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A62475 The history of the bloody massacres of the Protestants in France in the year of our Lord, 1572 written in Latin by the famous historian, Ja. Aug. Thuanus ; and faithfully rendred into English. Thou, Jacques-Auguste de, 1553-1617.; Stephens, Edward, d. 1706. 1674 (1674) Wing T1075; ESTC R10093 52,145 74

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through the streets of Paris than to take up Civil Arms again 2. Among other letters there was one brought to him being now come to Paris written very smartly after this manner Remember that it is an established Decree of the Papists upon the account of Religion and confirmed by the authority of Councils that Faith is not to be kept with hereticks in the number of which Protestants are accounted Remember also that Protestants upon the account of the former Wars do lie under an eternal odium so that it is not to be doubted but this is the Queens resolution that Protestants be rooted out by any means whatsoever Add to this that it cannot be but that a woman that is a stranger and an Italian descended of the race of the Popes whom they oppose and of a Florentine and guileful nature should study all extremities against her enemies Consider moreover in what School the King was educated in which he drew in with his milk under his good Tutors this Doctrine that he should make it a sport to swear and forswear to use the name of God profanely to defile himself with Whoredomes and Adulteries to dissemble his Faith Religion Counsels to set his countenance according to occasion And that he might be accustomed to the effusion of the bloud of his Subjects he was taught from his childhood to behold the slaughters and butcheries of * And of men also v. l. 24. p. 275. beasts that he is setled in this perswasion to suffer no Religion in his Kingdom but that which may uphold his state according to the opinion of his Master Machiavel otherwise it would never be at Peace so long as two Religions flourished in it and that it was instilled into his ears that the Protestants did decree to spoil him of his Life and Empire And therefore he would never suffer the Protestants who had once whether upon a just or unjust cause taken up Arms against him to enjoy the benefit of his Edict but that he would with Arms revenge what was done with Arms against him nor would he look upon himself obliged to keep his Covenants which he had entred into with his armed Subjects These are the Arts of Princes the Elements of Policy the Arcana Imperii So Commodus of old commanded Julian whom he owned and embraced as his Father to be slain Thus Antonius Caracalla under pretence of mustering slew the prime youth of the City So Lysander cut the throats of eight hundred Milesians called together under pretence of friendship and society So Sergius Galba raged upon six thousand Spaniards and lately by the command of Antonius Spinola the chief men of the Isle of Corsica were called together to a Feast and slain In our memory did Christiern a King of a barbarous nature use the same arts in the Massacre of Stockholm So heretofore Charles 7 though reconciled to the Duke of Burgundy yet abstained not from killing him though he begged for his life Nor are the discourses that the King lately had with his mother at Blois unknown For when in a jocular manner profanely using as his custom is the name of God he asked her whether he had not acted his part handsomely at the coming of the Queen of Navar the Queen answered that he had begun well but these beginnings would little advantage him unless he proceeded But I said he with often repeated oaths will bring them all into your toils From these words the truth whereof you may be assured of you ought to take counsel and if you are wise get out of the City and so from the Court as from a most filthy sink with all the speed as may be 3. Coligni having read this letter though he was not a little troubled at it yet that he might not seem altogether to neglect the admonitions and intreaties of his friends made answer That there was no place left for these suspitions that he could never perswade himself that so great perfidiousness could enter into so good a King than whom France for this many years never had a better That Anjou indeed was more averse to the Protestant party but that hatred would now cease even out of respect to the affinity contracted with the King of Navar. For the rest the League entred into with England and that which the King was now making with the Protestant Princes of the Empire did sufficiently shew how he stood affected to the Protestants when as he would have one of the Sons of the Elector Palatine in his retinue and some one of the English Nobles as Leicester or Burgleii who were most forward for Religion Moreover he had given his Faith to the Prince of Orange and Nassau his Brother concerning aids against the Spaniards and that a great supply was preparing in the place of those who were routed under Jenlis their leader That John Galeacius Fulgosius who lately returned from Florence did assure them that Cosunus would lend the King two hundred thousand Aurei towards that War That the King's Ambassador did carefully pry into the counsels of the Duke of Alva and daily acquaint the King with them That this he knew every day from the King That the Navy that Philip Strossy and Polinius Garda do command at Broage and upon the Coasts of Poictou was not prepared to any other use but to disturb the Spanish Fleet which being done it shall go to help the Prince of Orange at Flushing As for himself and his own particular safety all might be secure of that for that he through the King's means is reconciled to the Guises each engaging their Faith to the King that they would neither of them hereafter impeach one the other Lastly that the King did all he could to make Peace at home and War abroad and that he might transfer the War into the Low-Countreys and against the Spaniards Wherefore he prayed the Author of the writing and others that are of his mind that they would no more with these suspitions trouble his mind which was taken up with more weighty businesses and better designs but rather that they would joyning their prayers with his beg of God that he would prosper things so well begun and bring them at last to an happy end for the good of the Church and Kingdom 4. The same things were written to Coligni from the Rochellers which he did in as friendly manner take off with all moderation and constancy Therefore when they could not divert him from that mind they set upon the King of Navar with Letters dated 6 of the Eids of July July 10th in which they dehort him upon the same accounts that he should take care of himself and not go to Paris He was then at the Nuptials † Vid. l. 50. p. 787. of Henricus Condaeus his Unckle's Son and Mary of Cleve his near Kinswoman which were celebrated at Blandia a Castle of Jo. Roan Marchioness of Rotelin who was Mother to Frances of Aurleans * Vid.
punishment which thing I do yet perceive to be here in the Court a matter of jesting and laughing A third thing which I did desire to discourse with your Majesty about is the contempt of the Pacificatory Edict offered by those that are in place of Jurisdiction who do in most grievous manner daily violate the faith that was given by you of which faith and oath even foreign Princes are witnesses But as I have often told your Majesty and the Queen-Mother I do not think there is any surer way of preserving peace and publick tranquility than by a religious and severe observance of the Edicts But they are so contemned that of late at Troyes there was an assault made upon the servants of the wife of the Prince of Conde and when as she according to the form of your Edict had chosen a certain Village called Insula in which our Religion should be exercise● yet notwithstanding of late a certain man and a nurse and an infant that was brought to the holy font were slain upon the way whiles they were returning from a Sermon that was made in that place August 10th And this happened a little before the 4th Eid 6 til To this the King answered I esteem thee my Father as I have often assured thee for a valiant and faithful person and one that is most careful for my honour Lastly I look upon thee as one of the chiefest and most valiant Commanders of my Kingdom nor if I had any other opinion of thee would I have done what I have for thee As for the Edict which I lately issued out I have always wished and do wish that it may be most diligently observed And to that purpose I have taken care that some choice persons should be sent through the Provinces that may make this their business whom if thou doest suspect others shall be sent in their places for in discourse he had said he did suspect them who had condemned him to death and hanging and set a price of fifty thousand Aurei upon his head Then that he might break off this discourse he added I see my Father that you speak earnestly and that earnestness may hurt both you and your wounds I will take care of this affair and again swearing by the name of God I do assure you that I will most severely revenge this injury upon the Authors of it as if it were offered to my self Then he there is not need of any great search for the Author of the fact nor are the discoveries already made very doubtful But it is enough and upon that account in the most humble manner that I can I give your Majesty thanks that you are pleased graciously to promise me to do me right Then the King taking aside that Gentleman of the household that stood at the dore commanded him to shew him the bullet wherewith Coligny was wounded and which was taken out of the wound that he might look upon it It was a brazen one then he enquired of him first whether much bloud flowed out of the wound next whether Coligny did signify the grievous pains he felt by out-cries and complaints And having commended his constancy and the greatness of his mind he commanded that Gentleman that he should not depart from him These things passed for about the space of an hour in the Chamber of Coligny the King drawing out the time with wandring discourses and that he might put off the business of the Belgick War to the mention of which it is observed that he made no answer Among these discourses Radesianus spoke to a friend of Coligny's concerning the removing him into the Castle of the Louvre for his greater security if the people should tumultuate which thing the King himself did sometime repeat which almost all did interpret as an argument of the King's care of the health of Coligny But when the Physitians and chiefly Francis Mazilles the King 's chief Physitian answered there was danger if his body should be shaken in the carrying whiles his wounds were fresh he would by no means be removed 13. After the King departed the Nobles of the Protestant party take counsel together and John of Ferriers Vidame of Chartres in the presence of Navar and Conde conjecturing what was indeed the matter said that the Tragedy was begun by the wound of Coligny but would end in the bloud of them all Therefore he thought it most safe that without delay they should depart the City he produced testimonies and tokens for his opinion from the rumors that were spread abroad for it was heard by many when upon the day of Marriage the Protestants went out of the Church that they might not engage in worship the Papists said by way of mirth that within a few days they should hear Mass Also it was openly spoken in discourse by the chief of the City that at that Marriage should be poured out more bloud than wine That one of the Protestant Nobles was advised by the president of the Senate that he should with all his family betake himself for some days into the Country Besides these things the counsel of Johannes Monlucius Bishop of Valence when he was going Ambassador into Poland given to Roch-sou-cault that he would not suffer himself to be intoxicated and turned about by the smoke and unwonted favour of the Court which deservedly ought to be suspected by all wise and cautious persons that he would not be too secure to run himself into danger and that he would timely withdraw himself together with other Nobles from the Court But Teligny being of another mind and saying that he was abundantly satisfied of the sincere love and good will of the King Ferrerius and those that thought as he he did could not be heard The next day the Page was again examined and new witnesses produced In this examination Arnold Cavagnes was engaged for so Coligny did desire and all things were done in shew as if there had been a diligent enquiry into the business The next day when as Coligny and by his command Cornaton in the name of his fellows who he said knew for certain that the Parisians that is LXM deadly enemies of Coligny would tumultuate and take Arms desired of the King and his Brother Anjou a guard of some Souldiers to be set to protect the house of Coligny that if the people should make any disturbance they might be restrained by fear of the King's guards they both of them answered kindly and freely and it was given in command to Cossenius Colonel of the Regiment of the Guards that with some choice Bands he should keep watch before the dores of Coligny To these were joyned to avoid suspition some but few in number of the Switzers of the guards of Navar. Moreover for the greater security it was ordered by the King that the Gentlemen of the Protestants who were in the City should lodge near Coligny's house and it was given in command to Quarter-masters
things were not done by the advice or fault of them but of Coligny and his followers who had already or should shortly receive the just deserts of their wickedness that he was willing that those things should be buried in oblivion provided they would make amends for their former offences by their future loyalty and obedience and renouncing their profane superstitious Doctrine would return to the Religion of their Ancestors that is to the Roman Catholick Religion for he would have only that Religion professed in his Kingdom which he had received from his fore-Fathers Therefore that they should look to it that they do comply with him herein otherwise they might know that the same punishment which others had suffered did hang over their heads To this the King of Navar did most humbly beg that no violence might be offered to their consciences nor persons and that then they would remain faithful to him and were ready to satisfy him in all things But Conde added that he could not perswade himself that the King who had engaged himself by solemn oath to all the Protestant Princes of his Kingdom would upon any account violate it or hearken to their enemies and adversaries in that matter As to Religion that was not to be commanded that his life and fortunes were in the King's power to do with them what he pleased but that he knew he was to give an account only to God of that Religion that he had received from God Therefore that he was fixed and resolved never to recede from his Religion which he knew assuredly was true no not for any present danger of life With which answer the King being highly provoked he called Conde stubborn seditious Rebel and the son of a Rebel and told him that if he did not change his mind within three days his head should pay for his obstinacy 20. Many of the Protestant Nobles had taken up their lodgings in the Suburbs of St. German and could not be perswaded to lie in the City Among these were Johannes Roanus Frontenaeus Godofridus Caumonlius Vidame of Chartres Gabriel Mongomerius Jo. Lafinius Bellovarius Segurius Pardallanius and others The destroying of whom was given in charge to Laurentius Maugironus and besides Marcells was ordered to take care that 1000 Souldiers of the City Trained-Bands should be sent thither to Maugironus who went but slowly on in his business While this was doing tidings came to Mongomery of the rumor of taking up Arms in the City who signified the same to the Vidame of Chartres and presently they met all together uncertain what was to be done for that many confiding in the King's faithfulness perswaded themselves that this was done without the King's command by the Guisians encouraged by the forwardness of the seditious people therefore they thought it was best to go to the King and that he would succour them against any violence In that doubtfulness of mind though the more prudent did not doubt that these things were done by agreement and by the King's command were many hours spent so that they might easily have been destroyed but that another impediment happened to the Conspirators for whiles Maugironus doth in vain expect Parisians to be sent from Guise who were all busied in plundering Guise impatient of further delays calls forth the King's Guards out of the Louvre intending whiles they passed the River to go thither himself And when he came to the gates it did too late appear that they had mistaken the keys therefore while they sent for others it being now broad day the Switzers and others of the King's Guards passing the Siene were seen from the other side and upon the discharging of a Gun on the other side of the River as was thought by the King's command the Associates take counsel to fly and before they came were gotten a good way off Guise pursued Mongomery and others to Montfort but in vain and meeting with Sanleodegarius he commands him that he should follow them with fresh horses There were some sent to Udencum and to Dreux who should intercept them if they went that way but all in vain Franciscus Bricomotius who could not be destroyed in the tumult flies to the English Ambassadors lodgings † In Bernardinorum caio. where he for some days lay hid Arnoldus Cavagnius also hid himself not far from hence with a friend who fearing the danger defired him to provide for himself but both being taken were cast into the Palace prison and with that event which we shall shew anon In the mean time Guise with Aumale and Angolesme return into the City where the King's Guards did commit outrages upon the lives and fortunes of the Protestant Nobles and Gentlemen even of those that were their familiars and well known to them This work being assigned to them in particular whiles the people incited by the Sheriffs wardsmen and tything-men that ran about did furiously rage with all manner of licentiousness and excess against their fellow-Citizens and a sad and horrid face of things did every where appear For the streets and ways did resound with the noise of those that flocked to the slaughter and plunder and the complaints and doleful out-cries of dying men and those that were nigh to danger were every where heard The carkasses of the slain were thrown down from the windows the Courts chambers of houses were full of dead men their dead bodies rolled in dirt were dragged through the streets bloud did flow in such abundance through the chanels of the streets that full streams of bloud did run down into the River the number of the slain men women even those that were great with child and children also was innumerable Annas Terrerius Chapius being eighty years old and an Advocate of great name in the Senate was slain Also Jo. Lomerius Secretary to the King having compounded for his safety was thrown into Gaol by Johannes Parisiensis Judge of Criminals and having sold * Versalium fundum his Estate at Versailles to his adversary with whom he had a Suit depending about it at a low rate and leaving his office upon the account of another was afterwards slain by the command of those with whom he had those dealings Magdalena Brissonetta the Relict of Theobaldus Longiolius an Irish-man Master of the Requests Neece of Cardinal Gulielmus Brissonettus and besides a woman of most rare accomplishments and of no mean learning when in old apparel taking with her her daughter Francisca and Johannes Spina a noted Preacher who was her houshold Chaplain she would have fled out of the City being discovered by the cut-throats and in vain put to renounce her Religion being thrust into the body with pike-staves half dead she was tumbled from the Key into the River where swimming about a company of boats being drawn together as if it had been to destroy a mad dog with many gentle blows she was at length most inhumanely drowned Spina not being known escaped in the
the Kingdom by several ways though I believe the number was somewhat less In September Castres a City in la Paix Albigeois which was held by the Protestants when after great promises by the King for their safety it was delivered into the hands of Creuseta one of the principal of the neighbouring Gentry it was by him cruelly plundered and laid waste In the beginning of October happened the Massacre at Burdeaux The Author and chief Promoter of it is reported to have been one Enimundus Augerius of the Society at Claremont who also is said to have perswaded Franciscus Baulo a very rich Senator of Burdeaux that he should leave his wife and being supported by his wealth he had founded a rich School in that City He when as he did in his Sermons daily inflame his Auditors that after the example of the Parisians they should dare to do something worthy of their piety so especially upon S. Michael's day when he treated of the Angels the ministers of the grace and vengeance of God what things bad been done at Paris Orleance and other places he did again and again by often repeated Speeches inculcate to have been done by the Angel of God and did both openly and privately upbraid Romanus Mulus the King's Solicitor and Carolus Monferrandus Governor of the City men of his faction as dull and cold in this business who contented themselves to have interdicted the Protestants the liberty of meeting together and to have kept the Gates of the City with guards but otherwise they wholly abstained from violence and slaughters being admonished so to do as is believed by Stozzius who had a design upon Rochel who did fear lest that should hinder his attempts But when as about that time Monpesatus came to Blaye as though the sign for effusion of bloud had been given by his coming certain men were slain in that Town But when he arrived at Burdeaux the people began to rage and the seditious to run up and down Enimundus thundered in his Preaching more than ever at last after some days private discourses of Monpesatus with Monferrandus though it be uncertain whether he did discourage or perswade the thing when Monpesatus was departed who a little while after died of a Bloudy Flux V Non. VIII br which fell upon a Friday Octobr. 3. the Magistrates of the City with their Offcers as they were sent came after dinner to the house of Monferrandus bringing with them lewd impudently wicked men who were drawn together by Petrus Lestonacus and receiving the word of command from him they ran through the City to the slaughter being distinguished by their red Caps a sign very agreeable to their bloudy design They began with Joannes Guillochius and Gul. Sevinus Senators who were both cruelly murdered in their houses which were presently rifled Also Bucherus the Senator who had redeemed his life of Monferrandus for a great sum of mony did hardly escape the danger whose house was also plundered Then promiscuous slaughters and rapines are committed for three days together throughout the City wherein two hundred sixty four men are said to be slain and the Massacre bad been much greater had not the Castle of Buccina and the other Castle of the City yielded an opportune place of refuge to many Jacobus Benedictus Longobastonus President of the Court was in great danger of death and was hardly preserved by the help of his friends 29. Nor were they in the mean time in quiet at Paris and at Court where by the Queens special command and the diligence of Morvillerius Coligny's Cabinet was examined if by any means they might find any thing in them which being published might take off the odium of so bloudy a fact either in the Kingdom or with foreign Princes Among those Commentaries which he did every day diligently write which were afterwards destroyed by the Queens command there was a passage in which he advised the King that he should be sparing in assigning the hereditary portion which they call Appennage to his Brethren and in giving them authority which having read and acquainting Alanson with it whom she had perceived to favour Coligny This is your beloved cordial friend saith the Queen who thus advised the King To whom Alanson answered How much he loved me I know not but this advice could proceed from none but one that was faithful to the King and careful for his affairs Again there was among his papers sound a breviate wherein among other reasons that he gave for the necessity of a War with the Spaniards in the Low-Countreys this was added as being omitted in the Speech which he made to the King lest it should be divulged and therefore was to be secretly communicated to the King that if the King did not accept of the condition that the Low-Countreys offered he should † V. Walsingham's Letter 14 Septemb. 1572. in the Compleat Ambassador p. 241. not transfer it to his neighbours of England who though they were now as things stood friends to the King if once they set footing in the Low-Countreys and the Provinces bordering upon the Kingdom would resume their former minds and being invited by that conveniency of friends would become the worst enemies to the King and Kingdom Which being likewise imparted to Walsingham Queen Elizabeths Ambassador and the Queen telling him that by that he might judge how well Coligny was affected towards the Queen his Mistress who so much loved him He made her almost the same answer and said He did not know how he was affected towards the Queen his Mistress but this he knew that that counsel did savour of one that was faithful to the King and most studious of the honour of France and in whose death both the King and all France had a great loss So both of them by almost the same answer frustrated her womanish policy not without shame unto her self About the end of the month wherein Coligny was slain the King fearing lest the Protestants should grow desperate in other Provinces writes to the Governors with most ample commands and principally to Feliomrus Chabolius President of Burgundy Carnii Comes in which he commanded that he should go through the Cities and Towns that were under his jurisdiction and friendly convene the Protestants and acquaint them with the tumult at Paris and the true causes thereof That nothing was done in that affair through hatred of their Religion or in prejudice to the favour that was granted them by the last Edict but that he might prevent the conspiracy made by Coligny and his confederates against the King the Queen the King's Brethren the King of Navar and other Princes and Nobles That it was the King's pleasure that his Edicts might be observed and that the Protestants every where taking forth Letters of security from the Presidents should live quietly and safely under the King's protection upon pain of death to any that should injure or molest them in