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A60010 Cæsarion, or, Historical, political, and moral discourses in four days entertainment between two gentlemen, very pleasant and useful for all orders of men whatsoever / English'd by Jos. Walker.; Cesarion ou Entretiens divers. English Saint-Réal, M. l'abbé de (César Vichard), 1639-1692.; Walker, Joseph. 1685 (1685) Wing S351; ESTC R41078 62,745 185

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Ignorance was as great as their Vertue but since Learning had passed out of Greece into Italy those kind of Prophesies were not regarded and the three Books sold by the Sybil of Cuma at so great a price unto the first of the Tarquin's having been burnt in the Capitol in the dayes of Sylla it not being permitted to have Copies of them other nice kind of Books that had been gather'd throughout the Empire to supply their place when the Capitol was rebuilt not being of the same Authority little heed was given to them but let us re-assume the Course of our History Ptolomy having observ'd during his stay at Rome that the Correspondence betwixt him and Lentulus tended but little to his advantage because this Proconsul had many Enemyes at his departure from thence he left one Ammonius an Egyptian his Ambassador there in his stead and charged him not to insist upon the order of Senat that had appointed Lentulus to act in his Re-establishment moreover judging it necessary this Commission should be put in the hands of some Person of Authority and extraordinary Interest and Reputation seeing it could not be executed by Force by reason of the Oracles Prohibition he Order'd his Ambassadours to demand it should be committed into the hands of Pompey attended only with two Bayliffs Two Bayliffs said I to reduce a whole Kingdom to Obedience reply'd Caesarion the Majesty and Respect at that time born unto the Roman Name throughout the World may be demonstrated from as improbable things as that did you never hear said he of that great Ambassadour sent by the Senate the Age before that we speak of unto Antiochus the famous King of Syria This Prince having almost subdued the whole Kingdom of Egypt was going to beseige Alexandria in which place the Royal Family had taken Sanctuary being destitute of any other help but the protection of the Romans Cajus Popilius was the Name of this Ambassadour who meeting this proud King being an Ally of Rome four miles from this flourishing City having saluted him presented him his Hand in token of Friendship Popilius made no other answer to his Civility but presenting him the Senates Letters bid him read them Antiochus having read them said he would advise with his Friends in the Case but Popilius drawing a Circle about the King with a Rod he had in his Hand before said he you pass the Limits of this Circle give the Senate your Answer The King being surpris'd with so resolute a demand paused a little and then promis'd to do what the Senate commanded whereupon Popilius stretched out his hand and declared the King a Friend and Ally of Rome and Antiochus quitting all he had conquer'd soon after departed out of Egypt by the time prefixt I confess said I the two Bayliffs are not so strange as this Adventure and it had been necessary in this juncture that this King had resembled one of our Kings that boasted his Horse carry'd all his Council but if you please let us return unto Pompey The Hopes replied Caesarion which Ptolomy had in him was the more just because this Illustrious Roman was at that time in the highest pitch of his Glory by reason of the good success in conquering Mithridates Rex post Alex. Max. Cic. Luc. the greatest King that Asia enjoy'd ever since the days of Alexander Two Tribunes of the People one called Lupus the other Caninius being both devoted unto Pompey having in publick read Letters from Ptolomy whereby this Prince desired of the Senate Plut. in Pompe that Pompey might be entrusted with the power of restoring him to his Kingdom thereupon grew up amongst the Senators sundry different Opinions Publius Servilius Isauricus was of opinion not to give him any Assistance at all and it had been so carried by Plurality of Voices had not Caninius opposed himself thereto as his Office of Tribune qualified him Hortensius Marcus Lucullus and Cicero maintain'd that the former Decree of the Senate ought to be observ'd in behalf of Lentulus and that seeing the Oracle permitted him not to re-establish the King by force of Arms it behoved him to find out some other convenient way of restoring him Crassus was of opinion that Commission should be given to three Ambassadors which should be indifferently chose out of the Senate Bibulus a declar'd Enemy of Caesar and by consequence of Pompey his Son in Law concurr'd also in the same Opinion of sending three Ambassadors with Crassus but excepting all such of the Senate which bore any other Office as Pompey and Lentulus did This Opinion was liked by the new Consuls Marcellus and Philip and generally by all those that had been Consuls except Volcatius an intimate friend of Pompey's and Afranius who had been his Lieutenant against Sertorius and against Mithridates About this time his Geatness became suspected unto most of the Senat especially by reason of his Alliance and Intimacy with Caesar It was observ'd a good while that he always ambition'd the greatest Commands and that as soon as ever one Office was expir'd he presently grasped after some other at any rate so that having put an end to the Civil Wars in Italy which took beginning presently after the death of Sylla he procured to be sent into Spain against Sertorius then soon after against the Pirates afterwards by his Factions he caused Lucius Lucullus to be recall'd in the midst of his successes against Mithridates and to be sent himself in his stead to command the Legions in the East To conclude after the Death of this Prince there being no considerable Wars stirring he obtein'd a new Commission to provide Corn for the speedy releif of the necessities that Italy was then reduc'd unto The Romans thought it no less glorious to supply the wants of their Country than it was to expel their Enemies wherefore this latter Commission stirr'd up all the Envy imaginable against him even those that seem'd to be his Friends before upon this occasion refused to favour his Designe in re-establishing the King of Egypt Plut. in Pom. because he had the Commission of providing Corn for five Years whereas it was against the Laws that any should Execute two Offices at once Notwithstanding all these oppositions Ad Fam. l. 1. Ep. 1. Lucius Libo whose Daughter afterwards Marryed Pompey's youngest Son a Tribune named Plautius Hipsaeus who had been his Quaestor against Mithridates and generally all his Friends so highly declared for him in this Matter that no body made any doubt but that he earnestly desired this Imployment although he declared it not openly himself He had receiv'd too many and publick favours from Lentulus to have dar'd to oppose him openly It was Lentulus that procur'd for him the Power of the Corn business but this important Service which had incurr'd to this Pro-consul the hatred of all those which pretended to this Office did never a whit the more assure him of the Friendship of Pompey for no
to the Country Gods the authority of Ptolomy nor Gabinius not being able to restrain them Behold said I at these words seeing Caesarion make a pause a very strange story from first to last and a strangely various destiny of this Unfortunate King But pray let me know if you please if any thing else of Remarque befel him afterwards there is nothing else known reply'd Caesarion but that a decay'd Knight of Rome called * caius Rabirius Posthumus Pro Rabirio Postumo who had furnish'd or procur'd for him several great sums of Money at Rome when he was fully restored to his Kingdom went to demand payment This Prince told him he fear'd he should never be able to satisfie him unless he would take the care and charge of his Revenues by which means he might by degrees reimburse himself But this Unfortunate Creditour having accepted the offer for fear of losing his Debt The King soon after found a pretext to comit him Prisoner although he was one of the Antientest and best of Caesars friends and that Pompey was also in a manner Caution for the Debt the Money being lent in his presence and the Obligations past by his request at a Country-House of his Neere Alba. But Rabirius had the good Fortune not long after of escaping out of Prison recovering out of Egypt more miserable than he went thither and to compleat this Misery at his return to Rome Suet. in Claud. c. 16. * he was judicially accused to have assisted Ptolomy to corrupt the Senate by the Sums of Money which he had lent him to this purpose that he had forfeited his Honour of Knighthood by the Imployment he had taken upon him in Egypt and that he had corresponded and shared with Gabinius in the Money that had been given him The admirable discourse Cicero made in his defence and which we have yet remaining is an Eternal Monument of the ingratitude and perfidiousness of this unworthy King he dyed in the peaceable possession of Egypt soon after this wicked Action and about four Years after his Restauration An Authentical Copy of his last Will was brought to Rome to be deposited in the publick Treasury having made the People of Rome his Executors he conjru'd the Senat in the name of all their Gods Caution of their Alliance to favour the disposal which he made of his Kingdom to Ptolomy his eldest Son who was afterwards sirnamed Dennis and to Cleopatra his eldest Daughter whom he also enjoyned to Marry togeather according to the custom o● that Country It is also found that Pompey was appointed Guardian to the young King by the People who caus'd him to be so basely Murder'd fower Years after This is in few words said Caesarion what we find upon Record of the Life and Actions of this King Player on Flutes For a Fidler said I I think he was no foole It seemes to me all things confider'd that he could not doe better in his ill Fortune and that he knew to be Cruel Prodigal and Patient for his own ends as occasion requir'd But especially I commend him for engaging Gabinius in his Restoration and were I not loath to be too troublesome to you I would desire to be inform'd what hapn'd to Gabinius afterwards There hapn'd reply'd Caesarion nothing but what must needs come to pass Dion l. 39. Ad Att l. 4. Ep. 16. The Pyrats taking occasion of his absence overrun and wasted all his Government without any resistance and the Publicans of the Neighbour Provinces being able no better than those of Syria by reason of the multitude of Robbers not to convey the Money by land-carriage which they were oblig'd to pay to the publick Treasury at the time prefixt they were forc'd to take up Money at Rome at excessive Interest to doe it to their great Damage The first News that was in Italy of Ptolomy's Restauration being brought to the Waters at Pouzzol whither Recreation as well as Health invited much good company to refort it passed no sooner from thence to Rome but all the several sorts of complaints and greivances which were to be preferr'd against Gabinius were by the parties interested dispers'd about amongst the People so that it was resolv'd to inflict severe Punishments upon this Proconsul at his returne to Rome The Fathers of the Senat were the forwardest in moving the Magistrats to be inform'd of his Crimes and there was nothing less than Death intended for him He had not given the Senat advice of his expedition into Egypt concluding it would be worse censur'd than was that of Judea and the Consul Crassus who was to succeed him in Syria having sent one of his Leivtenants to take possession of the Government in his name Gabinius to compleat his insolency refus'd to resigne although his time was expired But how great soever this affront was to Crassus having a greater love for Money than Honour Gabinius would have soon appeas'd him in so much that Cicero sometime after made a motion in the Senate to publish again the Oracle of the Sybils the more to exasperate Mens minds but Crassus oppos'd himself thereunto as much as Pompey and both of them were so displeas'd at Cicero that they reviled him with his Bannishment You may imagine how this Orator answer'd them seeing he desired no better Subject to insist upon and that his reproach rather animated than discourag'd him To conclude their Consul-ship ending soon after he caused the business to be brought under deliberation The new Consuls Domitius and Appius were not devoted unto Gabinus as were the former Domitius being promoted unto the Dignity in spight of Pompey was upon this score his Enemy Appius was his Ally but he affected Popularity and being moreover very Covetous he was for compelling Gabinius to purchase his Protection So it was agre'd by common Consent that the Oracle should be again published Although Gabinius had been remov'd from his Government from the beginning of the Year DCXCIX by Crassus himself who went the end of the precedent Year to take possession of it yet he made no hast in coming to Rome he would let the Peoples anger towards him to abate and give time to his Friends to gain and corrupt his Judges and Accusers by the vast Sums of Money he had sent before him to that purpose but hearing that his delay rather exasperated Mens minds against him than not and that the Tribunes displeased with his Stratagems resolved to proceed to his Condemnation in his absence at last he set forwards and on the way gave out that he was going to Rome to demand a publick Triumph of the Senate for his two Expeditions into Judea and Egypt And in effect being arrived neer Rome the 19 of September he enter'd not into the City to rights but stai'd some Miles off as the Generals were wont to doe that pretended unto the Triumph which was no sooner known but he was accus'd of three several Crimes in the usual form
inseparable from those that have much Wit is but a very ill way of making their Court The greatest Part cannot comply in seeing prefer'd before them Persons not worthy to be compar'd unto them and hide many times part of their Merit to prevent Jealousy in others and by seeing Superiors assume unto themselves the Labour and Desert of those which serve under them To conclude to behold Favour with the same respect which is only due to Merit But if there be any found that have the Command over themselves wholly to Sacrifice their Pride when it doth not accord with their Interest those have most commonly some other Failing no less hurtful and that is to be subject to their Pleasures This Defect answer'd I seems not unto me so dangerous as the other there 's Time for all things and Men would be miserable if there was not a time for Recreations Pleasures reply'd Caesarion are a greater hindrance than you Imagine and a Man that enters into the World with high Designs has but few howers to spare if he intends to setle himself in any Creditable way and to appear Expert betimes Moreover nothing doth so insensibly ingage in troublesome Affairs as Love for the most beautiful Woemen are not always the most reasonable nor the least wicked and when once they take up the trade of Gallanting they expose every thing else These be the Baits which Pride and Pleasures lay before Persons of Merit and wherein most do suffer themselves to be insnar'd it is what makes them go astray or at least stops them in their course whilst others not being detain'd by these things go forwards and fill the Places which Persons of Merit might justly have pretended unto If it be so they do ill said I and I do not pity them in the least nevertheless they are to be pity'd said he and if ever you fall into any inconvenience of this Nature you will find it is harder to resist than you imagine I mean of Persons well descended as for those which endeavour to raise themselves only by the Evil which they doe having no other means to becom Great to satisfy their Revenge or their Malice or any of those Passions wherein their Delight does consist in vexing others and never affording any Rest or Contentment to themselves such Persons never find any thing unworthy which may tend unto their Ends nor nothing pleasing as may any way hinder them from attaining their Desires I understand your Meaning answer'd I at these words but I cannot beleive that the greatest number of Persons of Merit are Guilty of these two Faults you have mentioned on the contrary said he these defects are almost inseparable those which are extreamly vain are not Amorous or are not so very long To Love one must think there is want of something which one has not and not be over-well content with ones self so that Persons that are very Amorous cannot well be very Proud Love is such an overflowing Spring of gross Defects that make but ever so little Reflection in this State one shall scarce keep any good Opinion at all of himself So that it is very seldom that any Man is affected with these two different Extreams at once either of them is sufficient to ruine him that entertains it and it often happens that Men pass from one of them to the other Being recover'd from the Love of Glory Men fall into Voluptuousness as Lucullus did and sometimes also from Pleasures Men entertain thoughts of Glory but that 's but seldome It is pity said I that these two Passions so incident unto Persons of good Extraction should be so hurtful unto their Fortunes for I suppose that when they are settled in us it is very difficult to moderate them a thousand times said he more difficult than you can imagine and it is wherein Caesar shew'd himself the Greatest Man that ever was * Pint. in his Life Suet. c. 74 c. one of his Friends is accus'd of the most Criminal Correspondence in the World with his Wife no less than Adultery and Sacriledg both at once and in so publick a Manner that he is arraign'd for it before the severest Tribunal in Rome it was a Person absolutely necessary for his Designs it was necessary to repair this Injury but it was no less convenient not to differ with him that did it there needed an excellent temper of Mind to find an Expedient to reconcile two such opposite Inclinations and any body besides Caesar would have been swayed by the Consideration of his Honour rather than Interest or rather would have taken care of his Glory which was his Interest to have don He put away his Wife saying it was only because shee was suspected and to shew at the same time shee was Innocent he refus'd to produce any Evidence against him that had Debauch'd her If you inquire into his Pleasures you will therein find the same Precaution his Frolicks at Bithinia were only Youthful Extravagancies which were of no great Consequence and could only serve as matter of sport unto some Soldiers in a day of Triumph Suet. c. 49. His Gallantrys at Rome served only to Amuse him no longer than that they were no hindrance to his other Designs but when his discretion became suspected of Treason and that they would Accuse him of a Crime of State for a Paper he receiv'd in the Senat-House because he went about to conceale it Plut. in Cato of Vtic. having don the part of a Gallant in concealing a Ladies Favours he made no difficulty of sacrificing his Mistresses Letter unto the severe Cato who had defi'd him to do it who no sooner looked on it but he saw it was his Sisters hand Cleopatra her self whatever is said of it stai'd him no longer than was necessary to assure the Conquest of Egypt the great Importance whereof at that time is sufficiently known neither did shee hinder him as shee did his Leivtenant afterwards to prosecute the Course of his Victories yet said I shee must needs be more Beautiful then shee was so said he for shee was but 19 Years Old but she had not so much Experience as afterwards and besides she had a particular Kindness for Antonius she was the Mistress of his Master and what Master What you have said of Caesar answer'd I in that he would not prosecute his Wives Gallant puts me in mind of another Husband that I was tould of a while ago which was not altogether so Scrupulous It was the Beautiful Dutchess D'Estampes Husband Mistress unto Francis the first after the Death of this Prince the good Man would needs begin a Law-sute against his Wife which he durst not do any sooner by reason of the great Kindness the King had for the Lady as long as he liv'd and having occasion to prove this nice Point in open Court These Informations are to be seen in the King 's Library he caus'd Informations to be made wherein
Cicero adds afterwards Sed haec aut sanabuntur cum veneris aut ei molesta erunt in utro culpa erit ibid. continues he will more surprise you But concludes he either you will compose these matters when you arrive here or which ever of you both are in the wrong it will fare the worse with him This Discourse which seems so unreasonable was the very Truth it self The Reputation of Atticus's Wisdom and Probity was so well setled that no body in Rome would scarce have question'd it although his proceedings at all times were not the fairest He was one of those kind of Sparks that was neither Eminent by Birth nor by Office nor by any extraordinary Parts but made himself be talkt of by an affected way of Living and of being admitted into Great mens company who for the most part are not the hardest to be deceiv'd For which purpose it is enough to have store of Wealth and a great deal of Wit to be born with a temper incapable of violent Passions neither good nor bad and with a great stock of indifferency for Truth and Justice that can see these divine Virtues violated and be able to violate them when 't is for ones Interest It is requisit to be naturally neither a Deceiver nor Unjust that one should in most occasions practise these Virtues in shew and seemingly because in a great measure it is more useful to be Just and Sincere than to be otherwise Also it is requisit to appear a Friend equally alike to all sorts of persons and not to be so truly to any body Not much to frequent ones Equals and neither to despise them With these qualities it is an easie matter to insinuate into great Mens company especially if ones behaviour be not Offensive If such a person as this will also force himself to flatter great Persons in their follies wherewith they are most pleas'd praise them for qualities which they really have and for which every body blames them and for those they think they have and that every body knows they have not how do they delight in such a Person and how do they cry him up But especially if he holds in favour with those that are at enmity amongst themselves then he becomes alike useful to both party's they both vie in his commendation and others seeing Persons so divided agree in admiring him it 's presently beleiv'd it can only be pure Merit that can so unite them and so conceive a good opinion of him which Si liberius ut consuesti agendum putatis ep 12. l. 5. ad fam Sanctissimi hominis atque integerrimi illahumanitate illis studiis artibus doctrina diffusing abroad do's insensibly create this shadow of Reputation wherewith those are deluded that do really want it themselves Such a kind of Person was Atticus but his Antagonist was a Man of another Temper and of a make altogeather as Solid and Sincere as that of Atticus was Forc'd and Artificial He was call'd Lucius Lucceius and was of a very good Family He wrote the History of his times with much Honour and Eloquence as may be judg'd by Cicero's desiring him to write that of his Consulship apart and with that Freedom and Sincerity which was so Natural to him Pro Caelio The same Cicero in a publick Act applauds The integrity of his life his virtue Mehercule vir optimus mihi amicissimus ad Att. l. 1. Ep. 17. goodness and learning with a greatness that cannot be the least question'd especially considering that writing to Atticus himself about their difference he cannot forbear to call the same Lucceius a very honest Man and his very good Friend He was afterwards Competitor with Caesar and Bibulus for the Consulship Sueto c. 19. ad Att l. 4. Ep. 16. Optimates viri boni ad Att. passim and was refus'd it for no other reason but for Corresponding with Caesar against Bibulus For this Familiarity made him be suspected by the great Men which were call'd the Honest Party and declar'd Enemies to Caesar But as they could not exclude this great Man and that 't was of great Moment to the Common-Wealth that he should not have the Colleague he desir'd they us'd such extraordinary means to frustrate Lucceius that at last they effected their desires and and chose Bibulus in his stead It appears that failing in this design he quitted all farther pretensions doubting the success by reason of his many great and powerful Enemies and in all likelihood the very great sincerity of Life that he profess'd and practis'd made him give over the Correspondence he had maintain'd with Caesar for which reason he imploy'd him not in the Civil Wars as he did all his other friends and kept himself all that time in the Country or privately in Rome at his Study or other Domestick Affairs But if you desire to know him more particularly than by what I have already said you may be pleas'd to read a Letter which he wrote to Cicero upon the death of his dear Daughter Tullia Methinks it shews so much tenderness wisdom and discretion that I was much pleas'd in Translating it At these words Caesarion opening a little Manuscript full of Translations made by him which I since copy'd out I there read this which follows LVCCEIVS his Letter to CICERO IF you are in Health I am glad of it for my part I am much after one rate or rather something worse than I use to be I went to visit you but was surpris'd to hear you were gone out of Rome as soon as you had left me and am still so not imagining what should oblige you thereto If you are best pleas'd with privacy and retirement to write and study after your usual manner I rejoyce at it and am very far from blaming you for one can neither be better employ'd in these sad times wherein we live nor in more flourishing and happy days especially such a rare Genius as yours which seeks a little respite from the trouble of your great Imployments and that always produceth something delightful unto others and glorious for your self But if it be wholy to give your self up to grief as you did here that you are retir'd then am I sensibly concern'd for you because you suffer But if you suffer me to speak my mind I cannot approve your conduct For can it be that you whose judgement penetrates the most hidden things don't perceive that your continual sorrowing do's you no good at all and that you only increase your affliction which your discretion should rather mitigate But if I cannot prevail with you by my perswasions I beg it of you in kindness and by all the respect you have for me I conjure you to give off this doleful kind of living and return to the enjoyment of your friends or if you desire to live solitary in living at least with your self as you were wont to do before your misfortune do
thing indeed could assure it Cicero who knew him better than any Man and who had the greatest Obligation unto the same Proconsul for his being releas'd from Banishment ceased not to importune Pompey in favour of their common Benefactor and as this Oraror in this Rancounter perform'd the part of a grateful friend Pompey on his part thought best to dissemble his Ingratitude so far as to make a Speech in the Senat-House Pompeius fremit queritur sed utrum fronte an mente dubitatur l. 1. Ep. 14. Ad Att. with all the Vigour and seeming Kindness could be in behalf of Lentulus But there was very little credit given to it he was observ'd to compass his Ends by such oblique Courses that there was no trust given * to any thing he either did or said You give there said I interrupting him at these words a strange Character of the great Pompey and I could never have thought it by his Surname and great Reputation You meane answer'd Caesarion the Pharsalia but you shall find afterwards that Lucan has represented him quite different from what he was and that many times there is no good ground for the greatest Reputations I confess answer'd I at my turn if things were as you say Lentulus deserves to be pity'd for there can nothing be more cruel than to be abus'd by a Person that one has serv'd and to be expos'd to the Malice of Enemies that one has got by serving his Friend But I expected however that Pompey's Enemies would forbeare persecuting Lentulus when they saw he was betray'd by him You are much deceiv'd answered Caesarion this Treason repair'd not the micheif don them by Lentulus in preferring Pompey before them and their hatred was no way mitigated on the contrary they us'd all means possible in protracting the business because it could not be terminated but in favour of the Pro-Consul for not agreeing to employ Pompey in the business nor any one else to his prejudice should a final resolution be taken they could not avoid confirming the former Act of the Senat which had nominated Lentulus on the termes the Oracle had prescrib'd of setling the King of Egypt otherwise than by force of Armes In effect the Opinion of Bibulus of granting a Commission about the the matter in agitation to three Ambassadours excluding amongst others Pompey and Lentulus out of the number because they were possess'd of other Offices was not insisted upon next day as it had been till then and there was only deliberated about those which confirm'd Lentulus and those which propos'd Pompey The usual form was that they should first confider that which confirm'd Lentulus because it had been propos'd by Consulary Persons whereas the other had only been propos'd by the Tribunes But Lupus one of those Tribunes seeing which way the Senat was inclin'd fear'd that if they should begin to deliberate upon Lentulus that he he would be confirm'd in spight of his Enemies to prevent this Danger and to use his last endeavour in in his friends behalf it came into his minde to propose that it was most expedient to deliberate of Pompey first Most of the Senatours highly rejected this Innovation but the Consuls did not so they were ever of the Judgment of Bibulus equally contrary both unto Lentulus and Pompey But seeing the cause almost deserted they sided with those that favour'd Pompey not with intent to confirm him but with a Design to hinder Lentulus's friends from confirming him in spending all the Session as the former had been in frivolous Disputes To this purpose they declar'd not as the others did against the Tribunes unaccustom'd proceeding neither did they much regard it and keeping up the Feud amongst the several Factions by this dubious proceedings instead of composing differences which they might easily have don by their Authority they did what they desir'd which was that nothing at all should be don and so they parted the third time without coming to any Conclusion The Enemies of Lentulus for to frustrate his Pretensions only needed to stave it off to the Sitting following which was to be the * Ad. Fam. l. 1. Ep. 4. 15 of January because the Senate could not meet all the rest of the Month for sundry reasons that time being appointed for giving Audience to Ambassadors so that no other business was to be heard until they were dispatch'd The last day therefore of this Session Curion the Father who had not hitherto appear'd in the Matter spake smartly both against Pompey and against Lentulus And although Bibulus had almost declin'd the Opinion which he at first gave of joyning with the friends of Lentulüs against Pompey Pompey's party grew so insolent and took such Liberty in speaking that every one spake and concluded what they listed so that this Sitting also was as fruitlesly spent as the others had been before Yet although the pretensions of Lentulus were still delay'd by these Artifices the Tribune Cato fearing yet that it might succeed propos'd to the People about the beginning of February to discharge him of his Government of Cilicia His Son as the manner was in the like cases went into mourning to solicit for his Father and his friends used all manner of Endeavours in his behalf It was strictly prohibited to treat with the People about any business whatsoever on the Days wherein the flight of Birds was observed and all Magistrats having the priviledg to observe them when they pleas'd Lentulus's friends made use of this Artifice to hinder the People from deliberating of Cato's Proposition against him A little while after another Tribune called Lucius Racilius who was his Friend removed this obstacle by interposing his Authority after the usual form according to the priviledg of his Office For when a Tribune oppos'd himself unto what the rest had propos'd they could not proceed any farther without the concurrence of the People which was difficult and rare to be seen During these Transactions Pompey making a Speech to the People about another business instead of receaving thanks and commendations he was scoff'd and revil'd amongst other things he was tax'd for starving the People for want of Corn their indignation proceeded so farr that they accus'd him of the most horrible Crimes but especially they jeer'd him publickly at his design of restoring the King of Egypt The Tribune Cato some time after in the Senat pressed him so hard and was so favourably heard by the whole Assembly that Pompey how close soever he carri'd it could not at least conceale his trouble and grief These two misfortunes having plainly discover'd unto him the Envy which all the World bore him made him wholly lay aside all farther thoughts of the business of Egypt And some time after Lentulus writing to him in such a way as if he believ'd he never had thoughts of seeking after it he was so pleas'd with the Letter that he forthwith imbrac'd Cicero's opinion of the thing in wishing it to their
Common friend I perceive then said I it was not Pompey alone that knew how to dissemble in those dayes and Lentulus knew how to doe it as well as him It is not a thing to be blam'd reply'd Caesarion to wink at the failing of our friends when this Connivance may recal them to their Duty on the contrary ther 's nothing more manly and generous and that was the case as you see of Lentulus But to dissemble as Pompey did by his evil designs against his friend and to leave no meanes unattempted to effect them is the basest of all treacheries But what expectation reply'd I could Cicero have for Lentulus and what could this Proconsul do without imploying open Force against a great Kingdom where the fame of the Oracle had been spread which enjoyn'd that it should not be attaqu'd by open Force You are not very deep sighted answer'd Caesarion The Oracle only prohibited furnishing the King with an Army to re-establish him Could not Lentulus have left the King as 't were incognito in some place near the Borders and in the mean time with a good Army goe beseige Alexandria then when he had taken it leaving good Garrisons behind him come back and send the King into his Kingdom who should find all places ready to receive him and were not this said I to re-establish him by force of Armes against the Prohibition made by the Sybil not at all reply'd Caesarion for in the time Lentulus subdu'd the Egyptians the King was not with him and when the King was return'd there was no Army and so it could not be said that he had an Army given him to restore him to his Country You jeere said I to reason after this manner as if it were not all one that Ptolomy had been with Lentulus or had not been with him seeing the Proconsul subdu'd Egypt by force You are dul of Apprehension reply'd Caesarion but if you will not believe me it may be you will give more credit to Pompey and Cicero Harken then to the very words of this Oratour writing to Lentulus as well in his own Name as in Pompey's It is for you to judge what you can undertake being Master of Cilicia and Cyprus and if you conceive it feasible to take Alexandria and the rest of Egypt doubtless it is for your Credit and for the Republicks that you should hasten thither with your Fleet and Army leaving the King at Ptolomais or some other adjacent place to the end that when you have appeas'd the Rebellion and plac'd good Garrisons every where the King might returne thither In this manner you will re-establish him as the Senat at first appointed you and he will be restor'd without Force as our Zealots affirm the Sybil appointed it should be done Sic have to me cum illo re saepe communicata de illius ad te sententia autoritate scribere Te posse perscribere qui Ciliciam Cyprumque tenes quid officere quid consequi possis si res facultatem habitura videatur ut Alexandriam atque Aegyptum tenere possis esse tui nostri Imperii dignitatis Ptolemaide aut aliquo propinquo loco Rege collocato te cum classe atque exercitu proficisci Alexandriam ut cum illam pace praesidiisque firmaris Ptolomaeus redeat in regnum Ita fore ut per te restituatur quemadmodum initio Senatus censuit sine multitudine reducatur quemadmodum homines religiosi Sibyllae placere dixerunt Ad Famil l. 1. Ep. 7. You see by this continued Caesarion making a little pause the truth of what I told you at first that in the main the Sybil's Books were not much valu'd For Cicero adds in plain Terms that how strange soever the advice he gives to Lentulus does appear all the World should judge of it by the Success so that he should only be careful to take his measures so well as to be sure not to fail in his Design and if he did not he had as good do nothing at all I freely confess that I should never have thought of such a cunning peice of Policy reply'd I being able not to contain any longer and I see thereby Heaven may be compounded with at any time But pray let me know if this Project succeeded Lentulus reply'd Caesarion did not think himself strong enough to follow this Counsel and the Troops which he could privately have furnished Ptolomy withal appeared not sufficient unto this Prince to restore him without the Presence of the Pro-Consul But there was another which commanded at the same time in Syria who was not altogether so scrupulous It was Aulus Gabinius one tutour'd by Catiline of whom he had been tenderly belov'd in his Youth and his Actions did not derogate from his Education He was esteem'd a great Dancer Dion l. 39. Strab. l. P7 ad Catilinam amatorem suum Ejus vir Catilina l. 3. c. 14. as Ptolomy was a Player upon the Flute he rifled his own Province worse than the Banditty or wild Arabians would have done had they had their Will But especially he exercised his Cruelty against all sorts of Publicans out of Envy against the Order of Knights they were of who had in an eminent manner defended Cicero against him for it was under his Consulship and especially by his Authority that this Orator was condemn'd to to Banishment Ex eventu homines de tuo consilio existimaturos si exploratum tibi sit non cunctandum sin dubium non conandum ibid. His proceedings had rendr'd him so odious at Rome that having according to Custom given the Senat advice of a War De Provin Consular in Pisonem ad Q.F. l 2. Ep. 7. that he had began and brought to a happy Conclusion against the Kings of Judea his Letters were slighted and little or no notice taken of them which had never been done before unto any else besides neither would the Senate vouchsafe to thank the Gods in his Name But he grew never the wiser nor better for this disgrace There being no more to be got in Syria which he had utterly ruin'd by his Oppressions he design'd a War against the Arabians when Mithridates Prince of the Parthians came to crave his assistance who was expell'd by the King his Brother out of Media which had been assigned unto him for his Portion Although it was strictly prohibited by Law that no Pro-consul should go out of his Province nor undertake or declare any War whatsoever without the Senate's express Order yet Gabinius made no Scruple of ingaging in this Quarrel in hope of making advantage of the great Riches of these two Princes by their mutual animosities He had already passed Euphrates with his Army to this purpose when Ptolomy met him with Letters from Pompey the Friend and Protector of them both who was then newly declared Consul for the ensuing Year by which Letters he conjur'd Gabinius to hearken to the Proposals this Prince
should make him concerning his re-establishment in his Kingdom Whether it was out of regard to the Sybils Oracle or that the Parthian War seem'd less difficult and more profitable than that of Egypt most of the cheifest Men about Gabinius declared themselves against Ptolomy Antonius only excepted who though very Young Ap. l. 5. Plut. in Ant. commanded the Cavalry and was afterwards one of the Triumvirs and an intimate friend of this Prince But the more the business was dislik'd the more Gabinius resolv'd to be courted and to make his advantage by it Ptolomy who resolv'd to spare no cost to procure his consent offer'd for the General and the Army Ten Thousand Talents which amounts in our Money to about Seventeen Millions the greatest part to be paid in advance and the rest as soon as he was restor'd It was no hard matter for Antonius to prevaile with Gabinius to accept this offer who thirsted more after it than he himself Egypt was govern'd by the King 's Eldest Daughter who I told you was Proclaim'd Queen when the King sled away The Syrian Prince that Marryed her prov'd a very mean and brutish Person Whether it was his Natural Love to Riches or that he thought not himself well Establish'd he resolved to make use of his Time His first care was to take the Body of Alexander the Great out of the Coffin of Massy Gold which he converted to his own use having till then lain quietly therein and caus'd it to be put into one of Glass But this and several other the like Actions by him done render'd him equally odious unto the Queen and her Subjects so that she caus'd him to be strangl'd not long after And the friends of this Princess seeing the need shee had of the Support and Counsel of some Person of eminent Fortune and Merit against her Fathers designs they made choise of one of the Princes of the greatest Fame in all the East for her second Husband He was nam'd Archelaus Son of the great Mithridates though he was not really but the Son of his Leivtenant This Leivtenant being suspected by his Prince about his managment of a Treaty with Sylla thought it his wisest way in time to change his Party to preserve his life and joyning himself to the Romans he much enrich'd himself thereby and also receiv'd the titles of Friend and Allye of Rome His Son following his Example ingaged also in the same party and was made Prince of Comagene by Pompey in recompence of Service perform'd by him Having contracted an intimate Friendship with Gabinius in a time when this Proconsul made War in those Provinces under other Generals as soon as he came to command in cheif in Syria this Prince went to him with a designe of attending him in the Parthian War there to Merit by his Service new Favours and Commands under the Romans But the Senate not approving this designe and the Queen of Egypt soliciting him at the same time he withdrew himself privatly from Gabinius to consummate his Marriage Strab. l. 17. judging the Romans would hinder it should they have knowledg of it About six Months after this Marriage and in the Spring of the yeare D CX CV III under the Consulship of Pompey and Crassus Gabinius left his Province to the care of his Son Dion l. 39. T. liv 105. Egesip l. 1. c. 21. Jose Plut. in Anto. who was but young and weakly guarded and with his Army marched through Palestine towards Egypt He received all the assistance could be desired from Antipater the Father of Herod the Great into whose hands he committed the chief Power of those Countries after the Wars I told you he had in those parts The greatest difficulty at present was what course was best to take from thence to the fronteers of Egypt over great and deep sands full of Serpents or by the Fens and Marshes of the Lake Sirbonides in either of which there was no fresh water to be had But Antonius marching before with the Cavalry had so well prepar'd the way for the rest of the Army that it all arriv'd safely at Pelusium It was a large strong and populous Sea-port Towne which was as may be said the Key of the whole Kingdom and the only convenient Haven neere the Sea But it being cheifly inhabited and defended by Jews whose neighbourhood togeather with the conveniency of Traffique invited them thither it was no difficult matter for Antipater by the familiarity and commerce he had with them to perswade them to deliver the City to the Romans Ptolomy being transported with Joy at so happy a beginning also with rage against the Egyptians would have put all that were in the City to the Sword but that Antonius disswaded him from it The Army being divided into two Battalions soon after marched forwards and meeting that of Egypt commanded by Archelaus fought and took Archelaus prisoner and defeated his Army Gabinius might soon have put an end to this War in carefully keeping this Prince in whome the Queen and the Egyptians put their whole confidence But he thought that if he should so soon settle Ptolomy and with so little labour this Prince would use some pretext of breaking his word and not pay the Mony according to his promise He therefore thought it better to get as great a Ransom as he could by his Prisoner and to give him opportunitys of making his escape in consideration of their former friendship Afterwards he caus'd his Fleet to saile up the River where they met the Egyptian Fleet which was also worsted and then he march'd directly to Alexandria with his Land-forces Archelaus being retir'd thither march'd forth with his Army to give him Battel Valer Max. l. 8. c. 1. When he encamped and would intrench himself the Egyptians cry'd out that he should get Mercenaries to work at the publick charge if he would you may easily guess what resistance such Soldiers would make Archelaus who in all likelihood acquitted himself better than his Soldiers Dio. l. 1. P. 58. Caesar l. 3. of Sivil War T. lib. 6. 150. Strab. l. 12 17 in Pison Dion l. 39. ad Att. l. 4. Ep. 9. Por. in Easub Ege l. 1. c. 2. caus'd himself seeing all was lost to be kill'd Antonius having contracted friendship with this Unfortunate Prince whilst he was with Gabinius caus'd his Body to be found out amongst the Slain and to be Royally Interr'd Gabinius plac'd very strong Garrisons of Gauls and Germans in Alexandria under Roman Commanders Ptolomy being thus restor d to his Kingdom caus'd the Queen his daughter to be Slain and also the chiefest Men of the Kingdom under pretext that they favour'd the Revolt but it was truly to seiz their Goods to satisfy Gabinius The Egyptians suffer'd all these Oppressions without Murmuring But a few dayes after a Roman Soldier for killing a Cat by accident was by the common People cut in peices on the place for the violation done
by Tiberius Nero Father of the Emperour of that name and by Cajus and Lucius Brothers to the same Antonius that was afterwards Tryumvir and that commanded his Cavalry The great Cato who I told you had the intervew with Ptolomey at Rhodes presided in this Judgment in quallity of Praetor He had been indispos'd and for that reason Judgment was deferr'd the Judges were also chang'd but Gabinius thought himself so fully accquitted that he took not the paines nor trouble to gaine them Pompey having still the charge of the Corn business was absent from Rome repairing the dammages made by the Inundation of the River which had ravadged destroy'd and spoil'd vast quanteties of Grain and the most fertile Feilds of all Italy But receiving advice of the danger Gabinius was in he came as near the City as he could to try to save him once more and his Office not permitting him to enter into the City he assembled the People without the Walls and harrangu'd them to that effect He publickly read Letters from Caesar wherein he recommended Gabinius unto him with all the affection that could be and for the last Remedy he prevail'd with Cicero Dion 39 Valer. Max. l. 4. c. 2. to plead for him for which this Orator was surnamed Turn-coate to reproach either his weakness or inconstancy I perceive then said I at these words Pompey was as zealous a Friend as Cisero was a weak Enemy Pompey reply'd Cesarion had as all ambitious Men have the vulgar Maxim which almost comprehends the skill of rhe Pollititians of these times to be a good Friend and a cruel Enemy without any Judgment in choosing Friends or Enemies But neither he nor they need be oblidg'd to venture so far for their Friends if there were none but good Men. It 's only for bad Men that these extraordinary endeavours of Credit and Authority need be used and how bad a business soever befals an honest Man the regular forms are always sufficient to bring him off So that this resolvedness and great zeale which is shewn for defending and protecting vitious Persons is so far from being Praise-worthy that nothing is more odious and detestable seeing that in effect it hath only self-interest or Vanity for its Motive and Injustice for its Scope Beware of Digression answer'd I and pray let me know if Gabinius was condemn'd or accquitted this second time He was condemn'd said Caesarion to perpetual Bannishment and his goods confiscated notwithstanding the power of Pompey and Eloquence of Cicero But Caesar esteeming him one of the best Commanders in Rome making himself Master of the Republick six Years after he recal'd him out of Bannishment and gave him the Command of a little Army in Illyria Caesar de Bell. Allex. App. in Illiric where he was routed by the Barbarians of the Country and being forc'd to fly to Salonia he there ended his dayes not long after The End of the Second Day CAESARION The Third Day IF you did not know as well as I that Nature had endow'd your Friend with two of the most incomparable Talents in the World I mean a prodigious Memory and an excellent Judgment you would scarce beleive that he recited to me extempore the Histories that I have related to you Although I had heard much of his great Accomplishments yet I was not a little surpris'd for he look'd not past three or four times on his Books and Papers to make so long a Narration and he had all he said as ready in his mind as if he related to me his own particular concerns I was only desirous to be satisfi'd where 't was that he read and found so many considerable things as he mention'd to me and which I do not remember to have Read in the Greek nor Roman Historians which wrote of those Times His demeanour in all things were very modest and obliging meeting him the next day as I walked upon a Terrass that fronted his House towards the Valley I could not forbear asking him and he soon answer'd me puting a Book into my hand that he was Reading as if he should say that 't was from thence he collected all that I thought he had invented in his own Brain I open'd the Book very hastily but my curiosity was not much satisfi'd when I saw it was nothing but Cicero's Epistles As the Reading of those Epistles at the University made no great impression on my mind so I was the more surpris'd at what I saw he began to laugh at my astonishment and said unto me that I should not be troubl'd that it was not me he blam'd but my Tutors because it was their fault more than mine if I had not rellish'd the sweetness of the most pretious remains of Antiquity That he had often admired in himself how those Docters could pretend to know the nice and finest things in the World when they did not understand them and that I should be no less surpris'd if I would but Read over those Letters with him that had been so irksom to me heretofore You may well beleive I took him at his word Having therefore open'd the first Book of those to Atticus he Read out two or three of them which treated of the same Matter and as I intimated to him the great desire I had to heare him on this Subject he delay'd sattisfying me no longer but till such time as we retir'd into the Closet where he so pleasantly entertain'd me the Day before What delights me most of all said he of the practise of the Antients is the regularity of their Friendship it is the only thing wherein they most of all Excel us and wherein we least strive to equal them On the contrary should any one at this time practise this regularity he would be esteem'd Ridiculous the best of his friends would admire him for the infinite advantages of being belov'd after this manner whilest others would impudently deride it But all in general would look upon him as a friendly Tyrant if he expected they should be as regular towards him as he is punctual to them It was not so that Men liv'd in Greece in the days of Zenophon this Regularity so little practis'd amongst us was then lookt upon as an indispensable Duty All aspir'd unto it as a quality absolutely necessary for every body to have they boasted of it as of the most shining Vertues They Dyed said this Illustrious Athenian making the Elogy of the Greek Captains his companions that had been perfidiously Massacred by the Treacherous Persians Zen. Ret. of 10. m. l. 2. They dyed having liv'd without reproach either in War or Friendship Who in our times dare use the like comendations in the Funeral Solemnities of our Generals There seems to be as much Heat and Vigour in Friendship now a days as there was formerly but there is not so much Tenderness It has produc'd in our dayes Actions of as great Fidelity Liberality and Courage as ever but I