Edward the third was strangled at Callais Thomas Spencer Earle of Glocester beheaded at Berry Humphery Duke of Glocester dead as you have heard and Richard Duke of Glocester slaine in a Battell of civill Warre after hee was King by the name of Richard the third as wee shall see I doe not withstanding beleeve that if occasion bee offered no man will refuse the honour since before these unfortunate foure there were cleaven of that title nine of which dyed naturall deaths the other two Ieffery Mandeville and Gilbert Clare slaine in turnament the first in warre the other before Sterline so as they are not to bee rancked with the last foure since their deaths hapned through malice or civill warre The Cardinall of Winchester enjoyed not the content of this his death above 14. or 16. dayes for hee dyed to see the ruine of his house of the which hee was the chieefest raiser for doubtlesse if Glocester had lived the Duke of Yorke had not risen and the Queene who by his death thought to have established her authority lost thereby all shee could loose her life excepted her Husband sonne and Kingdome for her ignorance in things to come threw her headlong upon those evils which at the price of her owne bloud shee would willingly have redeemed together with the life of Glocester but too late foresight brings repentance remedies not Having by so cruell a way obtained her desire shee employ'd all her endeavours how to establish an authority which under her Husbands name might make her absolute in the Kingdome she raised Suffolke from Marquesse to Duke which title he but a shorte time enjoyed for fortune of her owne nature inconstant is much the more so when her favours are conferr'd without merit The Duke of Yorke who saw that all these things redounded to the advancement of his designes slipt not his occasions for laying open to his friends and the male contents in how bad a condition the Kingdome was the King weake and governed by a Woman under the haughty direction of the Duke of Suffolke it was easie for him to perswade them to establish him in his owne right since the house of Lancaster did usurpe the Crowne and held it contrary to the lawes of the Kingdome the lawes of bloud and nature this hee did with so much vehemency insinuate so opportunely and to people who desired nothing more then change as it was easie for him to draw unto him subjects of the most eminent condition who that they might have followers and preferments were apt to uphold him To this was added the greatnes of his family and the family of his wife Cicelli Nevill by both which hee was allied to the greatest men and chiefest families of the Kingdome his reputation wonne in France but chiefely his right unto the Crowne in a time when if hee had no right they might have imagined some in him so to withdrawe themselves from the Government of an imperious Woman and a proud favorite who ruling all as they listed and excluding all others made use of the authority of a weake King who had nothing of Prince in him but name This was the first stone which Richard Plantagenet Duke of Yorke laid in the ground-worke of the generall ruine
of the other his bad that suffering himselfe to be gulded by a prodigious ambition a usuall disease amongst great wits hee of himselfe did negotiate in an unexpedient and harmefull match and which was likely not to bee denied since that thereby those territories were surrendered which ought not have beene quitted for any whatsoever cause that he did too indiscreetly make use of the Kings favour occasioned by the Queenes more then ordinary inclinations The Parliament was summoned at the Blacke Friers in London wherein treaties being had against the Duke and the Queene fearing least he might therein suffer she thought she might reape some advantage by remooving the Parliament to Lecester but very few of the Nobilitie comming thither she was forced to remove it againe to Westminster where both houses being full the lower house presented many complaints against the Duke whereof some were true and some false The Articles were many the chiefest that hee had treated with the Bastard of Orleans when he was sent Embassadour to Henry to move Charles to make warre with England to the end that hee might make Iohn sonne to the said Duke King by marrying him to Margaret daughter to the late Duke of Sommerset the presumed heire to the Crowne in case the King should have no children Secondly that suborned by the sayd Bastard he was cause of the Duke of Orleans freedome Thirdly that the losse of France and Normandy was happened through his advise which was represented to the King of France by the said Duke of Orleans Fourthly that being sent Embassadour to make peace or truce he had condescended to the surrendring of Aniou and Mayne without the knowledge of the other Embassadours his fellow Colleagues and that being returned to England he perswaded the King thereunto so losing him the inheritance of those countries Fiftly that having at the same time discovered the Kings counsell unto the enemy together with the defects of the Forts and number of Souldiers the English by reason of these informations were driven out of France Sixtly that he had given the like informations to the Dunnesse when he was Embassadour in England seventhly that the King having sent Embassadours into France to treate of peace he was the cause why peace was not made having by way of Anticipation advertised Charles of his advantages Eightly that in the Starre Chamber hee had made his boasts that hee had as much power in the Councell of France as in that of England and that by his power hee could remove whatsoever Counsellors there Ninthly that corrupted by Charles hee had retarded the melitia that was to goe to France Tenthly that in the conclusion of the peace hee had not comprehended the King of Arragon nor the Duke of Britanny both friends to the King so as being comprehended by Charles hee alienated the former and made the other so great an enemy as Giles brother to the said Duke remaining firme in his friendship to England lost first his liberty and then his life His answers to the first three Articles were that hee never had committed nor so much as thought any such thing To the fourth that the businesse of the truce being left to his discretion it could not bee concluded without the surrendring of those states which was but a weake answer since the marriage of the Queene in consideration whereof this surrender was made was not so much as dreamt of by any save himselfe But on the other side it being approved of in Parliament wherein both the houses did joyne in Petition to his Majestie to reward him for this his great good service it followes that either the one Parliament or the other did amisse since the one desired reward the other punishment for the selfe same action the fift sixt seventh and ninth have no proofe at all but the accusers bare narration In the eight he may be convinc't but more of vanitie then of any other errour in the tenth his fault was omission but as it was not excusable in a personage of his condition so it was not to be punished in the highest degree his other accusations contained the topicall faults of favorites which in like persecution are usually alleaged that he had enricht himselfe out of the Kings treasure monopolized things belonging to the Crowne diminished the revenues thereof removed worthy men from the Councell placing such in their roomes as had dependancy upon him that he was the chiefe instrument in the death of the Duke of Glocester which though it were likely enough yet were not their proofes sufficient to condemne him Vpon these complaints he was sent unto the Tower as to be there forth comming till hee should give an account of what he was charged of but being set at liberty about a moneth after the people were thereat so highly incensed that to avoyd sedition it was requisite to take from the Lord Say his place of Treasurer all their places from all his other friends and so banish him for five yeares out of England But being imbarked in Suffolke to goe for France he was set upon by a man of warre belonging to the Earle of Excester was fought withall taken beheaded neare unto Dover in the same ship and his body throwne upon the shore from whence it was taken by one of his Chaplaines and buried in the Colledge of Winkefield in Suffolke This was the end of this man in whom so many causes both of blame and of praise concurring I know not whether hee ought to bee blamed or praised Vices are like Clouds which though they doe not totally obscure the day yet the thicker and blacker they are the more horrid and fearefull doe they make it Vices are not to bee ballanced with vertues no more then is ayre and water with earth and fire yet if amongst punishments the law givers could have taken away the memory of what was good in the guiltie I beleeve they would not have done it If there had beene no other evill in the Duke of Suffolke then the death of the Duke of Glocester whereof the signes are too manifest for him to cleare himselfe 't were sufficient to ecclipse all his other vertues in the estimation of all honest men but bee it as you will his misfortune was very prejudiciall to the King since thereby he was deprived of a servant as necessary for his preservation as by his Councell and valour he was ready to preserve him This chance did much inanimate those who syded with the Duke of Yorke who spared not in what they could to render the King dispised and hatefull they forgot not to inculcate the ignominious losse of France enough to bereave of reputation the most valiant Prince that is much more him who was given to idlenesse and wretchlesnesse that the state was governed by a proud woman the chiefe cause of all their evills Thus said the people should doe well to take example by the government of Ireland where the wisedome and valour of the Duke
his mouth but all stoode like dumbe immoveable statues whereat not much contented hee wished them to think upon what he had said and being againe desired to goe visite the King he said God excepted he knew no superiour two prodigies are said to have hapned at the same time that the Duke of Yorke alleadged his reasons of laying claime unto the Crowne in the upper house from the top of the lower house there hung a Crowne with certaine branches serving for Candlesticks affixed to it and on the top of Dover Castle was an other antiently placed for the adornement of that place At this instant time they both of themselves fell downe no cause at all being to be given for it whereupon judgement was made that in like manner the Crowne of the Kingdome was to fall The Duke of Yorke at his very first commotions against King Henry had sent unto Iames the second King of Scotland to desire his aide and to acquaint him with his pretensions but Iames not willing to meddle in other mens affaires answered that the English had taken many of his Townes whilest having enough to doe with rebells at home he had not meanes to defend them that if he would promise to restore them he would assist him the Duke promised him so to doe upon these hopes Iames assembled a great army and at the same time the Earle of Marsh tooke the King prisoner besieged Roxborough Yorke who had now no more need of him seeing in what danger the Towne was sent unto him to let him know that now he had ended the Warre that he thanked him for the promise of his assistance but that the siege of Roxborough being a thing which did dislike the people and himselfe thought the occasion thereof he desired him to rise from before it without endamaging England and that he had much a doe to detaine the English from taking up armes to succour it the King rejoycing at the Dukes prosperous successe enquired of the Messengers whether they had any commission or no to restore unto him such places as were taken from him and as was promised by the Duke to which they answering no neither will I said he quit a siege which I hope suddenly to put an end unto uninterrupted by these threats be they his or the peoples then playing with his cannon upon the Towne with more fury then formerly such was his misfortune as a peece of Ordnance bursting in two a spilter thereof slew him and hurt the Earle of Angus not hurtihg any other body this accident did notwithstanding breake off the siege for the besieged wanting all things requisite and they themselves reduced to a small number by reason of the often assaults they yeelded themselves to the new King Iames the third their lives and goods saved The death of this King was accompanied by the death of Charles King of France which though it were not violent yet was the strangest that ever was heard of being sicke some of his flatterers to make their zeale appeare the more put a conceipt into his head that surely somebody meant to poison him He forbare from taking any manner of food seaven dayes and when his Phisitians tould him that his weakenes proceeded from his forbearing meat and not from any sicknes he would have eaten but could not for the channells through which his meat should passe were closed up whereupon he dyed and left the Kingdome to his sonne Lewes the eleaventh The difference betweene the King and the Duke of Yorke was by the Parliament after many disputations thus ended that though the Crowne had beene usurped by Henry the fourth from Edmond Mortimer Earle of Marsh then living and did lawfully descend upon him the Duke of Yorke as borne of Anna the heire of Philips rights the onely Daughter to Lionell the Duke of Clarrence yet to withstand the evills which might arise from Henries deposing who had beene King above the space of 38. yeares the Duke of Yorke should bee contented that Henry should raigne as long as he should live and that after his death he the Duke of Yorke or his next heire should succeed him in his Kingdome The next day being all Saints-day the King with his roabes on and Crowne upon his head went in Procession to Saint Pauls waited upon by the Duke who after being proclaimed next heire and protectour of the Kingdome desired that to annull all jealousies the King would send for the Queene and her sonne Prince Edward the which he did but shee denying to come and having taken up armes to set her Husband at liberty and to nullifie whatsoever had beene done in prejudice of her sonne the Duke resolved to prevent her hee recommended the Custody of the King to the Duke of Norfolke and Earle of Warwick Hee commanded the Earle of Marsh to follow him with the greatest forces he could get as speedily as he could and he himselfe accompanied by the Earle of Salisbury went to Sandalls a Castle of his owne neere Wakefield where of friends and dependants he assembled 5000. men the which when the Queene heard of shee hasted to meete with him before he about should joyne with his sonne Shee had with her above 18000. fighting men and was followed almost be all the Lords of the Northern parts of England Together with Prince Edward her sonne the Dukes of Excester and Somerset the Earles of Devonshire and Wiltshire and the Lord Clifford with these shee presented herselfe before the Walles of Sandall's the Earle of Salisbury and Sir David Hall who councelled the Duke were of opinion that hee should keepe within the Walles till the comming of the Earle of Marsh since shee had no artillery to batter the Castle But hee more apt to generous then discreet resolutions thinking it a shame that a Woman should keepe him shut up within a Walle when so many valiant French Commanders in his so many yeares warfare in that Kingdome could not boast of so much sallied forth the last of December and descended into the fields beneath to confront her this Castle is seated upon a pleasant Hill and the Queene having divided her people into 3. parts shee laid two of them in Ambush under the Earle of Wiltshire and the Lord Clifford on two sides of the Hill and with the third wherein were the Dukes of Somerset and Excester shee met him in the plaine as soone as the Battell was begun hee was environed on all sides defeated in lesse then halfe an houre and himselfe valiantly fighting slaine together with 2800. of his men the Earle of Salisbury was wounded and taken prisoner Robert Aspell Chaplain to the Duke and Tutor to the Earle of Rutland a child of 12. yeares old seeing the ill successe of businesses led his charge forth to save him but by the Lord Cliffords troopes and by Clifford himselfe observed who saw him nobly attired hee was by him with his dagger in hand demanded who hee was the unfortunate Youth struck dumbe
The King had appointed to him for his Governour his Uncle the Earle Rivers Brother to the Queene a wise and valiant man he had likewise given him for his attendants almost none save such as were of Her kindred to the end that when he should die shee by their assistance might the better preserve her selfe against the Dukes authority and force A wise foresight too but which succeeded ill for this extraordinary preferment as it made them be hated and envy'd so was it the cause of their Ruine The Queene and her Brother Rivers had declared themselves enemies to the Lord Chamberlaine Hastings the Queene reputing him to be an instrument of her Husbands disorders and Rivers for that the King having promised unto him the Governours place of Callice had recalled his word to bestow it upon Hastings so as Edward doubting least these distastes might breed an ill effect in his Sonnes service though not the very bad one which it did produce did on his Death-bed make that exhortation to Peace which hath beene sayd at the which Rivers who was gone with the Prince into Wales not being present the Marquesse Dorset Son to the Queene by the first Husband did in his Unkles behalfe shake hands with Hastings both parties having the same end in this Act which was to satisfy the King but not to make a reall friendship for Hatred had taken formerly so great a rooting as there was no place left for true Friendshippe All these things made for Glocesters designes wherein not likely to prosper but by their ruine since in processe of time 't was likely they would be equally His enemies he thought that by seting them together by the eares they would undoe one another and that the one of them being borne downe would make way to the others overthrow But the sequell shewed that such fabricks of Government as are grounded on machinations are for the most part ruinous And if there were no other proofe of this to live free from suspition and to secure ones selfe from successive contentions within the Haven of a quiet life ought to weigh against whatsoever Ambition or Avarice can produce since They afford us nothing but injustice and the more they be practised the farther are they from God and Nature whose chiefest Law is the Peoples Safety and if humane mutability inamour'd on phantasticall opinions hath caused an eare to be lent to such as maliciously and ignorantly have taught the contrary consider that the Idea propounded by these Doctours is of such Princes as have come to ill ends not any one of them by their rules having had good successe I know that this my opinion will not be imbraced by Many it will suffice mee if by a Few so they be Good and if any man doe believe the World is not to be governed by Philosophy let him observe that Usurpation and Tyranny are the Foldes or Plyes of a more intricate philosophy and as the First arising from God and Nature doth by the meanes of Justice and other vertues leade us to live happily so the Second procreated by Force and Pride promise nothing to us but perturbations Injustice and her attendants producing onely such effects as are conformable to themselves The Duke might easily contrive his designe considering the hatred the chiefest Lords bare to the Queenes kindred so as treating thereof with those that were present and communicating his minde by writing to those that were absent hee shewed them How that the dangers were remedilesse if the Kings tender yeares were to be governed by those people that all Honours and places of Account would be conferred on them that Their authority would ecclipse the authority of all other men especially if the Sonne resembling his Father as by some signes already in him might be imagined he would should suffer himselfe to be governed by Them so as in stead of One King they should have many that old injuries are not apt to be forgotten that by the increase of authority remembrance thereof would be increased and that they would pretend offence if they were not more observed then formerly that the consideration of the Queenes no so great blood being onely made worthy of that degree because the King would have it so had not made them any whit the lesse proud the rather being come to the height of their presumptions while the King should be at their disposall they would become insufferable they would cloake their covetousnesse with the Royall Robe and the Crowne which the King wore onely for show served really to honour Them to the shame of Nobility and Scorne of the Blood-Royall and though their Birth and the Lawes did lesse priviledge Them then Others there being so many Lords both by Descent and Desert worthyer then They yet their unlawfull Authority was likely to cause such mischiefe as the deepest wisdome would not be able to Prevent it if they were suffered to continue in the same posture they now were in with the King Whether these perswasions tooke effect as being apparantly usefull or for that Envy was the cause thereof I know not The first that were hereunto perswaded was the Duke of Buckingham and Hastings the Lord Chamberlaine who though they were not very great Friends the likelier were they to joyn in Enmity against the Others They resolved to remove them from about the King if they could finde no other pretence as none other they had to declare that being their enemies they could not suffer them to be about His Majesty without apparant danger to their Owne persons They this meane while ignorant of their Practises put themselves in order to bring the King up to London and to the end that his traine might be answerable to his Regall dignity they got togither a great many men Whereat the Duke of Gloucester doubting that if hee should come so attended on hee should not without noyse be able to effect his wickednesse hee found meanes whereby to represent unto the Queene That so great an Assembly of men would be dangerous For the King not needing them it would stirre up jealousy in such who formerly having had some difference with those of Her bloud might believe it to be done against Them since the King by reason of his tender Yeares not being like ly to be the Authour of it it would be attributed to those that were about him and it would be believed that they did yet retaine the hatred pretended to be washt away at his Fathers death that her sonne was to meet with no oppositions for all the Lords strove who should shew him most affection and obedience so as to appeare armed and in an awfull manner would together with the memory of ancient fewdes raise so great jealousies as those who could not thinke themselves safe would take up Armes and disturbe the Peace the which if at all times it be to be desired certainly it is chiefely to be coveted in the succession of an Infant King These
in which he govern'd himselfe so well as the more averse he shewed himselfe to what indeed he did desire the more provoked he an eagernesse in the Duke to discover what he sought to hide so as exagerating Englands happinesse falne into the government of so wise a Prince whilst under the government of a Child guided by persons interessed and hated it must have been ruinated The Bishop answered He must confesse the truth being sure that by doing otherwise he should not be believed that if things lately passed had been to be decided by Votes he should have voted that after Henry the sixths death the Crowne should have gone to his sonne Prince Edward and not to King Edward but that both of them being dead it had been great folly in him not to comply with the new King since the dead doe not revive That hee had behaved himselfe to Edward in all things as a faithfull Subject and Servant ought to doe to his King and Master That he would have done the like to his Children had they succeeded Him in His Kingdome but God having otherwise dispos'd of them his pretences were not to raise up that which God would keepe downe And for what concern'd the now King formerly Protector Here he held his peace as if he had unadvisedly falne upon that discourse but after a whiles silence he pursued to say That hee had already too much troubled himselfe with Worldly affaires 't was now time to retire himselfe and consider nothing but his Bookes and his owne quiet The silence that unexpectedly interrupted the discourse which the Duke desired to have heard finished made his desire thereof the greater so as thinking he had held his peace as not being confident of him he desired him to speake his minde Boldly assuring him he should be so farre from receiving Dammage thereby as that it might redound more to his Advantage then hee imagined That he had begg'd his Guardianship of the King for no other end but that he might better himselfe by his wise Counsels and that if He had been in any other mans custody He could not have met with one that would have set such a value upon his worth as did he The Bishop thanked him replying That it was not his desire to speake of Princes since they made the world to be not what it was but what it seem'd best to them Then when the Lyon banisht all Horn'd-beasts out of the Woods one that had a little Wen in his forehead fled away with the rest and being demanded by the Foxe why he fled he answered because of the proclamed banishment Yea but thou hast no Hornes said the Fox T is true I have none said the other animal but if the Lyon should say this Wenne were a Horne who durst say the contrary In what case should I be The Duke was well pleased with a Fable yet could hee not perswade him there was no Lyon should doe him any harme The Bishop said It was not his intention to dispute the Protectours title who was now King but since their treaty concerned the Common-wealth whereof he was a member he wisht it an addition of perfections to the many it already was endow'd withall and amongst these some of those with which God had adorned Him the Duke This being said hee held his peace much to the others displeasure who was grieved that whilst the Bishops discourse promised Much hee had said just Nothing whilst the comparison betweene the King and Him required not so darke but more intelligible explication He told him these many clouds of Diffidence injured their friendly communication assuring him that whatsoever he should say since it proceeded from a personage he so much honour'd it should be as if it had not been said at all Upon these words the Bishop resolved freely to unbosome himselfe encouraged by the Dukes vanity who loved to heare himselfe praised and by the Hatred he had now discovered he bore unto the King Whereupon he said He had read that man was not borne for Himselfe alone for his Friends or Parents but Chiefly for his Countrey that this consideration had moved him to take into his thoughts the present condition of this Kingdome his native soyle the which in comparison of former times 't was a wonder if it were not utterly ruin'd That there had been Kings under whose government it had happily flourished the love betweene them and their Subjects being reciprocall their interests being the same At home Peace Justice and Security Abroad Victory Honour and Trophees But now the world was much altered there was but onely one hope left which was in Him the Duke for considering his Publique Zeale his Learning his Wisdome Wit and so many other endowments the Kingdome in the midst of so great misery could have recourse to none but Him and that it had no Haven wherein to save it selfe during this tempest in which it was agitated but the safe Rode of His government out of which it was certaine to suffer Shipwrack That it could not be denied but that the Protector who now stiled himselfe King was endowed with Vertues which made him worthy of the Kingdome did he not reigne but that these his vertues were corrupted by so many Old and New vices that they had lost both their Quality and Name a wicked Prince converting Vertue into Vice as Vipers and Toads doe Nourishment into Poyson That there was no example in the usurping a Crown comparable with his for Wickednesse He had procured it without any pretence of Law contrary to the lawes of Humanity making his way thereunto by the Death of so many Worthy and Innocent persons contrary to the law of Nature by calumniating his Mother whom hee would have to be honest onely when shee conceived him contrary to the Laws of the Church by declaring his Nephews to be borne in Unlawfull Matrimony contrary to them All together by being their Executioner so as their Blood crying to Heaven for Revenge warn'd every man to beware of his life for if to possesse Himselfe of a Kingdome hee had not spared Their lives who were Neerest in Blood unto Him he would muchlesse spare the lives of Others that were Nothing at all unto Him so to usurpe what belonged to them To shunne therefore the Rockes they were likely to runne upon he humbly desired him That as he loved God his owne House and his native Countrey he would accept the Crowne free it from the captivity whereinto it was falne and if he would not doe this he conjured him by the obligations he ought to God that hee would doe his uttermost to change the Government since upon whomsoever it should fall it must needs redownd to the publique service but if He would assume it God would be therewithall well pleased He and his House secured the Kingdome obliged and all the World would thanke him When he had ceased speaking the Duke stood a good while pensive with his eyes fixt whereat
him in his journey he stole away disguised and getting luckily to Ely he provided himselfe of moneys and past over into Flanders where being Absent but in a safe place he furthered the businesse more then he could have done had he not without danger stay'd in England Yet did his departure prove unfortunate to the Duke for wanting His advice and some too early notice being gotten of the Designe it proved his finall ruine Bray acquainted his Lady with the businesse who approved of it encouraged thereunto by the great quality and condition they were of who were the promoters of it but the Queen being in Sanctuary and it not befitting the Countesse to goe to her in person she sent to her her Physitian Lewis who being a learned man by birth a Welchman and one of the greatest esteeme of as many as were of his profession was fitter to be imploy'd in this businesse then any one of another condition for the Queen stood in need of such men being continually troubled with new indispositions of health caused either for want of bodily exercise or by the superaboundant exercise of her mind so as willing him to visit her as of Himselfe she wished him to acquaint her with the businesse not as it was Digested and Concluded but as a conceit of his Owne not hard to be effected if She would approve of it The Physician consented and going to London upon some Other pretence he went to visit her being well known unto her and having occasion to speake of her Afflictions he desired leave to acquaint her with a Thought which since it proceeded from a good Heart he hoped that though it might appeare to Her to be Vaine and not Feasible yet she would not be the worse for knowing it The Queene permitting him to say his pleasure he told her That since the Death of King Edward of glorious memory and of the two innocent Children her Sonnes and since the Usurpation made of the Kingdome by Richard the most detestable of as many Tyrants as ever had been heard of he could never be at quiet within himselfe till he had found out a meanes whereby to put the Kingdome in Quiet the just Heires in their Possession and to bring the unjust Usurper to ruine But that having considered many he bethought himselfe that so much blood having been spent betweene the two Houses of Lancaster and Yorke the best way was to unite them both by Marriage giving the Lady Elizabeth heire to the house of Yorke for wife to the Earle of Richmond heire to the house of Lancaster A match wherewith all the Kingdome was to be satisfied for that Peace being thereby likely to ensue the two Houses were to be accorded to the Destruction of the Tyrant and the restoring of Her selfe Family and Children to their former greatnesse If things naturally good of themselves are apt to content such as are endued with Reason and especially those who are thereby to receive Ease and Comfort great reason had the Queene to be herewithall pleased who being laden with so many miseries saw in this her desperate condition an evident meanes of restoring her Selfe and Family She thanked God acknowledging that if there remained any hopes of consolation to her there was none in humane appearance more likely then this After she had thankfully acknowledged her Obligation to the Physitian for his so wise and discreet advise she prayed him that since he had beene the first inventor he would likewise put it in execution that she knew of what esteeme he was with the Countesse of Richmond to whom she bad him say in Her behalfe That if the Earle her Sonne would binde himselfe by Oath to marry Elizabeth her Eldest Daughter and in case she should Die her Second daughter she promised to assist him by all friends and adhaerents in getting the Crowne The Physician having told the Countesse thus much she presently went to worke Reynald Bray dealt with such as he knew faithfull and fit for a businesse of such importance whilst the Queen negotiated with all those who hated the King and wisht for nothing more then an opportunity of doing her service Those imployed by the Countesse besides Bray and the Physitian were Sir Giles Aubeny Sir Iohn Cheinie Sir Richard Gilford Thomas Ramney and Hugh Conway The Physitian had preferred one Christopher Urswick to be her Chaplaine a wise man and who having served on the behalfe of Henry the sixth as long as he lived might safely be relied upon as well for his Fidelity as for his Wisdome She had purposed to have sent him into Brittanny to her sonne but being the Duke of Buckingham was the promoter of the businesse she thought it was fitter to imploy some one of a better quality she therefore sent unto him Hugh Conway who with a good summe of Money tooke his way by Plymouth through Cornwall whilst Sir Richard Gilford sent Thomas Ramney for the same end through Kent to the effect that if the one should miscarry the other might doe the worke but Fortune was so favourable to them as they differed not many houres in their meeting in Britanny Their Embassie was That he was sent for as King Named thereunto by the Great ones and desired by All The marriage agreed upon by the Queene and the Duke of Buckingham That he should come away with all possible haste and land in Wales where he should finde Ayd and Friends sufficient to render himselfe powerfull in an Instant both factions being for him The Earle fashioned out by nature to be King communicated the businesse to the Duke of Britanny who after King Edwards death had given him his liberty desiring his assistance in so necessary an expedition he being called in by a free-borne people profest enemies to the Tyrant whose cruelty was so detestable to all the world promising him that if God should so farre favour his cause as he well hoped he would he would be answerable unto him with such Services as befitted an obligation never to be forgotten Richard had by meanes of his Embassadour Thomas Hutton yea by the proffer of certaine summes of Money dealt with the Duke not long before to keepe him in safe custody but the Duke detesting Richards wickednesse did not onely doe nothing therein but made good all his promises of Favour to the Earle upon this occasion So as confident of good successe he sent Conway and Ramney backe to his mother with answer that he did accept of the invitation that as soon as he should have provided things necessary he would come for England that in the meane time order might be taken for the affaires there to the end that he might finde the lesse impediments Upon the hearing of this they who sided with him tooke courage and began to prepare for the businesse They sent into requisite places people fit to make them good and disposed of other Commanders in other places that they might be ready upon occasion Others under-hand
as out of Faction or out of Envie could not endure that Henry should reign the one that the Duke of York son to Edward the 4 was Alive the other that the King was resolved to put the Earl of Warwick who was prisoner in the Tower secretly to death The First was divulged to nurse up Hopes in such as were ill affected the Second to encrease Hatred against the King as if equally cruel with Richard he were about to treat the Earl of Warwick as Richard had treated his Nephews Whereupon Simond meeting with so fit an occasion bethought himself to make Lambert personate the Duke of York but presently altering his Opinion he judged it fitter for his purpose to have him personate the prisoner the Earl of Warwick and that if his endeavours should succeed and that Lambert should be made King he himself should be recompensed with the Chief Miter of England and the Government of King and Kingdom Neither did he think to meet with any great Obstacle herein since that the love to the House of York remaining yet in the hearts of Most of the Kingdom they could not possibly endure that the King having married the Princesse Elizabeth he should not suffer her to be Crowned as she ought to be Resolving hereupon he began to give such instruction to Lambert as such a businesse required and met with an Aptnesse in him fit to receive whatsoever documents but considering afterwards that his pupil was to represent the person of one that was known to many and not known to him he thought it was unpossible to be done without the Assistance of some-body who was conversant in the Court who might be informed by those that had served the Earl of his childish conversation and of all things that had befallen since King Edward's death at which time he was but Ten yeers old None being fitter for such an Office then the Queen Dowager she was imagined to be the Instructresse for she was but little satisfied to see her daughter so little beloved and so coolly treated as a Wife and as a Queen wanting the usual Marks of that dignity for Henry had neglected her Coronation though he had lately born him a Son not that her intention was to make Lambert King but to make use of him to Depose her Son-in-law to substitute the infant-Prince the lawful Successor in his place and in case she should meet with too great oppositions Lincoln or Warwick which were Both of the House of York That which made people of this opinion was Her being shortly after confined to a Monastery upon no weighty pretence as we shall see The King thought it expedient to punish her under the colour of a Petty known fault for a heinous one which was not fitting to be known Howsoever it was Lambert took upon him the gestures and behaviour of a great Personage with so miraculous punctuality as that these being joyned to his Natural Sweetnesse a True Prince could not be formed out with more true Perfections then were these false ones which appeared to be true in Him The reasons which made Simond change his first designe and chuse rather to have his Comedian personate the son to the Duke of Clarence then King Edward's son though he that was Dead might easilier be counterfeited then he that was Alive was That when a speech went of his being escaped out of the Tower he observed so Great Joy in the People as he thought he should have more to further him in his designe and that it would be easier for him to insinuate a falshood in the Person of This man falsly supposed to have made an escape then in that Other whose escape would the hardlier be believed for in it Two Impossibilities were to be supposed Pity in the Varlets that were to murder him which could not without danger enter into such souls especially under such a King as was Richard and the Escape from the Tower which augmenting the danger took from the belief of any Compassion in Them or Life in Him But that which chiefly made him resolve upon This was that whilst he was doubtful what to do 't was said for a truth that Warwick was Dead in the Tower Now to act this Comedy well he did not think England a fit Scene a proportionable Distance being required in things which must be taken for what they are not unavoidable difficulties were to be met withal upon the place which might be avoided abroad where no Witnesses being to convince nor Acquaintance to confound boldnesse becomes impudence without which Cheats of this nature can hardly be effected He resolved to go over into Ireland a Kingdom affectionate to the House of York and wherein King Henry at his coming to the Crown had altered nothing neither Deputy Councellor nor Officer the same commanded there that were there placed by Richard a negligence to be blamed in so Prudent a Prince as He was who knew the inclination of that Kingdom and People wherein if alterations chance to happen remedies are hardly come by none being to be had from within it Self and all External helps the Sea interposed between them and home being Difficult Dangerous and Slowe All which made for Symond's purpose who coming before Thomas Fitz-Gerald Earl of Kildare who was Deputy a man ill-affected to Henry as he was well-affected to the House of York presented his pretended Prince unto him using such illusions as Lambert not having any one part in him which did not gainsay his mean Extraction the Deputy believed him to be what his Masters speeches and his Studied Nobility made him appear to be insomuch that acquainting some of his trustiest friends with this Secret under the Seal of Confession he found them and together with them the People prone to Rebellion They received this fancied Prince with great honour they gave the Castle of Dublin to him for his Lodging and few days after proclaimed him King by the name of Edward the Sixth There was not any one Province that denied him obedience and all of them joyned in declaring War against Henry whilst on the contrary side there was not any one that spake a word or drew a sword in his behalf But that Kingdom being but bare of Money and Arms and but meanly furnished with Souldiers they hoped that such in England as were friends to the House of York and Margaret Dutchesse of Burgundy would in a businesse of so great consequence assist them with their Supplies whom they advertise that Edward Plantagenet is escaped out of the Tower and come into Ireland where he was received and proclaimed King that they were purposed to bring him into England his hereditary Kingdom if they would be ready with their assistance to secure his Entry and that his Aunt of Burgundy would assist him with Money Souldiers and Commanders Margaret by reason of her vertue for she had nothing in her blameable but her inveterate hate to the House of Lancaster was in great
they being accused of treason by some of his Councellors namely by Ireland and the rest for any diligent enquiry that could bee made there was found no treason in them nor reasons to beleeve it Hereupon returning to their owne homes the Kings mutability and the malice of their adversaries considered they resolved not to dis-band the forces which they had A deliberation in respect of what ensued ascribed to too much wisedome for hardly had they taken their leaves when the Duke of Ireland went into Wales where under the command of Thomas Mullinax a brave Souldier and one much followed in those parts hee assembled together five thousand fighting men hoping that when these should bee joyned to those who were at London he might bee strong enough to make his party good and thus he marched towards London On the other side Gloster Darby Arundell Warwicke and Nottingham divided themselves that they might hinder his passage 'T was Darbies fortune to meet with him The Duke came puffed up with confidence with Standards Royall the King being on his side and the chiefe Citie if not out of selfe-inclination by the incedencie of his partie he expected not to be encountred He perswaded himselfe that others were as full of feare as he of hope Being come to Burford a towne in Oxford-shire hee himselfe was the first that descried the enemy which stood in battel-aray to hinder his passage It fared with him as with those which growne fierce upon supposed advantage turne cowards if found equall in force they bee unequall in valour His former confidence ceased cowardise and feare springing up in the place thereof Mullinax could by no meanes infuse courage into him 't was bootlesse to make it appeare unto him that the enemies forces were inferior to his that the Earle of Darby was onely there a youth and till then of no reputation in warre Mountaines though covered with iron would not have secured him imagining himselfe to bee as indeed he was the onely marke whereat those bowes aimed the onely quintan those lances addressed themselves against and that the safety of his men consisted in his flight since 't was hee not they that was desired Mullinax for all this could not forbeare to give battell But hardly had the first blow been given when the Duke mounted upon a very fleet horse ran away the river withstood his flight hee found the first bridge cut in two the other well guarded despaire overcame feare hee took the water where both he and his horse being born down he quit his Saddle swimming not without danger to the other shore Before hee tooke the river he had throwne away his Cuirace Helmet Guantlets and Sword in such a case offensive and troublesome weapons he marched the lighter without them He came to Scotland from thence to Holland where not thinking himselfe safe for that Albertus Duke of Bavaria the Lord of that Country was a friend to the Kings Uncles he went to France and from thence to Lorain where he shortly after died This mean while many of his Souldiers had abandoned their Arms not out of cowardise but meere anger And Mullinax having done all that could be expected from a wise and valiant Captaine perceiving that the Duke was fled and that part of his men were escaped away part surrendred themselves began to thinke upon his owne safety hee betooke himselfe to swimming but Thomas Mortimer threatning to shoot him if he would not render himself he yeelded upon condition his life might bee safe which not obtained permit me yet said he to dye like a man in single combat with thy selfe or some of those that are about thee But as he endeavoured to lay hand upon the shore Mortimer slew him A man who deserved to have lived longer or else to have died for some other cause then the taking up of Armes by the Kings commission No severity was used to the rest The Gentlemen with their weapons passed under Dâ—…rbies colours the rest unarmed were suffered to returne no enquiry was made after the Duke his Armes and horse arguing his being drowned his carriages fell into the victors hands amongst other things there were found letters wherein he was by the King solicited to make what haste he could proffering to live and die with him But this dayes worke through his owne fault put a period to all his favours he chose rather to live hatefull to himselfe and abhorred by others then to embrace the honourable hazard of victory or death While matters fell out thus luckily in these parts fortune would compleatly favour the Barons desires by bringing to their hands a post from France he brought with him a safe conduct for Richard as many as would accompany him to Bullen where King Charles was to be to conclude the bargaine touching the buying of Callis and other strengths in those parts for a certaine summe of money Richard being moreover to doe him homage for Guascony the onely province which remained in his hands of all those in France which either by inheritance or conquest belonged to the Crowne of England Essentiall points to justifie their proceedings and condemne the Kings They notwithstanding concealed this businesse for the present and marched towards London with fourtie thousand men where the King intended to keepe his Christmas As soone as the Duke of Irelands defeat was divulged the first who fled were the Archbishop of Yorke and Trisillian Suffolke went his way disguised in beard and habit nor was any newes heard of him till hee came into France The King retired himselfe to the Tower as the place least exposed to sudden dangers Gloster and his companions came to London on Saint Stephens day he lodged all his men in the suburbs many were flocked thither not so much drawne by affection as out of the hopes of sacking so rich a Citie The chiefe Magistrate who feared this knew not to which side to betake himselfe if hee should receive the Barons the King would bee offended if not the Barons Small resistance was to be made the walles without defence and the meaner sort of people ready to throw themselves into the richest Merchants houses The present danger prevailed the Barons were invited into the Citie and to their people without was provision of bread wine cheese and beer sent an opportune remedy for wanting nothing and being received as friends they could not frame unto themselves an occasion of tumult The Archbishop of Canterbury Bishop of Ely and others who as being neuters endeavoured peace counselled the King to give them hearing to the which he was no wayes inclined his hopes perswading him that the multitude of people would of themselves grow weary and so shortly dissolve and that the Barons being abandoned by their followers would without further trouble fall into his hands the which being by him publickly said and understood by them they swore they would never depart till they had spoken with him armed as they were and this did they
from any thing agreed upon at Shartres the brothers sent a Herald with an opprobrious defiance wherein they intimated warre unto him and he in another altogether as bad did freely accept the chalenge not many yeares before hee had contracted a friendship with the Duke of Burbony whilst his father being alive he was onely Count Cleremont This present occasion serving for ballance to weigh friends and no friends he sent a messenger to him of purpose to put him in mind how they were reciprocally obliged one to another by their former contract of friendship Burbony having considerately thought upon an answer detesting his ambition and being by bloud allied unto the three brothers their father being sonne to a sister of his thought it better became him to faile him then them so as renouncing the pretended confederacy he declared himselfe for the brothers on the contrary side the two chiefe Cities Amiens and Paris declared themselves for Burgundy whereupon he possessing the persons of King Queen and Dolphin who were wholly governed by such as had dependance on them did not doubt utterly to defeat his enemies Those of Orleans did the first hostile act They held many places in Picardy kept by their garrisons as most exposed to the frontiers of the enemy but not being thereby so strong as was requisite they endeavoured by the meanes of Clignet of Brabant to surprise Retell and Bapomus an enterprise of great consequence if it had succeded Berry this meane while pretended at least seemed to be a neuter the Queen being at Melune he went thither to come along with her to Paris but the Parisians thinking him to be no friend to Burgundy forewarned him not to come and the more to witnesse their dislike of him they broke all the windowes and doores of his house making it unfit for him to come into The which being done they recalled the Queene they likewise broke the bridges which were upon the Scene to hinder the passage of the Orleanists and brought the King from Saint Pauls to the Louvre keeping a good guard about him to the end he might not be by them surprised and taken away so as this infirme afflicted Prince was made a very image by those that kept him and the regall authority was made a cloake to cover the passions of such as did possesse him All which things doe cleerely shew us that nature hath not indued the common people with the vertue of mediocrity so as they terrifie where they are not kept in awe pretend to governe if not governed and where the scepter keeps them not within their bounds they will use their free will But it being no time now to temporise and the King not able of himselfe to end the differences or inforce obedience upon two strong factions it behoved him to doe amisse to shunne doing worse to joine with one of them and not able for want of forces to chuse whether to accept of that side which he could not refuse for it much availed him to keepe soveraignty still on foote though but permitted by the helpe of one of the factions for it might fall out that the one faction being defeated might so weaken the other that the regall forces might prove the master strength All fit considerations but in this case deceitfull Factions which are favoured by the people as was this of Burgundy not being easily suppressed the Nobility were by the King commanded to side against the three brothers so as their affaires being by regall favour abandoned their hopes were very small and the Duke of Burgundy being sent for by the Dolphin his sonne in law came into France with 50000. fighting men drawne out of his commons in Flanders who freer then becomes a free Prince to suffer would not serve him unlesse conditionally as that their time of service might be limited and that all such prey as they should make should be their own an evident proofe that they went rather to pillage then do service with these sort of people after he had taken all the Townes that were upon the Soame from whence all their garrisons fled having made experience of their cruelty by the example of those of Ham he encamped himselfe under Mondedier where the enemy was encamped with intention of giving him battell and whilest he thought to order his troopes being assured of the victory by reason of his advantages the Dutchmen having fired their huts and being loaded with prey and prisoners returned home alledging that their time of service was expired nor was it in his power by intreaties or faire promises to detaine them one day longer Hee was moreover inforced to give them his brother for their guide till such time as they should come into a safe abode whilst hee himselfe with those few which remained with him retired to Perona The Orleanists who were resolved to fight seeing him gone went towards Paris to endeavour an entrance into the Towne that they might possesse themselves of the Kings person without which all their actions though never so just were subject to perpetuall blame for the Princes presence in civill dissentions is onely able to justifie injustice and make a fault meritorious but it was impossile for them to enter the Towne for the hatred the inhabitants bore unto their father was not buried with him They had better successe in Saint Denis a Towne not above two little leagues distant where getting leave to come in they fortified themselves receiving thereby much commodity to fight with the Parisians The Duke of Burgundy being during this time gone to Arras found there Thomas Earle of Arundell together with Sir Gilbert and Sir Robert Vmfreville and Sir Iohn Gray who had brought unto him 1200. Archers sent unto him by King Henry They had made a confederacy upon hopes of a marriage betweene a daughter of the Dukes and the Prince of Wales with these and some 6000. more of his owne men he went to Pontoise where he stayed to augment his army which he easily might doe for the King having a few dayes before proclaimed the Dukes of Berry Orleans and Burbon the Counts of Vertu Angolesme Alanson and Arminiack all to bee traytors Charles Albret likewise and all adherents the souldiers forsooke them of those that fled unto him the Count Pontiure brother to the Duke of Britany his sonne in law was one having assembled such people as he desired he came with 15000. horse to Paris and was met by his brother the Count de Nevers by the City by the Councell and at his entrance into the Louvre by the Dolphin his son in law Having allowed his souldiers a little rest he sallied forth one night and recovered Saint Claude which had beene taken by the Orleanists in which enterprise they used so much slaughter as that the Orleanists were likewise forced to quit Saint Denis going away by night with intention to returne when they should bee reinforced All that were taken prisoners were put to death and the
him before him said That the multitude of men slaine which he saw there was no worke of his but the worke of God Almighty to punish the unjust usurpation of France That therefore he willed him to say whether he thought he or the King of France had wonne the battell To the which Monijoy replied that his Majesties victory was so apparent as there was no place allowed for dispute the King then looking round about desired to know the name of the Castle which was neerest to the two campes and understanding that the name thereof was Aiencourt from henceforth said he this battell shall be called the battell of Aiencourt He then granted him all he demanded but the souldiers desired first to view the field and to take such prisoners as did yet live and to take from such as were dead their gold and jewells what else they had of value leaving them their apparrell of the which they were afterwards by the Country people stript The number of the slaine according to Monstrelet were above 10000. of the which 9000. gentlemen He registers the names of the chiefest of them in a particular Chapter It will suffice us to know the names of the Princes and chiefe commanders Of Princes there died the Duke of Brabant and Gount de Nevers both brothers to the Duke of Burgony The Duke of Barre and his brother Iohn the Duke of Alenson The Counts of Marle Vademont Blamont Grampre Roussi Faucumberg and Lewis of Burbon of chiefe commanders Charles Albret Constable Dampiere the Admirall Ramburres generall of the crossebowes and Guishard Master of the Kings houshold The prisoners were the Dukes of Orleans and Burbon the Counts Ew Vandosme Richmont the Marshall Bonchiquâ—…t and eighteene Gentlemen of name beside others Of those who were slaine of the English side reports do very much differ Paulus Aemilius sets downe 200. naming the Duke of Yorke for one whom he calls the Kings brother Gaguine sets downe 400. comprehending the said Duke with the said error Monstrelet 1600. Duplex the same number adding a great many that were wounded which as he saith did almost all die Of the English writers Grafton saith betweene 500. and 600. other betweene 20. and 26. Edward Hall who comprehends the Duke of Yorke the Earle of Suffolke Sir Richard Kikely and David Game the onely men of note saith there were not above five and twenty slaine Let who please beleeve miracles But in all reason it is likely that having fought three whole houres with so great a number of enemies the relation of 500. or 600. is the truest David Game the last of the foure above named and one whom the King much esteemed as one of the bravest and most judicious souldiers of his campe being sent the night before to make an estimate of the number of the enemy went to the top of an hill and seeing all the Champion covered with tents and blazing with fires brought word backe that there were enough of them to be slaine enough to be taken prisoners and enough to be made runne away When the King was come to Calleis he found there the prisoners of Harfleur who according to their promise were come to present themselves unto him Assoone as he had dispatcht them and refreshed his men he passed into England meeting in so short a passage with so terrible a tempest of winds as it drove two ships loaden with souldiers into Zeland without the losse of any one vessell yet some write otherwise he was received in triumph with processions and other magnificences He tooke order for the safety of his prisoners and caused the Duke of Yorke and Earle of Suffolkes funeralls to be splendidly celebrated The afflictions wherewith France was in generall wounded would more particularly have touched upon the Duke of Burgony by reason of the death of his brothers had not the imprisonment of Orleans and Angolesme and the death of Alenson served him for defensive weapons It cannot be easily judged whether of these two prevailed most with him till it be resolved whether the love of friends or hatred of enemies be of most power in humane affections But who shall well consider it will finde that in an ambitious and revengefull minde the excesse of hatred is greater then naturall affection is Few are seene who to inherit their possessions would not be content to lose their brethren and very few who doe not forget the love to their owne bloud when at the charge of their friends they may revenge themselves upon their enemies But whereas hatred proceeds from injuries from the which as being done not received evill is to be expected without the concurring of any other passion It is able to corrupt whatsoever nature much more the Dukes nature which was already corrupted And t is to bee beleeved that the private and publicke losse he suffered in this battell did not more afflict him then he was joyed at the benefit hee received by his enemies being oppressed Hence it was that seeing himselfe voide of competitors he resolved immediately to go to Paris to resume that authority the desire whereof had caused him to cause the Duke of Orleans father to this present Duke be slaine to breake so many covenants made with his sonnes and to reduce the faire and rich Country of France almost to gastlinesse and poverty But the present condition of government did not permit him to enter in a peacefull manner for the King being possest by the contrary faction those of his party being or excluded or banished the Dolphin though his sonne in law evilly conceited of him if he came not in a condition to give the Law he ranne hazard of suffering it both in his life and livelyhood Having then levyed 10000. horse he tooke his journey but assoon as his designe was heard of King Charles laying aside all other busines endeavoured to stop his comming He strictly forbad all Cities and Towns to permit him entrance and that he might oppose unto him a man of valor of the contrary faction he recalled from Gascony with the offer of being Constable of France the Count Armignack who willingly came drawne rather through hatred to the Duke then ambition of the honour The Duke seeing those gates shut upon him which he thought to have found throwne open and that the Count Armignacke was arived at Paris with great troopes of men from Gascony and Languedock and that he had received the sword the badge of Constableship to the end that he might wield it against him tarried at Lagni where in a short time he was 20000. horse strong remooving all obstacles which might withstand his entrance into Paris not unarmed and with his particular family as he was permitted to doe but armed in the head of twenty thousand horse alledging the same reasons to obtaine his entrance as the King did to deny it During these disputes Lewis the Dolphin died of a fever but according to the opinion of most of poyson being by
her as long as she lived which was but a small time for what concerned friendship with England his father having chalked out the way unto him from whence had he not swerved he had not died he thought he could not chuse a better way of revenge wherefore he answered the Parisians who after their condoling with him desired his assistance against the English by Embassadors which they of purpose sent that they should not need to trouble themselves therein for he hoped with the Kings good liking to make a peace which should secure them and their friends the which he forthwith did he sent the Bishop of Arras and two more with such officers to King Henry as were very well approved and the Bishop being returned with satisfaction he sent soone after him the Earle of Warwick and Bishop of Rochester with whom the Duke concluded a truce to indure till such time as a peace might finally be concluded by meanes whereof the way was opened for commerce betweene them as if the peace had been already concluded so as the English souldiers as friends and confederates did joyne with those of France and the Duke against the Dolphin assoon as he had accommodated his home businesse having obtained of his subjects all he could desire he came to Trois where he plotted the peace and marriage for King Charles did what hee was perswaded unto and those who did perswade him were the Dukes dependants and such as were upheld by the Duke King Henry being advertised hereof and nothing now remaining to conclude the businesse but the formality of his Embassadours hee sent the Duke of Exceter the Earle of Salsbury the Bishop of Ely the Lord Fitshug Sir Iohn Robsert and Sir Philip Hall with whom the peace and marriage was agreed upon the latter to be celebrated in that very place as soone as the King should come thither As soone as the Embassadours were returned Robsert only tarrying with the bridge the King went from Roan waited on by his brother Clarence and Gloster the Earles of Warwicke Salsbury Huntington Eu Tancherville Longaville and fifteene thousand fighting men making his journey by Pontoise Saint Dennis and Sciarantone where having left some troopes to secure the passage he came to Trois by the way of Provence and was met 2 leagues off by the Duke of Burgony and the Nobility which upon the like occasion were in great number come unto the Court his first meeting with the King and Queen was in Saint Peters Church where he took his Bride by the hand and the marriage was solemnized on Trinity Sunday with the greatest pompe that ever was seen in that Kingdome Hee corrected and altered the Articles as he pleased the which being sworne unto by the King Duke of Burgony Princes and Lords were sent to bee published in both Kingdomes they were thirty three in number the chiefest whereof were That King Charles should enjoy his dignity title and Kingdome as long as he lived That King Henry should bee Regent thereof and afterward Heire That neither he nor the Duke of Burgony should make peace with Charles who tearmed himselfe Dolphin without the consent of the three Estates of both Kingdomes That the peace between France and England should bee perpetuall That these two Kingdomes should never be dismembred one from another but should bee governed by one and the same King but under their severall Lawes Sens and Montreville were the two most important places which the Dolphin did hold in those parts so as the marriage solemnities being over they besieged Sens. This Citie would have held out longer had it had any hopes of succour but having none it surrendered it selfe the twelfe day Such Souldiers as would stay in the Kings service were suffered to depart their lives and goods saved except those who had had a hand in the Dukes death And though many of them did for the present accept of the English Crosse they did afterwards at severall times for sake it betaking themselves to the Dolphins service of the inhabitants the oath of fidelity obedience was onely demanded Montreule held out longer the Castle was fortified provided for a longer siege but though they did valiantly defend themselves the towne was taken within a few dayes thanks to the assailants successfull rashnesse who charged it on sundry sides without directions from the King or Duke When they had taken it pursuing their good fortune and closely following those who fled into the Castle they were the cause why many of them were drowned they tooke twenty prisoners almost all Gentlemen whereupon the King having lodged his people in the towne over-against the Castle-gate did yet more narrowly inclose it bereaving it of all hopes save a rationall capitulation But Monsieur de Guitres resolute in the defence was cause why twelve of the twenty prisoners whom the King had protested he would hang if the Castle did not yeeld were immediately hanged before his face after they had in vaine requested him and had their request seconded by their wives teares and friends intercession His inexorablenesse was the more to be blamed for that after so deplorable an execution he made good the Castle onely eight dayes Hee came forth his life and goods saved as likewise all such as would not remaine in the Kings service those onely excepted as formerly who had had a hand in the death of the Duke Guitres who was accused to bee one of them did defie his accuser a Gentleman of the Dukes but no apparant proofes being found hee was let goe The Duke had sent divers Gentlemen to cause his fathers body to be taken up who finding it buried in so miserable a manner tooke it up and wrapped it in lead and it was sent to Chertosa in Dijoune where he was buried neere unto his father At the same time his people tooke Villenense situate upon the same river putting all the garrisons to the sword The Dolphin on the other side made his progresse for being resolved to out the Prince of Orrenge who fought on Burgonies behalfe from such places as he held in Languedocke hee besieged Saint Esprite and assisted by Avignon and Provence tooke it and drove all the Princes people out of that Countrey The which being done hee returned to Burges his usuall abode that hee might raise what force possibly hee might intending rather the enemies proceeding then to give him battle The Duke of Bedford was come from England before the taking in of Montreule with two thousand Archers and eight hundred horses and was by the King and his brothers received with much joy Thus reinforced he went to besiege Melune The King of France came together with his Queen from Bray where they had tarried during the siege of Montreule to Corbeile Melune was begirt by two Camps with artillery and such engines as were then in use for the taking in of places Messieurs de Barbasan and de Preux commanded seven hundred fightingmen who were within the
Nobility of France were not likely to deny him obedience being so great a Prince that together with the Nobility of France hee would bee followed by that of Britany that if hee could not so farre prevaile with the Duke his Brother as to make him declare himselfe for the French hee might at least divert him from the English and free France of the jealousies they had of him that the like was to bee hoped from Philip Duke of Burgundy for being no lesse his friend then Parent there was none more fitter then hee to sowe the seeds of that reconciliation from which was to bee expected the expulsion of the English the peace of France and his owne establishment but as hee did wisely resolve upon so did hee inconsiderately begin this busines for this not being to bee treated of without the Dukes consent Hee sent unto him Monsieur D'Omale and together with him Iohn Louvet President of Provence who was by him hated to death as being one of those that had advised his imprisonment so as having given him a coole audience he roundly answered that if his brother would he might accept the offer but not by his consent and likely he was to have treated him ill favourdly had it not beene in respect to him that sent him the which being by Charles conceived he intreated the Queene of Scicily to goe her selfe in person to him giving her for an Assistant Tannigues d' Chausteau who being better received then were the former Ambassadors the businesse was referred to the Councell The Duke had no reason to trust the King knowing that his delay would make him equally enemy to the English and to Philip which could not but oppugne his interests For though hee had broken the confederacy at Amyens that he might accord with him yet was he not at enmity with them nor linck't to him save onely that hee might remaine a Neuterall the troubles caused unto him by Charles and Charles his father in times past kept him in perpetuall suspition neither did he looke for any better were Charles in prosperous condition for the Kings of France have alwayes sought how to molest the Dukes of Britanny in their prerogative and soveraigntie chusing them for brethren in their miseries that they might partake with them therein and never owning them in their prosperitie unlesse it were to insnare them never reasonable nor just but in adversitie and neede besides he had not forgot that at the taking of Chantonceaux he had met with some of his letters though he denied them wherein hee assured the two brothers of Pointevers of his protection when under pretence of feasting him they invited him to their house and afterwards kept him many moneths prisoner in Irons so as such a friendship could not bee esteemed advantageous In effect it had made for him that France had beene perpetually agitated for being respected by both sides each of them needing his friendship he remained safe and free whilst wanting leasure to worke his ruine they ruinated one another but that which most of all perplext him was the new affinitie betweene his brother and Philip which did not permit him to resolve on any thing that might displease him 'T was notwithstanding concluded that the Count should goe himselfe to treat thereof upon condition that his returne might be secured by equivolent Hostages and that Philip should bee therewithall contented to whom Ambassadors were forth with sent who brought backe his consent upon certaine conditions And Charles having put into the Counts custody besides the foure townes Lusignan Chinon Loches and Meung William Albret and the bastard of Orleans to be Hostages in Britany went to Angiers where the Count accompanied by many of the Nobilitie met him for what belonged unto the charge offer'd unto him he at the first did with much modedesty excuse himselfe alleadging his unexperience in the affaires of France afterwards he seemed willing to accept thereof if his brother and the Dukes of Burgundy and Savoy were contented Anedens the eighth the first that bore this title was Duke of Savoy His interests with the Duke of Burgony were the friendship contracted betweene them by reason of their antient jealousie of the greatnesse of France after that Dolpheny was united to France and their neare affinitie Amedens his wife who was daughter to Philip the faire being Aunt to Iohn father to the present Philip surnamed the good the Count having with this resolution taken his leave returned to Britany and having surrendred up the Townes and Hostages went with his brothers approbation to speake with the aforesaid Dukes from whom he obtained their desired assent At Chinon hee received the sword from Charles according as the custome is upon condition that the Bishop of Cleremont the President of Province the Bastard of Orleans his sonne in law William d' Avogour and some others who had a hand in the Duke of Britanies imprisonment should bee banished the Court. Tannignes de Chasteau whom Philip beleeved to have given the deaths wound to his father was of the number of the banished Charles was hardly brought to this for hee valued this faithfull and valiant gentleman as his Father and although hee promised all this yet would he not have observed it neither in those nor this had not necessity inforced him For having given order to the new Constable to raise forces in Britany and having sent to Savoy to the same effect he was absolutely denyed by those Princes for that hee had not observed what hee had promised Whereupon Tannignes more respecting his masters necessitie then himselfe advised him not to love the favour of such Princes and service of great men by keeping with him contrary to his promise people of so small consideration as were he and the rest And though the aforesaid Princes beleeved amisse at least for what concerned himselfe for 't was not hee that slew the Duke of Burgundy yet the mischiefe would fall upon him that as times should alter Hee might recall them whilest for the present hee was to preserve the good will of his Parents and of such whose service might bee usefull to him Hee onely desir'd him that being growne old in his service hee would take such order as that hee might not perish for want of food wherein Charles did not onely satisfie him but suffering him much against his will to depart Hee assured him that as long as hee lived hee would account him as his Father Hee gave unto him Beauciere for his place of abode together with the Government and emolument thereof 15. Archers well payd for his Guard pensions well assign'd and confirm'd unto him the office of Provost of Paris the which though in the enemies hands was of reputation and profit unto him The President of Provence did not willingly withdraw himselfe as did Tannignes but much against his will into Province leaving two Daughters very well matched the one to Monsieur de Ioyense the other to the Bastard
the English and knowing the effect of their arrowes knew how to bee thereby least damnified advised to fight on foote but they were not listned unto so as every one following their owne fancy much disorder ensued Falstaffe at the appearance of this cloud was together with all his men lighted off horsebacke and making one firme body of them fenced them about with the carriages and planted his wonted stakes expecting to be set upon as he was but businesses were so carryed that after much shooting many handy blowes the great number of the enemy vanished some of them being slaine some retiring in good order and some taken prisoners the cheefe that were slaine were the Constable of Scotland and his Brother Mussieurs d' Orvall Chasteau Brune Montpipe Werdusan Duray Grave and some sixscore gentlemen more part French part Gascons the rest almost all Scots the English count 1100. prisoners Dupleix but onely one and he a Scotchman Serres accuses Count Clerement whom he formerly called the Duke of Brabant of want of courage for that frightned at this blow he and his men went their wayes abandoning the besieged which Guitres Gancourt Greiville Villiers La Hile and S. Raigle did not resolving all of them to see the end thereof under the Bastard of Orleans The English came unto the Camp with their expected carriage with their unexpected prisoners because the provisions which they brought consisted much of Herrings it being Lent the French entitle this incounter the Herring day This defeat did much perplex the besieged for all their resolution of well defending themselves for though generous hearts in adversity do not goe lesse in courage yeare they distemper'd by eminent dangers for where courage pretends the two distinct offices of Captaine and Souldiers it pretends ruine for wisedome ought onely to regulate she being the onely lawfull egger on or withholder of what ever generositie or fortitude such qualities as were required in a good Souldier were not wanting in the Bastard of Orleans and the Inhabitants abounded in all such conditions as a Prince can desire in his people in love to him in hatred to their enemies and in resolution amongst themselves rather to suffer the worst of evills then suffer themselves to be governed by forrainers yet wee are neither Numantinians nor Saganthians Christian religion forbids it us but as wee must dye when one Humidum radicale or radicall moisture failes so the yeelding unto others doth consequently follow the want of forces and bad fortune Charles was weake his helpes desperate he wanted Souldiers wanted Captaines a many whereof were slaine in this battell the Citie full of people victuals growne scarce and dangerous it was to expose themselves to the last of dangers the defendants lives was not the onely thing in question but their wives children goods and country to which ones dutie is performed when all is done that may be the surplusse is not generositie but impotency of minde repugning it selfe for all this they could never pitch upon the resolution of yeelding themselves unto their enemy though it were impossible for them to hold out many weekes but no understanding is more speculative then that of Prisoners These were no better shut up in an expectation of speedy death or servitude they bethought themselves to offer up the Citie upon condition that it should be delivered into the hands of the Duke of Burgony for if this offer were accepted of they were to remaine under the command of a Frenchman a Prince of the blood and though an enemy not so of his owne inclination but by passion and this much abated of its first fervency and if it should not be accepted of it was likely by reason of the distaste this refusall would cause in him to procure an alienation in that Duke from the English as though not immediatly yet not long after it did to this purpose Embassadours were sent to the Regent with two propositions the first that the towne of Orleans might bee held as a Neutrall alleadging that it was no reason the jurisdictions of their Duke now prisoner in England should be molested contrary to the articles agreed upon betweene the Crowne of England and him the second that if this might not be granted that the towne of Orleans might be assigned over into the hands of the Duke of Burgony a friend and confederate of England as upon these conditions it should be to the former the Regent answered that the Duke of Orleans was not taken prisoner upon conditions but in the battle of Agencourt wherein there was no treaty neither of life nor livelihood that therefore that which they pretended unto was ridiculous and new since his jurisdictions as those of an enemy and as those which in all actions of enmitie tooke part with Charles were subject to the lawes of Warre and lawfully to be oppugned To the second that England having undertaken this enterprise at a great charge and with the losse of so many great commanders and Souldiers no other body having contributed hazarded or lost any thing therein to require of them to invest a third party therewithall defrauding themselves thereof was an unjust and anindiscreet request and not to be granted this negative displeased Philip but if hee herewithall incited his Councellors to anger who pretended themselves to be treated withall like fooles since that they having framed the net by turning the kingdome of France upside downe others injoy'd the fruit thereof Hee did it against reason for Philip would have done the same Those who accuse Bedford of folly that being able to have wonne Orleans he lost it for not being willing to trust it in a friends hands doe judge by the event after the which any man may be wise A towne abandoned by reason of the Kings impotency without victuals without munition which parlied which offered it selfe a battle formerly lost against all rule or reason and therein the losse of so many Captaines and Souldiers to make Philip more powerfull with whom for past distasts they were to proceede with more caution to open unto him the way of making himselfe master of all such places as could not bee made good to make him Arbitror of France that hee might dispose of it at his pleasure after that he had intended his owne ends added so many Provinces to what formerly possessed by him the English by waging warre with Charles having diverted all his oppositions without the which he could not have inlarged his territories and at this present yeeld up Orleans unto him was to make them be rather reputed weake then wise I deny not but that he might have done better to have yeelded it unto him but am onely thereunto drawne by the event contrary to the preceeding apparances and foresight wherein if a man erre he is not to be blamed for it but if it had beene possible that a contrary event might have shewne us how Philip would have behaved himselfe having gotten Orleans we would
St. Traille Tilloy Lore Termes and Illiers Talbot seeing himselfe so hard beset had given order to his men to keepe themselves firme within their sharpned staves beleeving to be set upon by the whole body of the Army but this unexpected number of Horsemen charging upon him there was no time to thinke thereon the fight was come to that passe as the whole body of the Army comming up Talbot being wounded and afterwards taken his men had no more minde to fight nor resolution to die some fled to Corbuille and some to Meune Ianville would not receive them for they were mingled with the enemy which pursued them closely so as the slaughter was great and but few the prisoners the chiefest whereof was Talbot Scales Hungerford all three Barons and Sir Thomas Ramstone Sir Iohn Falstaffe fled from this scuffle without giving or receiving a blow judging it as I thinke rashnesse to fight at disadvantage against so many in open field who for his former actions was that yeare made Knight of the Garter The Duke of Bedford incensed at this his flight took from him his George and Garter which afterwards by meanes of friends and his alleadging excuses which were judged reasonable were restored unto him though against Talbots will This brave Commanders imprisonment was of such consequence as 't was thought the English would never bee able to doe any thing more of moment in France Ianville Meunes and all other places which the English held in Beausse yeelded up themselves as is usuall in great losses so as Charles did in a short time winne in these parts what he was long in loosing for to boot with the preservation of Orleans wherein the Earle of Salisbury the principall pillar of Englands fortune was slaine he recovered Iargeau Baugency Ianville Meune and all Beausse together with the imprisonment of Talbot the second Columne of the adverse party all which hapned out of the beleefe that a base woman of a doubted reputation was sent from heaven to raise the one and suppresse the other For France was so discouraged before as none durst take up armes to defend her nor is this to be wondred at for as the understanding conceives not but by the sence so force doth not worke but through imagination weakned by feare or strengthned by hope so as wee must beleeve that the good effects of morall actions doe proceede first from good imagination then from good action for the latter depends upon the former Notwithstanding all these conquests 't was disputed whether Charles should bee crowned at Rheims or no the reasons alleaged against it being all of consequence Hee was to passe by places held by the enemie on the one side Auxerres Troyes and Shallon were an obstacle to him on the other side Laon and Soissons and Gastinois Brie Picardie and all the Country from Loire northward and to the Sea was in their possession The Coronation was a meere ceremony whereby the right unto the Crowne was neither given nor taken away It was not a thing universally used the use thereof derives not from the Law to make it requisite but from necessitie if any there be to make the Prince thereby knowne unto the people there was no such necessitie in Charles his case He was a lawfull Prince by all men held lawfully to be so he was not opposed by his own men but by strangers and if by some of his owne they were thereunto by feare inforced 't was not of freewill but say it had beene necessary since Henry thought it not necessary neither ought he to have thought it not that the institution was to be changed for use had so far prevailed as it was not to be alter'd without scandall but to be changed for a time for what is deferr'd is not absolutely taken away especially where the delay proceeds from wisedome good advice but these reasons did not satisfie the Maid as contrary to one of the three points for which shee was sent for Orleans being set at liberty his Coronation at Rheims was to follow and the driving out of the English to the end that her prophecies might be fulfilled as indeed they all were though not according to her sense the third for the English were driven out but not by her as she threatned them in her letter Charles was waited upon in this his voyage by all the Barons of his traine except the Constable whom Tremuille was not willing to bee troubled withall and Count Pedriac who by being friend to the Constable was by Tremuille opposed yet for feare least being discontent they might undertake some ill businesse their denyall was honested by giving commission to the former to guard the frontiers of Normandy and by naming the other Lievtenant of Guienne to the end that being thus parted theirforces might not have communion together The which being by them well knowne they accepted these charges with like dissimulation as they were conferred upon him Dupleix notwithstanding contrary to the opinion of the rest will have the Constable to goe along with him Charles his Army consisted of 12000. men wherewith he arriv'd at Auxerres the English say that those Cities demanded day for the surrendring of them selves if in the meane while they should not bee succour'd and they obtain'd it But the French accuse Tremuille for that being brided hee made Charles passe on without troubling them Saint Florentine did readily yeeld At Trois they found some difficulty for they wanted things necessary to take it by force so as the greatest part councelled to retire but the Maid according to Belleforest promissing to take it within two dayes set the Nobility it selfe a worke in making platformes forts and trenches as if all things were ready to force the Towne whereupon for meere feare they surrendred themselves The English say it was besieged 12. dayes and that Sr. Philip Hall who had the command thereof wanting both men and victualls and not hoping for succour compounded for the safe departure of himselfe and garrison with all their baggadge the Garrisons of Shallon and Rheims inforced by the Inhabitants came forth upon the like conditions the Cities yeelding themselves up to Charles who made his solemne entry into Rheims and was crowned there I set not downe the Ceremonies as not requisite to our story but I will say that as coronation is a uselesse and vaine ceremony in Kings who have no competitors so is it more then requisite for one that hath competitors as it hapned here for people judge not things as they are but as they appeare Charles was no sooner crowned but Men and Cities hasted to doe him homage as if that action had indowed him with right and justice which before hee wanted Auxerres not being succoured within the limited time sent him its keyes Laon did by Deputies doe obeissance to him as hee went from thence Soissons Chasteau-Thierre and Province yeelded to him whereupon the Duke of Bedford thinking that this torrent
ayre then by the Testimoniall letters of the Count Dunnesse authenticated by his seale both which are very slender reasons The ayre ceaseth not to be tearmed cleare though some little cloud may appeare wherein may be formed the forenamed Crosse and for the testimoniall letters alleaged they might be beleeved had they beene written by some English Generall Factions are like Sexes the one doth not succeed unto the other especially when the one doth disagree within it selfe Hallian one of the same faction not beleeving that the Pucell of Orleans was sent from heaven was therefore reprehended and now not beleeving this Crosse his beleeving in the Crosse of Christ doth not exempt him from being reputed by Dupleix a bad Christian. We have the first and the second causes and ignorant people not able to give a reason for the second have recourse unto the first which is by all men knowne to cover their idiotisme with piety and religion but the learned though alleadge the second causes they omit not the first though they name it not supposing that no existence can be without it God in the creating of nature hath given her her orders to the end that without the name of Miracle though all his workes are wonderfull shee may operate accordingly So as if the earth yeeld not ' its fruites so abundantly one yeare as another and they alleadge for reason thereof the inequalitie of seasons some conjunction of unfortunate Plannets or some such like influence they forbeare notwithstanding to have recourse to God Almightie Knowing for certaine that he is able though contrary to the course of nature absolutely of himselfe to provide therefore noâ—… is there any so ignorant nor wicked body who doth not confesse this but in miracles 't is otherwise the Church must alwayes examine them Hallian denies not miracles nay I doe verily beleeve he beleeves them so much the better in that not admitting of them indifferently upon simple testimony hee according to true Pietie discernes betweene devotion and superstition as good Graine is discerned from Tares but pietie is not there simply required by Dupleix though hee make shew thereof hee useth it for a vehiculum he would make us swallow a falsehood wrapt up in religion with the same end hee had in the Pucells case which was to strengthen Charles his pretences by the meanes of miracle and in this case hee alleadges his testimonies with such seeming sinceritie at the businesse required The Dunnesse letters containe these words that the Crosse appeared in a cloud with a crucifix crowned with an Azure Crowne which afterwards changed to a Flower de Luce according to the relation of more then a thousand that saw this prodigie This was the end of the English government in Guascony which had ' its beginning in the yeare 1155. by the marriage of Ellinor Dutchesse of Aquitany with Henry the second King of England and came to its period after 296. yeares in the yeare 1451. in Henry the sixt his dayes and as William the father of Ellenor forsooke his stake the world and his daughter to undertake a pilgrimage and peacefully ended his life in an Hermitage and was canonized for a Saint So Henry the successour to two Williams the one a Guâ—…scoyne the other a Noâ—…man did not quit it but lost it for having too imperfectly imitated the sanctitie of the one and no whit at all the valour of the other and being opposite in nature to the Conquerour and in pietie not equall to the canonized Saint he came to a violent end with the reputation of being innocent but no Saint The Duke of Yorkes machenations were a chiefe cause of all these losses where withall the people being corrupted nothing was thought of but homebred rancour the praise worthy ambition of publique reputation which so long had warmed every mans heart was extinct the evill satisfaction given by the Queene augmented and Sommerset so much hated as that his house was broken open and ransack't every one detâ—…sted his actions envied his power and lay in Ambush for him as being the obstacle of their worst designes The Duke of Yorke who was in Ireland had notice given him of all these proceedings and because the Kentish sedition had had but an ill successe hee resolved to come for England his chiefe friends and Counsellors were Sir Iohn Mawbery Duke of Norfolke Richard Nevill who was stiled Earle of Salisbury in the behalfe of his wife daughter and heire to the valiant Thomas Montague who was slaine before Orleans Richard Nevill his son who was likewise Earle of Warwick in the right of his wife Thomas Courtney Earle of Devonshire Edward Brooke Barron of Cobham all of them personages not inferior to any for their power followers and valour of these five the first two were drawne to forsake the allegiance they ought to Henry their King and kinsman by reason of their affinitie with the Duke of Yorke the rest were onely moved by Englands ill genius the Earle of Salisbury discended from Iane Beaufort daughter by the third wife to Iohn Duke of Lancaster Henries great grandfather so as being so neare a Kin unto him he had no reason to take part against him but the marriage of the Duke of Yorke with his sister Sicily was the reason why both he and his sonne for sooke their former duty Iohn Duke of Norfolke tooke part with the Earle of Salisbury as being the sonne of one of his daughters but more in the behalfe of his Father who was banished and of his Uncle who was beheaded at Yorke in the time of Henry the fourth I know not what moved Thomas Earle of Deuonshire who married the Daughter of Somerset first to side against him and afterwards to his misfortune to joyne with him the Lord Cobham had no other interest save his owne proper disposition alwayes enclined to actions of the like nature their resolution was for to cloake their first commotions as that they should not seeme to bee against the King but the people should bee prest under pretence of the publique good That the Duke of Somerset should bee their baite who was fit by reason of the bad successe in Normandy to colour the reason of this insurrection and consequently they intended his ruine without the which they could not hope to effect their ends since hee was the onely remaining Buckler for Henries defence and preservation Having taken this resolution hee went to raise people in Wales many flocking unto him from all parts under the plausible pretence of publique good with these hee marched towards London The King at first newes hereof had got together a good army to meete with him but hee shund him hoping to encrease his numbers and like fame to yet by going he would not hazard to trye his passage through London the deniall thereof might lessen his reputation but passing over the Thames at Kingston hee went into Kent and pitched his campea mile from Dartford some ten or
resurrection the Earle of Warwicke drew forth his Army into three Squadrons He assigned the first to the Marquesse and the Earle of Oxford flanked by some Troopes of horse the second he kept for himselfe accompanied by the Duke of Exceter and gave the last to the Duke of Somerset Edward observing the same order gave his Van-guard to the Duke of Gloucester a man of great courage and counsell the Rere-ward to the Lord Hastings a constant sider with the white Rose and kept the maine battell for himselfe and the Duke of Clarence keeping the prisoner Henry by him hee framed a squadron of the surplus of his men to make use of upon all occasions Neither side wanted arguments to encourage their men the one Rebellion the other Tyranny The Archers began the battell and the Arrowes being spent they came to handy-blowes Edwards party prevailed in number but not in order vigilancy nor valour The battell was fought from Sunne rising till almost mid-day fresh men supplying the places of such as were wounded or wearied The Earles squadron having the worst hee reinforc'd it with a Troope drawne out of the Rere-ward with the which he made the enemy lose so much ground as many of them flying away brought false newes to London that Edward was put to rout who having stayed his owne men fighting himselfe a vye with whatsoever Souldier made the reserved Squadron come in on the flanke which gave so impetuously on those wearied men as that though the Earle did what possibly hee could to reinforce them yet wanting fresh men his voyce nor example stood him in no stead his men for lacke of breath falling under the enemies Sword The Earle giving in where the enemy was thickest either to open them or not to out live the losse was miserably slaine His brother who by unwillingly undertaking this warre had been the first cause of this their last mis-fortune seeing him drive in amongst the enemy all other passions giving place to brotherly love followed after him to make him way to returne but hee shut it up to himselfe by losse of his life This was one of the fiercest battels ever fought by enraged men The Kingdome and life was in question on the one side life and the Kingdome on the other Henry governed in name in effect the Earle but that which most provoked him was the preservation of his ancient renowne and his desire of revenge upon the two brethren Edward was by him accounted ungratefull and perjured Clarence ungratefull perjured and treacherous The odde Band was his undoing Some impute his losse to a mistake in his Van for a mist arising which suffered them not well to discerne passages they tooke the Starre rounded with rayes which was the Earle of Oxfords cognizance and which was tacked upon each of his Souldiers sleeves to be the Sunne which was Edwards cognizance whereupon setting on Oxfords men as on enemies they forced them to runne away nor could the Earle of Oxford who fought with incredible valour detaine them How ever it was Edward wonne the day with the death of 10000. of his adversaries and 1500. of his owne amongst which none of note save Sir Humphrey Bourchier sonne to the Lord Barnes The cause of this so great slaughter was attributed hereto that whereas Edward in his other battels was wont to bid kill the Lords and Captaines but spare the rest he did not so in this being offended that they more esteemed Warwicke than him The Duke of Somerset and Earle of Oxford fled together towards Scotland but fearing they might runne danger by the length of the way they went to Wales to finde out Iasper Earle of Pembrooke The Duke of Exceter who was left alive among the dead bodies got up with much a doe and came to Westminster where hee tooke Sanctuary This was the end of Warwickes worldly glory whose title was to make and unmake Kings His ruine tooke its rise from his father who being cousin-german to Henry the fifth they being brothers and sisters children forsooke his respect of consanguinity for that of affinity Richard Duke of Yorke having married his sister Cecily mother to Edward and so lost his life his sonne treading in his fathers steps and desirous to revenge his fathers death deposed Henry to set up Edward by whom being neglected hee revolted from him forced him to fly his Countrey set Henry at liberty and put the Crowne againe upon his head but Edward being returned and having changed his Lyons skinne to a Foxes hee fell betrayed by his sonne in law abandoned by his brother and at his greatest need forgotten by the common people who had never more superstitiously worshipped any one nor in their songs celebrated Whereby the ambitious may learne not to raise tumults trusting upon the people which like the Sea are moved by all winds I must crave leave to answer one particular falsely alleaged by Comines He saies the Earle had alwaies wont to fight on horse-backe that if fortune should frowne hee might the better escape that his brother the Marquesse who was a gallant man forced him at this time to fight on foot and made his horses be led away But who shall consider the Earles actions and his battels this last unexcepted will believe him to be calumniated for say he should endeavour to save himselfe did they not all doe so In this battell Somerset and Oxford saved themselves by flight where there was no speech of prisoners nor ransome but to die by the heads-man if not in the field The Marquesse had lesse reason to feare as one not hated by Edward but rather by him suborned as knowing his appearing against him made for him for had hee fought with him either at Yorke or else at Pomfret hee never had regained his Kingdome Had feare wrought any thing upon the Earle hee would not have refused his sonne in lawes offers hee would not have resolved the smalnesse of his numbers not considered to have fought at Barnet and knowing that Queen Margaret was hourely expected to land in England hee would have stayed for her That he should feare her as the said Comines and Chesnes doe both aver because the Duke of Somerset was with her is false for this Duke who is by them pretended to be absent was present at this battell as hath been said and the Queene could not but be his friend for the services hee had done her and her future hopes in him so as if he did not wait her comming 't was not for any of these reasons but of his too much confiding in himselfe which was his undoing After this victory Edward returned in triumph to London hee gave God thankes in Pauls Church he there hung up the Colours taken from the enemy and for three daies together exposed the dead bodies of the two brothers to the sight of all men to the end that being seen dead no man might further trouble him with taking upon them the person and name of
thereunto departed so much distasted as there never was after this any good Intelligence between them If Charles were angry at this Truce it amazed the Constable much more before he knew the certain conclusion thereof and when he knew it he sent his Confessor to Edward to intreat him not to give belief to Lewis his words or promises That he would be pleased to accept of the two Towns of Eu and S. Valleri which should be delivered up unto him That he might lodge there the beginning of the Winter promising him better Towns within two moneths space but he named them not He offered likewise to lend him Fifty thousand Crowns to the end that he might not be necessitated to make the Agreement But Edward answered The Truce was concluded and was to be observed if he were displeased thereat he might thank himself for if he had kept his promise to him he had not done it The place of Parley between the two Kings was Pichines a Town belonging to the Vidame of Amiens three Leagues distant from the Citie where whilst a wooden Bridge was cast over the River of Some and parties from either side were sent to view it Edward came within half a League of Amiens and was by Lewis presented with Three hundred Cartload of the best Wines that could be found and his people had in the City free egresse and regresse Lewis had caused many Tables laden with all sorts of salt-Meats which might provoke to drink to be set at the entring in of the Gate they were guarded by the best drinkers of France Besides all this he gave Commission to all the Innes and Taverns that they should feast the English and not suffer them to pay a peny Upon which occasion Nine thousand English came into the Town Some of the more cautelous French seeing this were not void of suspition in somuch as they did advertise Lewis thereof who having set people to observe their behaviours Finding them all singing and making merry and the most part of them drunk he found no cause of fear 'T was a wonder that in three days all which time this open Court was kept there hapned not any falling out or quarrel amongst so many drunkards Assoon as the Bridge was fully finished Edward marched towards it with his Army in a glorious manner Lewis his Army being nothing in comparison to his Lewis was come thither before Edward Amongst the Orders of the Parley one was That each of them shoule send Four of their men into the company of the others to have an eye upon what should be done to the end that if they should finde any cause of suspition they might advertise their Masters But this was needlesse The two Kings were to be attended upon the Bridge by Twelve men onely of which those that are named were Iohn Duke of Burbon the Cardinal of Burbon his Brother and Commines Lord of Argenton who had a Suit upon him like to that which King Lewis wore for it was his custom oftentimes to have some-body neer him clad in like manner as he himself was Commines writes that when Edward appeared his very presence spoke him a King and that though he begun to grow somewhat fat he was notwithstanding very handsom though not altogether so comely as when Warwick made him flee to Flanders at which time he was the handsomest and most comely man that ever he saw There were with him his Brother the Duke of Clarence the Earl of Northumberland the Lord Hastings his Chamberlain the Bishop of Ely his Chancellor and others to the number of Twelve The Duke of Gloucester came not thither for that having not given his consent to the Truce he would not be present when it was to be sworn unto When Edward was come within Five spaces of the Grate he took off his Cap which was of black Velvet whereon was a rich Jewel of Diamonds they made â—…owe Reverences each to other and embraced each other thorow the partitions of the Grate Lewis was the first that spoke he said He never coveted any sight so much as this and that he blessed God that had brought them together to so good an End Edward having courteously replied in French the Chancellor of England read the Treaty asking Lewis whether it were the same that he had sent and if he were therewithal content he answered Yes as likewise with that which was sent him from the King of England Hereupon the Masse-book and the Crosse being brought they laid their hands thereon and swore to observe the Truce of Nine yeers comprehending therein those that were within named and the Marriage between their children This being done Lewis said merrily to Edward He might do well to come to Paris to see the fair Ladies there and take his pastime and that if he should chance to commit some trivial trangressions he would assigne the Cardinal of Burbon to him for his Confessor This Cardinal was a young Prince no enemy to good-fellowship So as Edward being well pleased with the complemental Invitation Lewis for a good while play'd upon them both Lewis after this commanded his men to retire and Edwards men forth with withdrew uncommanded They discoursed a pretty while together it not being well known whereon but as it is believed to the prejudice of the Constable Lewis asked him what he would advise him to do if the Duke of Burgundy should not accept of the Truce as it was likely he would not in regard of the proud terms he had used to him Offer it him the second time replied Edward and if he shall not then accept of it do what you think best Lewis made this enquiry concerning Burgundy onely that he might enquire of Edward as he did and discover what his opinion was of the Duke of Bretaigne Edward said The Duke of Bretaigne was his friend and such a one as he had not found the like in his need that therefore he desired Lewis not to molest him but suffer him to live in quiet Lewis was not well pleased with this answer for his intentions were not good towards that Prince and he was the worse pleased for that he knew not the reason of it which was his detaining of the Earl of Richmond for it was in Bretaigne's power to trouble Edward if he listed for though he should neither have assisted Richmond with Men nor Money yet the permitting him to return to England would be sufficient to shake all the foundation of that Kingdom Lancasters faction was ready to rise hearing of his name and to trouble the possession of the Crown the which he having peaceably enjoy'd since Henry's death he was not likely to do so long so opposed Lewis was ignorant of these interests but cloking his dislike they took leave each of other having embraced such Lords and Princes as were there Edward returned to his Camp and Lewis to Amiens from whence he sent to Edward whatever he thought behoveful for him even to
but he freed himselfe from any the least signe of guilt and Richard seemed not to valve his Wife least if He should embrue his Hands in the blood of a Lady of so great quality He might yet more incite the Peoples hatred He was contented shee should be committed to the custody of her Husband with order that she should be kept in some private place of her House and that none should be suffered to come to her who might conveigh Letters to her Son or Messages to any Other He also caused William Collingborne who had beene High Sheriffe of Wiltshire and Dorsetshire to be executed for having written by way of jeare That a Cot a Rat and Lovell the Dog did Governe England under a Hog alluding by Cat to Catesby by Rat to Ratcliffe and by the Dog to the Lord Lovell who gave the Dog for his Armes as did Richard the Boare for His and these three were His chiefest Favourites Some were of opinion Hee was put to death for having had Intelligence with the Earle of Richmond and with Marquis Dorset for hee was convict to have proffered Money to a certaine man to carry Letters into Britanny wherein Hee perswaded them to come Instantly and Land at Poole in Dorsetshire whilst Hee assisted by others would raise the People To keepe himselfe from troubles out of Forraine parts and that He might the betteâ—… minde his Home-broyles Richard thought necessary to hold good intelligence with the King of Scotland who often troubling Him with Inroades diverted him from his Home-affaires wherein consisted the preservation of his Life and Kingdome This businesse was treated by Commissioners who agreed upon a Truce for Three yeares each of them being to keepe what they were possest of except the Castle of Dunbarre which was given to King Edward by the Duke of Albany the last time that Hee fled from Scotland which the Scots would have restored And that he might have a double tie upon them he concluded a Marriage betweene the Duke of Rothsay Prince and Heâ—…e of Scotland and his Neece Anne of Poole Daughter to Iohn Duke of Suffolke and his Owne Sister Anne a Lady so affectionately beloved by him as his Onely Sonne the Prince of Wales being dead he made Her Sonne Iohn Earle of Lincolne be proclamed heire to the Crowne disinheriting of meere hatred his brothers Daughters and for that having declared them to be Bastards his Owne title was preserved by the continuaâ—…ce of their such repute All these precautions did noâ—… notwithstanding free his perturbed minde from those furies which leaving their naturall habitation had brought Hell into his Conscience so as though Buckingham were dead and so many others Dead and Banisht yet could not he have any Security his 〈◊〉 commited his deserved Hatred and the Earle of Richmond would not suffer him to enjoy any one houres rest And albeit in his contriving how to usurpe the Crowne hee made no account of Him whilst his brother livâ—…d his minde being then fixt upon Henry that had beene King and was then in Being yet Times and Persons being changed He likewise changed Opinion the one being Dead the other Alive and at Liberty and who was the onely man that with Right and Justice could do that to Him which he unjustly and against all Right had cruelly done to others Hee therefore indevour'd againe to have the Earle in his possession or at least that the Duke of Britanny by bereaving him of his Liberty as he had done in his brother King Edwards time would secure him from the Mischiefe that might ensue by his comming into England and not believing he was likely to obtaine a favour of this nature by way of Friendship much lesse for any Rights sake he grounded his demands upon the basis of Profit and Interest the onely meanes to obtaine ones desire from such as have no feeling of Justice He loaded his Embassadours with Monies and Presents to present unto the Duke together with Them he offered him Richmondshire and all the Revenues of the Earle as likewise all that belonged in England to all those that were fled over to him into Britanny the which being very much would have sufficed to have corrupted any other save Duke Francis the second one of the Noblest and most vertuous Princes that lived in those times as he was held by all men This is Argeâ—…es his relation who affirmes hee hath found among the Records of Britanny the grant of this County together with the Names of the Churches Monasteries and Priories therein but if the Duke should die without heires of his body the Reversion should fall to the King The Embassadours or Deputies as Hee 〈◊〉 them could not have accesse unto the Duke being come to a season that He was beside Himselfe an infirmity He was often subject unto whereupon they made their adresses to Peter Landais who had power to dispose of the Prince and State as He pleased The large sums of English money made him listen to what they propounded his base minde not valuing Honour made him accept of the Offer but not in such manner as it was propounded For He being the man that was to deliver up the Earle the Duke not being in condition either to yeild him or to detaine Him He would have Richmondshire to himselfe whereupon many Messengers were sundry times dispatcht for England which was the Earles safety for these practises being discovered in England and the Bishop of Ely being adveâ—…tised in 〈◊〉 He speedily gave the Earle notice thereof advising him immediately to depart from thence for that He was bought and sold betweene Richard and those who were of chiefe authority in that State so as if He did not sodainely save himselfe He would fall into his enemies hands The Earle received this advertisement when He was at Vennes from whence hee sent 〈◊〉 France 〈◊〉 a safe-conduct which was by the King thereof without delay sent him and it being impossible to save Himselfe and all his Partakers at the same time he feigned to send the Lords that were with him to visit the Duke at Rennes giving order to the Earle of Pembroke who conducted them that when they should be upon the Confines He should immediately quit the Countrey as he did whilst He himselfe feigning two dayes after to visit a friend of his not farre from Vannes got on horse-back waited on onely by Five servants and when He was entred the Wood He put on one of His servants Coates and got by By-wayes out of the State and arrived at Aniou whether the Earle of Pembroke with the rest were but long before come His escape was the easier in that it was not suspected having left above three Hundred English all of His Retinue behinde him in Vennes otherwise it would have gone ill with Him For Peter had already raised people and appointed Commanders over them who were within three dayes to have beene at Vennes to have detained Him hearing by what meanes I cannot
their wills but very few willingly hee thought it would be base in him and prejudiciall for him to runne away since thereby he should lose his reputation with the People whereon his welfare did depend He therefore resolved to do his uttermost for should hee Overcome all things were likely to succeed well unto him and should hee lose the day Death would be advantageous hee having no hope at all of safety Enemies on all sides Scotland his onely refuge was but a fading hope notwithstanding the new Peace and lately contracted Marriage well might he trust thereto if his fortune should prove Good but not if otherwise and say it should Favour Him He had but little hopes of getting thither untaken by the way being so generally hated and 't was impossible for him to passe unknowne for his features and shape of body were such by those that had never seene him There is to be discerned a confused mingle-mangle of vertues in this wisdome in knowing his Danger to be such as was unavoidable and Fortitude in resolving to die since he could not eschew danger so as Writers have great reason to affirme that he wan more Honour in these two houres by his Death then he had done all the time of his Life For what concernes his Soules health God is able of Stones to raise up children unto Abraham but this is but when he pleaseth and although there be no differences to be made in Him of Easy or Uneasy since Hee framed the whole World by his bare Word Hee spake and it was made He commanded and it was Created yet let it be permitted according to humane conjecture to say That it is I will not say more Easy but more usuall for him to save one who is naturally Good then one who is naturally Bad since naturall Goodnesse may be said to be the Materia Prima of Salvation containing in her that Disposition which that wee might be saved was of His meere mercy bestowed upon us gratis So as though the rule of Christianity teacheth us not to Judge any one to the Damned yet it forbids us not to Doubt of a mans Salvation as wee do of Richards for as in the good Tree that beareth good Fruit some may be Wormy and Rotten so in Man-kinde man created to the fruition of Heavenly Glory may notwithstanding be damned if he be wormeaten with wickednesses and rotten with the obstinacy of sin His Death afforded invitation to those who yet fought to save themselves and the rest that like Spectatours had not moved from their station came to give obedience to the Conquerour by whom they were gratiously received as likewise were those who laying downe their Armes submitted themselves unto him Of the number of the Slaine it is diversly written some speake of a Thousand some of foure Thousand Sir Gilbert Talbot in an account which hee giveth to his friends in writing sayes there died onely Tenne of the Earles side Hall saies a Hundred Of the Peeres on Richards side were slaine the Duke of Norfolke and the Lord Ferrers of Chartley of Knights Sir Richard Ratcliffe and Sir Robert Brakenbury Lieutenant of the Tower but few Gentlemen The Duke of Norfolke was perswaded by his friends to withdraw himselfe from the Battell the which hee denying to doe two Verses were fastned to his Chamber doore the night before the Fight wherein he was advised not to ingage himselfe in the behalfe of a King that was Bought and Sold but hee having beene true to him in his Life would be so likewise in his Death and was praised for it The Prisoners were many amongst which was Sir William Catesby hee who betrayed the Lord Hastings a man of great esteeme among the Professors of the Lawyers and the chiefe of the Kings Counsell He was with some Others beheaded two dayes after at Leicester Of those that fled away the most considerable were Viscount Lovell and the two brothers Humphrey and Thomas Stafford who got into the Sanctuary of St Iohns in Gloucester Of those who would not fight was the Earle of Northumberland who comming to acknowledge the Conquerour was therefore by him received to grace and afterwards made Privy Counsellour Thomas Howard Earle of Surrey Sonne to the deceased Duke of Norfolke was not received into favour though hee layd down his Armes but was put into the Tower where he stay'd a good while the inward friendship hee had had with Richard doing him no good but being afterwards received to grace he was created Treasurer of England The Earle after the Victory made Te Deum be Sung Hee praised his Souldiers valour and thanked them promising to reward them according to their Loyalties He gave order to bury the Dead and to cure such as were wounded He Knighted such as he thought did most deserve that honour the which being done out of his Owne meere motion did so inanimate his Souldiers as they cryed him up King whereupon Stanley tooke Richards Crowne which was found amongst the Booty and put it on his Head so as he was chosen King by the Souldier according to the ancient custome of diverse Kingdomes The Lord Strange who as wee have said was delivered over to the custody of those who guarded the Tents Royall that when the Battell should be ended he might be given in charge to the Hangman at his guardians entreaties interceded for them the King granted him their Pardon received him with much Honour and his Father with much Joy He went from thence to Leicester where he stayed two dayes to refresh his men and take order for his going to London The day before Richard went from that City in great Pride and Pompe waited on by so many Lords Knights and Souldiers as made the World to wonder he returned thither whether the next day like a slaine Buck layd acrosse upon the Croupe of a Horse his Head and Armes hanging on One side his Legges on the other Scorned and all Naked save his Privy Members which were covered with a course piece of Cloth besmeared with Blood and dawb'd with Dirt a Horrid sight to behold The Heralds name that carried him was White-Bore and the White-Bore was Richards Impresa the which was torne and cut in pieces in as many places of the Kingdome as it was found His Body lay naked two whole dayes upon the bare Earth in a Church of the Minorites in Leicester whither it was carried nor could the People be satisfyed with that sight which being Gastfull in any Other was in Him Pleasing and Delightfull so much had his actions exasperated them against him Hee was buried in the said Church without any manner of Solemnity or Funerall rites King Henry shortly after made a Monument bee made for him with his Statue of Alablaster which represented him to the Life the which at the suppression of that Monastery was broken in Pieces the place where Hee was buried is since overgrowne with Weedes and Nettles so as it cannot bee novv said Here was
desirous of Peace knowing that Ursewick's pains would be to no purpose for the Duke of Britanny was not in case to rely upon his Own Judgement having indeed None at all and the Duke of Orleans would not hear of it for being injured by him it was not likely he should trust him He on the other side should by this means justifie himself to Henry since the making of peace stuck not at Him so as he should not have any occasion to enterprise ought against Him the fault in all appearance not being His. Ursewick being come to Britanny found the Duke so very ill as it was impossible for him to treat with him who had lost almost all the faculties of judgement it behoved him to treat with the Duke of Orleans whom he acquainted with the King his Master's desire and with the good inclination he found in the King of France thereunto so as there remained nothing to establish a good Agreement but to conclude upon the means to every one's satisfaction The Duke being far from any such thought knowing that Charles his intention was other then he made shew for and he himself thirsting to make war with Another man's purse and with the hopes of getting the Dutchy of Britanny answer'd He wonder'd that so Wise a King as Henry would suffer himself to be over-reached by so very Young a King as Charles and that those reasons to which he was bound by Honour and Gratitude bore no sway with him that he should do well to remember the Duke of Britanny had been in lieu of a Father tâ—… him from his Childhood till his promotion to the Crown to the which though Nature Birth and the Kingdom had play'd their parts he had Never attained had he not used that charity towards him which obliged Henry to do the like for Him that the present Mediation did not correspond with the businesse that it was Destructive but Useful for Charles who thereby would gain time to do that which otherwise he could not that Aid was expected from Henry worthy of the Greatnesse of his Minde of his Tye of Friendship and of the imminent Danger the fair Appearances of France were nothing but Fraud and Cozenage 't would be too Late Dangerous and Dishonourable to know it by the Event that if Henry would believe Charles to be of as Candid a minde as was He himself he might do well to believe it with his Sword in Hand so that if it should prove Otherwise he might be ready to Chastise him that had abused him by doing this he should acquit himself on All hands nor could any one have just cause to complain of him And if the reasons of Gratitude which were the same with those of Honour were not of force enough to perswade him he ought to do it out of reason of State and take upon him that defence in Time without Offending Any One which should he undertake Unseasonably would be offensive to All Three to France by opposing it in Open War to Britanny by giving it too Late succour and to England by permitting a Great King to Increase in Power State and Situation hurtful to that Kingdom who was set upon on all sides subject to the discretion of England upon whose pleasure he depended having Seas Ports Commerce and all that could accommodate or incommodate secure or endanger England Ursewick was ready to answer That Princes could not chuse but in some sort believe one another especially where an Obliged friendship plays the part of a Surety not that Wisedom may not have her Exceptions but that she should too largely dispose of her self if where there is Parity of Friendship and Obligation she should believe a friend to be what he ought not to be that Henry's obligations to France arose from Britanny's failing him which if it were not through any fault of the Duke 't was through the fault of Landois Fortune and Chance 'T was Chance that when fleeing from England he would have gone to France brought him into Britanny Fortune when he would have stay'd in Britanny brought him into France whither he would not have gone nor have had any obligation to the King thereof had it not been for danger of being sold to Richard by Landois He did not accuse the Duke of this but neither ought the Duke to accuse him if Fortune bore him to Divide between Two that obligation which was formerly due to Him alone He could not but confesse this without the mark of Ingratitude neither could he take One of them into his consideration and leave the Other neglected More time was requir'd to arm by Sea and Land then to send an Embassie the One did not hinder the Other That an Ambassadour served for a Soul to such businesses as were to be brought to Life no resolutions of importance being taken between Prince and Prince but by Mediation But Ursewick not being suffer'd to say This nor what more he would have said for the Duke arose from him and would not hear him he returned to Charles who told him He had rightly foretold that the Duke of Orleans would not un-enforced yeeld to any Pacification that he would endeavour to force him to it as his obstinacy required in the mean time he desired Henry not to desist from doing good offices for by continuation thereof that Peace would be effected which He desired to which he for his part would Never be Averse and that under such conditions as Henry should prescribe him Lewis the father of this Prince would never suffer this his son to be taught more Latine then Qui nescit dissimulare nescit regnare wherein he so well profited as not having his brains troubled with any Other lesson and being thought by reason of his rough nature to have but a blunt judgement he deceived all men especially Ursewick whereby the King his Master was likewise deceived Some think that Henry's credulity was but feigned that he might have an Excuse not to intricate himself in a War he Hated and which would be of great Trouble to him But if he were not Deceived he deceived Himself for hoping it would be hard for Charles to make any Progresse in this businesse being unable at the same time to beat the Forces of Britanny and Orleans his party it proved clean Otherwise The French Army being entred Britanny and brought in by the confederate Barons made them soon repent it The Articles greed upon between them were instantly broken Cities besieged taken and Sacked no difference being put between the grounds and territories of the Confederate and Not confederate whilst the Duke abandon'd by his Subjects and not assisted by his friends escaped narrowly being taken at Vannes from whence with much ado he got to Nantes where being besieged and destitute of hope he sent the Count of Dunois and Viscount Coteman to get aid from England who having ridden by night thorow Forests and desert places in great danger the Countrey being wholly possest
prisoners which had not happened had they not beleeved to have so well deserved at his hands as that they might make him doe what they listed a presumption which hath and will deceive many for Princes will not be thought capable of such obligation as that they must acknowledge their being from another and much lesse to have their subjects their benefactors the very thought thereof hath beene and ever will be with them mortall Here all King Henries adverse fortune had a period and in this calme he likewise calmed all home suspitions and jealousies having in the short time he afterwards lived some small forraine armies not to weary him but to keep him in breath he had as wise Princes ought his eyes every where he tooke order for the very least affaires for negligence in a new and not beloved Prince is no lesse the mother of contempt then is diligence the mother of reverence and respect many ships appertaining to particular men were come upon the coast of the Kingdome upon this occasion of warre to lie in waite for pillage which hindred the Merchants ships from traffiquing abroad he gave order for a sufficient fleet commanded by Edmond Holland Earle of Kent formerly created Admirall who having scoured the coasts of England and France and met with no enemy he understood they had retired themselves into Britany whither he steered his course he assaulted Briache a place upon the sea side The inhabitants did couragiously defend the place wounded many of the English in particular the Admirall himselfe with a stone in the head of the which he died five daies after a fatall blow to him and unfortunate to them for the assaliants growing more obstinate through this losse tooke the Towne by force burnt all the houses and put all to the sword that they found in posture of defence This Earle was brother to Thomas Holland Duke of Surrey who in the conspiracy at Oxford was slaine by the Townesmen of Chester he was in such favour with the King as besides the restoring of him to his bloud inheritance and honour he with much labour and expence procured him to marry with Lucia Visconte This Lady was the tenth daughter of Barnaby Visconte Lord not onely of Millaine but almost of all Lumbardy the other nine were matched to great Princes as to Leopald Duke of Austria the two Dukes of Bavaria and to the King of Ciprus so as if the King had not extraordinarily favoured him it was not a match befitting his fortune she brought him 100000. Crownes in gold an unusuall portion in those dayes and to the last of so many daughters Corâ—…us calls him Earle of Kent and sonne to Henry the fourth beleeving that any inferior quality was unfit to match with so great a Princesse she being now a widow and without children the King purposed to marry her to Marquis Dorset his brother but she not liking thereof he being a man in yeares and of no pleasing aspect did secretly marry herselfe with hazard of losing for ever all shee had to Henry Mortimer to whom she bore three daughters which being all honorably married left a noble and continued succession The affaires in France this mean while the which hereafter must be interlaced with this our story were come to the period of ruine so to bring England to the period of greatnesse which had not happened for whatsoever worth or fortune had not the way beene chalked out unto them by the enmity between the house of Burgundy and Orleance Let me bee permitted to make a large relation thereof since they were the rice of all the disorders that succeeded betwixt these two warlike Nations we have heard how the Duke of Burgundy having the second time resolved upon the enterprise of Callis was commanded to the contrary that thinking that this affront proceeded from the ill will that Orleans bore him hee was mightily incensed this anger afterwards increasing and not able to suffer him his superior nor the other him his equall he resolved to bereave him of his life with this resolution he went to Paris where he got together eighteene men the very scum of all the rascality of France making one Rolletto Antoneville a Norman their chiefe who having by the favour of the late Duke of Burgundy father to this present Duke obtained an office of great moment had it tane from him by the Duke of Orleans so as the obligation he had to the one and the losse he received by the other made him more covet this murther then did Burgundy the Queene had bought a house without the gate Barbet for her recreation where shee was at this time brought to bed the child being dead so as she keeping her bed they were sure Orleans would not faile to visite her they tooke a house neere the said gate for that he returning by night as of necessity he must doe by reason of the shortnesse of the dayes the season being November they might have opportunity to doe that wicked action the Duke went to make this visit and they fearing lest in his returne he might come some other way sent unto him a footman of the Kings one of their number to will him from the King to come presently to him for that he had a businesse to confer with him in which concerned them both The Duke who knew the messenger took leave of the Queene and got on horsebacke waited upon onely by five footmen with torches by two gentlemen which rid before him both of one horse and by a Dutchman who being come out of pagery and not having whereon to ride followed him on foot the assassinates stood waiting for him in a corner as the torch light appeared they came forth upon him and at the first stroke strucke off one of his hands he cried out I am Orleans t' is Orleans that we would have replied they wherwithall loading him with wounds he fell from his horse with his head so cloven as that his braines fell out upon the stones the faithfull Dutchman desirous to be his shield threw himselfe before him and was soone slaine the horse which was gone before did so start when hee came neer these men as that huffing and pricking up his eares he runne so hard away as the two men could not in a long time take him up having stayed him and returning backe to meet their Master they might see the Dukes horse with no body on his backe which they led backe by the bridle thinking that the Duke lighting upon such like accident as they had done might be fallen but being come unto the place and by the murtherers threatned to be served with the same sauce they run to the Queens house crying out murther murther the murtherers this meane while having set the house on fire wherein they lay to the end that their neighbours fright might make their escape more secure got to the Pallace of Artois a house of the Duke of Burgundies This newes being knowne
through all the City and first in Orleans house his friends and servants runne to the place where they found his body lying in a sea of bloud horribly massacred they carried the body into the next Church whither the King of Cicily and the chiefest of the Court came sorily lamenting the next morning his hand and brains being found lying in the street all durty they were put together with the body into a leaden coffin and buried in a Chappell which he himself had caused to be built At his funerall three corners of the cloth which covered the Bieare were held up by the Princes of Sicily Berry and Burbony Burgundy held up the fourth this fained charity not corresponding with his unfained cruelty for what ever inquisition could be made no newes could be heard of the assassinates The Provost being called to the Councell table said it was impossible for him to finde out any thing touching this affaire unlesse hee might be permitted to search the houses of the greatest Lords and especially the Pallaces of the Princes The King of Sicily Duke of Berry and Duke Burbon were content but not Burgundy who not knowing what to say tooke the three Princes aside and confessed that he had bin the author of that homicide whereupon filled with horror and amazement Berry exclaming that in one day he had lost two nephewes they left him keeping the secret to themselves not knowing without mature deliberation how to publish it The next day after Burgundy being come to goe to the Councell table Berry in whose house the meeting was met him at the chamber doore and told him this was no place for him wherewithall he shut the doore upon him leaving him much confused a usage he had not beene accustomed unto and what he beleeved would not now have beene used without resolutions of further consequence so as fearing to be clapt up in prison hee forthwith returned to his owne house and getting on horseback being waited on only by five men he rid to Bapomus upon the confines of Artois the place of his command and went 42. leagues not taking any rest but what was necessary either to bate or change his horses from thence having slept a while he went to Lillo in Flanders this his unexpected departure was no sooner divulged but the occasion thereof was knowne the dead Duke had 600. what Gentlemen what Knights defraied by him in Paris all which were of no use to him who trusted more in his quality then he ought to have done he imagined the Duke of Burgundy would have exercised his ill will in publicke against his power not by treachery against his person a hundred of these well horst and led by Clegnet of Brabant Admirall of France would have followed Burgundy but the King of Sicily fearing greater inconveniences hindred their designe not suffering them to goe He who formerly was thought the chiefe author of this murther was Albertus of Canni injured by the Duke who had taken from him his wife and had by her a sonne who proved afterwards one of the bravest Cavalliers in all France but the knowne truth freed him of suspition all men except the Parisians detested this fact but their rejoycing lasted but a while for the evills they received through the oppressions and misgovernment of Orleans were not the hundreth part so bad as those they suffered after by the oppression and misgovernment of the Duke of Burgundy The Assassinates having changed their apparrell left Paris likewise and went to Artois according to the order they had formerly received from their Master When Valentina Duches of Orleans heard this sad newes she hasted to Paris and kneeled downe before the King demanding justice which was likely to bee granted for he did tenderly love his brother but his weaknesse was such as suffered him to give her no other comfort save hopes and promises The Duke of Burgundy having represented the businesse to the common people after his manner he published a manifestation thereof wherein having made knowne the reasons which had inforced him to this resolution he pretended to merit thankes and praise rather then blame or punishment The two Uncles Sicily and Berry fearing lest he might joyne with the English invited him to give them a meeting at Amiens he came thither and caused two launces to be set a crosse upon his lodging doore in this manner X which fashioned forth the Burgundy crosse the one of them had a bur used in war the other such a one as is used at tilting as if he would by this Hyroglifique say it should be in their choice to chuse peace or war Their meeting was to no purpose for contrary to the Kings expresse inhibition he went with 4000. men to Paris where he was with great expressions of joy received by the Parisians where to justifie his horrid fault hee by the mouth of one Iohn Petit accused the Duke of Orleans for having aspired unto the Kingdome bewitched the King ploâ—…ed treachery against his children and for having made confederacy with the King of England to make himselfe master of the Crowne of France by the death of his brother as the other had got the Crowne of England by his Cosens death for having sowed discord betwixt the King and Queene â—…o the end that having lost her matrimoniall love her person might bee the more at his command that he had made himselfe Master of the most considerable places of the Kingdome putting out the former governours and placing others of his owne depending in their roomes that he might make use of them against his brother that he had procured Pope Benedict to declare the King incapable of the Crowne as Childericus formerly was that he himselfe might obtaine it his conclusion was that being for so many faults guilty of treason both divine and humane he was to be declared lawfully slaine and the King out of meere feare declared him as was urged justly put to death The Duke having obtained what he desired returned to Flanders from thence he went in assistance of the Bishop and Prince of Leidge against the Leigois who had rebelled against him he overcame them and gave them what Lawes he pleased whereby he wonne such renowne as France had reason to fear him now more then before for though in his absence the King had permitted the Dowager Duches to answer unto his accusations and revoked his pardon with an intention to punish him yet understanding of this victory and that his brothers and cosens had declared themselves for him he disabandoned the people who were gathered together to have forced him and those who had appeared his enemies repented themselves for having been so forward Together with this examining the continuancy of the Parisians strangely passionate for the Duke the King resolved to retire himselfe to Towres not so much to free himselfe from their danger as to revenge himselfe of them for the absence of the Court redounds much to their losse