OBSERVATIONS UPON CAESARS COMENTARIES By CLEMENT EDMUNDES Remembrancer of the cittie of LONDON THE COMMENTARIES OF C. JULIUS CAESAR Of his Warres in GALLIA and the Civile Warres betwixt him and POMPEY Translated into English With Many excellent and judicious OBSERVATIONS Thereupon As also The Art of our Modern Training or Tactick Practise By CLEMENT EDMONDS Esquire Remembrancer of the City of LONDON Whereunto is adjoyned The EIGHTH COMMENTARY of the Warres in GALLIA With some short Observations upon it Together with The LIFE of CAESAR and an Account of his MEDALLS Revised Corrected and Enlarged LONDON Printed by R. DANIEL and are to be sold by Henry Tvvyford in Vine-Court Middle Temple Nathaniel Ekins at the Gunne in St. Paul's Church-Yard and Iohn Place at Furnivalls Inne Gate in Holburn 1655. TO THE PRINCE SIR HAving ended this task of Observations and according to your gratious pleasure and command supplied such parts as were wanting to make up the Totall of these Commentaries it doth return again by the lowest steps of humblenesse to implore the high patronage of your Princely favour emboldened specially because it carrieth Caesar and his Fortunes as they come related from the same Author which in the deep Judgement of his most excellent Majesty is preferred above all other profane histories and so commended by his sacred Authority to your reading as a chief pattern and Master-piece of the Art of war And herein your admired wisedome may happily the rather deem it capable of freer passage in that it is not altogether unproper for these happy daies as knowing that War is never so well handled as when it is made an Argument of discourse in times of sweet and plenteous peace The blessings whereof may ever crown your years as the soveraign good of this temporarie life and the chiefest Ornaments of Princely condition The humblest of your Highness servants CLEMENT EDMONDS In CLEMENTIS EDMONDI De re militari ad JUL. CAESARIS Commentarios Observationes CUr creperos motus aperto praelia Marte Edmondus nobis pace vigente refert Cur sensus mentesque Ducum rimatur effert Diserteque Anglos bellica multa docet Scilicet ut media meditetur praelia pace Anglia belli potens nec moriatur honos Providus haec certe patriae depromit in usus Ut patriae pacem qui cupit arma parat Guil. Camdenus Cl. To my friend Master CLEMENT EDMONDS WHo thus extracts with more then Chymick Art The spirit of Books shews the true way to find Th' Elixer that our leaden Parts convert Into the golden Metall of the Mind Who thus observes in such materiall kind The certain Motions of his Practises Knows on what Center th' Actions of Mankind Turn in their course and sees their fatalness And he that can make these observances Must be above his Book more then his Pen. For we may be assur'd he men can guesse That thus doth CAESAR know the Man of men Whose Work improv'd here to our greater gain Makes CAESAR more then CAESAR to contain Sam. Daniel To his worthy friend Master CLEMENT EDMONDS OBserving well what Thou hast well Observ'd In CAESARS Works his Warres and Discipline Whether His Pen hath earn'd more Praise or Thine My shallow Censure doubtfully hath swerv'd If strange it were if wonder it deserv'd That what He wrought so fair He wrote so fine Me thinks it 's stranger that Thy learned Line Should our best Leaders lead not having serv'd But hereby Clement hast Thou made thee known Able to counsell aptest to record The Conquests of a CAESAR of our own HENRY thy Patron and my Princely Lord. Whom O! Heav'n prosper and protect from harms In glorious Peace and in victorious Arms. JOSUAH SILVESTER TO MY FRIEND MASTER CLEMENT EDMONDS Epigramme NOt Caesar's deeds nor all his honours wonne In these West-parts nor when that warre was done The name of Pompey for an Enemie Cato to boot Rome and her libertie All yielding to his fortune nor the while To have ingrav'd these Acts with his own stile And that so strong and deep as might be thought He wrote with the same spirit that he fought Nor that his Work liv'd in the hands of foes Un-argu'd then and yet hath fame from those Not all these Edmonds or what else put to Can so speak Caesar as thy Labours do For where his person liv'd scarce one just age And that ' midst envy ' and Parts then fell by rage His deeds too dying save in books whose good How few have read how fewer understood Thy learned hand and true Promethean Art As by a new creation part by part In every counsell stratageme designe Action or Engine worth a note of thine T' all future time not only doth restore His Life but makes that he can dye no more Ben. Johnson Another of the same WHo Edmonds reads thy book and doth not see What th' antique Souldiers were the modern be Wherein thou shew'st how much the later are Beholden to this Master of the Warre And that in Action there is nothing new More then to varie what our Elders knew Which all but ignorant Captains will confesse Not to give Caesar this makes ours the lesse Yet thou perhaps shalt meet some tongues will grutch That to the world thou shouldst reveal so much And thence deprave thee and thy Work To those Caesar stands up as from his urne late rose By thy great Art and doth proclaim by me They murder him again that envie thee Ben. Johnson CAIUS IULIUS CAESAR DICTATOR PERPETUUS AETATIS SUAE LVI CAESARIS ELOGIVM C. JULIUS CAESAR Lucii Caesaris F. Lux Caesarum Pater Romanus Alexander Terrae Mars Omnibus tam metuendus quam mitis Pretium fecit servituti Victo orbe Vrbem victricem orbis vicit Defuêre illi hostes hostem habuit Patriam Ne deesset unquam quod vinceret Ingratam Patriam patriis armis puniit Eam vicit invitus quâ vixit invitâ Qui Romae propugnator non regnavit regnavit expugnator Pro Roma triumphârat de Roma triumphavit Amavit tamen inimicam nolenti profuit Saepe à fulmine lauro servatus regiâ Quem inermem timuerunt arma armata necavit toga Cessit Civibus Caesar Caesus Sero cognitum luxit Patria Viventem hostem mortuum vocavit Patrem Parricidium confessa cum patrem dixit Disce lector Melius saepe quae non habes vides quam quae habes THE LIFE OF C. JULIUS CAESAR with certain Historicall Observations upon his Medalls THe excessive Lustre of a million of gallant atchievements successefully performed by Caesar the most illustrious and celebrated Favourite of Fortune hath through all ages so dazzled the greatest part of Mankind especially those both ancient and modern who made it their businesse to describe the great transactions either of their own or former ages that they have not onely parallell'd him with the greatest Heroes of the first ages but have ballanc'd him with Alexander the most generous and the most
assembled when they consulted of warre against the Romans for their right of Burgeship or freedome of the City which was then denied them which warre was called Bellum sociale Marsicum and Italicum There is now nothing remaining of that town but the ruines as a mark of the place where it anciently stood upon a Plain commonly called Pentina or Sant Peligno CHAP. IX Pompey goeth to Brundusium Caesar maketh means to treat with hâ—m POmpey understanding of these things which had past at Corfinium departed from Luceria and went to Canusium and from thence to Brundusium causing all the power he could to be raised by new musters and inrollments arming shepheards and slaves and mounting them on horseback of whom he made some three hundred horse In the mean time L. Manlius the Praetor fled from Alba with six cohorts and Rutilius Lupus Praetor fled from Tarracina with three cohorts who descrying afarre off the Cavalry of Caesar commanded by Bivius Curius forsaking the Praetor turned their Ensignes towards Curius and joyned with him In like manner the dayes following divers other cohorts came in as they marched some to the foot troups and some to the horse Cn. Magius of Cremona master of the works and of the munition in Pompey's Army was taken on the way and brought back to Caesar whom he sent back again to Pompey with commission to treat with him to this effect Forasmuch as there had yet happened no opportunity of meeting or conference he was now determined to seek him at Brundusium for it much imported the Commonweal and every mans safety in particular that they two might conferre together Neither could things be so well handled upon so great a distance of way where the articles of treaty must be carried to and fro by a third party as when they met face to face to conclude of the conditions This message being first given he came to Brundusium with six legions four legions of old souldiers and the other raised by new inrollments or made up as he came along the Countrey for he had presently dispatched Domitius his cohorts from Corfinium into Sicily At his coming he found the Consuls gone over to Dyrrachium with the greatest part of the Army and Pompey remaining at Brundusium with twenty cohorts Neither could he certainly be informed whether he remained at Brundusium to make good the town whereby he might the easier be master of the Adriatick sea and command both the utter parts of Italy and the Regions of Greece and so to keep the warre on foot on the one side and on the other or whether he staied there for want of shipping Howsoever he would not endure that Pompey should think he could not be forced to quit Italy and therefore resolved to stop up the mouth of the Haven and to take away the use thereof which he went about in this manner Where the mouth of the Haven was narrowest he raised great mounts of earth on either side near unto the shore for there the Sea was shallow but going further into the deep where no such mounts could be raised he placed double slottes of wood right against the same mounts of thirty foot square and at the corners cast out four Anchors to fasten them that they might not be tossed up and down by the waves These flottes being thus placed he then added other flottes of the same scantling and covered them with bavin and earth to the end men might come readily upon them to defend them He armed them in front and on each side with hurdies and gabions and on every fourth flotte made a tower of two stories high the better to defend them from violence of shipping and from burning Against this work Pompey sent out great ships of burthen which he found in the Haven armed with towers of three stories high full of munition and all sort of weapons to hinder and disturb the same So that every day they fought afarre off each with other with slings arrows and other casting weapons Which businesse Caesar so carried as being willing not to let fall the conditions of peace if happily it might be effected And albeit he greatly wondered that Magius whom he had sent to Pompey did not return again and that this Treatie so often attempted did hinder much his designes yet he thought it fit by all means to persevere therein and therefore sent Caninius Rebilus one of his Legates an inward friend of and near allied to Scribonius Libo to speak with him commanding him to perswade Libo to mediate a reconciliation and that Caesar himself might speak with Pompey It might be that thereupon both of them would yield to lay down their Arms upon equall conditions the greatest part of which honour would redound to Libo if by his intercession the warre might take an end Libo having heard Caninius went streight to Pompey and within a while returning told him That forasmuch as the Consuls were absent there could be nothing done touching an agreement Whereupon Caesar resolved to let fall the matter of Treaty which he had so often attempted and to prepare for warre THE FIRST OBSERVATION THis accident of taking Cn. Magius hath made known an officer of great place and use in the Roman Army of whom otherwise their Histories make little mention For howsoever there is found in these Commentaries many particular descriptions of admirable and incredible works such as may seem to be made rather by Giants and Cyclopes then any labour of man yet there is no mention of any Praefectus fabrûm or Master of the works in any of Caesar's Armies Howbeit Vegetius expressing their singular care to have in abundance all manner of provisions requisite for an Army saith That to every legion did belong Carpenters Bricklayers Smiths Painters and other Artizans skilfull and fit to build lodgings for their wintering Camps to make Engines and devices for warre such as were their portative or ambulatory towers targets morions corslets bows arrows darts and piles or whatsoever else might serve either for offence or defence Which Artificers were all known by the name of Fabri and he that was Chief and had the command of them was called Praefectus Fabrûm And in like manner Plutarch sheweth that there was such an officer as also that the place was given by the Generall where he saith that Vibius a Sicilian refused to lodge Cicero as he passed to exile through Lucania although that in his Consulship he had bestowed upon him the place of Praefectus Fabrûm And albeit Caesar maketh no mention of any such officer yet Catullus doth it for him in such biting Trimetres as will not be forgotten Quis hoc potest videre quis potest pati Nisi impudicus vorax Helluo Mamurram habere quod Comata Gallia Habebat ultima Britannia Who can this endure to see But must a wanton glutton be That Mamurra should have all Fetch'd from Britan and from Gall Of
with Caesar in adversity had drawn all the multitude of servants and children out of the Country into the Town and shutting up the Gates dispatched Messengers to Scipio and Pompey for succour to be sent unto him in that he was not able to hold out a long siege Scipio understanding of the departure of the Armies from Dyrrachium had brought the legions to Larissa and Pompey did not as yet approach near unto Thessalia Caesar having fortified his Camp commanded Mantelets Ladders and Hurdles to be made ready for a surprize Which being fitted and prepared he exhorted the souldiers and shewed them what need there was for the relieving of their wants and supplying of all necessaries to possesse themselves of an opulent and full town as also by their example to terrifie the other Cities and what they did to do speedily before it could be succoured Whereupon by the singular industrie of the souldiers the same day he came thither giving the assault after the ninth houre notwithstanding the exceeding height of the walls he took the Town before sun-setting and gave it to the souldiers to be rifled and presently removing from thence came to Metropolis in such sort as he outwent as well Messengers as news of taking the Town The Metropolitanes induced with the same respects at first shut up their gates and filled their walls with armed men but afterwards understanding by the Captives whom Caesar caused to be brought forth what had happened to them of Gomphi they presently opened their gates and by that means were all preserved in safety Which happinesse of theirs being compared with the desolation of Gomphi there was no one State of all Thessalia excepting them of Larissa which were kept in with great forces by Scipio but yielded obedience to Caesar and did what he commanded Caesar having now got a place plenteous of Corn which was now almost ripe he resolved to attend Pompey's coming and there to prosecute the residue of that war OBSERVATIONS LIvie saith that the siege of that Place which we would quickly take must be prosecuted and urged hard Which rule Caesar observed for he followed it so hard that he took the Town fortified with exceeding high walls in four houres space or thereabouts after he began to assault it Which Plutarch saith was so plentifully stored of all necessary provision that the souldiers found there a refection of all the miseries and wants they suffered at Dyrrachium insomuch as they seemed to be new made both in body and courage by reason of the wine victuals and riches of that place which were all given unto them according to that of Xenophon Lex inter omnes homines perpetua est quando belligerantium urbs capta fuerit cuncta corum esse qui eam ceperint corpora â—orum qui in urbe sunt bona It is a generall Law amongst all men that when an Enemies town is forcibly taken all that is found in it as well bodies as goods is at their disposall who have taken it Appian saith the Germans were so drunk that they made all men laugh at them and that if Pompey had surprized them in these disorders they might have paid dear for their entertainment He addeth moreover to shew the stiffenesse of the inhabitants against Caesar that there were found in a Surgeons Hall twenty two principall Personages stiffe dead upon the ground without appearance of any wound having their goblets by them and he that gave the poison sitting upright in a Chair as dead as the rest And as Phâ—lip having taken Acrolisse in the Country of the â—â—tirians drew all the rest to his obedience through the fear they conceived of their usage so the consideration of the calamity which befell Gomphi and the good intreaty which the Metropolitans found by yielding unto Caesar brought all the other Cities under his command CHAP. XXIX Pompey cometh into Thessalia his Army conceiveth assured hope of victory POmpey a few dayes after came into Thessalia and there calling all the Army together first gave great thanks to his own men and then exhorted Scipio's souldiers that the victory being already obtained they would be partakers of the booty and of the rewards and taking all the legions into one Camp he made Scipio partaker both of his honour and authority commanding the Trumpets to attend his pleasure for matter of direction and that he should use a Praetoriall Pavilion Pompey having strengthened himself with an addition of another great Army every man was confirmed in his former opinion and their hope of victory was increased so that the longer they delaâ—ed the matter the more they seemed to prolong their return into Italy And albeit Pompey proceeded slowly and deliberately in the business yet it was but a daies work But some there were that said he was well pleased with authority and command and to use men both of Consular dignity and of the Praetorian order as his vassals and servants And now they began to dispute openly concerning rewards and dignities of Priesthood and pointed out those which from year to year were to be chosen Consuls Others begged the houses and goods of such as were with Caesar Besides a great controversie that further grew between them in open councell whether L. Hirrus were not to be regarded at the next election of Praetors being absent and imploied by Pompey against the Parthians And as his friends urged Pompey with his promise given at his departure requiring he might not now be deceived through his greatnesse and authority the rest running a course of as great danger and labour saw no reason by way of contradiction why one man should be respected before all others And now Domitius Scipio and Spinther Lentulus began to grow to high words in their daily meetings concerning Caesar's Priesthood Lentulus allâ—aging by way of ostentation the honour that was due to his age and authority Domitius vaunting of the credit and favour he had at Rome and Scipio trusting to Pompey's alliance Moreover Atius Rusus accused L. Afranius to Pompey for betraying the Army in Spain L. Domitius gave out in councell That after the war was ended all such as were of the rank of Senatours should be inquired upon by a triple Commission and that those which were personally in the war should be of the Commission to judge the rest as well such as were at Rome as those that did no service in this war The first Commission should be to clear such as had well-deserved from all danger The second Penall and the third Capitall And to conclude every man laboured either to have a reward or to be avenged of his Enemy Neither did they think so much of the means how to overcome as how to use the victory THE FIRST OBSERVATION THe Tale which the Emperour Frederick related to the Commissioners of Lewis the eleventh King of France concerning the parting between them of the Territories of Charles Duke of
the next year and that the rather because his adversaries proudly made their brag that L. Lentulus and C. Marcellus were created Consuls to deprive Caesar of all honour and authority and that the Consulship was wrested from Sergius Galba though he had more voices on his side because he was a familiar friend of Caesars and had been engaged unto him as his Legate Caesar at his coming among the municipall towns was entertained with extraordinary affection and respect that being his first coming from the warres in Gallia Nothing was omitted that could be devised for the decking and adorning of their gates wayes and places where Caesar should passe All the people came forth with their children to meet him by the way sacrifices were every where offered the temples and market-places were hanged with clothes of tapestrie so that a man would have thought by the expressions of joy there had been some great triumph expected and provided for So great costlinesse was among the richer sort and such hearty expression among the meaner sort When Caesar had lightly passed through all the countreys of Gallia Togata he returned with all speed to his army at Nemetocenna and calling all his legions out of their winter-quarters into the countrey of the Treviri he went thither and there mustered them T. Labienus he made governour of Gallia Togata thereby to get himself the more favour and furtherance in his suit for the Consulship He himself removed from one place to another according as he found it necessary for health And albeit he heard oftentimes that Labienus was solicited strongly by his enemies and was also advertised how it was carried on by a small faction at Rome to take away part of his army from him by a decree of the Senate yet notwithstanding he neither gave credit to any thing that was reported of Labienus nor would be drawn to do any thing contrary to the authority of the Senate For he believed that if the Senatours might give their voices freely he should easily obtain his purpose For C. Curio Tribune of the people who had taken upon him the defence of Caesar's cause and dignity had oftentimes propounded to the Senate that if the fear of Caesar's army prejudiced any man and seeing that the authority and power of Pompey did not a little keep the Courts in aw that both of them might lay down their arms and dismisse their armies and so should the City be at liberty to use her own right as she pleased This he not only propounded but began to divide the Senat about it which the Consuls and the friends of Pompey commanded should not be done and so ruling the matter as they listed they departed This was a great testimony of the whole Senate and agreeable to their former act For Marcellus the year before opposing Caesar's dignity contrary to the law of Pompey and Crassus and having put up a bill to the Senate for the discharge of Caesar before the time of his commission was expired when they had given their voices Marcellus who sought all his honour by working spight against Caesar departed aside and the Senate fell all of them quite upon other matters This did not at all daunt the spirits of Caesar's enemies but rather stirred them up to strengthen their party and thereby to compell the Senate to approve of that which they had determined Hereupon a decree was made that Cneius Pompeius should send one legion and Caesar another to the warre against the Parthians But it was easily discerned that both these legions were taken from Caesar For the first legion which Cneius Pompeius had sent unto Caesar levied in the Province he gave unto Caesar as one of his own number Neverthelesse albeit that no man need doubt but that Caesar was spoiled at the pleasure of his enemies yet he sent Pompey his legion again and of his own forces he ordered the fifteenth legion which he had in the hither Gallia to be delivered to him according to the decree of the Senate In the room whereof he sent the thirteenth legion into Italy to ly in garrison in the same place from whence the fifteenth was drawn Then he distributed his army into winter-quarters C. Trebonius with four legions he placed in Belgium C. Fabius with as many amongst the Hedui For this he thought would be the best way to keep Gallia in most safety and quiet if the Belgae who were the most valourous and the Hedui who were of most authority had forces quartered among them to keep them in obedience This done he took his journey into Italy When he came thither he understood that the two legions which he had dismissed which by the decree of the Senate should have been employed in the Parthian warre were by C. Marcellus the Consul delivered to Pompey and kept still in Italy Although by this dealing it was evident to all the world what was intended against Caesar yet Caesar determined to take all things patiently as long as he had any hope left to decide the controversy rather by the law then by the sword OBSERVATIONS UPON THE EIGHTH COMMENTARY OF THE VVARRES IN GALLIA SOme attribute the so frequent revolts of the Galles to their changeable and impatient humour which cannot endure to be lorded over by strangers and others to the too great clemency of Caesar I grant that clemency apt to pardon emboldens to revolt for that we easily forget all benefits which do not intirely establish our liberty but if cruelty causeth them lesse frequent yet it renders them more dangerous for that when despair driveth men thereunto and that the hope of safety resteth onely in voctory the revolted become all valiant obstinate constant and faithfull to the end which never falleth out where there is hope of the enemies clemency We have here plentifull examples thereof Caesar in the greater part of the revolts of the Galles hath often found great facilities to reduce them to his obedience by reason of his clemency which hath been a powerfull means for him to make divisions amongst themselves and to prevent obstinacy in their revolts and if sometimes it hath so happened that he hath used severity it hath been occasioned by fowl and unworthy acts as when the Veneti under publick faith imprisoned the Roman officers which came to them to buy corn for the sustenance of the army But I cannot excuse that of Uxellodunum On the contrary the cruelties of the King of Spain executed by the Duke of Alva drove poor fishermen so into despair that they have shaken off his insupportable yoke and with an admirable constancy have maintained and enriched themselves and are grown so potent as that they are able to resist him by land and by sea take from him his treasure in the Indies Caesar sheweth us also by his care and industry to get intelligence of the enemies proceedings whether by taking prisoners in the field or by having good spies the advantage which may be made thereof many
Neither is it the least mischief that the condition of sovereignty is such as will hardly endure reproof but must be disguised as Apollonius corrected Lions by bearing Doggs before them CHAP. II. The Senate proceed against Caesar with all eagernesse THe Senate rising a little before night were all sent for to Pompey He commended the forward for what they had done and confirmed them for after resolutions reprehended such as shewed themselves indifferent and stirred them up to more forwardnesse Many which were of Pompey's former Armies were sent for upon of reward and advancement Many of the two legions which lately came from Caesar were commanded to attend insomuch as the City swarmed with souldiers against the election of new Magistrates C. Cuâ—io called out the Tribunes of the people All the Consuls friends the kinsfolks and allies of Pompey and such others as had any former enmity with Caesar were compelled into the Senate By the presence and votes of these men the weakest were terrified the doubtfull confirmed and the most part were cut off from giving absolute and free voices L. Piso the Censor and L. Roâ—cius the Praetor offered themselves to go to Caesar to advise him of these things requiring but six dayes space to return an answer Others thought it fit that Embassadours should be sent to Caesar to give him notice of the pleasure of the Senate To all these was opposed what the Consul Scipio and Cato thought fit Cato was incited through former enmity and specially by the repulse of the Praetorship Lentulus out of a consideration of his great debts hoping to command an Army to govern Provinces and to receive the liberall acknowledgements of Kings whom he should thereby procure to be stiled with the Title of friends to the people of Rome insomuch as he would not stick to boast in private that he was like to prove a second Sylla on whom the sovereign command of the Empire would be conferred Scipio was drawn on by the same hope of having the government of a Province or the command of an Army which by reason of his alliance he thought to share with Pompey being otherwise afraid to be called into justice as also through flattery and ostentation both of himself and other great friends which were able to sway much as well in the course of justice as in the commonwealth Pompey in his particular was much provoked by Caesar's enemies and specially for that he could endare no man to be his equall He was alienated altogether from Caesar's friendship and had reconciled himself to their common Enemies the greatest part of whom were by his means gained to Caesar in the time of their alliance He was also moved by the dishonour which he had gotten by taking those two legions from their journey towards Asia and Syria and using them for the advancement of his own particular Which things moved him to draw the matter to Arms. For these respects all things were carried â—mpâ—tuously and confusedly neither was 〈…〉 sure given to Caesar's friends to advertise him thereof nor yet to the Tribunes to avoid the danger which was falling upon them or to use their right of opposition which L. Sylla left unto them but within seven dayes after they were entred into their office they were forced to shift for their safety notwithstanding that the most turbulent and seditions Tribunes of former times were never put to look into their affairs or to gâ—ve account of their actions before the eighth Moneth In the end they betook themselves to that extreme and last Act of Senate which was never thought upon but when the city was upon the point of burning or in the most desperate estate of the Commonweal That the Consuls Praetors Tribunes of the people and such as had been Consuls and were resident near about the city should endeavour that the Commonweal might not be indangered This Act was made the seventh of the Ides of January so that the five first dayes in which the Senate might sit after that Lentulus was entred into the Consulship excepting only two dayes for the generall assembly of the people most heavy and cruell Decrees were made against the authority of Caesar and against the Tribunes of the people famous and worthy men who thereupon fled presently out of the city and came to Caesar who being then at Ravenna attended an answer to his easie and modest demands if by any reasonable course matters might be drawn to a peaceable end THE FIRST OBSERVATION IT is the condition of humane nature to make good that which once it hath avouched although the matter be of small consequence in particular and tendeth rather to infamy then to profit neither will it easily be reclaimed by motives of reason but is rather incited thereby per Antiperistasin to persist in wilfulnesse then to hearken to that which is more convenient especially when either jealousie or revenge do imply an advantage for then partiality keepeth no measure but to justifie an errour runnes headlong into all extremities and â—â—eth to the last refuge of desperate and deplored cases to make disordered passions seem good discretion Which evidently appears by Pompey's faction in resolving of that desperate Act of Senate which was never thought of but in most eminent danger For as in foul weather at sea when a ship rideth in a dangerous road and through the violence of the tempest is upon the point of shipwrack the Mariners are wont to cast out a sheet-Anchor as their last refuge so had Rome anciently recourse to this Decree at such times as the Common-wealth was in imminent and extreme calamity whether it were by enemies abroad or by serpents in their bosome at home Livie speaking of the warre of the Aequi saith The Senatours were so affrighted that following the form of the Decree which was alwayes reserved for cases of extremitie they ordained that Post humius one of the Consuls should take care that the Commonwealth might not be endangered The like was used in civile and intestine seditions as when Manlius Capitolinus aspired to a Tyranny and as likewise in the tumults of the Gracchi the conspiracy of Catiline and other times of like danger For albeit the Consuls had all sovereign authority as well in warre as in peace yet neverthelesse there were certain reserved cases wherein they had no power without expresse order from the Senate and assent from the people as to levie an Army to make warre to take money out of the Treasury whereas upon such a Decree they were enabled to dispose of all businesses of State without further moving of the Senate or people which Tully noteth in his Orations against Antonie I think it fit saith he that the whole state of the Commonweal be left unto the Consuls and that they be suffered to defend the same and to take care that the Commonweal be not indangered THE SECOND OBSERVATION I May not omit for the
another place speaking of Scipio The day following saith he to put king Massinissa out of his grief and melancholy he ascended up to his Tribunall and having called an assembly of the souldiers presented him before them where he first honoured him with the appellation of king accompanied with many fair praises and then gave him a crown of gold a cup of gold a chair of State a scepter of Ivory and a long robe of Purple To which agreeth that of Caesar That Ariovistus was by the Senate stiled by the name of King and Friend and presented with great and rich gifts which happened but to few and was only given by the Romans to men of great desert Howbeit such as had governments and imployments abroad did oftentimes make profit of giving this honour whereof Caesar taxeth Lentulus in the former chapter And in this sense was king Juba brought in question to be called by the Senate a Friend and Associate to the State of Rome THE THIRD OBSERVATION TOuching the franchises and liberties of the towns of Italy and others in the dominions of the Roman Empire called Municipia it is to be noted that according to Gellius those were called Municipes that being governed by their own laws and their own Magistrates were neverthelesse endowed with the freedome of Rome And therefore Adrianus marvelled that the Italicenses and Uticenses did rather desire to be Coloni and so tied to the obedience of forreign and strange laws then to live in a Municipall State under their own Rights and Customes and as Festus addeth with the use of their peculiar rites for matter of Religion such as they anciently used before they were priviledged with the immunities of Rome For the better understanding whereof we are to observe that there were degrees and differences of Municipall towns for some had voices with the Roman people in all their elections and susâ—rages and some others had none at all For Gellius in the same place saith that the Cerites obtained the freedome of the City for preserving the holy things of Rome in the time of the war with the Galles but without voice in elections And thence grew the name of Cerites Tabulae wherein the Censors inrolled such as were by them for some just cause deprived of their voices And the Tusculani being at first received into the liberties of the City according to the admission of the Cerites were afterward by the free grace of the people made capable of giving voices The means of obtaining this freedome was first and specially by Birth wherein it was required as may be gathered by Appius Oration that both the Parents as well the mother as the father should be free themselves Howbeit Ulpian writeth that the son may challenge the freedome of the State wherein his father lived and was free So that the father being of Campania and the mother of Puteolis he judgeth the son to belong to Campania According to that of Canuleius That the children inherite the condition of the father as the head of the Family and the better rule to direct in this behalf Neverthelesse Adrianus made an Act of Senate in favour of issue That if the wife were a citizen of Rome and the husband a Latine the children should be Roman Citizens And the Emperour Justinian caused it likewise to be decreed that the mother being a free-woman and the father a bond-man the son should be free Such as were thus born free were called Cives originarii The second means of obtaining this freedome was by Manumission or setting bond-men at liberty for in Rome all men freed from bondage were taken for Citizens and yet rankt in the last and meanest order of the people The third means was by gift or cooptation and so Romulus at first inlarged and augmented Rome Theseus Athens Alexander Magnus Alexandria sited at the out-lets of Nilus and Richard the first London by taking all such strangers into the freedome of the City as had inhabited there for ten years together The Emperours were profuse in giving this honour Cicero slouts Caesar for taking whole nations into the freedome of the City and Antony gave it to all that lived in the Roman Empire Whereupon as Ulpian witnesseth Rome was called Communis Patria Popular States were more sparing in this kind as may be deemed by the answer of one of the Corinthian Embassadours to Alexander We never gave the freedome of our City saith he to any man but to thy self and Hercules And untill Herodotus time the Lacedemonians had never admitted any but only Tisamenus and his brother The priviledges of this freedome were great for the Citizens of Rome were held to be Majestate plenos Is the best man of Gallia saith Tully to be compared with the meanest Citizen of Rome And hence came that law requiring that the life of a Citizen should not be brought in question but by the generall assembly of the people Venres having condemned one Cossanus a Roman Citizen in Sicilia Tully urgeth it as a matter unsufferable Facinus est inquit vinciri Civem Romanum scelus verberari prope parricidâ—um necari quid dicam in crucem agi It is a great crime to bind a Roman Citizen an hainous wickednesse to beat him little lesse then parricide to kill him what then shall I call the hanging of him with many the like examples besides the possibility they were in if their sufficiency were answerable accordingly to become great in the State and consequently Commanders of the Empire CHAP. IV. Caesar tasteth the affection of the Souldiers CAesar understanding of these things called the souldiers together and acquainted them with all the injuries which his Enemies from time to time had done unto him complaining that Pompey was by their practice and means alienated from him and drawn through envy of his good fortune to partialize against him notwithstanding that he had alwaies affected his honour and endeavoured the advancement of his renown and dignity Lamenting likewise the precedent which this time had brought into the State that the Tribunes authority should be opposed and suppressed by Arms which former ages had by force of Arms re-established For Sylla having stript the Tribuneship naked of all rights and prerogatives yet left it the freedome of opposition But Pompey who would seem to restore it to the dignity from which it was fallen did take away that power which was only left unto it The Senate never resolved of that Act That the Magistrates should take a course for the safety of the Commonweal whereby the people were necessarily summoned to Armes but in times of pernicious laws upon the violence of the Tribunes or the mutinie and secession of the people when the Temples and high places of the City were taken and held against the State which disloyalties of former ages were expâ—ated and purged by the fortune and disaster of
other at Rhodes For as many as fled thither after Pompey and came unto the Iland were neither received into the Town nor into the Haven but were commanded by Messengers sent unto them to depart from thence and forced to weigh anchour against their will And now the fame of Caesar's coming was spred abroad throughout all the Cities Whereupon Pompey leaving off his purpose of going into Syria having taken what money he found in Bank besides what he could borrow of his private friends and putting abroad great store of Brasse for the use of war with two thousand Armed men which he had raised partly out of the towns and partly had forced up amongst the Merchants and such others of his followers whom he thought fit for this business he came to Pelusium There by chance was king Ptolemy a child within years with great forces making war against his sister Cleopatra whom a few Months before by means of his Allies and Friends he had thrust out of his kingdome And Cleopatra's Camp was not far distant from his Pompey sent unto him that in regard of ancient hospitality and the amity he had with his Father he might be received into Alexandria and that he would aid and support him with his wealth and means being now fallen into misery and calamity But they that were sent having done their message began to speak liberally to the Kings souldâ—ers and to exhort them that they would stand to Pompey not despising the low ebbe of fortune he was brought to Amongst them were many that had been Pompey's souldiers which Gabinius had received out of his army in Syria and had brought them to Alexandria and upon the ending of the war had left them with Ptolemy the father of this child These things being known such as had the procuration of the kingdome in the minority of the Boy whether they were induced through fear of gaining the Army as afterwards they confessed whereby Pompey might easily seize upon Alexandria and Egypt or whether despising his fortune as for the most part in time of misery a mans friends do become his enemies did give a good answer publickly to such as were sent and willed him to come unto the King but secretly plotting amongst themselves sent Achillas a chief Commander and a man of singular audacity together with L. Septimius Tribune of the souldiers to kill Pompey They giving him good words and he himself also knowing Septimius to have led a Company under him in the war against the Pâ—rats went aboard a little Bark with a few of his souldiers and there was slain by Achillas and Septimius In like manner L. Lentulus was apprehended by commandment from the King and killed in prison THE FIRST OBSERVATION IF it be now demanded Where was Caesar's desire of Peace and Why pursued he not a treaty of Composition at this time when as his tale would have been heard with gladnesse and any conditions of atonement very acceptable to the vanquished the answer is already made in the beginning of this Commentary That there was but one time of making peace that was when both Parties were equall which was now past and Caesar too far gone to look back upon any thing that might work a reconcilement The one was crept so high and the other cast down so low that they seemed not compatible in any Medium although it were to the saving of the Empire Howbeit it is not denied but that Pompey gave great occasion of these wars For Seneca saith He had brought the Commonwealth to that passe that it could not longer stand but by the benefit of servitude And he that will look into the reasons of this confusion shall find all those Causae corrumpentes or ruining causes which are noted by Aristotle to threaten the wellfare of a State in the excesse of Pompey's exorbitancy For having nothing in a Mean he held all his fortunes by the tenure of Nimium and was overgrown first with too much honour secondly with too much wealth thirdly with too much power whereby he exceeded the proportion of his fellow-Citizens and soblemished the beauty of that State whose chiefest graces were in a suting equality And adding to these the convulsions of fear he made no difficulty to ingage Rome in a bloudy war as having no other hope but in the confusion of Arms. It is said that at his arrivall at Mitylene he had much conference with Cratippus whom Tully mentioneth in his Offices wherein amongst other remonstrances the Philosopher made it plain that his course of government had brought a necessity of changing that State from the liberty of a Commonwealth to the condition of a just Monarchy And such it sell to Caesars fortune if there were any errous committed in the seizure he may take the benefit of the generall pardon exemplified by Trebellius Pollio That no Nation can shew a Man that is altogether blamelesse THE SECOND OBSERVATION COncerning the State of Aegypt we are to note that Alexander the Great being cut off by death his Captains laid hold upon such Provinces and kingdomes as were under their commands amongst whom one Ptolemeus the son of Lagus a Macedonian seized upon Aegypt where he reigned 40 years and of him were all his successours called by the name of Ptolemy This first Ptolemy possest himself of Egypt about the year of the world 3640 which was 275 years before Pompey's overthrow His son that succeeded by the name of Ptolemy Philadelphus caused the Bible to be translated out of Hebrew into Greek by 70 Interpreters which are called the Septuagint and made the famous Library which was burned in these wars The Father of this young Ptolemy was the ninth in succession from the first and at his death made the people of Rome Tutors to his children His eldest son and Cleopatra his daughter reigned together six years but in the end fell to strife and wars and were deeply ingaged therein when Pompey arrived But shortly after Caesar so ordered the differences that he set the Crown upon Cleopatra's head who held it peaceably untill she came to play that tragicall part with Antony which being ended the kingdome was then reduced to a Province under the obedience of the Roman Empire Concerning this miserable end of Pompey it is truly said of Seneca that Death is alike to all for although the waies are divers by which it happeneth yet they all meet in the same end And forasmuch as Plutarch hath described particularly the manner of this Catastrophe it shall not be impertinent to insert his relation thereof When Pompey heard news that king Ptolemy was in the City of Pelusium with his Army making war against his sister he went thither and sent a Messenger before unto the king to advertise him of his arrivall and to intreat him to receive him King Ptolemy was then but a young man insomuch that one Photinus governed all the whole Realm under him He assembled a
Councell of the chiefest and wisest men of the Court who had such credit and authority as it pleased him to give them They being assembled he commanded every man in the Kings name to say his mind touching the receiving of Pompey whether the king should receive him or not It was a miserable thing to see Photinus an Eunuch of the Kings and Theodotus of Chio an hired Schoolmaster to teach the young king Rhetorick and Achillas an Aegyptian to consult among themselves what they should do with Pompey the Great These were the chiefest Councellours of all his Eunuchs and of those that had brought him up Now did Pompey ride at anchour upon the shore side expecting the resolution of this Councell in the which the opinions were divers for some would not have him received others consented that he should be received But the Rhetorician Theodotus to shew his eloquence perswaded them that neither the one nor the other was to be accepted For quoth he if we receive him we shall have Caesar our enemy and Pompey our Lord and if we do deny him on the other side Pompey will blame us for refusing him and Caesar for not keeping of him therefore this would be the best resolution he told them to send to kill him for thereby they should win the good will of the one and not fear the displeasure of the other And some say moreover that he added this mock withall A dead man bites not They being determined of this among themselves gave Achillas commission to do it He taking with him Septimius who had charge aforetime under Pompey and Salvius another Centurion also with three or four souldiers besides they made towards Pompey's Gallies about whom were at that time the chiefest of his train to see what would become of this matter But when they saw the likelihood of their entertainment and that it was not in Princely shew nor manner nor nothing answerable to the hope which Theophanes had put them in seeing so few men come to them in a fisher-boat they began then to mistrust the small account that was made of them and counselled Pompey to return back and to launch again into the sea being out of the danger of the hurling of a Dart. In the mean time the fisher-boat drew near and Septimius rose and saluted Pompey in the Roman tongue by the name of Imperator as much as sovereign Captain and Achillas also spake to him in the Greek tongue and bade him come into his boat because that by the shore side there was a great deal of mud and sand banks so that his Galley should have no water to bring him in At the very same time they saw afar off divers of the Kings Gallies which were arming with all speed possible and all the shore besides full of souldiers Thus though Pompey and his company would have altered their minds they could not have told how to have escaped and furthermore shewing that they had mistrusted them then they had given the murderer occasion to have executed his cruelty So taking his leave of his wife Cornelia who lamented his death before his end he commanded two Centurions to go down before him into the Aegyptians boat and Philip one of his slaves infranchised with another slaves called Scynes When Achillas reached out his hand to receive him into his boat he turned him to his wife and son and said these verses of Sophocles unto them The man that into Court comes free Must there in state of bondage be These were the last words he spake unto his people when he left his own Gally and went into the Aegyptians boat the land being a great way off from his Gally When he saw never a man in the boat speak friendly unto him beholding Septimius he said unto him Me thinks my friend I should know thee for that thou hast served with me heretofore The other nodded with his head that it was true but gave him no answer nor shewed him any courtesy Pompey seeing that no man spake to him took a little book he had in his hand in which he had written an Oration that he meant to make unto King Ptolemy and began to read it When they came near to the shore Cornelia with her servants and friends about her stood up in her ship in great fear to see what should become of Pompey So she hoped well when she saw many of the Kings people on the shore coming towards Pompey at his landing as it were to receive and honour him But even as Pompey took Philip his hand to arise more easily Septimius came first behind him and thrust him through with his sword next unto him also Salvius and Achillas drew out their swords in like manner Pompey then did no more but took up his gown with his hands and hid his face manly abode the wounds they gave him onely sighing a little Thus being 59 years old he ended his life the next day after the day of his birth They that rode at anchour in their ships when they saw him murthered gave such a fearfull cry that it was heard to the shore then weighing up their anchours with speed they hoised sail and departed their way having wind at will that blew a lusty gale As soon as they had gotten the main Sea the Aegyptians which prepared to row after them when they saw they were past their reach and unpossible to be overtaken they let them go Then having stricken off Pompey's head they threw his body over-board for a miserable spectacle to all those that were desirous to see him Philip his enfranchised bond-man remained ever by it untill such time as the Aegyptians had seen it their bellies full Then having washed his body with salt water wrapped it up in an old shirt of his because he had no other shift to lay it in he sought upon the sands found at length a piece of an old fishers boat enough to serve to burn his naked body with but not all fully out As he was busie gathering the broken pieces of this boat together thither came unto him an old Roman who in his youth had served under Pompey and said unto him O friend what art thou that preparest the funeralls of Pompey the Great Philip answered that he was a bondman of his infranchised Well said he thou shalt not have all this honour alone I pray thee yet let me accompany thee in so devout a deed that I may not altogether repent me to have dwelt so long in a strange Country where I have abidden such misery and trouble but that to recompence me withall I may have this good hap with mine own hands to touch Pompey's body and to help to burie the onely and most famous Captain of the Romans The next day after Lucius Lentulus not knowing what had passed coming out of Cyprus sailed by the shore side and perceived a fire made for funeralls Philip standing by it whom he knew not at the
equall conditions which happened by reason of the narrowness of the passages and a few of each side being slain Caesar took in such places as were most convenient for him fortified them in the night In this quarter of the Town was contained a little part of the Kings house wherein he himself at his first arrivall was appointed to lodge and a Theatre joyned to the house which was in stead of a Castle and had a passage to the Port and to other parts of Road. The daies following he increased these fortifications to the end he might have them as a wall against the enemy and thereby need not fight against his will In the mean time the younger daughter of King Ptolemey hoping to obtain the Crown now in question found means to conveigh herself out of the Kings house to Achillas and both joyntly together undertook the managing of that war But presently there grew a controversy between them who should command in Chief which was the cause of great largess and rewards to the souldiers either of them being at great charges and expences to gain their good wills While the Enemy was busied in these things Photinus the Governour of the young King Superintendent of the kingdome on Caesar's party sent Messengers to Achillas exhorting him not to desist in the business or to be discouraged Upon the discovering and apprehension of which Messengers Caesar caused him to be slain And these were the beginnings of the Alexandrian war OBSERVATIONS PHarus is a little Iland in the Sea over against Alexandria in the midst whereof Ptolemy Philadelph built a tower of an exceeding height all of white Marble It contained many Stages and had in the top many great Lanterns to keep light in the night for a mark to such as were at Sea The Architector ingraved thereupon this inscription Sostrates Gâ—â—idius the son of Dexiphanes to the Gods Conservatours for the safety of Navigatours It was reckoned for one of the seven Wonders of the world The first whereof was the Temple of Diana at Ephesus The second was the Sepulchre which Artemisia Queen of Caria made for her Husband Mausolus whose ashes she drank The third was the Colossus of the Sunne at Rhodes The fourth was the Walls of Babylon The fifth was the Pyramides of Aegypt The sixth was the Image of Jupiter Olympius at Elis which was made by Phidias and contained threescore cubites in height and was all of Ivory and pure Gold And the seventh was this Pharus FINIS A CONTINUATION of the VVARRES in GALLIA Beginning where Caesar left and deducing the History to the time of the CIVILE WARRES Written by A. HIRTIUS PANSA VVith some short Observations thereupon Together with The MANNER of our MODERN TRAINING or TACTICK PRACTISE LONDON Printed by ROGER DANIEL 1655. THE EIGHTH COMMENTARY OF THE VVARRES IN GALLIA Written by AULUS HIRTIUS CHAP. I. The Galles raise new troubles in divers places Caesar scattereth and wasteth the Bituriges and after that the Carnutes AFter that all Gallia was subdued forasmuch as Caesar had rested no part of the former Summer from warre he was desirous to refiesh his Souldiers after so great pains taken the rest of the winter season when news was brought him that many States at the self-same time did lay their heads together again about warre and make conspiracies Whereof there was reported a very likely cause in that it was known to all the Galles that there could not any power so great be assembled into one place as should be able to withstand the Romans neither if many States at once made war in divers places at one instant could the army of the people of Rome have sufficient either of aid or of time or of men of warre to pursue all at once and there ought not any State to refuse the lot of their misfortune if by the respite thereof the rest might set themselves at liberty The which opinion to the intent it should not settle in the minds of the Galles Caesar leaving M. Antonius the Quaestor with charge of his winter garrisons went with a strong company of horsemen the last day of December from Bibracte to his twelfth Legion which he had placed not farre from the borders of the Hedui in the countrey of the Bituriges and taketh thereunto the eleventh Legion which was next unto it Leaving two Cohorts to defend his stuff and carriages he led the rest of his army into the most plentifull fields of the Bituriges the which being a large countrey and full of towns could not be kept in aw with the garrisoning of one Legion amongst them but that they prepared for warre and made conspiracies By the sudden coming of Caesar it came to passe which must needs happen to such as are unprovided and scattered abroad that such as were tilling the ground without fear were surprised in the fields by our horsemen before they could get them into the Towns For at that time the common token of invasion which is wont to be perceived by burning of houses was by Caesar's commandment forborn lest they should either want forrage and corn if they were minded to make any further rode into the countrey or else that their enemies for fear of the fires should convey themselves out of the way After that many thousands of men had been taken the Bituriges being sore afraid such of them as could escape out of the Romans hands at their first coming upon confidence either of the old acquaintance and familiarity that had been privately between them by reason of resorting as guests one to another or of their mutuall agreement and partaking in the same devices fled into the next cities but all was in vain For Caesar by great journeys came so suddenly upon all places that he gave not any city leasure to think of the safeguard of other folks rather then of themselves Through the which speed he both kept his friends faithfull unto him and put the wavering sort in such fear that he compelled them to be glad to receive peace The matter standing in this case when the Bituriges saw that through Caesar's gentlenesse there was yet a way for them to return into his favour again and that the next States had delivered him hostages and were thereupon received to mercy without further punishment they themselves did in like wise Caesar because his men had patiently endured so great travell in the winter dayes through most cumbersome wayes in intolerable cold weather and continued most resolutely in the same to the uttermost promised to give to his souldiers two hundred sesterces apiece and to the Captains 2000 apiece in the name of a prey so sending his Legions again into their wintering places he himself returned to Bibracte the fourtieth day after his setting forth There as he was ministring of Justice the Bituriges sent messengers unto him desiring help against the Carnutes whom they complained to make warre upon them Upon the receit of this news when he had not
Consulship which obtain'd he carried himself in it with that reputation that his Co-Consul Bibulus left all to his managery To maintain the authority he had got he himself took to wife Calpurnia the daughter of Lucius Piso who was to succeed him in the Consulate and bestowes his own Daughter Iulia on Pompey and so taking in Crassus they make a League and being equally ambitious conspire to invade the Common-wealth Caesar chuses for his Province the Galls or France Crassus Asia Pompey Spain whither they went with three puissant Armies as if the world had been to be trichotomiz'd among these three What Caesar did in his Province what Battels he fought what people he subdued what valour policy successe follow'd him every where may be seen in his own Commentaries of that war approv'd by his very enemies as modest and impartiall and attested by Cicero Plutarch Suetonius Appianus Alexandrinus Lucan Paulus Orosius Florus Eutropius too great a testimony against one censorious Asinius Pollio By this war Caesar got the reputation of the greatest Captain that ever was subduing all France from the Pyrenean hills to the Alps and so to the Rhene But to forbear particular instances as that he conquer'd the Suissers and Tigurins who were according to Plutarch 300000. men whereof 19000. were well disciplin'd this is most worth our remark that during these so great warres he omitted not both by intelligence and presents to endear his friends both at Rome and elsewhere doing many things without the Senate's leave upon the score of the League with Pompey and Crassus Nay his courting of all sorts of people both Souldier and Citizen was none of his least master-pieces by which means he had supplanted Pompey in matter of esteem before he perceiv'd it To this purpose hath Pliny observed Lib. 33. cap. 3. that in the time of his Aedility that is to say his Shrievedome he was so prodigall that all the Vtensills and armes that he made use of at publick sports and combats were all of silver which yet afterwards were bestow'd among the people and that he was the first that ever brought forth the beasts in chariots and cages of silver This it was made some suspect him guilty of rapine and that he plunder'd Temples and Cities saepius ob praedam quam ob delictum But this reputation of Caesar begat jealousy in Pompey which the tye of their correspondence being loos'd by the death of Iulia was easily seen to break forth into a flame especially now that Crassus the third man was together with divers stout Roman Legions buried with infamy in Parthia Thus the foundations of Friendship and Alliance in great ones being once taken away the superstructures fall down immediately Nothing could decide the emulation of two so great persons as Pompey and Caesar the one defying superiority the other equality but as great a war It could not but be universall when Senate Armies Kingdomes Cities Allies all were some way or other embarqu'd in the quarrell There was on one side 11. Legions on the other 18. The seat of the warre was Italy France Epirus Thessaly Aegypt Asia and Africk through all which after it had ravag'd 5. yeares the controversy was decided in Spain That Ambition the imperfection onely of the greatest minds might have been the occasion of so inveterate a warre hath been the opinion of divers others who charge not Pompey with so great discoveries of it as Caesar to whom they assign a greater then the Empire as if their mutuall distrust and jealousy of one another should be able to cause so many tragedies through so many Countries Besides Caesar had his Enemies at Rome and among others Cato who threatned to impeach him when he was once out of command What bandying there was against him we find somewhat in the later end of the eighth Commentary to this purpose Lentulus and Marcellus both of Pompey's Faction being Consuls it is mov'd in the Senate that Caesar might be call'd home and another sent to supply his command of the Army then in Gallia since that he having written for the Consulship should according to Law have been personally in Rome Caesar demands to be continued in Commission and Government and that he might demand the Consulship absent This Pompey opposes though he himself as much contrary to Law had had the Consulship and other dignities before he was at full Age. This deny'd Caesar proposes that he would come to Rome as a private man and give over his command so that Pompey quitted his employment in Spain About this the Senate was much divided Cicero proposes a mediation but Pompey's party prevailing it was decreed that Caesar should by a certain time quit his command and should not passe his Army over the River Rubicon which bounded his Province declaring him an enemy to the Roman State in case of refusall C. Curio and M. Antonius the Tribunes of the people out of their affection to Caesar endeavouring to oppose this decree were thrust disgracefully out of the Senate which occasion'd them to repair to Caesar whereby they endear'd the affections of the Souldiery to him the office of the Tribunes being ever held sacred and unviolable Caesar understanding how things stood at Rome marches with 5000. foot and 300. Horse to Ravenna having commanded the Legions to follow Coming to the fatall passage of Rubicon he entered into a deep deliberation considering the importance and miseries that might ensue that passage At last in the midst of his anxiety he was animated to a prosecution of his designes by the apparition of a man of an extraordinary stature and shape sitting near unto his army piping upon a reed The Souldiers went down to the River side to heare him and approach'd so near that he caught one of their trumpets and leaping into the River began with a mighty blast to sound and so went to the bank of the other side This resolves Caesar who cry'd out Let us go whither the Gods and the injurious dealings of our enemies call us With which he set spurs to his horse and past the River the army following Who would be more particularly inform'd may be satisfi'd out of Appianus Alexandrinus Suetonius Plutarch in the lives of Caesar Cato and Cicero St. Augustine l. 3. de c. d. Caesar himself in his Commentaries Florus Livy Paulus Orosius Eutropius Lucan Pliny de viris illustribus Valerius Maximus c. Having pass'd the River and drawn the Army together the Tribunes came to him in those dishonourable garments wherein they had fled from Rome Whereupon he made an excellent oration to the Souldiery opening to them his cause which was answer'd with generall acclamations and promises of duty and obedience to all commands This done he seizes Ariminum and divers other Towns and Castles as he past till he came to Corfinium where Domitius who was to succeed him in his command was garrison'd with 30. Cohorts Caesar's advance and intentions astonished Rome Senate and people nay
least of his vertues yet argu'd some conscience of his own weaknesse at this time For he was extreamly perplex'd that the other part of his Army was not come in so much that he embarqued in a Brigandine disguized to fetch them Having pass'd down the River the sea was so tempestuous that the master of the vessell would not adventure out whereupon as it is said Caesar discovered himself and said to him Friend thou carriest Caesar and his fortune Whereat the master being encourag'd ventur'd out into the sea but the Tempest was so violent that it brought Caesar back again This action of his was like to have rais'd a mutiny in his Army as a thing which though it spoke courage yet was a stranger to discretion which it may be is the reason that Caesar hath made no mention of it in his Commentaries But some few dayes after Antonius arrives with four Legions of the remaining part of the Army and sends back the ships for the rest These joyning with Caesar there past divers skirmishes and pickeerings being so nearly lodg'd between both Armies but that which was most remarkable was near the City of Dyrrachium wherein Caesar's Troups were so routed that no threats or entreaties could stay them from running to their Camp which though fortifi'd yet was abandon'd by some Pompey in the mean time either out of fear that the slight might be feigned and in order to some ambush or that he thought Caesar sufficiently conquer'd doth not prosecute the victory Which weaknesse in him Caesar dissembled not when afterwards he said to his men that that day had ended the war if the enemy had had a Captain that knew how to overcome But Caesar as no Prosperity disorder'd him so in Adversity he had a courage and such a confidence of Fortune that he was nothing cast down He lost in that engagement besides the Common-Souldiery 400 Roman Knights 10 Tribunes and 32 Centurions with as many Colours This successe obtained Pompey sends the news of it into all parts of the world so advantageously to himself as if Caesar were utterly routed who though he did not decline fighting yet thought it not policy to engage his men lately worsted though indeed exasperated with shame and indignation at their losse with those that were animated and flesh'd with a victory He therefore disposes his maimed men into Apollonia and in the night takes his way towards Thessaly both to hearten and refresh his Army as also to draw the enemy further from the Sea-coast where his main force and all his provisions lay or at least to meet with Scipio who he had intelligence was to join with Pompey This unexpected departure of Caesar's brought Pompey almost to a Resolution to return into Italy to recover that with France and Spain and afterwards to meet with Caesar But the Roman Lords that were about him a sort of proud insolent indisciplinable people who indeed prov'd his ruine disswaded him and caused him to alter his design and so he fell upon the hot pursuit of Caesar who making a stay in the fields of Pharsalia till that his men had reassumed their courage and resolution was now willing and eager to fight But Pompey perceiving this readiness of Caesar to proceed from want of Provision and a fear his Army should diminish purposely avoided fighting and would have prolong'd the warre and so have defeated his enemy without hazzarding his own Army But the murmurings mutinyes and importunity of those that were about him had such a prevailing influence over him as Plutarch Lucan and Caesar himself acknowledgeth that they forced him contrary to his intentions and policy to give Battell which was such that all the flower and force of Rome was engaged in it Caesar's Army according to the computation of most writers amounted to half Pompey's but in compensation his men were more active and versed in warre and knew their advantages whereas the other 's was a tumultuary sort of people raked together besides what Romans he had The exact number of both these Armies is not agreed on by Authors some raise them to 300000. of which opinion was Florus others bring them down to 70000. But if we agree with Appianus we must conceive that so many countries and nations having sent in their assistances on either side there must needs be vast Armies on both sides and therefore those who pitched upon the lesser number meant onely the number of Romans who were the maine force and hope of both Generalls But here we may make a strange remark upon the uncertain events of warre We have two of the greatest Captains that ever were the stoutest Armies that ever met such as experience force and valour was equally divided between and to be short the most exasperated parties that could be and yet it proved but a very short sight so weak is the confidence and assurance that is onely placed in number We may further note the strange influence of Religion upon Mankind in general in that it enforces man in the greatest exigencies to consultation for Pompey met with divers things that might somewhat have informed him of the successe of that famous Battel The running away of the beasts destined for Sacrifice the swarming of bees the sky darkned and his own fatall dream of being in mourning in the Theatre seconded by his appearance in the head of his main Battel the next day in a black robe which might signifie he mourned for the liberty of Rome beforehand Being both resolved to give Battel they put their Armies in such order as they thought fit and harangued their Souldiers according to their severall pretences In the beginning Pompey's horse consisting most of the Roman Gentry and Nobility prevailed over Caesar's and made them give ground which he perceiving causes a Battalion set apart for that purpose to charge them with order to aime altogether at the face which Pompey's horse not able or not willing to endure began to retreat and so made way for the totall overthrow by which means the foot being discourag'd and seeing Caesar's horse falling on the Victory was soon decided on Caesar's side Pompey flying to his camp and leaving the field to his adversary Here was the greatest misfortune of Pompey to out-live the Liberty of his Country which he pretended so much to fight for and his own glory in this Battell being forc'd to a dishonourable flight and to deliberate whither he should retire whether into Parthia Africk or Aegypt Caesar being thus Master of the field and meeting with no opposition falls upon Pompey's camp which without any great difficulty he entered Whereupon Pompey disguizing himself takes up the first horse he met and with four more his own Son Sextus Pompeius the two Lentuli and Favonius makes his escape and stayes not till he came to Larissa where meeting with some of his own horse who were in the same condition of running away he continued his flight till he came to the
had a Son call'd Caesario establish'd Queen Caesar takes his march towards Asia through Syria having receiv'd intelligence that while he was engag'd in the warres of Aegypt King Pharnaces the Son of the mighty Mithridates taking his advantage of the dissensions among the Romans entertained some hopes of recovering what his Father had lost having in order thereto overthrown Domitius whom Caesar had left Governour in those parts and taken in by force the Provinces of Bithynia and Cappadocia expelling thence Ariobarzanes a friend and subject to Rome The like he intended to have done with Armenia the lesse which King Dejotarus had made subject to the Romans But Caesar coming upon Pharnaces before he expected him they in a few dayes came to a Battell which in a few hours was dispatched to the overthrow of the King and the infinite slaughter of his people which he himself escaped by flight This Victory gave Caesar more satisfaction then any of his former because of the great desire he had to return to Rome where he was informed many scandalls were spread and insolencies committed by the encouragement of his absence He had also understood that Pompey's eldest Son had seiz'd a great part of Spain and out of those that M. Varro had left there and some gleanings of his Father's troups had gotten together some considerable force He also knew that most of the principall Romans who had escaped the Battel at Pharsalia were gathered together in Africk and headed by M. Cato surnamed Vticensis for having kill'd himself at Vtica and Pompey's Father-in-Law that they had a great part of Pompey's navy that with the assistance of Iuba King of Mauritania they had subdu'd all that Country and had a great Army in readinesse against Caesar having chosen Scipio for their General because that name had been fortunate in Africk Caesar upon intelligence of all these transactions with his wonted celerity and diligence recovers all that Pharnaces had usurped chasing him from Pontus regained all those Countries which he recommended to the government of Caelius Minucius with two Legions where having reconciled differences decided all controversies and settled all things by rewarding and gratifying those Kings and Tetrarchs who had continued firm to the Common-wealth and interest of Rome he made no longer aboad in Asia but passing with all expedition into Italy he came to Rome within a little more then a year after he had departed thence wherewith if we compare his great expeditions and adventures it would prove matter of faith and astonishment to consider how such vast Armies should passe through so many countries in so short a time Some few dayes after his coming to Rome he is created the third time Consul and as farre as time and the exigencies of his affairs permitted studied the reformation of what disorders there then were For that his Enemies before-mentioned should be Masters of Africk was a thing he could not easily digest Therefore with his ordinary expedition he marches thitherward and commands his forces to follow He took shipping in Sicily and so passed into Africk having no great force with him however such was his confidence of his Fortune that he staid not the arrivall of either his Army or navy Being landed with his small forces near unto the City of Adrumetum he marches unto another called Leptis where he was received and where he took occasion by some conflicts to keep the enemy in action so to divert them from augmenting their forces In fine his Legions being arrived he very earnestly set himself to the prosecution of the war in which though it lasted but four Months from the beginning of Ianuary to the end of Aprill there happened many encounters and Battels For having dispatched what work Petreius and Labienus found him he came to deal with Scipio and King Iuba who had brought an assistance of 8000. men whereof one half were Cavalry Africa at that time being very abundant in horse as may appear partly in that Caesar's enemies had among them raised in that Country besides eight Legions of foot 20000. horse Hirtius Plutarch Lucan and Florus have written at large of this warre and tell you that Caesar was many times in very great danger as to his own person yet at last by the assistance of his forces and the compliance of his great Fortune he put a period to that warre by one signall Battel wherein there being slain of the Enemies side 10000. they were utterly defeated Caesar remained Master of the field and shortly after of all the Country The principall Captains of the adverse party though they escaped death at the fight died most of them miserably and unfortunately King Iuba himself being for want of refuge brought to that despair that fighting with Afranius and killing him he commanded one of his own slaves to dispatch himself Marcus Cato being in Vtica hearing of Caesar's approach though confident not onely of his pardon but his particular favour yet either out of an indignation to be oblig'd by his enemy or an extravagant zeal to Liberty laid violent hands on himself Cicero wrote a book in commendation of Cato to justify that action which Caesar answer'd with another which he called Anti-Cato both which are lost The Ceremony of his death was very remarkable for upon hearing of the miscarriage of most of his partners he embraces his Son and Friends and bids them good night pretending to go to bed Resting upon his bed he took into his hand Plato's book of the immortality of the Soul wherein having satisfied himself he about the relieving of the watch with a Roman resolution drew his sword and ran himself into the Body Being not quite dispatch'd Physitians came in and apply'd something to the wound which he suffer'd while they staid with him but assoon as they were departed he pull'd all off and thrust his dying hand into the wound Scipio the Generall in this war having escaped and shipp'd himself in certain Gallies was met by Caesar's navy but to avoid being taken by them he gave himself some wounds and leapt over-board and so was drown'd Caesar being by this means absolute Victor spends some time in ordering the Provinces of Africk which done and reducing Iuba's Kingdome into a Province he comes to Vtica whence he embarqued the third of Iune for Sardinia where having staid some few dayes he arrives at Rome Iuly 25. whither as soon as he was come there were granted unto him four Triumphs The first was for his conquest and Victories in France wherein were set forth the Rivers of Rhodanus and the Rhene wrought in gold In the second which was for Aegypt and King Ptolemey were represented the River Nile and the Pharos of Alexandria burning The third was for his Victory over King Pharnaces wherein a certain writing represented the celerity he used in the prosecution of that Victory which onely contain'd three words Veni Vidi Vici I came I saw I overcame The fourth was for his
reduction of Africk wherein was placed Iuba's Son as a captive As for the Battel against Pompey Caesar would not triumph for it because it was against Roman Citizens These triumphs ended and great rewards scatter'd among the Souldiery who had been assistant in so great Transactions the People being also entertained with feasts sports and presents Caesar is chosen the fourth time Consul But there yet remain'd some sword-work to do for Gneius Pompeius Great Pompey's Son had got together most of the remainder of the African Army and was gone into Spain to joyn with his Brother Sextus who as was hinted before was there and had possess'd himself of a great part of Spain with the Cities of Sevill and Cordova the Spaniards being ready enough to come in to their assistance Caesar takes with him his most experienc'd veterane Souldiers and with extraordinary speed arrives in Spain within a few dayes being accompany'd with his Nephew Octavius who was about sixteen years of Age. Being come into Baetica now Andaluzia where the two Pompeys were with such Legions as they had got together he soon began a hot and bloudy war whereof to be short the issue was this Caesar and Gneius Sextus being in Cordova near Munda join battell which proves the sharpest and most obstinate that ever was It lasted almost a whole day and that with such indifference as to point of Victory that it was adjudg'd sometimes to one side sometimes to another Suetonius and Eutropius tell us that Caesar one time upon his mens giving ground was in such a plunge that he was almost resolv'd to have kill'd himself so to have avoided the shame and dishonour of being conquer'd and that in that heat of indignation and despair he snatched a Target from one of his Souldiers saying with a loud voice as Plutarch relates If you are not asham'd leave me or deliver me into the hands of these Boyes for this shall be the last day of my life and your honour With which words the Souldiers being animated and heighten'd by his example regain their lost ground turn by degrees the scales of the Battell and towards the evening the enemy fainting and flying become apparent Victors The Enemy lost in this field 30000. men Caesar beside the common Souldiery 1000. all persons of quality This did Caesar account the most glorious of all his Victories the commemoration of hazzards and suffering being to some the greatest satisfaction conceiveable for he would often say afterwards that at other times he fought for Fame and Victory but that that day he fought for his Life which he had never fought for before Pompey who had performed all that a wise and stout captain could persecuted by a malicious fortune and seeing there was no other remedy escaped by flight but being hopelesse and refugelesse he was at last surpriz'd by some of Caesar's friends kill'd and his head brought to him which was also the fate of Labienus Sextus upon this quits Cordova and shortly after Spain leaving all to Caesar who in a short time reduc'd and settled the whole Country Which done he returns to Rome and triumphs for the warres of Spain which was his fifth and last triumph Having thus conquer'd the greatest part of the world and by consequence gain'd the reputation of the most famous and most powerfull man in it it was at least a pardonable ambition if he thought no title name or dignity too great for him It requires some faith to believe that such vast bodies as Roman Armies consisting of many Legions could at an ordinary rate march through so many Countries and crosse so many Seas had they had no enemy to engage but to conquer them transcends it and must be attributed to Miracle for within lesse then five yeares through infinite conquests and Victories he consummated the Roman Monarchy making himself perpetuall Dictator Sovereign Lord or Emperour Which later title though it had not that height of signification which his Successors have rais'd it to yet was it the greatest attribution of honour which that or after-Ages have acknowledg'd But if his thoughts were so high and his ambition so exorbitant as to deserve a severe Censure certainly it may prove so much the more excuseable by how much it was enflam'd by the generall acclamations and acknowledgments For both the Senate and peole of Rome some out of feare some out of affection some out of dissimulation were forward enough to invent those appellations of honour and preeminence and afterwards to elevate them to the height of his ambitious mind Hence was he call'd Emperour Father Restorer and Preserver of his Country hence created perpetuall Dictator and Consul for ten yeares and perpetuall Censor of their Customes his Statue erected among the Kings of Rome hence he had his thrones and chaires of state in the Theatre and Temples which as also all publick places were filled with his pictures and images Nay their adoration ascended to that point that from these humane honours they attributed to him divine finding marble little enough for Temples and Statues for him which were dedicated to him with the same veneration as to their Gods and metall little enough to represent his high and almost incredible adventures But all the power and command of so many nations as he had conquer'd was inconsiderable as to the extent of his mind whereby we may see what small acquaintance there is between Ambition and Acquiescence It was not sufficient to have been personally engag'd in fifty signall Battels and to have lay'd with their Bellies to the Sun a million ninety and odd thousand men abating all those that fell in the Civile warres but there yet remains something to do greater then all this The fierce Parthians break his sleep they are yet unconquer'd which once done t' were easy like lightning to passe through Hyrcania and other Countries to the Caspian Sea and so scoure the Provinces of Scythia Asiatica and so passing over the River Tanais to come into Europe and bring in Germany and the bordering Provinces under the wings of the Roman Eagle In order to this expedition had he in sundry places raised 10000. horse and 16. Legions of choice foot but another greater power thought fit he should leave some work for his successours Nay some things he aim'd at beyond Man's attempt correcting even nature it self As that design of making Peloponnesus an Island by cutting of that neck of Land which is between the Aegeaan and Ionian Seas He thought to have altered the courses of the Rivers Tiber and Aâ—ien and made them navigable for ships of the greatest burthen He had begun to levell diverse hills and mountains in Italy and to dry up Lakes and Fenns He re-edified and re-peopled the once famous Carthage and Corinth These and many other things he had done without doubt had not an unexpected and barbarous death surpriz'd him in the midst of his designations Which because it is the tragicall part of this Relation we
the Tripod were the marks by these two divinities For Phoebus or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hath two significations which relate much to his starre and Tripod that is to say splendid and luminous so that he is both foreteller and Augur But to return to the starre of Venus or Phosphorus or as Philo Iudaeus calls it Eosphorus and to this Sun or starre of Phoebus Apollo It may be conjectured they are placed above this Tripod to give us to understand that these Gods should promise the Roman Augur Caesar by a continuall successe in all his enterprises the absolute conquest of both East and West The seventh Medall CAESAR An Elephant with a Serpent betwixt his legges On the other side the utensils and instruments that belong'd to sacrificing with the head-ornament of the High-priest Divers Antiquaries have so commented upon this Medall as to make the word Caesar signifie an Elephant But in my opinion this devise signifies altogether as much as if it had this inscription about it IMP. CAESAR or CAESAR DICTATOR PERP. on one side and PONTIF MAX. on the other For as the one shewes forth the Royall quality the other supposes the Pontificall to have been in those times joyned with it in the person of Caesar An Elephant in Italy according to Artemidorus signifies a Royall imperiall or supreme Power But Achmet in his Oneirocriticks ch 271. tells us that this creature had the same signification in the Indies and Aegypt therefore Artemidorus hath not done well to restrain it to Italy But it may be the Moors imitating other nations herein took an Elephant to signify a Monarch and because Caesar was the most famous man that ever was one that commanded Kings and Monarchs would make his name stand for an Elephant for this word is little lesse then African The same Artemidorus sayes that a Dragon seen in a dream signifies a King and a supreme Magistrate which agreeing with what he sayes of the Elephant and both these creatures being on the other side I conceive my interpretation the more receiveable The eighth Medall CAESAR DICTATOR Caesar with the augurall stick In the reverse there is L. LIVINEIUS REGULUS a Bull furiously running with his head stouping It is conceiv'd this was stamp'd by Regulus in Caesar's favour when Caesar was created Dictator or shortly after This Bull is brought in as an emblem of Principality as Dion Chrysostome sayes who hath made an excellent parallel between this creature and a King and his Kingdome But before him St Denys in the 15. ch of his Hierarchy said that the strength of a Bull represents the force necessary for a Prince and that his horns signify Servatricem atque invictam vim Stephanus observes upon the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that the Ancients called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 all things that were excessive for greatnesse or strength The intention therefore of Regulus was to let Caesar understand that having overthrown Pompey and become perpetuall Dictator he was in effect the most powerfull and most redoubted Monarch that ever was and was in a condition to pursue and accomplish the utter ruine of his enemies and protect his friends There is a reverse among the Medalls of Augustus where there is also a Bull in a different figure and posture from this bending his knee to represent as is conceived the Taurus Coelestis which is under the dominion of Venus which signified the invincibility of Augustus It may be also considered that this Bull may signify Italy subdued and subject to the Laws of Augustus as being now the civile warres were over ready to receive the yoke For that Province took its name from a Bull which the Tyrrhenians called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 so that Italy submitted its neck to receive the yoke of the new government as the Bull Summittit aratris Colla jugumque suis poscit cervicibus ipse The ninth Medall DIVO JULIO the effigies of Caesar deifi'd the Starre of Venus before him or if you will Caesar's own On the other side Mars upon an Altar or rather Caesar representing Mars before whom sits a figure which hath a Cornucopia or horn of abundance under the left arme in the right holds a Victory which presents a Crown to him This Medall seems to have been made shortly after Caesar's death to keep his memory in veneration and nourish that belief of the people that he was while living a God transformed into a man It was indeed an excellent artifice of Augustus and his party to make the superstitious vulgar believe that Iulius Caesar was become a fellow-Commoner among the Gods to make his succession the more plausible For being already persuaded that no other then a demy-God could have arrived to that glory which Caesar had having baffled the Universe it was not very hard to persuade them that the Comet which appeared in the North after his death was his deifi'd soul But the cheat was that this soul must appear there to render Augustus more illustrious who to retribute the glory and make the businesse more authentick must erect Caesar's statue in the Capitoll representing upon the head of it that Starre in Gold and giving it this bold inscription 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to Caesar the Demi-god To make any long discourse upon Comets from hence were superfluous since all that can be said is that they signify changes and revolutions of States and Empires and sometimes favourably This signified in all likelyhood the warre then kindling against Augustus after which a generall peace ensueing the Prince of Peace should be born the Comet at whose birth denoted the universall change of Religion that afterward happened To be short all that the Poets those fine Cooks of fictions and inventions could dresse that would be any way digestible with the credulous vulgar was serv'd up at this time to raise the memory of Iulius Caesar to the greatest reputation that might be but it will be to no purpose to repeat their adulations in this place On the reverse of this Medall we find Mars who receives the Crown which Victory presents him with represented with a dart The Victory is Venus Victrix or the Victorious City of Rome and the Mars Iulius Caesar himself in the posture of that God The statue is conceived to be the same with that of Mars erected by the Romans in the Temple of Quirinus with this magnificent title 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Deo invicto This supposition is confirmed by the dart for Mars was ordinarily represented with a speare as divers Medalls discover But in this statue he hath a dart which is that piece of Armes which is capable of furthest casting and that indeed which the Romans most used and at the sight of Pharsalia was one main cause of the Victory Caesar having given his men order that they should aime at the faces of the raw Roman Nobility they had to deale with as divers Historians have delivered Yet this argues not but that Caesar sometimes
according to the custome he took his chair in the Senate The first came up to him was one Celer who while he was entreating him to release a Brother of his that was in captivity the rest came up to him whereat he suspecting some violence cryed out what force is this To which the above-mentioned Atilius Cimber answered him with a wound in the throat which the rest of the Conspiratours seconded with others But that which amazed him above all was to see Brutus among them one whose authority was great and one whom he had obliged beyond all expression of gratitude when a conquered enemy upon which he could not but break forth into these words And thou son Brutus art thou one Whereupon seeing there was no possibility of escaping he remembred to keep the honour of his person covering his head with part of his robe and with his left hand settling his cloaths about him and so having received 23. wounds he fell to the ground a sacrifice to the publick Liberty near the base of Pompey's statue which was noted as a judgement of the Gods Caesar having neither Son nor Daughter legitimate at his death had by his will before adopted his Nephew Octavius Caesar who was afterwards called Octavianus Augustus who studied in Apollonia at the time of this murther of Caesar and expected to go with him to the war against the Parthians being then about 17. yeares of age This death as all extraordinary accidents must needs beget tumult and confusion in the City All Offices ceased the Temples and Courts of Justice were shut up Caesar's friends were afraid of the Conspiratours they reciprocally of them This Tumult somewhat startled the Conspiratours who seeing the design took not with the people as they expected to secure themselves seized the Capitoll crying as they went Liberty Liberty Liberty Whereupon Antonius and Lepidus being all this while in Armes divers treaties of accommodation passed between them whereby it was at last agreed the Senate should sit whither Brutus and Cassius came Antonius's Sons being hostages for their return The Senate approves the fact the people dissemble their satisfaction for as the Authority of Brutus and Cassius with the name of Liberty was very charming on one side so the horrour of the fact and the love some bare Caesar exasperated them against the Murtherers But Mark Antony endeavouring to trouble the waters as much as he could among other things got Caesar's testament to be opened wherein he had bequeath'd to the people of Rome certain gardens and heritages near the River Tiber and to every Citizen of Rome a certain summe of money which being known it re-enflamed their old affection to Caesar and raised a compassion and a regret for his death The day appointed for his funerall the ceremony whereof was to burn his body in the field of Mars Antonius being to make the Oration brought with him the robe wherein Caesar was assassinated which being all bloudy he shewed to the people using some expressions which raised in them both indignation and pity insomuch as before the solemnity of the funerall was ended they all departed in great fury with the brands of the same fire to set afire the houses of Brutus and Cassius and the rest of the Conspiratours whom they sought running up down the streets In which fury they killed Aelius Cinna mistaking him for Cornelius Cinna who indeed was one of them This Tumult forced Brutus Cassius and all who conceived themselves guilty of Caesar's death to depart from Rome whereupon Antonius took occasion to dispense with the decree of the Senate and assuming Caesar's power and authority persecuted them all he could Brutus and Cassius went into Greece to govern those Provinces which Caesar whom they had murthered had conferred on them which were Macedonia and Syria and in like manner were all the rest dispersed and that so unfortunately that within the space of three yeares they all came to violent deaths He was slain in the 56. year of his age somewhat above four years after the death of Pompey 700. years after the foundation of Rome 3010. years after the Creation but according to the 70. Interp. 5157. in the 184. Olympiad and 42. years before the birth of Christ Having made himself perpetuall Dictator he enjoyed it 3. years 4. months and 6. dayes Thus have we traced this transcendent Personage through all his great and incomparable actions and atchievements we have viewed him in his distresses and extremities and we have also seen him in his victories triumphs expressing the same greatnesse that is the same equality of mind in both we have surveyed him in all his excellencies and abilities both of mind and body we have considered the invincibility of his spirit his incomparable courage his clemency magnanimity his policy vigilance prudence conduct we have as near as we can enumerated the many battels he fought the many victories obtained the many people and provinces reduced the many Kings and Countries subdued so to figure a person imitable in all things that may be called great or vertuous not exceedable in any we have described and dilucidated his Medalls wherein if we have committed any offence it hath been in studying brevity purposely omitting many things that might have been said and forbearing the multitude and particularity of citations least it might be thought a vanity lastly we have accompanied him to his funerall pile the fire whereof consumed his murtherers and enemies while he himself is carried up by the same element to shine eternally a starre of the first magnitude in the firmament of famous and heroick spirits And there we leave him recommending the Reader to see and find him haply farre greater then our commendations in his own everlasting COMMENTARIES FINIS THe second and seventh pages of this Life of Caesar being rashly put to working at the Press before they were corrected the Reader is desired to take notice of these ensuing faults with their emendations and to think never the worse of the rest of the book In pag. 2. lin 1. after be killed read as if even vertue may be excessive and a crime as he c. l. 20. for paint ever paint over l. 33. for Cisalphina Cisalpina l. 35. for Lacedemonia Lacedaemon l. 37 38. for Sardynia Creeta Candia Cypres Rhodes and Negrepont Sardinia Creet Cyprus Rhodes and Negropont In pag. 7. l. 1. for which four with four l. 9. for gulf Venice gulf of Venice l. 14. for their forts their efforts l. 15. for Curius Curio l. 19. for that Consull that Consul l. 28. for Boetia Lacedaemonia Creeta in some copies Baeotia Lacedaemon Creet l. 38. for deferred him deterred him l. 46. for takes it takes in With some literall faults and ill pointing IULIUS CAESAR Reading and Discourse are requisite to make a souldier perfect in the Art militarie how great soever his knowledge may be which long experience and much practice of Arms hath gained WHen I
which was alwayes understood in sending out a Colony hath a more plausible pasport amongst men then that which proceedeth from a proud voluntary motion For as men can be content to tolerate the one if it concern not their particular so on the other side they count it gain to punish pride with shame and to oppose themselves against the other THE THIRD OBSERVATION ORgetorix thirsting after princely dignity discovereth the humour of vain glory For not contented with the substance of honour being already of greatest power amongst the Helvetians and ordering the affaires of the State by his own direction thought it nothing without the marks and title of dignity unto which the inconveniences of Majesty are annexed not considering that the best honour sitteth not alwayes in imperiall thrâ—â—â—s nor weareth the Diadâ—ms of Princes but oftâ—ntimes resteth it self in meaner places and shineth better with obscurer titles For proof whereof to omit antiquity take the fâ—mily of the Medicâ—s in Florence and particularly Cosâ—mo and Lorenzo whose vertue raised them to that â—eight of honour that they were nothing inferiâ—â—â— to the greatest Pâ—tentates of their time being themselves â—ut private Gentlemen in that State and bearing their proper names as their greatest titles But howsoever the opportunity of changing their soil was well observed by Orgetorix as the fiâ—â—st meanes to attempt an innovation â—ut the successe depended much upon the fortunate proceeding of their expedition For as a multitude of that nature can â—e content to attribute a great part of their happinesse wherein every man thinketh himself particularly interessed to an eminent Leader and in that universall extasy of joy will easily admit an alteration of their State so if the issue be in any respect unfortunate no man will acknowledge himself faulty â—ut every one desiring to discharge his passion upon some object a chief directour is likeliest to be the mark at which the darts of their discontent will be thrown and then he will find it hard to effect what he intendeth Chap. II. Orgetorix practices are discovered his death The Helveâ—ians continue the resolution of their expedition and prepare themselves accordingly ORgetorix thereupon undertook imployment to the adâ—oyning States and first perswaded Casticus the sonne of Catamantalides a Sequan whose father had for many yeares reigned in that place and was by the Senate and people of Rome stiled with the title of a Friend to possesse himself of the Signiory of that State which his Father formerly injoyed and in like manner dealt with Dumnorix the Heduan Divitiacus brother who at that time was the only man of that Province and very well beloved of the Commons to indeavour the like there and withall gave him his daughter in marriage shewing them by lively reasons that it was an easy matter to effect their designes for that he being sure of the soveraignty of his State there was no doubt but the Helvetians would do much throughout all Gallia and so made no question to settle them in those kingdoms with his power and forces Drawn on with these inducements they gave faith and oath each to other hoping with the support of the soveraignty of three mighty Nations to possesse themselveâ— of all Gallia This thing being discovered the Helvetians according to their customes caused Orgetorix to answer the matter in durance whose punishment vpon the Attaint was to be burned aliue Against the day of triall Orgetorix had got together all his Family to the number of ten thousand men besides divers followers and others far indebited which were many by whose meanes he escaped a judiciall hearing The people thereupon being much incensed agreed the Magistrate should execute their lawes with force of Armes and to that end should raise the countrey but in the mean time Orgetorix was found dead not without suspicion as was conceived that he himself was guilty thereof Notwithstanding his death the Helvetians did pursue their former designe of leaving their Countrey and when they thought themselves ready prepared they set fire on all their Townes which were in number twelve together with â—our hundred Villages besides private houses and burnt likewise all the Corn save that they carried with them that all hope of return being taken away they might be the readier to undergo all hazards And commanded that every man should carry so much Meal with him as would serve for three Moneths Moreover also they perswaded the Rauraci the Tulingi and Latobrigi their neighbour borderers that putting on the same resolution they would set fire on all their habitations and go along with them And likewise took unto them the Boii which had dwelt beyond the Rhene but were now seated in the Territories of the Norici and had taken the Capitall town of that Countrey There were only two wayes which gave them passage out of their Countrey the one through the Sequans very narrow and difficult between the hill Jura and the River Rhone by which a single Cart could scarce pass had a high hill hanging over that a small force might easily hinder them The other was through our Province far easier and readier forasmuch as the river Rhone running between the Helvetians and the Allobroges who were lately brought in obedience to the people of Rome did give passage in divers places by Fords The â—tmost towne belonging to the Allobroges that bordereth upon the Helvetians is Geneva whereunto adjoyneth a bridge leading to the Helvetians vvho doubted not but to perswade the Allobroges that seemed as yet to carry no great affection to the people of Rome or at least to force them to give them passage Things being now ready for their journey they assigned a day vvhen all should meet together upon the banks of Rhone which day was the first of the Calends of April in the Consulship of Lu. Piso and A. Gabinius OBSERVATION AS these provisoes were all requisite so one â—hing was omitted which might have furthered their good fortune more then any thing thought of which was to have concealed by all meanes the time of their departure For all the beasts of the wood must needs stand at gaze when such Lions rouzed themselves out of their dens and be then very watchfull of their safety when they knew the instant of time when some of their spoiles must needs be offered to appease their fury Or at the least it behooved them so to have dealt by hostages and treaty that such as were likeliest and best able to crosse their designments might have been no hinderance of their proceedings considering there were but two wayes out of their Countrey by which they might go the one narrow and difficult between the hill Jura and the river Rhone by the Countrey of the Sequani the other through Provence far easier and shorter but not to be taken but by the permission of the Romans But howsoever their errour was that after two yeares provision to go and having made an exterminating decree which injoyned them
to that pride and arrogancy as was not to be suffered For which respect he thought it expedient to send Embassadours unto him to appoint some indifferent place for parlee for that he had to treat with him concerning publick affairs and some matters that did much import both of them OBSERVATIONS I May here take an occasion to speak somewhat concerning the authority of the Roman Generals which we see to be very large considering that Caesar of himself without any further leave of the Senate and people of Rome for what may be gathered by this history did undertake a war of that consequence and put in jeopardy the Legions the Province or what other interest the Romans had in Gallia Wherein we are to understand that when the State of Rome did allot the government of any Province to a Proconsul they did likewise recommend unto him the careful managing of such accidents as might any way concern the good of that regiment For considering that such causes as may trouble a well-ordered government are as well externall and forreign as internall and bred within the bounds of that Empire it had been to small purpose to have given him only authority to maintain a course of wholesome government at home and no means to take away such oppositions which forraign accident might set up against him And so we see that Caesar undertook the Helvetian war in regard of the safety of the Province and this again with Ariovistus least the Germans should so multiply in Gallia that the Province it self might at length be indangered Neither had their Generals authority only to undertake these wars but the absolute disposition also of the whole course thereof whether it were to treat capitulate compound or what else they thought convenient for the advancement of the Commonweal did wholly rest upon their direction republica bene gesta being the stile of the warrant for all their actions Neither may we think that any subordinate or depending authority can be so powerfull in the course of businesses as that which absolutely commandeth without controulment and proceedeth according to the opportunity of time and occasion further then either prescription or limitation can direct it And therefore whensoever the Roman affairs were distressed and driven to an exigent they created a Dictator that had regiam potestatem such an absolute command that whatsoever power rested either in the Consuls or in the Tribunes in the Senate or in the people it gave way to the greatnesse of that Magistrate that there might be no lett or retracting power to weaken that course which nothing but an absolute command could establish for the good of the Commonweal And yet notwithstanding this absolute government they attributed such power to the course of humane actions that by the punishment which they inflicted upon dissolute and unfortunate Leaders they seemed to acknowledge that no man how circumspect soever could promise more then likelihoods or probabilities of good fortune as far forth as his means and industry could atchieve it For old M. Fabius pleading for the life of his gallant son and opposing the rigour of Papirius the Dictator with examples of antiquity saith Populi quidem penes quem potestas omnium rerum ofset ne iram quidem unquam atrociorem fuisse in eos qui temeritate atque inscitia exercitus amisissent quam ut pecunia eos multaret capite anquisitum ob rem male gestam de imperatore nullum ad eam diem esse The people saith he in whom the soveraign power of things consisteth never shewed greater displeasure against such as had lost an Army either by rashnesse or unskilfulnesse then imposing a fine upon them but to bring the life of a Generall in question for failing in his endeavours was never heard of to that day The condition of the inferiour Officers of their Camp was far otherwise in regard of Military discipline for prescription guided them in all their services and the chiefest part of their duty was obedience although they saw evident reason to the contrary and found their directions unperfect in that behalf and therefore Caesar saith upon that occasion Aliae sunt legati partes atque imperatoris alter omnia agere ad praescriptum alter libere ad summam rerum consulere debet The office of a Legate or Lieutenant differeth from that of a Generall the one doing all things by prescription and the other freely deliberating of whatsoever may concern the cause And this course the Romans held concerning the authority of their Generalls Chap. XIV Ariovistus his answer A second Embassage with the successe thereof TO that Embassage Ariovistus answered That if his occasions had required Caesars assistance he would have furthered them with his own presence and he thought it as reasonable that if it were in his hand to pleasure the Romans Caesar ought not to think much of the like labour For his own part he durst not come into those parts of Gallia which Caesar possessed without an Armie nor could he draw an Armie to a head without great trouble and expence The thing that he most wondered at was that the Romans or Caesar had to do in that part of Gallia which the law of Armes had made his inheritance Vpon the return of this answer Caesar framed a second Embassage the purport whereof was Forasmuch as he thus requited the honour wherewith the people of Rome had beautified his best dignity for in Caesars Consulship the authority of their Empire had vouchsafed to esteem of him as a King in his dominions and as a friend unto their State and that he disdained to admit of a Parlee concerning the common good let him know that these were the things that he required to be performed by him First that he should not suffer any more troups of Germans to be transported over the Rhene into Gallia Secondly that he should deliver up those Hostages which he had of the Heduans and Sequans and should cease to molest them further with war or other injuries These things if he did perform Caesar would assure him of a greatefull acceptance on the behalf of the people of Rome otherwise forasmuch as in the Consulships of M. Messala and L. Piso the Senate had decreed That he that should obtain the government of the Province should as near as it would stand with the good of the Commonweale endeavour the defence of their Associates and Friends he would not neglect the injuries done unto the Heduans To these Mandates Ariovistus replied The law of Armes kept this tenure amongst all Nations That a Conquerour might govern a subdued people according as he thought best for his own safety The people of Rome did not direct the course of their government by another mans prescript but by their own arbitrement and as he had not directed the Romans so ought not they to meddle with his proceedings The Heduans having tried the fortune of warre were by right become his
man shall apprehend the terrour of the danger and few or none conceive the true means to avoid it And albeit the presence of such things as are dearest to his soul as the piety and respect of aged parents the tender affection towards wife and children are sufficient to raise valour to the highest point of resolution yet the motives are of such weight as will rather make them dissident of their own worth as unsufficient to maintain so great a cause then hold them in that key which true honour affecteth forasmuch as the terrour and fear of so great a danger will present a greater measure of woes to their mind then the hope of victory can afford them joy Hence therefore groweth the difference between him that seeketh to maintain that estate which he hath in possession by force of Arms and another that seeketh to increase his means by valour For the former is presented with the danger of losing all his estate which affrighteth and troubleth having no other reward propounded unto him and the other looketh upon the advantage which he gaineth by overcoming which much increaseth his valour without any losse or disadvantage if he chance to be put to the worst And therefore there is alwayes great odds between him that hath already lost his goods and is by that means become desperate having nothing further to lose and another that yet keepeth his substance but is in danger to lose it for fear will so dismay his mind that he will rather distrust his own ability then entertain a resolution of valour To prove this we need not seek other examples then those imperiall Cities in whose cause this controversy was first moved For when Hannibal was come into Italy and had defeated Sempronius the Consul at Trebia the Romans were driven into such an extasy of terrour that they believed verily that the enemy was then coming to assault the City neither had they any hope or aide in themselves to keep or defend the same On the other side Scipio was no sooner landed in Africk but there was such a tumult in Carthage as though the City had been already taken neither could the opinion of victory which Hannibal by a conquering Army in Italy had confirmed for sixteen years together prevail in the apprehension of so imminent a danger And then that which Fabius borrowed of Nature to teach the Romans that first men ought to defend their own before they seek other mens possessitons was carefully followed by the Carthaginians for with all speed they sent for Hannibal out of Italy to be their Champion against young Scipio If therefore other things be correspondent as there are many other particularities concerning the power and strength of either Nation to be considered I take it much better for a Prince to invade an enemy in his own country then to attend him at home in his own kingdome THE FOURTH OBSERVATION THe last circumstance which I note in this speech was the trust which he reposed in the tenth legion being in it self peradventure as faulty as any other wherein he shewed great Art and singular Wisdome For he that hath once offended and is both burdened with the guilt of conscience and upbraided with the reproach of men can hardly be perswaded that his fault can be purged with any satisfaction And although the punishment be remitted yet the memory of the fact will never be blotted out with any vertuous action but still remaineth to cast dishonour upon the offender and to accuse him of disloyalty And therefore it oftentimes happeneth that an errour being once rashly committed through despair of remission admitteth no true penitency but either draweth on more grievous crimes confirming that of the Poet Scelere scelus â—uendum est or maintaineth his errour by wilfull obstinacy as it is said of the Lion that being found by Hunters in a Cave he will rather dy in the place then quit it for shame that he was found in so base a place of refuge and therefore his property is thus expressed ingrediendo caecus exeundo protervus This did Caesar wisely prevent by clearing the tenth legion of that of which he accused the rest of the Army which made them the more earnest to answer his expectation inasmuch as they were witnesse to themselves of a common errour and the other legious envying at their fortune resolved to shew as great alacrity in the sequele of the war and to deserve more then the judgement of the Emperour had imputed to their fellows Chap. XVII The treaty between Caesar and Ariovistus THe seventh day as he continued on his march his Espials brought him word that Ariovistus with all his forces was within twenty four miles of that place who as soon as he understood of Caesars coming sent Embassadours unto him declaring that forasmuch as he was come somewhat nearer and that he might do it without danger he was content to admit of a parlee Caesar refused not the offer thinking now to find him reasonable in that he offered of his own accord what he had formerly denied at Caesars request and thereby was in good hope that understanding what was required he would in the end consider of the many favours he had received from the people of Rome and desist from such wilful courses The fifth day following was appointed for the Treaty In the mean time there passed often Messages reciprocally between them Ariovistus required that Caesar would not bring any footmen to the parlee for that he feared to be circumvented by treachery and therefore thought fit that either party should come only with their Cavalrie otherwise he would not give meeting Caesar not willing to put off the Treaty for any such cause nor yet daring to put himself in trust to the French horse thought it most convenient to leave the French Riders behind him and to set the souldiers of the tenth legion whom he best trusted upon their horses that if he stood in need he might have a faithfull guard of his friends about him Whereupon one of the souldiers said prettily that Caesar had done more for them then he had promised for he had said before he would make the tenth legion as a guard to his person and now he had inrolled them all for horsemen There was a great and open Plain and in the midst thereof a rising Mount which was almost in the mid way between both the Camps and thither according to the agreement they came to parlee The legion which Caesar had brought with him on horseback he placed two hundred paces from the said Mount and likewise the horsemen of Ariovistus stood in the same distance Ariovistus requested they might talk on horseback and bring each of them ten persons to the conference At their meeting Caesar began his speech with a commemoration of the favours and benefits the Senate had done unto him in that he was by their authority intituled by the name of a King and a Friend and thereupon
had received great gifts Which favour fell but unto a few and was by the Romans given only to men of great desert whereas he without any occasion of accesse unto them or other just cause on his behalf had obtained those honours through his courtesy and the bounty of the Senate He shewed him further what ancient and reasonable causes of amity tied them so firm to the Heduans what Decrees and orders of Senate had oftentimes been made in their favour and behoof That from all antiquity the Heduanâ— had held the principality of Gallia and that long before they were in amity with the Romans The people of Rome had alwayes this 〈…〉 not only to endeavour that their Allies and confederates should not lose any thing of their proper but also that they might increase in dignity and reputation and therefore who could endure to see that forced from them which they quietly possessed when they entered league with the Romans In like manner he required the performance of such things which he had formerly given in charge to his Embassadours that he should not make war either upon the Heduans or their Associates that he should restore their hostages and if he could not return any part of the Germans back again over the Rhene yet he should forbear to bring any more into that Counâ—â—y Ariovistus made little answer to Caesars demands but spake much of his own vertues and valour That he was come over the Rhene not out of his own desire but at the mediation and intreaty of the Galles that he had not left his house and kindred but with great hope of high rewards the possessions he had in Gallia were given him by themselves their hostages were voluntarily delivered unto him he took tribute by the law of Arms which was such as Conquerours might lay upon the vanquished he made no war upon the Galles but the Galles made war upon him All the States of Gallia came to fight against him and had put themselves into the field whose forces were in one battell all dispersed and overthrown If they were desirous to make another triall he was ready to undertake them but if they would have peace it were an injury to retract that tribute which of their own accord they had paid untill that time He expected that the Amity of the people of Rome should be rather an honour and a safety then a losse unto him and that he had sought it to that end but if by their meanes the tribute due unto him should be retracted he would as willingly refuse their friendship as he had desired it In that he had brought so many Germans into Gallia it was rather for his own defence then of any purpose to subdue the Country as might appear by that he had not come thither but upon intreaty and set no warre on foot but for his own defence He was seated in Gallia before the Romans came thither neither had the people of Rome before that time carried their Army beyond the bounds of their Province and therefore he knew not what he meant to intrude himself into his possessions This was his Province of Gallia as that was ours and as it was not lawfull for him to command in our quarters so it was not fitting that they should disturb his government In that he alleadged the Heduans were by decree of Senate adopted into the amity of the people of Rome he was not so barbarous or unacquainted with the course of things as to be ignorant that in the last warre of the Allobroges they were aiding and assisting to the Romans and in the quarrell the Heduans had with the Sequans the Romans were in like manner assisting unto them Whereupon he had good occasion to suspect that Caesar under pretence of league and amity kept his Army in Gallia for his ruine and destruction and that if he did not depart and withdraw his Army out of those Countries he would no longer take him for a friend but for an enemy And if his fortune were to stay him he should perform a very acceptable service to many noble and chief men of Rome as he had well understood by Letters and Messengers he had received from them whose favour and amity he should purchase by taking away his life But if he would depart and leave him the free possession of Gallia he would gratify him with great rewards and what war soever he desired to be undertaken should be gone through withall without his perill or charge Many things were spoken by Caâ—sar to shew why he could not desist from that course for neither was it his use nor the custome of the people of Rome to forsake their wel-deserving Associates neither could he think that Gallia did rather belong to Ariovistus then the Romans The Arveâ—s and Rutenes were in due course of warre subdued by Q. Fabius Maximus whom the people of Rome had pardoned and not reduced to a Province or made them stipendiaries And if antiquitie were looked into the people of Rome had good claim to that Countrey but forasmuch as the intention and will of the Senate was they should remain a free people they were suffered to be governed by their own lawes and left unto themselves notwithstanding any former conquest by force of Armes Whilst these things were treated of in parlee it was told Caesar that Ariovistus horsemen did approach nearer to the Mount and that accosting our men they assaulted them with stones and other weapons whereupon he brake off and betook himself to his Party commanding them not to cast a weapon at the enemy For albeit he well perceived he might without peril of that elect legion give battel to his Cavalry yet he thought sit to refrain least it should be said he had intrapped them with a parlee contrary to faith made and agreement After it was reported amongst the vulgar souldiers how arrogantly Ariovistus had carried himself in the treaty forbidding the Romans to frequent any part of Gallia and that their Cavalry had assaulted our men and that thereupon the parlee brake off the Army was possessed with a greater alacrity and desire to fight then before Two dayes after Ariovistus sent Messengers to Caesar signifying that he desired to treat with him concerning those things which were left unperfect and thereupon willed him to appoint another day of meeting or if he liked not that to send some unto him with authority to conclude of such things as should be found expedient Caesar was unwilling to give any further meeting and the rather for that the day before the Germans could not be restrained from violence and force of Armes Neither did he think he might safely expose the person of any of his followers to the inhumanity of such barbarous people and therefore thought it fittest to send unto him M. Valerius Procillus the sonne of C. Valerius Caburius ae vertuous young man and well bred whose father was made free of Rome by C. Valer. Flaccus which he
for the bad beginning was not the beginning of a good but of an evil end And therefore that his men might foresee a happy end in a good beginning it behoved him with the best of his Army to assault the weakest part of the enemy The last form is called Gibbosa or gibbera Acies when the battell is advanced and the two cornets lag behind This form did Hannibal use in the battell of Cannae but with this Art that he strengthened his two cornets with the best of his souldiers and placed his weakest in the midst that the Romans following the retreat of the battell which was easily repelld might be inclosed on each side with the two cornets Chap. XX. The Battell between Caesar and Ariovistus THe sign of the battell being thereupon given our men charged upon the enemy very fiercely and they on the otherside returned so speedy a counterbuffe that the legions had no time to cast their piles and in that regard made hast to betake themselves to their swords But the Germans according to their manner putting themselves into a Phalanx received the force of their swords In the battell there were many legionary souldiers seen to leap upon the Phalanx and to pull up with their hands the targets that covered it and so to wound and kill those that were underneath and so the left Cornet of the enemy was overthrown and put to flight Now while the right Cornet was thus busied the left Cornet was overcharged with an unequall multitude of the Germans which young Crassus the Generall of the horse no sooner perceived having more scope and liberty then any of the Commanders that were in the battell but he sent tertiam Aciem the third battell to rescue and aid their fellows that were in danger by means whereof the fight was renewed and all the enemy was put to flight and never looked back untill they came to the Rhene which was about fifty miles from the place where they fought Where some few of them saved themselves by swimming others found some boats and so escaped Ariovistus lighting upon a little Bark tied to the shore recovered the other side and so saved himself the rest were all slain by the horsemen Ariovistus had two wives one a Swevian whom he brought with him from home and the other of Norica the sister of King Vocion sent unto him by her brother into Gallia and married there both these perished in that fight His two daughters likewise being there one was slain and the other taken As Caesar pursued the German horsemen it was his chance to light upon Valerius Procillus as he was drawn up and down by his Keepers bound in three chains which accident was as gratefull to him as the victory it self being so fortunate to recover his familiar friend and a man of sort in the Province whom the barbarous enemy contrary to the law of Nations had cast into prison Neither would Fortune by the losse of him abate any thing of so great pleasure and contentment for he reported that in his own presence they had three severall times cast lots whether he should be burned alive and that still he escaped by the fortune of the lots And M. Titius was found in like manner and brought unto him The same of this battell being carried beyond the Rhene the Swevians that were come to the banks of the Rhene returned home again whom the inhabitants neare upon that river pursued finding them terrified and distracted and slew a great number of them Caesar having thus ended two great warres in one Summer brought his Army into their wintering Campes somewhat sooner then the time of the year required and leaving Labienus to command them himself returned into the hither Gallia to keep Courts and publick Diets THE FIRST OBSERVATION THis Phalanx here mentioned can hardly be proved to be the right Macedonian Phalanx but we are rather to understand it to be so termed by reason of the close and compact imbattelling rather then in any other respect and it resembled much a testudo as I said of the Helvetian Phalanx Secondly I observe that Caesar kept the old rule concerning their discipline in fight for although the name of Triaries be not mentioned in his history yet he omitted not the substance which was to have primam secundam tertiam Aciem and that prima Acies should begin the battell and the second should come fresh and assist them or peradventure if the enemy were many and strong the first and second battell were joyned together and so charged upon the enemy with greater fury and violence but at all adventures the third battell was ever in subsidio as they termed it to succour any part that should be overcharged which was a thing of much consequence and of great wisdome For if we either respect the incouragement of the souldiers or the casualty of Fortune what could be more added to their discipline in this behalf then to have a second and a third succour to give strength to the fainting weaknesse of their men and to repair the disadvantage which any accident should cast upon them Or if their valour were equally ballanced and victory stood doubtfull which of the two parties she should honour these alwayes stept in being fresh against weary and over-laboured spirits and so drew victory in despight of casualty unto themselves THE SECOND OBSERVATION COncerning use of lots it shall not be amisse to look into the nature of them being in former times so generall that there was no Nation civil or barbarous but was directed in their greatest affairs by the sentence of lots As we may not refuse for an undoubted truth that which Salomon saith in the sixteenth of Proverbs The lots are cast into the lap but the direction thereof belongeth to the Lord through the knowledge whereof Josua was directed to take Achan the Marriners Jonas and the Apostles to consecrate Matthias So whether the heathen and barbarous people whose blindnesse in the way of truth could direct them no further then to senselesse superstition and put them in mind of a duty which they owed but could not tell them what it was nor how to be performed whether these I say were perswaded that there was any supernaturall power in their lotteries which directed the action to the decree of destiny and as the Gods would have it it remaineth doubtfull Aristotle the wisest of the heathen concerning things naturall nameth that event casuall or proceeding from Fortune of which the reason of man could assign no cause or as he saith which hath no cause So that whatsoever happened in any action besides the intent of the agent and workman was termed an effect of Fortune or chance of hab-nab For all other effects which depended upon a certainty and definite cause were necessarily produced and therefore could not be casuall or subject to the inconstancy of chance And because many and sundry such chances daily happened which like terrae filii
therefore it was called agmen quadratum or a square march inasmuch as it kept the same disposition of parts as were observed in quadrata Acie in a square body For that triple forme of imbatteling which the Romans generally observed in their fights having respect to the distances between each battel contained almost an equall dimension of front and file and so it made Aciem quadratam a square body and when it marched Agmen quadratum a square march Polybius expresseth the same in effect as often as the place required circumspection but altereth it somewhat in regard of the carriages for he saith that in time of danger especially where the country was plain and champain and gave space and free scope to clear themselves upon any accident the Romans marched in a triple battel of equall distance one behind another every battell having his severall carriages in front And if they were by chance attacked by an enemy they turned themselves according to the opportunity of the place either to the right of left hand and so placing their carriages on the one side of their Army they stood imbattelled ready to receive the charge The contrary form of marching where the place afforded more security and gave scope to conveniency they named agmen longum a long march or train when almost every maniple or order had their severall carriages attending upon them and strove to keep that way which they found most easy both for themselves and their impediments Which order of march as it was more commodious then the former in regard of particularity so was it unsafe and dangerous where the enemy was expected and therefore Caesar much blamed Sabinus and Cotta for marching when they were deluded by Ambiorix longissimo agmine in a very long train as though they had received their advertisements from a friend and not from an enemy And albeit our modern wars are farre different in quality from them of ancient times yet in this point of discipline they cannot have a more perfect direction then that which the Romans observed as the two poles of their motions Safety and Conveniencie whereof the first dependeth chiefly upon the provident disposition of the leaders and the other will easily follow on as the commodity of every particular shall give occasion Concerning safety in place of danger what better course can be taken then that manner of imbattelling which shall be thought most convenient if an enemy were present to confront them for a well-ordered march must either carry the perfect forme of a battel or contain the distinct principles and elements thereof that with little alteration it may receive that perfection of strength which the fittest disposition can afford it First therefore a prudent and circumspect Leader that desireth to frame a strong and orderly march is diligently to observe the nature and use of each weapon in his Army how they may be placed for greatest use and advantage both in respect of their different and concurring qualities as also in regard of the place wherein they are managed and this knowledge will consequently inferre the best and exactest disposition of imbattelling as the said forces are capable of which if it may be observed in a march is no way to be altered But if this exactnesse of imbattelling will not admit convenient carriage of such necessary adjuncts as pertain to an Army the inconvenience is to be relieved with as little alteration from that rule as in a wary judgement shall be found expedient that albeit the form be somewhat changed yet the principles and ground wherein their strength and safety consisteth may still be retained Neither can any man well descend to more particular precepts in this point he may exemplify the practices of many great and experienced commanders what sort of weapon marched in front and what in the rereward in what part of the Army the Munition marched and where the rest of the carriage was bestowed according as their severall judgements thought most expedient in the particular nature of their occurrences But the issue of all will fall out thus that he that observed this rule before prescribed did seldome miscarry through an unsafe march Let a good Martia list well know their proper use in that diversity of weapons in his Army how they are serviceable or disadvantageous in this or that place against such or such an Enemy and he will speedily order his battel dispose of his march and bestow his carriages as shall best fall out both for his safety and conveniency Caesars custome was to send his Cavalry and light-armed footmen before the body of his Army both to discover and impeach an Enemy for these troups were nimble in motion and fit for such services but if the danger were greater in the rereward then in the front the horsemen marched in the tayl of the Army and gave security where there was most cause of fear But if it happened that they were found unfit to make good the service in that place as oftentimes it fell out and especially in Africa against the Numidians he then removed them as he best found it convenient and brought his legionary souldiers which were the sinews and strength of his forces and marched continually in the bulk of the Army to make good that which his horsemen could not perform And thus he altered the antique prescription and uniformity of custome according as he found himself best able to disadvantage an Enemy or make way to victory Chap. IX The Romans begin to fortify their camp but are interrupted by the Nervii Caesar maketh hast to prepare his forces to battell THe Roman horsemen with the slingers and archers passed over the river and encountred the Cavalry of the Enemy who at first retired back to their companies in the wood and from thence sallied out again upon them but the Romans durst not pursue them further then the plain and open ground In the mean time the six legions that were in front having their work measured out unto them began to fortify their camp But as soon as the Neâ—vii perceived their former carriages to be come in sight which was the time appointed amongst them to give the charge as they stood imbattelled within the thicket so they rushed out with all their forces and assaulted the Roman horsemen which being easily beaten back the Nervii ran down to the river with such an incredible swiftnesse that they seemed at the same instant of time to be in the woods at the river and charging the legions on the other side For with the same violence having passed the river they ran up the hill to the Roman camp where the souldiers were busied in their intrenchment Caesar had all parts to play at one instant the flag to be hung out by which they gave the souldiers warning to take Arms the battel to be proclaimed by sound of trumpet the souldiers to be recalled from their work and such as were gone farre
otherwise to seek their safety by flight Which tumult and fear was no sooner perceived by the Roman souldiers but calling to mind their perfidious treachery they brake into the Camp and were at first a little resisted In the mean time the women and children for they had brought all they had over the Rhene fled every one away which Caesar perceiving sent his horsemen to pursue them The Germans hearing the clamour and scrâ—echings behind their backs and seeing their friends pursued and slain did cast away their weapons forsake their ensigns and fled out of the Camp and coming to the confluence of the Mase and the Rhene such as had escaped cast themselves into the river where what through fear wearinesse and the force of the water they were all drowned In this conflict the Romans lost not a man The number of the enemy was 430000 with women and children To them whom he had retained in his Camp he gave leave to depart but they fearing the cruelty of the Galles for the mischief they had done them desired that they might continue with the Romans which Caesar agreed unto OBSERVATION THis relation affordeth little matter of war but only a severe revenge of hatefull treachery notwithstanding I will hence take occasion to discover the offices of the Quaestor and the Legates and shew what place they had in the Army And first concerning the Quaestor we are to understand that he was elected by the common voice of the people in the same Court which was called to create the Generall His office was to take charge of the publick treasure whether it came out of their Aâ—rarium for the pay of the Army or otherwise was taken from the enemy Of him the souldiers received their stipend both in corn and money and what other booties were taken from the enemy he either kept them or sold them for the use of the Commonweal The Legates were not chosen by the people but appointed by the Senate as Assistants and Coadjutoâ—s to the Emperour for the publick service and were altogether directed by the Generall in whose absence they had the absolute command and their number was for the most part uncertain but proportioned according to the number of legions in the Army CHAP. VI. Caesar maketh a bridge upon the Rhene and carrieth his Army over into Germany THe German war being thus ended Caesar thought it necessary to transport his Army over the Rhene into the Continent of Germany for many causes whereof this was not the least that seeing the Germans were so easily perswaded to bring their Colonies and their vagrant multitudes into Gallia he thought good to make known unto them that the Roman people could at their pleasure carry their forces over the Rhene into Germany Moreover those troups of horse which were absent at the late overthrow of the Germans being gone as I said before for spoil and provision over the Mosa after they saw their friends overthrown were fled into the confines of the Sicambri and joyned with them To whom when Caesar sent Messengers to demand them to be sent unto him they answered that the Roman Empire was limited by the Rhene and if the Germans were interdicted Gallia why should Caesar challenge any authority in their quarters Lastly the Ubii who amongst all the rest of the Germans had only accepted of Caesars friendship and given pledges of their fidelity had made earnest sute unto him to send them aid against the Suevi or at the least to transport his Army over the Rhene that would serve their turns that would be help and incouragement enough to them for the name and opinion of the Roman Army was so great and of such fame what with Ariovistus overthrow and this last service that it sounded honourable amongst the farthest Nations of Germany so that it was the greatest safety to have them their friends For these reasons Caesar resolved to passe the Rhene but to carry his Army over by boat was neither safe nor for his own honour nor the majesty of the people of Rome And albeit it seemed a matter of great difficulty by reason of the breadth swiftnesse and depth of the river to make a bridge yet he resolved to try what he could do otherwise he determined not to passe over at all And so he built a bridge after this manner At two foot distance he placed two trees of a foot and halfe square sharpened at the lower end and cut answerable to the depth of the river these he let down into the water with engines and drove them in with commanders not perpendicularly after the fashion of a pile but gablewise and bending with the course of the water opposite unto these he placed two other trees joyned together after the same fashion being forty foot distant from the former by the dimension between their lower parts in the bottome of the water and reclining against the course of the river These two pair of couples thus placed he joyned together with a beam of two foot square equall to the distance between the said couples and fastened them at each end on either side of the couples with braces and pins whereby the strength of the work and nature of the frame was such that the greater the violence of the stream was and the faster it fell upon the timber-work the stronger the bridge was united in the couplings and joynts In like manner he proceeded with couples and beams untill the work was brought unto the other side of the river and then he laid straight planks from beam to beam and covered them with hurdles and so he made a floor to the bridge Moreover on the lower side of the bridge he drove down supporters which being fastened to the timber-work did strengthen the bridge against the force of the water and on the upper side of the bridge at a reasonable distance he placed piles to hinder the force of trees or boats or what else the enemy might cast down to trouble the work or hurt the bridge Within ten dayes that the timber began to be cut down and carried the work was ended and the Army transported Caesar leaving a strong garison at either end of the bridge went into the confines of the Sicambri In the mean time Embassadours came to him from many cities desiring peace and the friendship of the Romans whom Caesar answered courteously and required hostages of their fidelity OBSERVATION IT shall not be amisse to enter a little into the consideration of this bridge as well in regard of the ingenious Architecture thereof as also that we may somewhat imitate Caesar whom we may observe to insist with as great plenty of wit and elâ—quence in presenting unto us the subtilty of his invention in such manner of handy-works as upon any other part of his actions as this particular description of the bridge may sufficiently witnesse besides the fortifications at Alesia and the intrenchments in Britany for the safety of his shipping with many
why all this was spoken as also what had put him besides his former resolution yet rather then spend the summer in those parts having all things in readinesse for his British war he commanded Induciomarus to come to him and bring two hundred hostages with him Induciomarus did as Caesar commanded and withall brought along with him his son and all that had any near relation unto him whom Caesar bade be of good chear and exhorted to continue firme in his duty and fidelity After this calling to him the chief of the Treviri man by man he reconciled them to Cingetorix as well looking at the desert of the man himself as at his own interest and advantage to have such a man bear the chief sway in his city who had expressed so notable affection and goodwill towards him in this businesse It troubled Induciomarus not a little to find his respect and authority thus impaired insomuch that he who before was no friend to us being vexed at this became a bitter enemy Things thus setled here Caesar came with his legions back to the port called Itius where he understood that forty ships which were built amongst the Meldae were hindred by tempests that they could not keep their course but were forced back from whence they came the rest were well provided and ready to set saile Hither also were gathered all the cavalry in France to the number of four thousand and the chief men of every city some few of which whose fidelity Caesar had had experience of he intended to leave at home and to take the rest along with him for hostages lest in his absense they should begin any new stirs in Gallia Amongst the rest was Dumnorix the Heduan formerly mentioned Him of all the rest Caesar intended to take with him knowing him to be a man desirous of change greedy of rule a man of courage and resolution and one of greatest authority amongst the Galles Besides this Dumnorix had given out at a meeting of the Hedui that Caesar had conferred upon him the government of the city which much troubled the Hedui yet they durst not send any man to Caesar to hinder or revoke it This Caesar came to hear of When he saw he must go with the rest first he besought with all the intreatyes he could that he might stay in Gallia alleging one while that he was afraid of the sea having as yet never been used to sailing another while that he had some religious accounts that kept him here When he perceived this would not serve his turn but go he must he began to deal with the rest of the chief men of the Galles taking them man by man perswading them to continue in their own country telling them that it was not without ground Caesar went about to despoile Gallia thus of its nobility his drift being to carry them over into Britain and there murther them whom he was affraid to put to death amongst their friends at home He went farther to ingage them to fidelity and to tye them by oath to proceed upon joynt consultation to the acting of what should be thought of most concernment and behoof for the good of Gallia These things were by divers persons related to Caesar who as soon as he knew thereof in regard of the great respect he bare to the Heduan State he resolved by all meanes possible to curb and deter Dumnorix from those courses in regard that he saw him thus to increase in his madnesse he thought it seasonable to prevent his endamaging either the Commonwealth or himself So staying in the place where he was about twenty five dayes the North-west wind a wind that usually blowes in those parts all that while hindering his putting to sea he made it much of his business to keep Dumnorix quiet and yet at the same time to spye out the whole drift of his designs At last the wind and weather serving he commanded his souldiers and horsemen on shipboard And whilst every mans mind was taken up about this Dumnorix with the rest of the Heduan horsemen unknown to Caesar had left the camp and were marching homewards Which when Caesar heard he stopt his voyage and letting every thing else alone sent a great part of his cavalry to attach him and bring him back with command that if he stood upon his defense and did not readily obey they should dispatch him For he could not believe that this man could mean any good to him if he once got home since he made so light of his commands when present with him The horse having overtaken him he stood upon his guard and made resistance imploring also the aide of those that were with him still crying out that he was a Free-born man and of a Free city Whereupon they as they were commanded hemm'd him in and so killed him the Heduan horsemen returning every man to Caesar CHAP. III. Caesar saileth into Britain landeth his forces and seeketh the enemy CAesar having prepared all things in readinesse he left Labienus in the Continent with three legions and two thousand horse both to keep the haven and make provision of corne and also to observe the motion of the Galles and to doe according as he saw time and occasion and with five legions and the like number of horse as he left in the continent about sun-setting he put out to sea with a soft south-wind which continued until midnight then ceasing he was carried with the tide untill the morning when he perceived that the Iland lay on his left hand and again as the tide changed he laboured by rowing to reach that part of the Iland where he had found good landing the year before Wherin the souldiers deserved great commendation for by strength and force of Oares they made their great ships of burthen to keep way with the Gallies About high noon they arrived in Britany with all their ships neither was there any Enemy seen in that place but as afterward Caesar understood by the Captives the Britans had been there with a great power but being terrified with the infinite number of shipping which they discovered from the shore for with the ships of provision and private vessels which severall persons had for their own convenience there were in all above either hundred they forsook the shore and hid themselves in the upland country Caesar having landed his men and chosen a convenient place to incamp assoon as he understood by the captives where the enemy lay in the third watch of the night he marched towards them leaving ten cohorts and three hundred horse under Quintus Atrius for a garrison to his shipping which he the lesse feared because it lay at anchour in a soft and open shore He marched that night about twelve mile before he found the Enemy The Britans sending out their horse and chariots to a river that ran between them and the Romans and having the advantage of the upper ground began to hinder
perswading the Hedui diligently to make supply of necessary provisions he sent to the Boii to advertise them of his coming to encourage them to continue loyall and nobly to resist the assaults of the enemy and leaving two Legions with the carriages of the whole army at Agendicum he marched towards the Boii The next day coming to a Town of the Senones called Vellaunodunum he determined to take it in to the end he might leave no enemy behind him which might hinder a speedy supply of victuals and in two dayes he inclosed it about with a ditch and a rampier The third day some being sent out touching the giving up of the town he commanded all their arms and their cattell to be brought out and six hundred pledges to be delivered Leaving C. Trebonius a Legate to see it performed he himself made all speed towards Genabum in the territories of the men of Chartres who as soon as they heard of the taking in of Vellaunodunum perswading themselves the matter would not rest so they resolved to put a strong garrison into Genabum Thither came Caesar within two dayes and incamping himself before the Town the evening drawing on he put off the assault unto the next day commanding the souldiers to prepare in a readinesse such things as should be necessary for that service And forasmuch as the town of Genabum had a bridge leading over the river Loire he feared least they of the town would steal away in the night for prevention whereof he commanded two Legions to watch all night in arms The townsmen a little before midnight went out quietly and began to pass over the river Which being discovered by the Scouts Caesar with the Legions which he had ready in armes burnt the gates and entring the Town took it the greatest number of the enemy being taken and a very few escaping by reason of the narrowness of the bridge and the way which shut in the multitude The town being sacked and burned and given for a booty to the souldiers he caried his army over the river Loire into the territories of the Bituriges THE FIRST OBSERVATION IT is a known and an approved saying E malis minimum est eligendum of evils the least is to be chosen but in a presentment of evils to be able to discern the difference and to chuse the least Hic labor hoc opus here 's all the skill and work Vercingetorix besieging Gergovia a stipendary town belonging to the Hedui that of long time had served the Roman Empire at such a time of the year as would not afford provision of victuall for the maintenance of an army but with great difficulty and inconvenience of carriage and convoy Caesar was much perplexed whether he should forbear to succour the town and raise the siege or undergo the hazard of long and tedious convoyes A matter often falling into dispute although it be in other terms whether honesty or honourable respect ought to be preferred before private ease and particular commodity Caesar hath declared himself touching this point preferring the honour of the people of Rome as the majesty of their Empire and the reputation which they desired to hold touching assistance and protection of their friends before any inconvenience which might happen to their army And not without good reasons which may be drawn as well from the worthiness of the cause as from the danger of the effect for duties of vertue and respects of honesty as the noblest parts of the mind do not onely challenge the service of the inferiour faculties of the soul but do also command the body and the casaulties thereof in such sort as is fitting the excellency of their prerogative for otherwise vertue would find but bare attendance and might leave her scepter for want of lawfull authority And therefore Caesar chose rather to adventure the army upon the casualties of hard provision then to blemish the Roman name with the infamy of disloyalty Which was less dangerous also in regard of the effect for where the bond is of value there the forfeiture is great and if that tie had been broken and their opinion deceived touching the expectation of assistance and help all Gallia might have had just cause of revolt and disclaimed the Roman government for non-protection To conclude then let no man deceive himself in the present benefit which private respect may bring upon the refusall of honest regard for the end will be a witness of the errour and prove honesty to be best policie THE SECOND OBSERVATION IT is observed by some writers that Caesar never undertook any action or at the least brought it not to triall but he first assured himself of these four things The first was provision of victuals as the very foundation of warlike expeditions whereof I have already treated in the first Commentary the difficulty whereof made him so doubtfull to undertake the relief of Gergovia And doubtless whosoever goeth about any enterprize of warre without certain means of victuall and provision must either carry an army of Camelions that may live by the aire or intend nothing but to build castles in the aire or otherwise shall be sure to find his enemy either in his bosome or as the Proverb is in Plutarch to leap on his belly with both his feet The second thing was provision of all necessaries which might be of use in that service wherewith he alwayes so abounded that there might rather want occasion to use them then he be wanting to answer occasion And these were the instruments whereby he made such admirable works such bridges such mounts such trenches such huge armadoes as appeareth by the sea-â—ight with the maritime cities of Gallia according to which his former custome forasmuch as the day was far spent before he came to Genabum he commanded such things to be sitted and had in a readiness as might serve for the siege the next day The third thing was an army for the most part of old souldiers whom the Romans called Veteram whereof he was likewise at this time provided for the two legions which were fresh and lately inroled he left at Agendâ—cum with the carriages taking onely the old souldiers for this service as knowing that in pugna usum amplius prodesse quam vires usefulness is more serviceable in warre then numbers The fourth thing was the triall and experience of the enemies forces which the former victories assured him to be inferiour to the Romans it being alwayes a rule in the Roman discipline as I have already noted by light and easie skirmishes to acquaint the souldiers with the manner of the enemies fight Ne eos novum bellum novus hostis terreret least a new kinde of fight or enemy might affright them as Lâ—vy saith CHAP. VI. Caesar taketh in Noviodunum and beateth the enemy coming to rescue the Town VErcingetorix understanding of Caesars coming left the siege and went to meet him Caesar resolved to take
potestate consulari documento fuere quam plurium imperium bello inutile esset tentando ad sua quisque consilia cum aliâ— aliud vâ—deretâ—r aperuerunt ad occasionem locum hosti The three Tribunes with consular power clearly shewed how inconvenient a thing it is to have more then one commander in chief for while every one adheres to his own advice and judgement one man thinking this thing convenient another that they open a way to the enemy to make advantage against them In the time of their Consuls Quintius and Agrippa being sent against the Aequi Agrippa referred the businesse wholly to his collegue concluding as Livie saith Saluberrimum in administratione magnarum rerum est summum imperii ad unum esse It is the safest way in the managing of great affairs to have one man bear the chief sway And therefore as one body requireth but one head so one businesse would have but one directour forasmuch as Aemulatio inter pares ex eo impedimentum Aemulation and consequently hinderance will be amongst equalls CHAP. XXXV The Galles do chuse out sixty thousand of their best men and do assault the weakest part of Caesars camp THe Galles being repelled twice with great losse do fall into consideration what they were next to do They call unto them such as were well acquainted with the nature and site of the place by whom they understand of the situation of the upper camp On the north side there lay a hill which by reason of the greatnesse of the circuit our men could not take in within the compasse of their works and thereupon were necessarily constrained to lay their camp in an unequall place somewhat shelving This part was kept by Caius Antistius Rheginus and Caius Caninius Rebilus with two Legions This being known by the discoverers the Captains of the enemy chose out sixty thousand of those States which carried the greatest opinion of manhood and did secretly determine amongst themselves how and in what sort they would have the service carried and do determine to put it in execution when the Sun should be near about the noon meridian appointing Vergasilaunus to command those forces being one of the four Captains and kinsman to Vercingetorix He going out of the camp in the first watch of the night came to the end of his journey a little before day and hiding himself behind a hill commanded his souldiers to refresh themselves from the former nights travell And when it began to be towards noon he made towards that part of the camp which I have before mentioned and at the same time the horsemen began to approach towards the works and the rest of the forces shewed themselve before the camp Vercingetorix perceiving this out of the watch-tower of Alesia went out of the town and carried with him long poles hooks and such other provisions which he had made ready before hand for a salley They fought at one instant in all places all wayes were tryed and where they thought it to be weakest thither they ran The Roman forces were dismembred by reason of the large extension of their works so that they could not easily defend many places and the shout which was made behind their backs did much affright our men forasmuch as they perceived that their danger did consist in other mens valour for such things as are absent do for the most part greatly perplex and trouble mens minds Caesar having got a convenient place doth see what is done in every part if any were overcharged he sent them succour and was ready to answer all occasions on both sides the camp He told them that that was the time wherein it was behovefull for them to fight The Galles would despair of all good successe unlesse they brake down the works The Romans if they obtained their purpose might expect an end of their labours The greatest contention was about that place to which Vergasilaunus was sent A small rising in a place doth give much advantage in a shelving descent Some cast weapons others put themselves into a Testudo and came under the works The wearied and over-laboured were seconded by fresh supplies Every man cast earth into the works which raised it so high that the Galles had advantage of ascent and the pikes and sharp stakes which the Romans had cunningly hid under the earth to annoy the enemy were thereby covered It came at last to that passe that our men wanted both strength and weapons Which being known Caesar sent Labienus with six cohorts to relieve those hat were overcharged commanding him if the could not bear out the charge to sally out upon them but not unlesse he were constrained unto it He himself went about to the rest adhorting them not to faint under their labour forasmuch as the fruit and benefit of all their former battels consisted in that day and that hour The enemy within being out of hope of doing any good upon the works made in plain and champain places by reason of the strength of the fortifications tried what they could do in steep and broken places and thither they brought those things which they had prepared With the multitude of their casting weapons they cast out such as fought from turrets they filled their passages with hurdles and earth they brake down the parapet and the rampier with hooks Caesar sent first young Brutus with six cohorts and after him Fabius a Legate with seven more and at length as the fight waxed hot he went himself with a fresh supply The fight being renewed and the enemy beaten off he hasted to that place whither he had sent Labienus and took four cohorts out of the next Castle Part of the horsemen he commanded to follow him and the rest to compasse about the outward works and to set upon the enemy behind Labienus finding that neither rampier nor ditches were able to keep out the enemy having got such forces together as were drawn by chance from the works nearest hand to the number of thirty nine cohorts he acquainted Caesar by messengers what he thought fit to be done Caesar made haste to be at the fight His coming being known by the colour of his garment which he was accustomed to wear in time of battell and the troups of horse and the cohorts being discovered which he had commanded to follow him as the shelving and declining places were subject to the view of higher grounds the enemy begun the fight a great shout was taken up on both sides Our men having thrown their piles betook themselves to their swords Suddenly the horsemen were discovered behind them and other cohorts made their approches towards them The enemy turned his back and fled the horsemen met them as they fled the slaughter was great in that place Sedulius a Captain and Prince of the Lemovici was slain Vergasilaunus was taken alive Threescore and fourteen ensignes were brought unto Caesar and very few of so great a number returned
safe into their camp Those of the town beholding the slaughter and flight of their friends being out of all hope drew back their forces from the works This being known the Galles fled presently out of their camp and if the souldiers had not been wearied with that dayes labour they might easily have destroyed all their enemies About midnight the horse being sent out to fall upon the rereward a great number was taken and slain the rest escaped into their countreys OBSERVATIONS IT is an old saying of a hungry man That it is an easier matter to fill his belly then his eye which is as true in other cases wherein our desires are oftentimes so great that we think no means sufficient to accomplish the same but when we shall come to put it in triall and suffer every man to be measured with his own foot it will appear that our desires are better applied to the infinitie of the mind then to the necessary occasions of our life Vercingetorix was so farre interessed in the successe of this warre that he thought all the able men of Gallia not enough to make it happy unto him but the other Princes that were not so deeply touched and yet stood as well affected to the cause refused to inrole all that were able to bear arms but thought two hundred fourty and eight thousand men to be a competent force for this service But coming to the execution of the businesse they employed only sixtie thousand and when they failed of their endeavour and were routed and overthrown by the Romans the rest staid no longer to dispute the matter but sled all away by night Which sheweth the difference between the affections which are forerunners of a cause and such as grow and increase with a businesse and are not commonly found in one and the same subject in their greatest strengths For these antecedent desires are like womens longings strong and violent at first but decaying as fast again before they come to any ripenesse whereas such affections as rise from the carriage of a businesse and grow from the occurrences of that proceeding are not so easily abated but do hold out strong either for constancy or obstinacy CHAP. XXXVI Vercingetorix yieldeth himself and the town to Caesar THe next day Vercingetorix having called a Councell told them that he had not undertook that warre for his own occasions but for the cause of common liberty and forasmuch as they were necessarily to yield to fortune he made offer of himself unto them either to satisfie the Romans with his death or to be delivered unto them alive Ambassadours were sent to Caesar touching that point He commanded their arms to be delivered and the Princes to be brought out He himself sate in the fortifications before the camp thither the captains were brought Vercingetorix was delivered their weapons were cast out The Hedui and the Arverni being reserved to the end he might recover the rest of the States by them of the rest of the captives he gave throughout all the army to every man a prisoner by the name of a bâ—otie These things being ended he went to the Heduâ— and received in the State Thither did the Arverni send Ambassadours unto him promising to obey whatsoever he commanded He demanded a great number of hostages and sent the Legions into their wintering camps He sent home twenty thousand captives to the Hedui and the Arverni He sent T. Labienus with two Legions and the horse into the Sequani and gave him M. Sempronius Rutilius to assist him He lodged C. Fabius and Lucius Minutius Basilius with two legions amongst the men of Rhemes lest they should receive any damage by the near bordering Bellovaci He sent C. Antistius Reginus to the Ambivareti and T. Sextius to the Bituriges and C. Caninius Rebilus to the Rutheni with each of them a Legion He placed Q. Tullius Cicero and P. Sulpitius at Cavillonis and Matiscona of the Hedui upon the river Arar for provision of corn he himself determined to winter at Bibract These yeares service being known at Rome there was a feast of thanksgiving appointed for twenty dayes together OBSERVATIONS VErcingetorix notwithstanding a hard fortune entertained a noble resolution for having first acquainted the Galles that he had not undertook that warre for any respect to himself but for the cause of Gallia and the ancient libertie of that continent he made offer to satisfie the angry Romans with his body dead or alive Plutarch reciteth the manner of his deliverie to be in this sort Being armed at all parts mounted on a horse furnished with a rich caparison he came to Caesar rode round about him as he sate in his chair of Estate then lighting off his horse he took off his caparison and furniture and unarmed himself and laid all on the ground and went and sate down at Caesars feet and said never a word Caesar at length committed him as a prisoner taken in the warres to be led afterwards in his triumph at Rome but the civile warres did cut off that solemnitie If it be demanded what became of these great Princes and personages after the triumph It will appear that they did not stroke their heads or make more of them then of miserable captives For Paulus Aemilius after the noble triumph for king Perseus pittying his fortune and desiring to help him could never obtain other grace for him then onely to remove him from the common prison which they called Carcer into a more cleanly and sweeter house where being streightly guarded he died either by abstinence or being kept from sleep by the souldiers Two of his sonnes died also but the third became an excellent Turner or Joyner and could write the Roman tongue so well that he afterwards became Chancellor to the Magistrates of Rome And thus the Romans dealt with their captive Princes making them examples of Fortunes unconstancy and turning their diadems into shackles of iron And thus farre did Caesar comment himself upon the warres he made against the Galles being a noble and a worthy people and bred in a large and fertile Continent the inhabitants whereof have in all ages even to these times challenged an eminency both for politick government and martiall prowesse amongst the Western kingdomes of the world their actions and carriage from time to time deserving as honourable memory as these warres recorded by Caesars own hand whereof Paulus Aemilius Philip Commines and of late John de Seres are very pregnant witnesses They continued under the Roman government four hundred fourty and one yeares according to the computation made by John Tillius reckoning from the last victory in Caesars Proconsulship to the time of Marcomerus a Generall of the French by whose prowesse and means they denied to pay that homage and tribute to the Emperour Valentinianus which Vercingetorix had lost to Caesar The next Sommers service compiled by Hirtius I have purposely omitted as intending no further matter
to consider what might ensue thereof and the danger which might befall him in particular Varus being throughly wakened at this warning drew out the garrison which he had brought in and so fled away and being overtaken by a few of Caesar's first troups was compelled to make a stand and there giving battel was forsaken of his men Some of the souldiers went home and the rest came to Caesar Amongst them was taken L. Pupius Centurion of a Primipile order which place he had formerly held in Pompey's Army Caesar commended Actius souldiers sent Pupius away gave thanks to them of Auximum and assured them of a mindfull acknowledgement on his behalf for this service THE FIRST OBSERVATION AMongst other things which serve to inable our judgements and do make men wise to good fortune that which is gathered from similitude or likenesse of quality is not the unsurest ground of our discourse but oftentimes giveth more light to guide our passage through the doubtfulnesse of great enterprises then any other help of reason For he that will attend an overture from every particular and tarry for circumstances to accomplish all his purposes and make no use of instances to better his advantage shall never wade farre in businesses of moment nor atchieve that which he desireth Which Caesar well observed for upon the accidentall discovery of the disposition of one town he thereby took occasion to make triall how the rest stood affected and either found them or made them answerable to his hopes Concerning these places taken by Caesar it is to be understood that Pisaurum is sited on the Adriatick sea and belongeth to the Dutchie of Urbine a town famous of old by reason of the prodigious opening of the earth and swallowing up the inhabitants before the battell of Actium some few yeares after it was thus taken by Caesar Fanum was so called of a fair Temple which was there built to Fortune Tacit. Annal. 10. Exercitus Vespasiani ad Fanum Fortunae iter sistit The Army of Vespasian made a halt at the Temple of Fortune It is a small town on the same sea and belongeth to the Pope Ancona is a famous town upon the Adriatick sea sited upon a bow-like promontorie which taketh in the sea between two fore-lands and so maketh one of the fairest Havens of all Italy as well for largenesse as for safety From whence riseth that common saying expressing the rarenesse and singularity of three things Unus Petrus in Roma One Peter in Rome noting the beauty of Saint Peter's Church Una Turris in Cremona One tower in Cremona the excellent workmanship of a Steeple there And unus Portus in Ancona One Haven in Ancona which is this Haven The Emperour Trajan to give it more shelter and keep it from the fury of the wind raised the top of the Promontorie in fashion of a half moon with a mount made of great Marble stones and made it Theatre-wise with descents and degrees to go to the sea together with an Ark triumphall in memory thereof The town is now under the Pope THE SECOND OBSERVATION THis word Decurio hath a double understanding for Romulus having 3000 foot and 300 horse divided them into three Tribes and every Tribe into ten Curies containing a hundred footmen and ten horsemen Whereby Marcellinus concludeth that Decuriones Centuriones à numero cui in Militia praeerant dâ—cebantur they were called Decurions and Centurions from the number they commanded in the warres But Vegetius is more particular in this point A Company of footmen saith he was called a Century or Maniple and a Troup of horse was called Turma of Ter-denos containing thirty men whereof the Captain was named Decurio In which sense Caesar speaketh Ea res per fugitivos L. Aemiliâ— Decurionis equitum Gallorum hostibus nunciatur This businesse was bewrayed to the enemy by the fugitives of L. Aemilius a Decurion of the French horse But in this place it hath another signification for the Romans when they sent any Citizens to people and inhabite a place chose out every tenth man such as were found most able and of best sufficiency to make and establish a publick Councell whom they called Decuriones according as Pomponius and other Civilians understand it So that these Decuriones were the Senate of that place CHAP. VII Lentulus flieth in great fear out of Rome Caesar cometh to Coâ—finium THese things being reported at Rome the City was suddenly struck into such a terrour that when Lentulus the Consul came to open the Treasury to deliver out money to Pompey according to the Act of Senate he fled out of the City and left the inner chamber of the Treasury open For it was reported although untruly that Caesar was near approching and that his Cavalrie was hard at hand Marcellus the other Consul together with most of the other Magistrates followed after Pompey departing the day before was gone to those legions which he had taken from Caesar and had left in Apulia to winter In the mean while the inrollment of souldiers ceased within the City No place seemed secure between that Capua There they began first ot assemble and assure themselves impresting for souldiers such as by Julius law were sent thither to inhabit And the Fencers which were there trained and exercised by Caesar for the entertainment of the people of Rome were by Lentulus brought out set at liberty mounted upon horses and commanded to follow him But afterwards upon advice of his friends every mans judgement disallowing thereof he dispersed them here and there throughout Campania for their better safety and keeping Caesar dislodging from Auximum marched throughout all the countrey of Picenum and was most willingly received by all the Praefectures of those Regions and relieved with all necessaries which his souldiers stood in need of Insomuch as Commissioners were sent unto him from Cingulum a town which Labienus had founded and built from the ground at his own charges promising to obey whatsoever he commanded whereupon he required souldiers and they sent them accordingly In the mean time the twelfth legion overtook Caesar and with these two he marched directly to Asculum a town which Lentulus Spinther held with ten Cohorts who understanding of Caesar's approch left the place and labouring to carry the troups with him was forsaken by the greatest part of the souldiers and so marching with a few happened by chance upon Vibullius Rufus sent of purpose by Pompey into the Countrey of Picenum to confirm and settle the people Vibullius being advertised how matters went there took the souldiers and so dismissed him of his charge gathering likewise from the confining Regions what cohorts he could get from Pompey's former inrollments and amongst others entertained Ulcilles Hirus flying with six cohorts out of Camerinum whereof he had the keeping These being all put together made thirteen cohorts with which by long
as were of use for the defence of the town but he himself conferring secretly with some of his familiar friends consulted how he might escape away But forasmuch as his looks agreed not with his words and that his carriage seemed more troubled and timorous then usuall and likewise his secret conferences with his friends were more then ordinary as also by his avoiding of publick counsels and assemblies as much as he could the matter could be no longer dissembled For Pompey had writ back that he would not hazzard the cause by drawing it into such terms of extremity neither was Domitius ingaged in the keeping of Coâ—finium by his advice or consent and therefore if by any means he could he should quit the place and bring the forces unto him But the siege was so streight and the works did so begird the town that there was no hope of effecting it Domitius purpose being known abroad the souldiers within the town about the beginning of the evening forsook their stations and drew themselves apart and thereupon had conference with the Tribunes of the souldiers and Centurions to this effect That they were besieged by Caesar whose works and fortifications were almost finished their Generall Domitius in hope and confidence of whom they were engaged in that place setting aside all matters whatsoever was bethinking himself how he might escape and fly away and in regard thereof they were not to neglect their own safety The Marsi at first began to differ from the rest upon that point possest themselves of that part of the town which seemed to be strongest and such a dissension thereby grew amongst them that they had almost gone to blowes Howbeit understanding a while after by messengers which past to and fro between them of Domitius purpose to flâ—e away whereof formerly they were ignorant they agreed together and with one consent brought Domitius out into open publick and sent some to Caesar to let him know they were ready to open the gates to receive his commandements and to deliver Domitius alive into his hands Upon advertisement whereof albeit Caesar found it a matter of great consequence to gain the town with as much speed as he could and to take the souldiers into his Camp lest either by large promises and gifts or by entertaining other purposes or otherwise through false bruâ—ts or devâ—sed messages their minds might happily be altered as oftentimes in the course of warre great and eminent chances and alterations do happen in a small moment of time yet for that he feared lest the night-time might give occasion to the souldiers upon their entrance to sack and pilfer the town he commending those that came unto him sent them back again and willed that the gates and the walles should be kept with a good guard He himself disposed the souldiers upon the work which he had begun not by certain spaces and distances as he had accustomed in former times but by continuall watches and stations one touching another round about all the fortifications Moreover he sent the Tribunes and Captains of the horse about and willed them to have a care that there might be no eruptions or sallies and that they should look to the private slippings out of particular men Neither was there any man so heavy or dull that suffered his eyes to be shut that night for so great was the expectation of what would ensue that no man thought of any other thing then of what would happen to the Corfinians to Domitius to Lentulus and the rest About the fourth watch of the night Lentulus Spinther spake from the wall to our souldiers that had the watch and signified that he would willingly have leave to come to Caesar Which being granted he was sent out of the town attended with some of Domitius his souldiers who left him not untill he came in sight of Caesar With him he dealt concerning his life and praâ—ed him to pardon him put him in mind of their former familiarity acknowledged the favours received from Caesar which were very great namely that by his means he was chosen into the Colledge of Priests that upon the going out of his Praetorshâ—p he obtained the province of Spain and in his suit to be Consul he was much assisted by him Caesar interrupting his speech told him that he came not from his government to hurt any man but to defend himself from the injuries of his adversaries to restore the Tribunes of the people to their dignitie that were thrust out and expelled the City and to put himself and the people of Rome into liberty which were opprest with the partialities of a few factious persons Lentulus being reassured upon this answer prayed leave to return into the town and the rather that this which he had obtained touching his own safety might give hope to the rest amongst whom some were so affrighted that be doubted they would fall into some desperate course And having obtained leave he departed Caesar as soon as it was day commanded all the Senators and Senators children together with the Tribunes of the souldiers and the Roman Knights to be brought out unto him Of Senatours there were L. Domitus P. Lentulus Spinther Vibullius Rufus Sex Quintilius Varus the Treasurer L. Rubrius besides Domitius his sonne and many other young men with a great number of Roman Knights and Decurions whom Domitius had called out of the Municipall Towns These being all brought forth unto him were protected from the insolencies and injuries of the souldiers Moreover he spake a few words unto them concerning the ill requitall on their behalf for the great benefits he had done unto them and so sent them all away in peace The sixty Sestertia of gold which Domitius had laid up in the publick Treasury being brought unto him by the two chief Magistrates or Baâ—lifs of Corfinium he redelivered to Domitius lest he should seem more continent in taking away mens lives then their moneys although he knew that this money was part of the publick treasure and delivered out by Pompey to pay souldiers He commanded Domitius his party to be sworn his souldiers And that day removing his Camp went a full dayes march after a stay of seven dayes about Corfinium through the confines of the Marrucini Frentani and Larinates and came into Apulia THE FIRST OBSERVATION AS it is true that a friend is not solely tied to the respects of right but doth give more advantage by offices of good endeavour then by that which duty requireth so is it dangerous for a man to put his â—ickle further into a harvest then haply may deserve thanks of the owner Neither can it be cleared from imputation of folly to care another mans businesse with hazard and perill of our own fortune Howbeit the current and drift of things doth oftentimes so ingage both our persons and affections either in the main action it self or in some circumstances of the same that we
side barbarous and rude Nations that live under generall and slight lawes are as slight and rude in their actions as amongst other things may appear in that the Spaniards thought it no scorn to use the help of bladders in passing over a River as a device coming next to hand which the people of a wise and potent State would not have done but by a sure and substantiall bridge The use of which bladders as it hath been ancient amongst people of that nature so it is continued in the same manner by the Savages inhabiting Groenland and the North parts of America as appeareth by discoveries made of late by the Moscovy Merchants about the North-west passage from whence such as are imployed in those voiages have brought great and large bladders or bagges made of Seal-skins ingeniously devised to be filled and blowed with wind and tied behind at their girdle and at their coller to help themselves in swimming And after the same easy fashion the Indians of Peru as Josephus Acosta writeth instead of wood and stone made their bridges over great Rivers of plaited Reeds which they fastened to the banks on each side with stakes or otherwise of bundles of straw and weeds by which men and beasts if there be any credit in his story passe over with ease Howbeit as when the ancient Greeks would note a man of extreme insufficiency they would say he could neither read nor swim so Caesar seemed of the same opinion by commending the skill of swimming as a thing of much consequence in the use of Armes Whereof he made good experience in Egypt where he cast himself into a small boat for his better safety and finding it over-charged and ready to sink he leapt into the sea and swam to his Fleet which was two hundred paces off holding certain papers in his left hand above the water and trailing his coat of Armes in his teeth that it might not be left to the enemy CHAP. XVIII Afranius marcheth with three legions to cut off a party The scarcitie of victuall in Caesar's Army IT was told Afranius of great troups and convoies that were coming to Caesar but were hindered by the waters and aboad there by the Rivers side for thither were come Archers out of Ruthenia and horsemen out of Gallia with many carres and carriages according to the custome of the Galles There were besides of all sorts about six thousand men with their servants and attendants but without order or any known command for every man was at his own liberty travelling the Countrey without fear according to the former freedome and safety of the wayes There were likewise many young men of good rank Senators sons and knights of Rome besides Embassadours from sundry States and divers of Caesar's Legates All these were kept back by the River Afâ—anius went out in the night time with three legions and all his horse to cut off this party and sending his Cavalry before set upon them unawares Howbeit the Cavalry of the Galles put themselves speedily in order and buckled with them And as long as it stood upon indifferent termes they being but a few did withstand a great number of the enemy but as soon as they discovered the Ensignes of the legions coming towards them some few of them being slain the rest betook themselves to the next hills This small time of encounter was of great consequence for the safety of our men for by this means they had opportunity to take the upper ground There were lost that day two hundred Archers a few horsemen and no great number of the souldiers boyes together with the baggage Victuals by reason of all these things waxed very dear as well in regard of the present want as also for fear of future penury as commonly it happeneth in such cases insomuch as a bushell of Corn was worth fifty pence Whereby the souldiers grew weak for want of sustenance and the inconveniences thereof daily more and more increased For so great was the alteration which hapned in a few dayes that our men were much afflicted with the extreme want of all necessary provisions whereas they on the other side having all things in abundance were held for victors Caesar sent unto those States which were of his party and instead of Corn gave them order to furnish him with Cattell dismissed souldiers boyes and sent them to towns farther off relieving the present scarcity by all the means he could Afranius and Petreius together with their friends inlarged these things in their letters to Rome rumour and report added much hereunto as that the warre was even almost at an end These Messengers and Letters being come to Rome there was great concourse from all parts to Afranius house much congratulation and rejoycing for these things and thereupon many went out of Italy to Pompey some to be the first messengers of the news others that they might not seem to expect the event of the war and so prove the last that came to that party When the matter was brought to these difficulties and extremities and all the wayes were kept by Afranius souldiers and horsemen and no bridges could be made Caesar gave order to the souldiers to make such Boats and Barks as he had in former years taught them the use of in the warre of Britain the keels whereof were built of light stuffe and small timber and the upper parts made with wicker and covered with hides Which being finished he laded them upon Carres and carried them in the night some twenty two miles from the Camp And in those Barks transporting his souldiers over the river upon a suddain he possest himself of a little hill which lay near unto the water side which hill he speedily fortified before the enemy had notice thereof Afterwards he brought over a legion to that place and made a bridge from side to side in two dayes space and so the convoies which had gone forth for provisions and forrage returned back in safety whereby he began to settle a course for provision of Corn. The same day he passed over the the river a great part of his Cavalry who falling unlooked for upon the forragers scattered here and there without fear or suspicion cut off a great number of men and cattell Whereupon the Enemy sending certain Spanish troups bearing little round bucklers to second and relieve the forragers they divided themselves of purpose into two parts the one to keep and defend the booty which they had got and the other to resist and beat back the forces sent to charge them One of our cohorts which had easily run out before the Army was intercepted and cut off the rest returned by the bridge into the Camp in safety with a great booty THE FIRST OBSERVATION THese Rutheni inhabited that part of Provence where Rhodes now standeth amongst whom Caesar had ordinarily a legion or two in Garrison for the better keeping of the Countrey in obedience
Cremona whereof Tacitus hath this description Praelium tota nocte varium anceps atrox his rursus illis exitiabile Nihil animus aut manus nâ— oculi quidem provisu juvabant c. The fight was doubtfull and bloudy the whole night now this party going to the worse by and by that A stout heart or a valiant hand availed little neither could the eyes see before them either advantage or disadvantage And thus are all night-works condemned wherein either order or honour are of any moment THE SECOND OBSERVATION I Have already noted in the former Commentaries the use of exact and particular discoverie of the Countrey where a partie is ingaged then which nothing doth more advantage a Commander to expedite the happy issue of a war For by that means he is not onely able to judge of any motion which the enemy shall offer and to give sure directions to frustrate and make void the same but also to dispose himself according as shall seem expedient for his safety Wherein if a place of such consequence as is here mentioned shall by designe be aimed at this historie sheweth how much it importeth either partie to obtain it and therefore Caesar had reason to make his passage through Vallies and Rocks rather then to lose victorie for want of labouring in an uneasie way This Lucius Decidius Saxa or Didius Saxa imployed in this discoverie was afterward advanced by Caesar to be Tribune of the people whereat Tullie was so much offended How can I omit saith he this Decidius Saxa a man brought from the furthest end of the world whom we see Tribune of the people before we ever saw him a Citizen CHAP. XXIII Caesar refuseth to fight upon an advantage offered contrary to the opinion and desire â—f all men THere was an opportunity then offered of doing something to purpose neither was Caesar ignorant thereofâ— Such an overthrow given before their faces did consequently so discourage them that it was thought they would not indure a charge especially being compassed about with the Cavaâ—riâ— in an indifferent and open place where the matter was to be decided by battell Which was on all sides instantly desired at Caesar's hands for the Legates Centurâ—ons and Tribunes of the souldiers came joyntly unto him desiring him to make no doubt of giving battell for all the souldiers were very ready and forward thereunto whereas the contrary partie had 〈◊〉 many arguments of fear and discouragement First in that they did not succour their fellows Secondly in asmuch as they had not bougâ—d from the Hill which they had took for a retreat Neither had they withstood the charge and incursion of the Cavalrâ—e but had thronged pell-mell together and confusedly mingled their Ensignes one with another no man either keeping his place or his colours And if he feared the inequality and disadvantage of the Place he might take some other of more indifferencie for certainly Afranius could not long stay where he was but must depart from thence for want of water Caesar was in hope to end the matter without either blow or wound of his men forasmuch as he had cut off the enemy from victuall And why then should be lose a man although it were to gain a victory Why should he suffer his valiant and well-deserving souldiers to be so much as hurt or wounded Or why should he put the matter to the hazard of Fortune especially when it no lesse concerned the honour and reputation of a Commander to vanquish an enemy by direction and advice theâ— to subdue them by force of Armes being moved withall with a tender commiseration of such Citizens of Rome as were consequently to be hazarded or slain in the sight whereas he desired to work out his own Ends with their safety This opinion of Caesar's was disallowed by most men and the souldiers would not stick to speak plainly amongst themselves Forasmuch as such an occasion of victorâ—â— was overslipt that when Câ—â—sar would have them they would not fight He notwithstanding continued firm in his opinion and fell as little off from the enemy to lessen and abate their fear and amazement Petreius and Afranius upon the opportunity given them withdrew themselves into their Camp Caesar having possest the Hills with garrisons of souldiers and shut up all the passages leading to Iâ—erus incamped himself as near as he could to the enemy The Commanders of the adverse partie being much afflicted that they had absolutely lost all means of provision of victuall and of gaining the River Iâ—erus consulted together of other courses There were two waies left open the one to return to Ilerda and the other to Tarracon And while they were considering of these things it was told them that such as went out for water were very much pressed by our Cavalrie Whereupon they placed many courts of guard as well of horse as Auxiliary footmen interlacing the legionary Cohorts amongst them and began also to reâ—se a rampier from the Camp to the watering-place that the souldiers might safely without fear fetch water within the bounds of their fortification Which work Petreius and Afranius divided between themselves and for the perfecting of the same had occasion to go far off from the Camp by means of whose absence the souldiers taking libertie of free speech one with another went out and as any man had an acquaintance or neighbour in each others Camp they sought him out And first they all gave thanks to all our party that they had spared them when they were terrâ—â—ied and amazed the day before in regard whereof they acknowledged to hold their lives by their favour And afterwards inquired how they might safely yield themselves to their Generall complaining that they had not done it in the beginning and so have joyned their forces with their ancient friends and kinsmen And having proceeded thus far in their communication they require assurance for the lives of Afranius and Petreius least they should seem to conceive mischief against their Generalls or betray them in seeking their own safety Which things being agreed upon they promised to come with their Ensignes to Caesar's Camp and thereupon seâ—t to Caesar some of the Centurions of the first Orders as Deputies to treat of peace In the mean time they invited their friends on either side into the Camps insomuch as both their lodgings seemed but one Camp Many of the Tribunes of the souldiers and Centurions came to Caesar recommending themselves to his favour and the like did the Grandees and chief Princes of Spain whom they had commanded out to take party in this war and to remain with them as Hostages and Pledges These inquired after their old acquaintances and ancient hosts by whom each man might have access to Caesar with some commendation In like manner Afranius his son dealt with Caesar by the mediation of Sulpitius a Legate touching his own and his fathers life All things sounded of joy and mutuall
into Messana by reason of the suddain terrour of the principall men and the Senate that took themselves to flight he surprized one Ship in the road and carried her away and so held on his course to Marseilles And having sent a small Bark before he certified Domitius and the rest of his coming exhorting them by all means that joyning their forces with his supplies they would once again give fight to Brutus Navie The Marseillians since their former overthrow had taken the like number of ships out of their Arcenall and new rigged and trimmed them and with great industrie furnished and manned them for that service for they wanted neither Oare-men Mariners Sailers nor Pilots fit for that purpose To these they added certain Fisher-boats and fenced them with coverings that the Oare-men might be safe from casting weapons and these he filled with Archers and Engines The Navie being thus furnished and prepared the Marseillians incited and stirred up with the prayers and tears of old men women and maids to give help and defence to their Citie in time of extreme danger and to fight with no lesse courage and confidence then formerly they had accustomed went all aboard with great courage as it cometh to passe through the common fault of Nature whereby we put more confidence in things unseen and unknown or otherwise are more troubled thereat according as it then happened For the coming of Nasidius had filled the City full of assured hope and courage and thereupon having a good wind they left the Port and came and found Nasidius at Taurenta a Castle belonging to the Marseillians and there fitted themselves for a fight incouraging each other again to a valiant carriage of that service and consulting how it might be best performed The right squadron was given to the Marseillians and the left to Nasidius And to the place repaired Brutus having increased the number of his Ships for those six which he took from the Marseillians he had added unto the other which Caesar had caused to be made at Arelate and had mended them since the last fight and fitted them with all necessaries for men of war And thereupon exhorting his souldiers to contemn the Enemy as a vanquished partie having already foiled and overthrown them when they were in their strength they set forward against them with great assurance and courage Out of the Camp of C. Trebonius and from all those higher places they might easily perceive and see in the City how all the youth which remained in the town and all the aged with their wives and children did from the publick places of guard and from the town walls stretch out their hands towards heaven or otherwise run to their Churches and Temples and there prostrating themselves before their Images did desire victorie of their Gods Neither was there any of them all that did not think the event of all their fortunes to consist in that daies service for the chiefest of all their able men and the best of all sorts and degrees were by name called out and intreated to go aboard to the end that if any disaster or mischance should happen they might see nothing further to be endeavoured for their safety and if they overcame they might rest in hope to save their Citie either by their own valour or by forrain help OBSERVATIONS COmmuni fit vitio naturae ut invisis latitantibus atque incognitis rebus magis confidamus vehementiusque exterreamur ut tum accidit It cometh to pass through the common fault of nature c. In cases of hazard things brought unto us by report do more abuse our judgement either in conceiving too great hopes or yielding too much to distrust then any matter present can move or inforce for these perturbations attending upon our will are inlarged more according to the qualitie of our desires then as they are directed by discourse of reason and so draw men either easily to believe what their wishes do require or otherwise to reject all as utterly lost The uncertainty whereof and the disappointment ensuing those deceivable apprehensions hath brought the hope of this life into very slight account being reckoned but as the dream of him that is awake and as Piafraus or a charitable delusion to support us through the hard chances of this world and to keep mans heart from breaking for every mans help is hope which never affordeth present relief but asswageth the bitternesse of extremities by Dabit Deus his quoque finem God once will put an end to these things too CHAP. III. The fight and the Marseillians overthrow THe fight being begun the Marseillians were wanting in no point of valour but bearing in mind such exhortations as a little before had been given them by their friends they fought so resolutely as though they meant not to fight again or as if any one should chance to miscarry in that battell he should make account that he did but anticipate for a small moment of time the fatall end of his fellow-Citizens who upon taking of the town were to undergo the same fortune of war Our Ships putting on by little and little were glad to give way to the nimbleness and mobility of their shipping which by the skill of their Pilots were well managed And if it happened that our men had found means to grapple with any of their ships they presently came on all sides to their rescue Neither did the Albici shew themselves backward when the matter came to hands or were they inferiour to our men in courage or valour Moreover out of the lesser Ships were cast infinite numbers of darts and other weapons wherewith our men busied in fight were suddainly wounded In this conflict two of their Triremes having spied Brutus ship which by her flag might â—asily be discerned came violently against him from two contrary parts but the danger being foreseen Brutus did so prevail through the swiftnesse of his Ship that he a little out-stript them whereby they coming with their full swinge did so encounter one another that they were both very much shaken with the blow for the beak-head of one being broken off the water was ready to come in on all sides Which being observed by some of Brutus party that were near about they set upon them being thus distressed and quickly sunk them both The ships that came with Nasidius were found of no use and therefore quickly left the fight for there was not offered there unto them either the sight of their Countrey or the exhortations and prayers of their kinsfolks and allies as motives to hazard their lives in that quarrell so that of them there was none wanting Of the Ships that came out from Marseilles five were sunk and four taken One escaped with Nasidius fleet which made towards the hither Spain One of them that remained was sent before to Marseilles who coming as a messenger before the rest and approching near unto the town all the
multitude ran out to hear the news which being once known there was such a generall mourning and desolation as though the town were instantly to be taken by the Enemy Notwithstanding they left not off to make ready such necessaries as were requisite for defence of the same OBSERVATIONS The benefit a Town besieged receiveth from an open in-let by sea cannot be better manifested then by the siege of Ostend for by that occasion specially it indured the most famous siege that was in Christendome these many years This L. Nasidius was rather a constant friend to the cause then a fortunate Admirall for afterwards he refused not to take the like overthrow for Pompey the son at Leucades as he did now for the father And surely it falleth out whether it be through the uncertainty of sea-faring matters or that men have fairer pretences at sea to avoid occasions of hazard then are found at land or that Pauca digna nascuntur in Mari few things of value come from the Sea according to the proverb or for what other cause I know not that there are few of those which sought honour in this kind who have attained the least part of their desires And yet neverthelesse some there are of famous memorie as Barbarussa a terrour of the Levant seas Andreas Auria of Genua renowned for his great exploits upon the Turk together with divers of our own Nation as namely Sir Francis Drake who for skill and fortune at sea is held matchable with any other whatsoever besides Mr. Candish for voyages to the South and Sir Martin Frobisher for discoveries to the North. Howbeit these later times have advantage without comparison of former ages through the invention of the Sea-compass with the Needle which was found out little more then three hundred years ago by one Flavus born in the kingdome of Naples without which no ship can shape a course in the Ocean and to which nothing can be added more then to find a perfect and ready direction for longitudes CHAP. IIII. The works which the legionary Souldiers made against the Town IT was observed by the legionary souldiers that had the charge of the right part of the work that it would much advantage them against the often eruptions and sallies of the Enemy if they built a tower of Brick under the town wall in stead of a Hold or Receptacle which at first they made low and little onely for the repelling of suddain assaults Thither they usually retreated and from thence if they were over-charged they made defence either by beating back or prosecuting an Enemy This tower was thirty foot square and the walls thereof five foot thick but afterwards as use and experience is the master of all things it was found by insight and industrie of men that this tower might be of great use if it were raised to any height which was accordingly performed in this fashion When it was raised to the height of a story they so framed the floor that the ends of the â—oysts did not â—ittâ—e out beyond the sides of the tower least any thing might be thrust out on which the fire which the enemy should cast might take hold and then paved that floor with as much brick as the Mantelets and Gabions would suffer to be laid Upon this tarras thus made they laid crosse beams along the sides as a foundation to an upper story for the top and covering of the tower And upon these beams they raised crosse timbers thwarting each other for the sides of the tower and coupled them at the top with side beams These crosse timbers were longer and bare further out then the square of the tower that there might be means to fasten coverings and defences against the blows and darts of the Enemy whilest the workmen were finishing the walls and sides of that building The top or upper story of this tower they likewise paved with brick and clay that no fire might fasten on it and laid Matteresses on the top thereof to the end the floor might not be broken with any weapons shot out of Engines nor the pavement shivered in pieces with stones cast out of Catapults Moreover they made three nettings or mats of Hawsers equall in length to the sides of the tower and four foot in breadth And upon those three sides which confronted the Enemie they fastened them upon poles to hang before the tower which kind of defence they had in other places tried to bâ— of proof and not to be pierced with any weapon or engine And as one part of the tower came to be covered finished and fortified against any violence of the enemy they carried their Mantelets and defences to the rest unfinished The top of which tower they framed upon the first story and then raised it up with wrinches or scrues as far as the close netting would serve them for a defence And so covered with these shelters and safeguards they built up the sides with brick and then again scruing up the top higher they fitted the place to build the sides higher and as they came to the height of a story they laid the joysts of the floor in such sort as the ends thereof were hid and covered with the wall or sides that were of brick and so from that story they proceeded to another by scruing up the top and raising their netting By which means they built very safely six stories without any wound or other danger at all and left windows and loop-holes in the sides for the putting out of Engines in such places as they thought convenient When by means of that tower they were in hope to defend the works near about it they then made a Musculum or mouse of sixty foot in length and of two foot timber square to conveigh them safely from this tower of Brick to another of the Enemies and to the town wall whereof this was the form They cut two side groundsils of equall length and made the space between them to contain four foot upon them they erected little columns of five foot high and joyned them together putting braces of an easie sloping in such distances as the rafters were to be placed to bear up the roof and upon those braces they laid rafters of two foot square fastning them both at the ridge and at the eavings with plates and bolts of Iron They lathed the roof with lath of four fingers broad and so the building being made with a gable-ridge handsomly fashioned the top was laid all over with clay to keep the Mouse from burning and then covered with tiles which were fenced with leather to the end they might not be washed away with pipes or gutters of water which might be laid to fall upon them And least those hides should be spoiled either with fire or great stones they laid Matteresses upon them This work being wholly finished near unto the tower through the help and means of defensive mantelets gabions suddenly before
conscience In this town of Tarraco was born Paulus Osorius that noble Oratour Corduba otherwise called Colonia Patricia was held the next of worth and dignity to Sevill but for excellent wits to be preferred above all the towns of Spain for here first were born the two Senecas the father the Rhetorician and the sonne the Philosopher together with their kinsman Annaeus Lucanus the divine Poet of whom Martial writeth Duosque Senecas unicumque Lucanum Facunda loquitur Corduba One Lucan and two Senecas Brave Corduba doth shew Besides of later times Avenzoar Avicenna and Averrois as excellent a Philosopher as the other was a Physician of whose works Fama loquetur Anus Fame when she 's old will speak And from hence come those Cordovan skins so much in request THE THIRD OBSERVATION COncerning the office of a Dictator whereunto Caesar was named by the Praetor Lepidus we are to observe that the Dictatorship was the greatest place of dignity in their government as Polybius noteth The Consuls saith he having each of them but twelve Lictors apiece that carried bundles of Rods before them as ensignes of Magistracy the Dictator had alwayes twenty four to shew that the sovereign power divided between the two Consuls was then reduced to one sole command The occasions of establishing a Dictator were divers howbeit it was commonly to take order in some great matter of consequence which fell out to be extraordinary and required the command of one man And as it is in the Fastes or Records of the Capitoll either Reipub. regend causa to govern the commonwealth as was this first Dictatorship of Caesar or otherwise M. Fabius Ambustus Dict. seditionis sedandae causa M. Fab. Amb. was created Dictator to quiet a sedition and at another time Cn. Quintius Varus Dictator clavi figendi causa to strike in the nail which was one of the superstitions they used in time of pestilence and so divers the like Of all which there is this form expressed by Tully Si quando duellum gravius discordiaeve Civium crescunt unus ne amplius sex menses nisi senatus decreverit idem juris quod duo Consules teneto isque ave sinistra dictus Magister Populi esto If at any time either a great quarrell happen or discord arise amongst the Citizens then let one man have the same power that the two Consuls have for six moneths and no longer unlesse the senate shall otherwise decree and let this man in an ill hour be termed the Master of the People But forasmuch as Magister Populi was a harsh and odious name to the people they called him by a more modest name Dictator whereof Varro giveth this reason Dictator quod à Consule dicebatur cujus dicto audientes omnes essent He was called Dictator because he was named to that office by the Consul whose orders they were all to be obedient to And as none could name a Dictator but the Consul for Caesar was named by the Praetor in an extraordinary time so none could be named to that place but such as were or had been Consuls Consulares legere ita lex jubebat de Dictatore creando lata the law for the creating a Dictator commands to chuse consular men only To which may be added the circumstance of time which was alwayes in the night Nocte deinde silenti ut mos est Papirium Dictatorem dixit he named Papirius to the Dictatorship as the custome is in the dead of the night The Dictator had sovereign power but limited for time which was commonly six Moneths whereby they are specially distinguished from Monarchs and thereupon Cicero adjudgeth Sylla's Dictatorship to be a mere tyranny and so doth Caesar's because both were prorogued beyond the time prescribed by the law Caesar held this Dictators place but eleven dayes and then left it off but afterwards had it for his life and so came to be stiled Dictator perpetuus perpetuall Dictator CHAP. IX The Marseillians give up the Town THe Marseillians being much opprest and almost worn out with all sorts of inconveniences brought to an extreme exigent of victuall defeated overthrown in two fights at sea broken and cut in pieces oftentimes in their sallies out afflicted with a grievous pestilence through long shutting up and alteration of diet for they lived of nothing but of old Panick and musty Barly which was long before laid up in publick for this purpose their tower being overthrown and a great part of their wall down out of hope of any succours from the Provinces or of other Armies which they knew were come into the hands and power of Caesar they seriously determined without fraud to give up the town But a few dayes before L. Domitius understanding their resolution having got three ships whereof two he assigned to his familiar friends the third he took himself and taking the opportunity of a troublesome storm put to sea which being perceived by the ships that by Brutus commandement did continually guard the mouth of the Haven they weighed their Anchours and made after them Notwithstanding that wherein Domitius was held on her course and by the help of the foul weather got out of sight The other two being afraid of our ships returned back into the Haven The Marscillians according as was commanded brought their Arms and Engines out of the town drew forth their shipping both out of their Haven and their Arcenalls and delivered up their publick treasure Which things being accomplished and performed Caesar willing to save them rather for the name and antiquity of the town then for any merit of theirs left two legions there for a Garrison and sent the rest into Italy He himself took his way towards Rome OBSERVATIONS HEnce we may observe that when men refuse to be led by reason as the best means to guide them to convenient ends they are commonly constrained by the commanding warrant of Necessity to undergo the same thing upon harder conditions As it happened to the Marseillians who not regarding the Army then present and ready to take a strict account of their answers which with good excuse doth command a neutrall State chose rather to be shut up with a siege that of all miseries is accounted the worst and therein so carried themselves as they left no stone unremoved to make good their refusall but for want of better helps brought their Fraud to play a part to their greater disadvantage And if the Conquerour had not took all occasions to shew his clemency they might happily have paid dear for their contempt But where either desert or other motives wanted there nomen vetustas their name and antiquity was sufficient to make Caesar constant to his own ends which as near as the course wherein he was ingaged would afford him were alwayes levelled at the generall applause of his actions taking that to be no little help to work himself into the sovereignty of
of the reasons hear expressed by Caesar which are the true motives of undertaking a siege The first is drawn either from the weakness of an Enemie or as he is daunted with fear or overcome in battel For having thereupon no confidence in his own power he resteth himself in the strength of the Place which he holdeth and possesseth which giveth his adversaries occasion to lay siege unto his Hold and either to force them or shut them up like women The second is when one State hath offered injurie to another which alwaies importeth losse beyond that which stood with the course of respect formerly held between them For revenge whereof the other side laieth siege to some of their Towns to repair themselves by taking in the same And thirdly the finall cause of all sieges is to keep an Enemy from victuall and other manner of provisions and so to take them by the belly when they cannot take them by the ears which is a part so violent in requiring that which is due to Nature as it hath made the Father and the Son fall out for a Mouse as it happened at Athens besieged by Demetrius THE SECOND OBSERVATION THe second thing worthy our consideration is the patience and deportment of Caesar's souldiers in their so great wants and necessities As first in helping themselves with this root called Chara described by Dioscorides to be a little seed tasting somewhat like Anise-seed good to help digestion and having such a root as a Caret which being boiled is very good meat and is the same which our Physicians call Caraway-seed wherewith they served their turn with such contentment as they seemed to have been trained up in the School of Frugality a vertue worthy of all regard and the onely means to make easie the difficulties of war being as necessary for a souldier as the use of Armes and is that which was aimed at in the answer of Cyrus to shew the services in a souldiers diet Forbeing demanded what he would have made ready for supper Bread saith he for we will sup at the Fountain Neither hath it been thought fit to give way to the naturall loosness of the stomacks appetite upon any occasion but to use the like moderation in the time of plenty For Zeno took the answer of them that would excuse their liberall expenses by their ability of means for no better paâ—ment then they themselves would have taken the excuse of their Cooks for putting too much salt on their meat because they had salt enough Caesar punished his Baker for giving him better bread then his souldiers had And Scipio cashiered a couple of Romans at the siege of Carthage for feasting a friend in their Tent during an assault Which austerity of life raised the Romans to that height of honour and made them Masters of the world from the East to the Western Ocean Secondly as a consequent of this contentment we may note their resolution to hold on their course of siege purposing rather to eat the bark of trees then to suffer Pompey to escape their hands It is an excellent point in a Generall to keep himself from irresolution being a weakness of ill consequence and not unlike the disease of the Staggers variable uncertain and without bottom or bound whereas constancy to purposes produceth noble and worthy ends An instance whereof is Fabius Maximus who notwithstanding the reproach and scandall cast upon him continued firm in his determination to the saving of his Country And if it be so well beseeming a Leader it is of much more regard in the souldier especially considering that of Xenophon Non facile in officio potest miles contineri ab eo qui necessaria non subministrat He cannot easily keep his souldiers in obedience which does not provide them necessaries For as the same Author observeth in another place Nullus est adâ—o fortis aut validus qui possit adversus famem aut frigus pugnando militare There is no man so stout and valorous that can fight against cold and hunger THE THIRD OBSERVATION AMongst all the parts of the Roman discipline their Watch deserveth a particular description supplying in the Army the office of the naturall eye in the bodie which is to give notice of any approaching danger for the preventing of the same Polybius hath left it to posterity in this manner Of each sort of the Legionary foot as namely the Hastati Principes and Triarii and likewise of the horse there was chosen one out of the tenth and last Maniple that was made free from watch and ward This party as the Sun began to decline came daily to the Tent of the Tribune and there had given him a little Tablet wherein the watch-word was writ which Tablet they called Tessera and then returning to his Company delivered it to the Centurion of the next Maniple and that Centurion to the next and so in order untill it came to the first and chiefest Company which was lodged next unto the Tribunes and by the Centurion thereof was returned to the Tribune before Sun-setting And if all the Tablets were brought in then did the Tribune know the word was given to all If any wanted they made inquirie and by the notes of inscription finding which was missing they punished the default as they saw cause And this was their watch-word by which their Party was distinguished from an Enemy and in likelihood for Polybius doth not affirm so much was by the Centurion given to such of his Maniple as were to watch that night Their night-watches were thus ordered A Maniple or Company was alwaies appointed to watch at the Generalls Pavilion The Treasurer had three watches and every Legat two A watch consisted of four men according to the generall division of their night into four parts each of those four having his turn appointed him by lot for the first second third or fourth watch and the rest sitting by The Velites kept watch without the Camp and the Decuries of horse at the gates Besides every Maniple had private watch within it self Of those that were appointed to watch a Lieutenant of each Maniple did bring to the Tribune in the evening such as were to keep the first watch of the night and to them were delivered lesser Tablets then were given out at first called Tesserulae appropriated to every particular watch one for himself and three other for his fellows The trust of giong the Round was committed to the horsemen for it belonged to the first Commander of horse in each legion to give order to his Lieutenant to appoint before dinner four young men of his troup to go the Round the next night and in the evening to acquaint the next Commander to appoint Rounders for the night following These horsemen being thus appointed did cast lots for the first second third and fourth watch and then repaired to the Tribune of whom they had order
that It more importeth a Commonweal to punish an ill member then to reward a good act for a vertuous desire is by neglect a little abated but an ill man becomes unsufferable And thence it is that merit is never valued but upon necessity It is fit that he will have the honour of wearing a Lions skin should first kill the beast as Hercules did but to kill a Lion and not to have the skin is not so available as a meaner occupation Anthony 〈◊〉 giveth another rule observed in that government which is the true Idea of Perfection En la casa de Dios jamas fuc nies ni sera merito sin premio ni colpa sin pena In the house of God there never was nor is nor shall be desert unrewarded or fault unpunished CHAP. XX. Caesar moveth Scipio to mediate a Peace AEtolia Acarnania and Amphilochis being taken by Cassius Longinus and Calvisius Sabinus as is before declared Caesar thought it expedient to attempt and try Achaia and to proceed farther in that course whereupon he sent thither L. Calenus and Q. Sabinus and to them he added Cassius with his Cohorts Their coming being bruited abroad Rutilius Lupus to whom Pompey had left the charge of Achaia determined to fortify the Isthmus to keep out Fusius Calenus in the mean time with the favour and assent of the States took in Delphos Thebes and Orchomenus besides some other places which he took by force The rest of the Cities he laboured to draw to Caesar's party by Embassages sent about unto them and therein was Fusius occupied for the present Caesar every day following brought out his Army into an equall and indifferent place to see if Pompey would accept of battel insomuch as he led them under Pompey's Camp the vauward being within shot of the Rampier Pompey to hold the fame and opinion he had attained drew out his forces and so imbattelled them before his Camp that their rereward did touch the Rampier and the whole Army was so disposed that every man was under the protection of such weapons as might be shot from thence While these things were doing in Achaia and at Dyâ—rachium it was certainly known that Scipio was come into Macedonia Caesar not omitting his former purpose sent Clodius unto him a familiar friend to both of them and one whom Scipio had formerly so commended to Caesar that he had taken him in the number of his nearest favourites â—o him he gave Letters and Messages to be delivered to Scipio whereof this was the effect That he had used all means for peace and yet had prevailed nothing at all which he took to be the fault of such as had the charge of the businesse being fearfull to treat with Pompey thereof in an unseasonable time But Scipio had that credit and respect that he might not only deliver freely what he thought fitting but might also in some sort constrain him and reform his errour For being Commander in chief over an Army besides his credit he had strength to compell him Which if he did every man would attribute the quiet of Italy the peace of the Provinces and the safety and preservation of the Empire to him only All these things did Clodius make known to Scipio and for the first daies was well heard but afterwards could not be admitted to speech Favonius reprehending Scipio for going so far with him as afterwards we understood upon the ending of the war whereby he was forced to return to Caesar without effecting any thing Caesar that he might with greater facility keep in Pompey's Cavalry at Dyrrachium and hinder them from forrage fortified and shut up two passages which as we have before declared were very narrow with great works and there built Castles Pompey understanding that his horsemen did no good abroad within a few daies conveighed them within his fortification by shipping Howbeit they were in extreme necessity for want of forrage insomuch as having beaten off all the leaves of the trees they fed their horses with young Reeds bruised and beaten in pieces For they had spent the Corn which was sowed within the works and were forced to bring food for their Cattell from Corcyra and Acaâ—ania by long and tedious navigation and where it fell short they made it up with Barley and so kept life in their horses But afterwards whenas not only their Barley and other food was spent in all places and the grasse and herbs dried up but the fruit also wasted and consumed off the trees their horses being so lean as they were not able to stand on their legs Pompey thought it expedient to think of some course of breaking out OBSERVATIONS IT may seem a cunning trick of Caesar and perhaps it was his end to endeavour with fair pretenses to ingage Scipio so far in contriving a Peace as being Generall of an Army he might assume unto himself a commanding authority and thereupon breed such a jealousy as would keep Pompey and him asunder Neverthelesse it is every way worth a mans labour to make overtures of peace howsoever especially considering how it changeth the relative in the condition of men which in war is Homo homini Lupus One man a Woolf to another and in peace Homo homini Deus One man a God to another and proving good will doubtlesse continue if inconvenient the sooner broken and so the case is but the same it was before Secondly we may note that there is nothing so difficult but pertinacy and restlesse labour directed with diligent and intent care will in the end overcome it For Caesar that at the first seemed to undertake impossibilities going about to besiege a great part of a Country and to shut up a huge Army in an open place did neverthelesse by endeavour bring them to such extremity of want that if as Democritus said the body should have put the mind in sute for reparation of losse which her ambition and wilfull obstinacy had drawn upon it she should never be able to pay damages Touching the Isthmus which Rutilius Rufus went about to fortify it is a neck of earth joining an Iland unto the Continent For as the In-let of the Sea between two Lands is called Porthmus whereupon the town of Portsmouth in Hampshire hath that appellation as sited upon the like In-let so any small laâ—get or neck of earth lying between two Seas is called Isthmus Whereof this of Achaia is of speciall note in Greece being the same that joined Poloponnesus to the Continent and was of speciall fame for the site of Corinth These necks of earth called Isthmi are of the nature of those things as have been often threatned and yet continue the same For albeit the ambition of great Princes hath sought to alter the fashion of the earth in that behalf yet I know not how their desires have sorted to no end Perfodere navâ—gabili alveo has angustias tentavere Demetrius Rex
them commanded they should stand up and having spoken somewhat touching his clemency a little to case them of their fear he gave them all their lives with safety commanding the souldiers not to hurt any of them nor that they should want any thing that was theirs These things being thus atchieved with diligence he caused other Legions to meet him from the Camp sending those he had with him to rest themselves and the same day came to Larissa In that battell he lost not above two hundred souldiers but of Centurions valiant men he lost thirty And Crastinus fighting valiantly was slain of whom we formerly made mention with a sword thrust into the face Neither was that fals-which he said as he went to the battell for Caesar was perswaded that Crasâ—inus behaved himself admirably in that fight and did deserve as well of him as a man possibly could There were slain of Pompey's Army about fifteen thousand howbeit there were of them that yielded themselves above twenty four thousand For such Cohorts as were in the Forts did likewise yield themselves to Sylla and many fled into the next Towns and Cities Of military Ensignes there were brought out of the battell to Caesar one hundred and fourscore with nine Eagles L. Domitius flying out of the Camp into the Mount sainting for want of strength was slain by the horsemen OBSERVATIONS ANd thus we see the issue of that battell and the victory which Caesar obtained at as cheap a rate as could be imagined for there were slain twenty three thousand of the enemy and as many taken by rendring themselves with the losse of two hundred souldiers and thirty Centurions amongst whom was Crastinus whose death obliged Caesar to make this honourable mention of his valour But as it is observed by Dionysius Halicarnasseus Non Deus quispiam se ducibus pro salute omnium qui certamen ineunt sponsorem sistit nec ea condidione imperium accepimus ut omnes homines devincamus nullo ex nostris amisso No God can promise a Generall the safety of all his men neither do we take commands upon that condition to conquer all our enemies without the loss of a man CHAP. XXXV Laelius attempteth to block in the Haven at Brundusium and Cassius fireth Caesar's ships at Messina ABout the same time D. Laelius came with his Navy to Brundusium and according as Libo formerly did took the Iland in the mouth of the Port. And in like manner Vatinius Governour of Brundusium having furnished and sent out certain Skiffs inticed out Laelius ships and of them took a Galley with two lesser ships that were further shot out into the straights of the Port and also had disposed his Cavalry along the shore to keep the Mariners from fetching water But Laelius having the time of the year more favourable and fitter for sayling supplied his Army with water from Corfu and Dyrrachium neither could he be beaten off his designe nor be driven out of the Port or from the Iland either with the dishonour of the ships he lost or with scarcity and want of all necessaries untill he heard of the battell in Thessalia CICERO BESIEGED Cassius departed from thence and went to Sulpitius fleet at Vibone where our ships being brought to shore for fear of the like danger he there did as he did before for finding the wind good he sent in forty ships of burthen furnished with matter to burn the Navy The fire having taken hold of both Cornets of the fleet five of them were burned down to the water And as the flame began to be further carried with the wind the souldiers of the old legions which were left for the defense of the shipping and were of the number of them that were sick did not indure the dishonour but getting aboard of their own accord put the ships from the shore and setting upon Cassius fleet took two Gallies in one of the which was Cassius himself but he being taken out with a Skiff fled away And furthermore they took two Triremes Not long after certain news came of the battell in Thessalia so that Pompey's party believed it for before that time it was thought to be but a thing given out by Caesar's Legates and other of his friends Whereupon Cassius departed with his Navy and left those places OBSERVATIONS THe branches of a Tree do receive life from the stock and the stock is maintained by the root which being once cut asunder there remaineth no life for stock or bough leaf or branch Accordingly it happened with this large-spred Party the root whereof was then in Thessalia and being broken asunder by the violence of Caesar's forces it booted not what Laelius did at Brundusium or Cassius either at Messana or Vibone For all the parts were overthrown with the body and the fortune of the battell over-swaid other petty losses whatsoever being so powerfull in the opinion of the world Ut quo se fortuna eodem etiam favor hominum inclinat that what way soever fortune goes the same way goes the favour of the people Or as Lucan saith Rapimur quo cuncha feruntur We 're snatch'd that way that things are carried CHAP. XXXVI Caesar pursueth Pompey who is slain in Egypt CAesar setting all other things apart thought it expedient for him to pursue Pompey into what parts soever he should betake himself least he should raise new forces and renew the war again and thereupon made forward every day as far as his Cavalry was able to go commanding one Legion to follow after by lesser journeys There was a publication made in Pompey's name at Amphipolis that all the youth of that Province as well Greeks as Citizens of Rome should come to be inrolled for the war But it is not possible to discover whether Pompey did it to take away all cause of suspicion that he might the longer hide his purpose of flying away or whether he went about by new levies to keep Macedonia if no man pressed hard after him Howsoever he himself lay at Anchour there one night And calling unto him his ancient Hosts and Friends he took so much money of them as would defray his necessary charges and understanding of Caesar's coming within a few daies he hoised sail and departed thence arriving at Mitylene where he was kept two daies with foul weather and there renforcing his fleet with some Gallies he took to him he went into Cilicia and from thence to Cyprus There he understood that by the generall consent of the Antiochians and such Citizens of Rome as were there residing the Citadell was already taken to keep him out and that Messengers were sent about to those that were fled from his Party into the bordering Cities forbidding them to come to Antioch for if they did they should hazard it with the danger of their heads The like happened to L. Lentulus who the year before was Consul and to Pub. Lentulus of Consular dignity and to some
trusting to the advantage and strength of places should attempt to recover their liberty especially seeing he was sure that all the Galles knew his commission lasted but one summer longer which if they could hold out they should need to fear no danger after And therefore leaving Q. Calenus the Legate behind with two legions to follow leasurely after him by easy marches he himself with all his Cavalry made haste to Caninius When Caesar contrary to all mens expectation was come to Uxellodunum and saw the town environed with fortifications perceiving that it was not for him to break up his siege on any condition and learning moreover by runawayes that the town had great abundance of victuals he assaied to cut of the water from his enemies There was a river that ran through the bottom of the valley which environed well-near all the hill whereon the town stood from whence the descent was rough and steep on all sides The nature of the place would not suffer this stream to be turned any other way For it ran in such sort at the very foot of the hill that there could be no ditch cut low enough to drain it The townsmen had hard and very steep coming down to it insomuch that if our men withstood them they could not without wounds or danger of their lives either come down to the river or get up the steep hill again Which distresse of theirs Caesar well knowing placed archers and slingers and other artillery also against such places where the easiest coming down was to keep the townsmen from the water of the river who afterward came for water all to one place For under the very walles of the town there gushed out a great spring of water on that side where there was a space almost of three hundred foot not encompassed with the river Now whilst all the rest wished and only Caesar perceived that this spring might be taken from the town though not without great damage he began to raise Vines directly against it toward the hill and to make mounts with great labour and continuall fighting For the townsmen came running down from the higher ground and fought with our men at a distance without danger wounding many of them that pressed up too forwardly Notwithstanding our men were nothing deterred from bringing forward their Vines endeavouring to overcome the crabbednesse of the place with their labour and works At the same time they drew privy mines to the head of the spring which kind of work they might do without any danger or mistrust of their enemies A mount was cast up six foot high and thereupon was raised a tower of ten stories not such a one as might equall the height of the walles for that was not possible to be done any way but such a one as might exceed the top of the spring From which conveying darts with engines to the brim of the spring so that the townsmen could not fetch water without danger not only all sorts of cattel but also a great number of men died for thirst The townsmen greatly astonished hereat filled barrels with grease pitch and shingles and setting them on fire rolled them down upon our works and at the same time also fought very desperately with the perill of fighting to keep the Romans from quenching the fire Suddenly there was a great flame in our works For whatsoever was thrown down from that steep place the same staying against the Vines and rampier took hold upon the things that stayed them On the other side our Souldiers albeit they were hindred both with the dangerousnesse of the encounter and with the disadvantage of the place yet they bare out all things with a stout courage For the thing was done both in an eminent place and also in the sight of our army and a great cry was raised on both sides So that every man as farre as he could especially the most daring to the intent his valour might the better be known and testified ventured himself upon the fire the weapons of his enemies Caesar when he saw many of his men wounded commanded his Cohorts to climbe up the hill on all sides of the town and to raise a shout as if they purposed to scale the walles Wherewith the townsmen being frighted forasmuch as they knew not what was doing in other places called back their men from assaulting our works and placed them upon the walls So our men having respite from fighting did quickly either quench the works that were on fire or else cut them off from the rest The townsmen stubbornly standing out though they had lost a great part of their men by thirst and continuing still unanimously resolved at length the veins of the spring were cut off within the ground by mines and turned another way by means whereof the fountain of running water was presently dried up Which so daunted the hearts of the defendants who believed it could not be done by the wit of man but came to passe by the will of the gods that when they saw there was no other remedy they yielded themselves Caesar being assured that his clemency was sufficiently known to all people and therefore he needed not to fear that it would be imputed to the cruelty of his nature if he dealt something harshly with them and besides that considering with himself that it might well be thought he little regarded the good successe of his counsells and undertakings if by suffering such things unpunished others should be encouraged to rebell in divers places he thought it requisite to hold the rest in aw by the punishment of these And therefore he cut off the hands of as many of them as were able to bear arms and let them live still that the punishment of such wicked men might be more manifest to the world CHAP. X. Drapes dieth Luterius brought to Caesar Labienus good successe against the Treviri Caesar after his expedition into Aquitania putteth his army into winter-quarters DRapes whom I declared to have been taken by Caninius whether it were for vexation and grief that he was in bands or for fear of more heavy punishment fasted a few dayes from meat and so starved At the same time Luterius that escaped by flight from the battel as I shewed before fell into the hands of Epasnactus the Arvernian For in often shifting from place to place he was fain to venture himself upon the courtesy and civility of many because he thought he could never continue any long time in one place without danger his heart misgiving him how much he had deserved to have Caesar his enemy Epasnactus the Arvernian being a faithfull friend to the people of Rome as soon as he had gotten him into his hands brought him without further delay bound unto Caesar In the mean time Labienus warreth prosperously against the Treviri and having slain many both of the Treviri and also of the Germans who were ready to assist any man against the Romans got the