Rebells to admit a Treaty and thereupon soon after to Conclude a Pacification whereof the Covenanters kept not One Article Nay after This they Libell'd the Kings Proceedings Broke forth into Fresh Insolencies and Sollicited the Assistance of the French King against their Native Sovereign We see the Faith and Loyalty of the Scotch Presbyterians Marque now if the English use him any Better And That but in a Word or Two for 't is a peevish Subject His Majesty calls a Parliament that Meets Novemb. 3. 1640. Which by the violence of Tumults abroad and the Artifice of Iuggles within-doors is with much adoe Modelled into a Faction Observe now the Proportion betwixt the Favours of the King and the Returns of the Party and see the Fruits of Clemency here likewise His Majesty passes the Trienniall Bill Abolishes the Star-chamber and High-Commission Court Passes an Act for the Continuance of the Parliament Not to insist upon the several other Concessions concerning Ship-mony Forrests and Stannary Courts Tonnage and Poundage Knighthood c. In Requitall of these Benefits The Presbyterians Clap up and prosecute his Majesties Friends Prefer Enlarge his Enemies Reward the Scots for a Rebellion Entertain their Commissioners Vote them Their Dear Brethren for Invading us Call in all Books and Proclamations against them Take away the Bishops Votes Impose a Protestation Deny the Earl of Straffords Life to the Intercession of his Majesty Present him with a Libellous Remonstrance to welcome him out of Scotland Charge 12. Bishops of High Treason Declare the Kings Proclamation to be False Scandalous and Illegall Petition for the Militia Keep the King out of his own Towns and Seize his Armes and Ammunition Send him 19. Propositions for the Delivery up of his Authority Vote a Generall and Raise an Army against him They give the King Battle Levy Monies Vote the Queen a Traytour Hang up the Kings Friends Enter into a Rebellious League Counterfeit a Great-Seal Call in the Scots Again Abolish the Common-Prayer Seize and Imprison the King Share the Revenues of the Church and Crown Sequester Banish Imprison his Majesties Adherents Sell him Depose him and at last call themselves his Majesties best Subjects because they did not MURTHER him Upon the whole Matter That Blessed Martyr's Transcendent Charity undid him How many did he Oblige and Advance in hopes to Win and Reclaime them How many did he Pardon and Cherish in Confidence of their Pretended Repentance How long did his Patience forbear Others in expectation of their Return And how unwilling was He to call any thing Schism which the Faction call'd Scruple Till Alas too Late he found his Bounties Abus'd His Mercies misplaced His Waitings Frustrated His Charity Deluded and in short no other use made of all his Pieties and Virtues then to his proper Ruine For while his Sacred Majesty suspended the exercise of his Politicall Severity under the amusement of a Religious Tendernesse the Sectaries became Bold upon his Favour and strong by the advantage they made of his Patience There were indeed some other praevious Encouragements to the Warr as the Remissnesse of Diverse Bishops in Matter of Uniformity The sufferance of Factious Meetings c. But the Two Grand Fatalities were These The King WANTED MONY and TRUSTED PRESBYTERIANS Dum Clementiam quam praestiterat expect at INCAUTUS ab INGRATIS Occupatus est Vell. Paterc Hist. Lib. 2. The End of the First Part. THE CONTENTS OF THE First Part. CAP. I. THE Matter and Causes of Seditions in Generall Pag. 1. CAP. II. The Tokens and Prognosticks of Seditions 4. CAP. III. The True Cause of the Late Warr was AMBITION 10. CAP. IV. The Instruments and Means which the Conspirators employed to make a Party 16. CAP. V. A short View of the Breaches and Confusions betwixt the Two Factions from 1648. to 1654. 24. CAP. VI. The Temper Streights and Politiques of Cromwell during his Protectorship 30. CAP. VII A short Accompt from the Death of the Tyrant Oliver to the Return of Charles the Second whom God Preserve from his Fathers Enemies 48. CAP. VIII The Usurper Oliver was principally distress'd by the Warr with Spain and his Standing-Army 61. CAP. IX Of Seditions in Particular and shewing in what maner they arise from These Seven Interests The Church the Bench the Court the Camp the City the Country and the Body Representative 85. SECT I. Seditions arising from the CHURCH Pag. 85. SECT II. The BENCH 96. SECT III. The COURT 99. Subsection I. Over-greatnesse in One Counsellour 100. Subsection II. The Combination of Divers Counsellours 106. SECT IV. The CAMP 114. SECT V. The CITY 117. Subsection I. Seditions arising from Religion 121. Subsection II. Oppression 126. Subsection III. Privileges 128. Subsection IV. Poverty 130. SECT VI. The COUNTRY 139. SECT VII The BODY REPRESENTATIVE 143. CAP. X. How to prevent the Beginnings and hinder the Growth of Seditions in General together with certain Particular Remedies apply'd to the Distempers of Those Seven Interests mentioned in the foregoing Chapter Pag. 152. SECT I. By what means Haeresies and Schismes may be kept out of the CHURCH Their Encrease hinder'd and the Seditious Consequences of Them Prevented â— with the Remedies of other Mischieves arising from Disorders in the CHVRCH 159. SECT II. How to prevent Seditions arising from the Disorders of the BENCH 171. SECT III. How to Prevent or Remedy Seditions arising from the Disorders of the COURT 177. Subsection I. The Remedies of certain hazzards arising from the Over-greatnesse of One Counsellour 182. Subsection II. How to frustrate a Combination of Diverse Counsellours 197. SECT IV. How to Prevent Disorders arising from the CAMP 201. SECT V. How to Prevent or Remedy Seditions arising from the CITY 205. SECT VI. How to Prevent Seditions from the COUNTRY 212. SECT VII Certain Cautions directing how to prevent and avoid Dangers arising from the BODY REPRESENTATIVE ibid. CAP. XI Certain Reflections upon the Felicity and Advantages of the Government of England with some Observations upon the Present Juncture 217. CAP. XII What it was Principally that Ruin'd King Charles the MARTYR 236. The End of the Contents of the First Part. The Matter of Sedition The Causes of it The Remedy Contempt more fatal to Kings then Hatred ☞ Poverty breedâ— Sedition ☜ A numerous Nobility causeth Poverty Fears and Jealousies The danger Libels ☜ Sir F. B. Sir F. B. ☜ The Rise of the late War The first Tumult against the Service-book The Covenanters Usurp the Supreme Authority The Institution of the Scotish Covenant The Promoters of it Hist. Iudep Appendix pag. 14. The Covenant a Rebellious Vow A Plea for Treason The Usurpâ—tions of the Covenanters A Pacification with the Scots Their Infidelity They enter England The influence of the Scotish Army and the City Tumults upon the long Parliament The two Houses usurp the Militia The Rebellion begins at Hull The Kings Defence of himself Voted a Warr against his Parliament Treasonous
Impression of That Anguish went with him to his Grave as may be fairly Gather'd from the wild disproportion of his following Actions which well consider'd will appear rather the Products of Revenge Rage and Despair then the form'd Regular Polittiques of his wonted Reason Yet that he might not seem to abandon the persuit and utterly despond some Five weeks after the breaking up of the late Assembly The Maior of London and his Brethren were summon'd to White Hall and there March 2. 1658. the Citts are told a Formal Tale of the King of Scots 8000 Men in Readiness and 22 Vessels to Transport them A General Plot The City to be fired and twenty Terrible Things to start and Settle a New Militia which in some Six weeks time was perfected And Now from all Parts are to be procur'd Addresses which are no other then Leagues Offensive and Defensive Betwixt the Faction and the Usurper Sweet London leads the way Then Michell's Ashfields Cobbetts Regiments The Officers of the English Army and the Commission-Officers in Flanders All these in March In April the Officers of Biscoes Regiment and the Commission Officers of the Militia in Suffolk Leicester Sussex and my Country-men of Norwich After These follow the Souldiery of South-Wales and Daniels Regiment The Well-affected of Notingham c. These Numerous and Pretending Applications were but False Glosses upon his Power and Cromwell was too wise to think them Other Gain'd by Contrivement Force or at least Importunity Half a Score pitiful wretches call themseâ—ves the People of such or such a County and here 's the Totall of the Reckoning 'T is Rumour'd that his Daughter Cleypoole in the Agonies of her Death-Sickness rang him a Peal that troubled him Whether 't were so or no 't is past Dispute his Grand Distress was for the Losse of That which while he hop'd to gain made the most horrid of his helpful Sins seem Solaces and Pleasures While by the Artifice of These Addresses his broken Interest is pieced as Fair as well it may his Care is Divided between the engaging of One Party and the Destroying of Another And under the Masque of a pressing and Pious Necessity he breaks out into such Enormous Cruelties such Wanton and Conceited Butcheries that had not his Brain been Crackt as well as his Conscience Sear'd he would not have gone so Phantastical a way to the Devill Some of the Martyrs Hearts were quick and Springing in the Fire as I had it from several Ey-Witnesses Ashton did but desire to be Beheaded and it was seemingly Granted but the Order kept till 't was too late and Then tendered with a Ieere London was made the Altar for These Burnt-Offrings God grant That City be not at last purg'd by Fire I mean before the General Conflagration for Those Polluting Flames The Crime was Loyalty and made out against them more by the doubling Artifice of Mercenary Tongues than any Pregnancy of Proofes What could This Furious and Inhumane Rigour avail That miserable Politician further then as it Gratifi'd his Malice and Revenge for his Lost Hopes and Fortunes Without a Parliament or somewhat like one he Perishes for want of Mony and an Assembly to his mind throughout he utterly despayres of so that no Remedy remains but by extremities of Violence and Bloud to do his Business And to That end he faintly labours the new Modelling of his Army a way which he had found by Long Experience made Enemies as well as Friends Those certain and Implacable These prone to change their Interest and without Mony True to None In fine his Fate was Irresistible and his Tormented Soul Inconsolable He Sinks Sickens and Dies Upon the Day of his grand Anniversary for Dunbar and Worcester Sept. 3. The Night before his Death arose a Tempest that seem'd to signifie the Prince of the Ayre had some great work in hand and 't is Remarquable that during his Usurpation scarce any Eminent Action pass'd without a furious Storm I have drawn This Chapter to a length beyond my intention and should be too too Tedious to run through all his Wiles which were No other then an Habituall Craft diffused throughout the entire Course of his Tyranny But certain General rules he impos'd upon himself which must not be omitted One was to Buy Intelligence at any Rate by That means making every Plot bear it 's own Charges 2. Never to Engage Two Parties at once but to Flatter and Formalize with the One till he Ruin'd the Other Which was the Reason that he durst never make the Presbyterians Desperate for fear of Necessitating them to side with the King 3. To extirpate the Royallists by all possible means as Poverty Bondage Executions Transplantations and a Device he had to dispose of several Levies out of That Party Some to serve the Spaniard Others the French that they might be sure to meet in Opposition and cut One the Others Throats 4. He ever made his Army his own Particular Care 5. To keep the Nation in a perpetual Hatred and Iealousie of the Kings Party which he promoted either by forging of Plots or Procuring Them So much for Olivers Temper Streights and Politiques CAP. VII A short Account from the Death of the Tyrant Oliver to the Return of Charles the Second whom God Preserve from his Fathers Enemies THe Heart of the Cause was broken long since and now the Soul of it is gone though the Protectorate be formally devolv'd to Richard as the Declar'd Successour to his Father Whether Declar'd or not was I remember at That time a Question But whether Thus or So it Matters not Oliver's Dead his Son Proclaym'd and at night Bon-fires with all the Clamor Bustle and Confusion that commonly attends â—hose Vulgar Jollities The Souldiours took the Alarm and in my hearing threatned divers for daring to express their Joy so unseasonably but they came off with telling them that they were glad they had got a New Protector not that they had lost the Old In Truth the New Protector was look'd upon as a Person more Inclinable to do Good than Capable to do Mischief and the Exchange welcome to all that Lov'd his Majesty By the Court-Interest as they call'd it Addresses thick and threefold were brought in to Condole and Gratulate but Those Complements had no Sap in them The Dutch the Swede and the French sent their Embassadours on the same Errand And now the Funerals come on A Solemn and Expensive Pageantry yet in my Conscience the Chief-Mourners were his Highness Drapers These Ceremonies over to keep the Wheel in Motion a Supply was Resolv'd upon for the King of Swede and little further of Moment before Ian. 27. When in the Language of the Time met Richards Parliament The First and Last of his Reign It cost These people some time to agree the Powers of the Chief-Magistrate and the New Peerage which came to this result that Richard should be Recognized but
with lâ—mitations consistent with the Rights of Parliament and People and that for quiet sake they would transact with the Persons then sitting in the Other House as an House of Parliament during that Session The House proceeded by Degrees to make dangerous Inspections into the Militia the Revenue to look into the Exorbicances of Major Generals to threaten the Excise and finally by all Popular pretenses to engage the Multitude Effectually against both Protector and Army enduring the Government neither of the One nor of the Other Whereupon the Officers set up a Counsel at Wallingford-House the Protector advises at White-hall and Aprill 6. 1659. comes a Paper to Richard from the Generall Counsell of Officers Entituled A Representation and Petition c. importing the great danger of Good Old Cause is in from Enemies of all sorts the Poverty of the Souldiery the Persecution of Tender consciences c. which Particulars they Petition his Highnesse to represent to the Parliament with their Desire of Speedy Supply and Certainty of Pay for the future Declaring likewise their Resolution with their Lives and Fortunes to stand by and assist his Highness and Parliament in the plucking the Wicked out of their places wheresoever they may be discovered c. The Paper boded a Purge at least Sign'd it was by 230 Officers presented by Fleetwood Publish'd throughout the Army and followed soon after with a Day of Humiliation the never-failing Sign of Mischief at hand In this Juncture Each of the Three Parties was Enemy to the Other Two saving where Either Two were united to Maintein themselves against the Third and All Three of Them Enemies to the Good of the Nation The House being Biass'd for a Common-wealth and not yet enabled to go Through with it Dreaded the Army on the one hand and Hated the Single-Person on the Other Richard finding his Power limited by the Members and Envy'd by the Officers willing to please Both and Resolv'd to Hazzard nothing becomes a Common Property to the House and Army a Friend to Both by Turns Theirs to day T' others to Morrow and in all Tryals Meekly submitting to the Dispensation The Army on the other side had their Protector 's Measure to a Hair and behind him they Stalk'd to Ruffle That Faction in the House that was now grown so Bold with the Military Interest and it behov'd them to be quick with as the Case stood Then so Popular an Enemy The Members kept their Ground and April 18. pass'd These following Votes First That during the sitting of the Parliament there should be no General Counsell or meeting of the Officers of the Army without Direction Leave and Authority of his Highnesse the Lord Protector and Both Houses of Parliament Secondly That no Person shall Have and Continue any Command or Trust in any of the Armies or Navies of England Scotland or Ireland or any of the Dominions and Territories thereto belonging who shall refuse to Subscribe That he will not disturb or interrupt the free meeting in Parliament of any the Members of either House of Parliament or their freedom in their Debates and Counsels Upon These Peremptory Votes Richard Faces about joyning his small Authority to forbid their Meetings and great Assurances are Enterchang'd to stand the Shock of any Opposition Two or three dayes they stood upon their Guards continuing in that sharling Posture till April 22. when Richard at the suit or rather menace of Disborough and his Fellows signes a Commission to Dissolve his Parliament which to prevent the Members Adjourn for Three dayes and to avoid the shame of falling by an Enemy thâ— Catoe's kill themselves For at the Three dayes end they finde the Dore shut and a Guard upon the Passage to tell them They must Sit no more Their Dissolution being also Published by Proclamation His Highness steps aside next and now the Army undertakes the Government They Modell Cast about Contrive and after some Ten Dayes fooling with the Politiques they found it was much a harder matter to Compose a Government than to Disorder it and at This Plunge besought the Lord after their Wandrings and Back slidings to shew them where they turned out of the Way and where the Good Spirit left the Good Old Cause that through Mercy they might Return and give the Lord the Glory At last they call to mind that the Long Parliament sitting from 1648. to 1653. were eminent Assertâ—urs of that Cause and had a Speciall Presence of God with them Wherefore they Earnestly desire Those Members to Return to the Exercise of their Trust c. This is the Tenor of that Canting Declaration which the Army-Officers presented Lenthall the Good-Old-Speaker with at the Rolls May 6. in the Evening where a Resolve was taken by several of the Members to meet next morning in the Painted Chamber and There to advise about their Sitting They met accordingly and made a shift by Raking of Goals to get together a Quorum and so they sneak'd into the House of Commons and There Declar'd for a Common-wealth passing a Vote expresly against the Admission of the Members Secluded in 1648. This Device was far-fetch'd and not long-liv'd but These were Old Stagers and no ill Menagers of their Time To make short they Erect a Counsel of State Place and Displace mould their Faction settle the Godly appoint their Committees and so soon as ever they are Warm in their Gears begin where they left in 1653 Fleecing the Nation and Flaying the Cavaliers as briskly as if 't were but the Good-Morrow to a Six-Years Nap. But the sad Wretches were filthily mistaken to think Themselves brought in again to do their own Business for the Army makes bold to Cut them out their work in a Petition of May 12. containing 15. Proposals desiring First a Free-state 2. Râ—gulation of Law and Courts 3. An Act of Oblivion since April 19. 1653. 4. All Lawes c. since 1653. to stand good untill particularly Repeal'd 5. Publique Debts since 1653. to be Paid 6. Liberty of Worship c. not extending to Popery or Prelacy 7. A Preaching Ministry 8. The Reformation of Schools and Universities 9. the Exclusion of Cavaliers and loose Persons from Places of Power or Trust. 10. The Employment of the Godly in such Places 11. To provide for a Succession of the Legislative Authority 12. That Charles Fleetwood be Commander in Chief at Land 13. That the Legislative Power be in a Representative of the People and of a Select Senate Coordinate in Power 14. That the Executive-Power be in a Counsell of State 15. That the Debts of his Late Highness and his Father contracted since Decemb. 15. 1653. may be satisfi'd and Twenty Thousand Pounds per Annum setled upon him half for Life and half to him and his Heirs for ever The Principal point was Fleetwoods Command which they agreed to only reserving the Supreme Power to Themselves and constituting the Speaker
them The Parliament was first in Danger the City Next and Then the Nation and as their Ielousies Encreas'd so must Their Forces till by Degrees they grow to an Army The King and his Adherents they call the Common-Enemy whom they Invade and Vanquish Here 's their work done in short what have they now to fear Only New-Modelling or Disbanding A blessed Translation of the Government from the Rule of the Law to the Power of the Sword and There to abide till One Army be remov'd by Another That is the Tyranny abides no matter tho' under several Formes and Tyrants Our LEGIONS of the Reformation were Rays'd by certain Rebellious Lords and Commons and Seconded by the City of London Wee 'll see now how they behav'd themselves towards their Masters and Friends In 1647. the Army Reformes and Purges the House Presses their Dissolution Seizes their General Pointz in the North Squeezes and Menaces the City of London Marches up to it and in Triumph through it Takes Possession of the Tower Charges the Maior with divers Aldermen and Citizens of High-Treason Alters their Militia's and Common-Counsel and finally gives the Law to the House and That to the Nation In Decemb. 1648. the Army gives the House another Purge and the year following Cromwel himself had like to have been out-trick'd by the Levellers about Banbury In 1653. The Army Casts off the Olâ— Conventicle and up goes Oliver who calls Another only to get a Taxe and a Title and when They had done the One half and made way to the Other off goes That too The Next was call'd in 1654. another after That in 1656. and Both were serv'd with the same Sauce If Cromwell could as easily have moulded the Army as That did the House his businesse had been done with half the Ceremony but Mony was Their business and Kingship His so that they help'd him in the One and Cross'd him in the Other In Septemb. 1658. Oliver Dies and Then they are Richard's Army whose puisne Highness must have His Parliament too They meet and notwithstanding a huge Pack of Officers and Lawyers the Vote prov'd utterly Republican and Friend neither to Single-Person nor Army Now Richard takes his turn but first down goes his Parliament and for a while the Army-Officers undertake the Government Some Ten dayes after up with the Rump again and then they 're Lenthall's Army which in Octob. 1659. throws out the Rump and now they 're Fleetwood's Army Enter the Rump once more in Decemb. and once more the Army comes about again The Rump's next Exit is for ever March the 16. 1660. Behold the Thorough-Reformation and every Change Seal'd with a Sacrament to have been an Act of Conscience and guided by a Divine Impulse Behold the Staff of the Rebellion both the Support and Punishment of it a Standing Army While Plots could either be Procured or credibly suggested the Innocent were their Prey and when That entertainment fayl'd them they worryed one-another never at Peace betwixt the Striâ—e first to Subject the Nation and Then to Govern it So long as the Royal Interest was in Vigour it was the Faction's Policy to engage all sorts of People whom they could possibly Unite against That Interest however Disagreeing among Themselves their first work being only to Destroy the King and This was the Composition of the first Army From Killing they Proceed to take Possession and here Ensues a greater Difficulty A Force is Necessary still but the State of the Dispute being Chang'd the Former Mixture is not for their present purpose the Conspiratours that agreed to overthrow the Government being now Divided who shall Enjoy it Hereupon they fall to Sorting and Purging of Parties the Independent at last carrying it and Oliver in the Head of them After this Decision of the Contest betwixt the Two Factions the Army it self divides and Cromwell is now more puzzled with the Private Contrivements of his own Officers then he was before with the open Power of his profess'd Enimie for they are cleerly for his Ruling with them but not over them so that unless â—e can both Uphold them for his Security and Modell them for his Design he does nothing In Both He labour'd and beyond Question Di'd in the Despaire of perfecting Either finding upon Experience that his Ambition was as Intolerable to his Party as the Charge of Continuing his Army was to the Publique and what the Latter was wee 'll read in own words deliver'd at a Conference April 21. 1657. The present Charge sayes he of the Forces both by Sea and Land including the Government will be 2426989 l. The whole present Revenue in England Scotland and Ireland is about 1900000 l. I think this was Reckoned at the Most as now the Revenue stands Why now towards This you settle by your Instrument 1300000 l. for the Government and upon That Accompt to maintain the Force by Sea and Land and This without Landâ—Taxe I think and this is short of the Revenue that now may be Raised by the Government 600000 l. because you see the Present Government is 1900000 l. and the whole Summe which may now be Raised comes of the Present Charge 542689. And although an End should be put to the Spanish Warr yet there will be a Necessity of the Preservation of the Peace of the Three Nations to keep up the Present Established Army in England Scotland and Ireland and also a considerable Fleet for some good Time untill it shall please God to Quiet and Compose Mens Minds and bring the Nation to some better Consistency so that Considering the Pay of the Army coming to upwards 1100000 l. per annum and the Government 300000 l. it will be necessary that for some convenient Time seeing you find things as you do and it is not good to think a Wound healed before it be that there should be Raised over and above 1300000 l. the Summo of 600000 l. per annum which makes up the Summe of 1900000 l. That likewise the Parliament declare how far they will carry on the Spanish War and for what Time and what farther Summe they will raise for the carrying on the same and for what Time and if these Things be not Assertained as one saith Money is the Cause certainly what ever the Cause is if Money be Wanting the business will fall to the ground and all our Labour will be Lost and therefore I hope you will have a care of our Vndertakings How many Souls Lives Millions and Noble Families How well a Temper'd Government How Gracious a Prince and happy a People were by This Cursed Army Destroy'd will need no more then their own Consciences to determine when Divine Vengeance shall call them to a Reckoning It brought forth briefly the worst of Crimes and Mischiefs without the least Tincture of a Comfort or shadow of a Benefit Nor was it likely to do other if we consider either the
as Their Custome of Friborghes or Frank-Pledges Enquesâ—s Oathes and â—â—nalties Tenures by Knâ—ghts-Service Commissions of Array c. which being of approv'd Benefit and Equality were much more suitable to the Gâ—nius and Interest of the People than a Standing Aâ—my which to allow had been no other then to deliver up the Strength of the Nation into the hands of a Faction Nor was it lesse against the Government than against the Humour of the Nation Put a Parliament over the Nation and an Army over the Parliament Who Governs But all Oliver's Geese were Swans and his Souldiers Saints Did they not Take what they would Give what they would Raise and Pluck-down at Pleasure Nay Effectually did ever any Standing-Army Other if they had nothing Else to do Had they not already got the Trick of Calling the People together to Get Mony of them and then sending them away like Buzzards when they had gotten it of Packing and Qualifying Engrossing of Powers and Offices Cantonizing the Nation Was it to be expected they should restore the Right Line again when they had set up the Wrong The King when they had erected a General The Law when they had Master'd it by the Sword They did not Tug so hard for that they meant to part with Easily What they got by Rebellion was to be mainteyn'd by Tyranny and Necessity was sure at Last to do the work of Conscience I Think more need not be said to Oliver's standing-Standing-Army His Mony could not last alwayes and when he wanted That once he was certain to find his Army as Dangerous an Enemy as it had been a Faithfull Friend to him in his Prosperity Nay truly ' bate his Usurpation his want of Faith and Honour But rather then Prophane the Sacred Character of God's Vicegerent by joyning Majesty and Cromwell in the same Supposition let us Imagine rather a Wise and Lawfull Prince in the place of that Usurper and yet it may be a Question How far a Standing Army would have Consisted with the Interest even of a Rightfull Monarch First As the Nation was Poor and in no Condition for the Charge of it Next as it was Impoverished by an Army and therefore ill-persuaded of That Expedient Thirdly the Prince himself must have been Poor in Olivers Place and what should a Poor Prince have done with a Standing Army over a Poor and Discontented People The Interest of This world is Mony Subjects Rebell Armies Divide and Kingdoms fall to nothing for want of it That which Fools call Fortune being to men of clearer sight only the Favourable Influence of Treasure 'T is That which Carries Townes Causes and Armies puts Knaves in Honest mens places Corrupts Counsels and Supplants Governments the People wear their hearts at their purse-strings and a General Oppression is ever accompanied with a General desire to Remove it I speak of what they do not what they ought to do for all men are not of a Constitution to hang and Sterve for Conscience In fine where the State is Necessitous and a Faction Wealthy That Prince as is already hinted that erects a Standing Force in that condition does but provide an Army for his Enemies Not to insist upon the hazzards arising either from the People if the Principal Officers have too little Power or from the Officers Themselves if they have too much by which not only the Publique Peace but the Monarchy it self is Endanger'd the Kingâ— Crown depending upon the Revolt of a Province What can be more perillous then This Conjuncture where there is so great a Temptation on the one hand and so great a Provocation on the Other where the Multitude wait only for a Head and the Ambitious for a Party But why do I discourse the Mischiefs of a Standing Army They are too many great and Obvious to admit a Question What are the Benefits of it Rather Is it either safe to any Purpose or Useful to the common and pretended end of it even under a Lawful and Hereditary Monarch It 's true a Prince may deal with his Dominions as the Gentleman did with his Estate that turn'd an Inheritance into an Annuity because he would rather have it Lâ—â—ge then Long and That 's the Fairest of a Forc'd Government Suppose he save himself for his own time what will become then of his Successour But that wee 'll waive too and Consider what 's the Fruit of it to himself Is he the Richer for 't Alas the Contrary the Nation bears a Double Burthen and the Army Sucks the better half of the Advantage Is he the Safer Neither for a Mutiny in his Army is both more likely and more dangerous then a Tumult among his People In fine A Standing Army may promote a Faction but 't is the Law preserves the Publique and consequently the King That Monarch that Secures himself from Private Practices by a Choice Full and Honourable Guard well Paid and Disciplin'd about his Royall Person as to the Rest shall find the Strict and timely Execution of Good Lawes the best Publique Security against Sedition 'T is a Cheap Remedy and therefore Acceptable to the Generality A Legall one so that the Delinquents Themselves cannot Complein of it and Lastly 't is a Sure one which if it be what can be more advisable for any Prince and People In Truth so Sure it is that I 'm to seek ' bate only Matter of Claim where ever any Setled Government was Embroyl'd but either by the Interest of a Standing Force or the Remisseness of Authority in the Execution of Establish'd Lawes The Necessity of a Royall Guard is Evident the Number must be suited to the differing Exigences of Times and Places but with This General Regard That it be not only sufficient to the Safety of a Prince but Honorary likewise and Accommodate to his Dignity and Demonstrative rather of his Power then of his Danger But be the Body Great or Small Nay wee 'll suppose it equal to a Standing Army but not Distributed as That is into County-Troops and Provincial Governments Call it a Guard still for the very Name of the Other sounds like a Grievance The One supposing only the Peoples Care of their Sovereign the Other intimating the Sovereigns Iealousie of his People Let me not be understood as in allowance of This Over-proportion for such a Guard is but an Army in Disguise There may be Temporary Occasions indeed for Temporary and Extraordinary Levies but the word Temporary is commonly attended with such a Train of Reasons for Perpetuity that if the Occasion be not very Manifest the World is apt to doubt of the Necessity Not that the Generality have any Right to judge of or Debate the Grounds of a Change but I suppose that Their Opinions and After-feelings will not be deny'd to have some Influence upon the Event of it To Conclude That Prince is Great Safe and Happy that Commands by his Armes Abroad and
have no Cause to Complein of any Wrong or Oppressions Contrary to their Iust Rights and Liberties To the Preservation whereof he holds himself in Conscience as well obliged as of his prerogative This Answer though Clear and Full as possible to any just Intention did not yet Relish and the pretended Exception was not to the Matter of it but the Forme So that a New Petition is agreed upon for a more formal Answer Which his Majesty taking notice of Prevents with a Le droit soit fait comme il est Desirè This Grant finish'd Foundation of the Kings Ruine Now see the Return they made him for This Goodnesse how they Requited This Benignity and Trust. The Commissions Of Loan and Excize are Instantly Cancell'd and a Scandalous Remonstrance is Presented to his Majesty with the Bill of Subsidies Upon which the King reflects as he had Cause with some Displeasure and drawes a Stinging and a Punctuall Answer to it This puts the Commons upon Another Remonstrance against Tonnage and Poundage which Provok'd the King to give a sodain End to That Session Declaring before his Assent to the Bills The true Intent of what he Granted in That Petition And that as it was the Profession of Both Houses in the time of Hammering That Petition no way to Trench upon his Prerogative so he could not be conceiv'd to have Granted any New but only to have Confirm'd the Antient Privileges of his Subjects And here his Majesty Prorogues This Parliament In Ian. following they Meet again and Appoint Two Committees The One for Religion the Other for Civill Affairs And These are to Inspect Abuses and lay open the Kings Misgovernments to the People In the Heat of their haste his Majesty sends Secretary Coke upon an Interâ—eding Message to them with all the Gentlenesse Imaginable Whereat the House takes Snuffe and calls to Adjourn In short the King Adjourns them from Ianuary to the 2. of March and Then being Met Sir Iohn Eliot begins with a Bitter Invective against the Lord Treasurer After which the Speaker acquaints the House with his Majesties Command of their Adjournment till the 10th They give him a Check for his Peins and follow their Businesse Up rises Sir Iohn again and Offers a Remonstrance against Tonnage and Poundage to their Reading which both Speaker and Clerk Refusing Hee Reads it Himself When it should be put to the Vote whether or no to be Presented to the King the Speaker excuses himself as Commanded by the King to Leave the House and endeavouring to Rise he was forcibly kept in his Chaire till as the Protestation of the House was Read as Follows First Whosoever shall bring in Innovation of Religion or by favour seek to introduce Popery or Arminianisme or other Opinions disagreeing from the true Orthodox Church shall be reputed a capitall Enemy to this Kingdome and Common-wealth Secondly Whosoever shall Counsell or Advise the Taking or Levying of the Subsidies of Tonnage and Poundage not being Granted by Parliament or shall be an Actor or Instrument therein shall be likewise reputed a Capitall Enemy to this Common-wealth Thirdly If any man shall voluntarily yield or Pay the said Subsidies of Tonnage or Poundage not being Granted by Parliament he shall be reputed a Betrayer of the Liberties of England and an Enemy to this Common-wealth Upon Notice of These Distempers the King sends for the Sergeant of the Mace and the House refuses him Whereupon the Usher of the Black Rod is Dispatch'd to Dissolve them but finding no Entrance at length the Guard is call'd for and Then the Members Vanish After These Provocations and Contempts The King Himselfe Dissolves them This was the Embryo of our late Rebellion and the Indulgence of That Gratious Prince to That Ungrateful Faction was That which Ruin'd him Whether Design'd or not may appear from the Sequel Divers of the most Popular and Active persons in This Contest being found afterward among his Mortal Enemies in the Warr. Having Trac'd the Mischief to This Head we may be shorter with the Rest and taking for Granted that neither Scotland would be out at a Godly Project nor the English Faction upon any Terms reject their Brotherly Kindnesse we may rationally presume that they were of Intelligence in our succeeding Troubles especially if we observe what Time they kept in their motions towards one another In that which follows we shall not so much apply our selves to the Order of the Story as to the Noting of those Fatalities which had a most particular Influence upon the Life and Fortune of That Incomparable Prince In 1634. a Seditious Practice was discover'd in Scotland and the Lord Balmerino detected to be one of the Prime Conspiratours His Father out of Nothing became Chief Secretary to King Iames whom he Betray'd the Treachery was Prov'd and the Traytour Condemn'd but by the Mercy of the King Restored both in Bloud and Estate So was the Son found Guilty and Pardon'd likewise by the Successour of the Father's Master Never in shew a more remors-ful Penitent Yet in the next Conspiracy of 1637. who deeper In again then this Presbyterian It would be hard to find Two Persons of That Leaven to whom the Late King ever refused his Grace or that did not abuse it How easily had the Scotch Rebellion been Crush'd in the First Tumult had not his Majesty's Excessive Goodness ore-slipped the Time of Doing it by Force expecting their Return by fairer means He that would read the greatest Opposition that ever was in Nature of Truth and Falshood Kindnesse and Malice Mercy and Ingratitude Piety and Wickedness Let him but Read the Story of the Scotch-Rebellion in 1638. drawn by his Majestie 's expresse Command The Perjuries Insolencies Forgeries and Usurpations of the Holy Kirk at Glasgow and then say if ever such a Contest of Light and Darkness as betwixt That Saint and Those Monsters Nor was his Majesty's Clemency abused more then his Confidence betray'd for to the Publick Mockery they made of his Indulgence was added the Private Correspondence and Treachery of a Presbyterian Faction in his Counsell His Majesty himself avers as much This says the King in his large Declaration Our Commissioner did not adventure to communicate with the whole Counsell because he did know that some of our Counsellours were Covenanters in Their Hearts though for Dangerous ends they had forborn the Subscribing of the Covenant with their Hands and that They would acquaint the Covenanters with it with whom they kept Private Meetings The next Eminent Transaction was upon the Enterview of the Two Armies near Berwick where his Sacred Majesty had the Rebells Effectually at his Mercy and exhausted himself and his Friends to the Despair almost of ever Raysing another Army Yet even There also was his Majesty persuaded such was his Royall Charity and Tendernesse for his People upon the Supplication of the