against the Authors of this fact but through connivance it came to nothing the murderers and cut-throats for a time slipping out of the City This example raged through other Cities and from Cities to Towns and Villages and it is reported by many that †It was Credibly reported that there were slain above 40000 Hugonots in a few days saith Davila p. 376. more than thirty thousand were slain in those tumults throughout the Kingdom by several ways though I believe the number was somewhat less In September Castres a City in la Paix Albigeois which was held by the Protestants when after great promises by the King for their safety it was delivered into the hands of Creuseta one of the principal of the neighbouring Gentry it was by him cruelly plundered and laid waste In the beginning of October happened the Massacre at Burdeaux The Author and chief Promoter of it is reported to have been one Enimundus Augerius of the Society at Claremont who also is said to have perswaded Franciscus Baulo a very rich Senator of Burdeaux that he should leave his wife and being supported by his wealth he had founded a rich School in that City He when as he did in his Sermons daily inflame his Auditors that after the example of the Parisians they should dare to do something worthy of their piety so especially upon S. Michael's day when he treated of the Angels the ministers of the grace and vengeance of God what things had been done at Paris Orleance and other places he did again and again by often repeated Speeches inculcate to have been done by the Angel of God and did both openly and privately upbraid Romanus Mulus the King's Solicitor and Carolus Monferrandus Governor of the City men of his faction as dull and cold in this business who contented themselves to have interdicted the Protestants the liberty of meeting together and to have kept the Gates of the City with guards but otherwise they wholly abstained from violence and slaughters being admonished so to do as is believed by Stozzius who had a design upon Rochel who did fear lest that should hinder his attempts But when as about that time Monpesatus came to Blaye as though the sign for effusion of bloud had been given by his coming certain men were slain in that Town But when he arrived at Burdeaux the people began to rage and the seditious to run up and down Enimundus thundered in his Preaching more than ever at last after some days private discourses of Monpesatus with Monferrandus though it be uncertain whether he did discourage or perswade the thing when Monpesatus was departed who a little while after died of a Bloudy Flux V Non. Octobr. 3. VIII br which fell upon a Friday the Magistrates of the City with their Officers as they were sent came after dinner to the house of Monferrandus bringing with them lewd impudently wicked men who were drawn together by Petrus Lestonacus and receiving the word of command from him they ran through the City to the slaughter being distinguished by their red Caps a sign very agrecable to their bloudy design They began with Joannes Guillochius and Gul. Sevinus Senators who were both cruelly murdered in their houses which were presently rifled Also Bucherus the Senator who had redeemed his life of Monferrandus for a great sum of mony did hardly escape the danger whose house was also plundered Then promiscuous slaughters and rapines are committed for three days together throughout the City wherein two hundred sixty four men are said to be slain and the Massacre had been much greater had not the Castle of Buccina and the other Castle of the City yielded an opportune place of refuge to many Jacobus Benedictus Longobastonus President of the Court was in great danger of death and was hardly preserved by the help of his friends 29. Nor were they in the mean time in quiet at Paris and at Court where by the Queens special command and the diligence of Morvillerius Coligny's Cabinet was examined if by any means they might find any thing in them which being published might take off the odium of so bloudy a fact either in the Kingdom or with foreign Princes Among those Commentaries which he did every day diligently write which were afterwards destroyed by the Queens command there was a passage in which he advised the King that he should be sparing in assigning the hereditary portion which they call Appennage to his Brethren and in giving them authority which having read and acquainting Alanson with it whom she had perceived to favour Coligny This is your beloved cordial friend saith the Queen who thus advised the King To whom Alanson answered How much he loved me I know not but this advice could proceed from none but one that was faithful to the King and careful for his affairs Again there was among his papers found a breviate wherein among other reasons that he gave for the necessity of a War with the Spaniards in the Low-Countreys this was added as being omitted in the Speech which he made to the King lest it should be divulged and therefore was to be secretly communicated to the King that if the King did not accept of the condition that the Low-Countreys offered he should †V. Walsingham's Letter 14 Septemb. 1572. in the Compleat Ambassador p. 241. not transfer it to his neighbours of England who though they were now as things stood friends to the King if once they set footing in the Low-Countreys and the Provinces bordering upon the Kingdom would resume their former minds and being invited by that conveniency of friends would become the worst enemies to the King and Kingdom Which being likewise imparted to Walsingham Queen Elizabeths Ambassador and the Queen telling him that by that he might judge how well Coligny was affected towards the Queen his Mistress who so much loved him He made her almost the same answer and said He did not know how he was affected towards the Queen his Mistress but this he knew that that counsel did savour of one that was faithful to the King and most studious of the honour of France and in whose death both the King and all France had a great loss So both of them by almost the same answer frustrated her womanish policy not without shame unto her self About the end of the month wherein Coligny was slain the King fearing lest the Protestants should grow desperate in other Provinces writes to the Governors with most ample commands Carnii Comes and principally to Feliomrus Chabolius President of Burgundy in which he commanded that he should go through the Cities and Towns that were under his jurisdiction and friendly convene the Protestants and acquaint them with the tumult at Paris and the true causes thereof That nothing was done in that affair through hatred of their Religion or in prejudice to the favour that was granted them by the last Edict but that he might
almost in the same words Thence Navar and Conde go to the King and complain of the indignity of the fact and since they and theirs could not be secure at Paris they desire leave to depart Upon this the King aggravating the matter to the highest and adding deeper oaths than before promised that he would take such revenge upon the Assasine the authors and abetters of this fact as should satisfy Coligny and his friends and should be an example to others for the future that what was done was as great a grief to him as to any but since what was done could not be undone he would take the greatest care that might be for a remedy and would make all men understand that Coligny had the wound but he had the smart and that they might be eye-witnesses of this thing he desires them that they would not depart out of Paris And he discoursing thus Queen Katharine who was then present seconded and saith The affront was offered to the King not to Coligny and if this villany should not be punished it would ere long come to that pass that they would even dare to set upon the King himself in his house therefore all means are to be used most sharply to revenge so great a villany These words being spoken with much heat and seeming indignation the minds of Navar and Conde were somewhat appeased who did not believe there was any dissimulation so that there was not a word more made of their departure out of the City Presently some were sent to pursue the Assasine though none as yet knew who he was All the gates of the City are shut up till search had been made except two by which provision was brought in and even they were kept by a guard appointed by the King In the mean while the maid and the boy that were taken in Villemur's house who was then from home were examined a part by Christopher Thuanus and Bernardus Prevotius Morsanus Presidents of the Court and James Viole a Senator and the maid confessed that a few daies since Villerius Challius a servant of the Guises brought a Souldier to that house and commended him to her as if he had been the Master of the house being a very near friend and familiar acquaintance of his and that therefore he made use as long as he was there of Villemur's Chamber and Bed but what his name was he did industriously conceal The boy who had served the Assasine but a few days said he was sent by his Master who dissembled his name and called himself sometimes Bolland sometimes Bondol the King's Archer in the morning to Challius to desire him from him that he would have the horses in readiness which he promised him From all which discoveries it was yet uncertain who was the Assasine but when as they both agreed in Challius it was given in charge to Gaspar Castraeus Naucaeus Captain of the King's Guard that he should seize him and bring him forth to examination Then Letters are written to the Governors of the Provinces by the King in which he detested the fact and commanded that they should make it their business that all might understand that it did highly grieve him and that ere long there should be given a most severe example of so great a crime In the mean while d'Anville Cossaeus and Villarius Marshals visiting Coligny about noon saluted him in most friendly manner and told him that that they did not come thither to exhort him to patience and fortitude For that say they these virtues are as it were natural to thee thou hast been wont to admonish others and therefore wilt not be wanting to thy self He answering with a smiling countenance said I speak truly and from my heart death doth nothing affright me I am ready most willingly to render to God that spirit which I have received from him whensoever he shall require it But I do greatly desire an opportunity to confer with the King before I depart this life for I have some things to acquaint him with which concern both him and the safety and honour of the Kingdom which I am well assured none of you dares carry to him Then d'Anville told him he would willingly acquaint the King with that his desire and having so said he with Villarius and Teligny daparted leaving Cossaeus there to whom Coligny said Do you remember what I said to you a few hours since be wise and take heed to your self What he meant by these words was not understood by all 12. But when the King knew by d'Anville and Teligny his desire he in shew seemed not unwilling to come to him about the afternoon There came together with him the Queen-Mother with the Brethren Anjou and Alanson Cardinal Borbon Monpensser Nevers Cossaeus and Tavanius Villarius Meruvius Thoreus Momorancies Brethren Marshals Naucaeus and Radesianus These being let in the rest are by the King's command shut out except Teligny and a Gentleman of the Family who stood at the Chamber-door here it is published in writing that some secrets were discovered to the King by Coligny but others deny it and say that the discovery of this secret was purposely hindered by the Queen lest the King whose nature she began to distrust being mollified and perswaded by the word of Coligny should change his resolution That which was openly heard was this when Coligny gave the King thanks the King with a sad and troubled countenance did earnestly enquire of his state and did protest that what had happened to him was a very great grief to him The wound is thine said he but the pain is mine But I swear then according to his manner he swore I will so severely revenge this injury that the memory of it shall never be blotted out of the minds of men To this Coligny answered God is my witness before whose tribunal I now seem ready to stand that I have been all my life long most loyal and faithful to your Majesty and I always and with all my heart desired that your Kingdom might be most flourishing and peaceable And yet I am not ignorant that there have been some who have called me Traytor and Rebel and a perturber of our Kingdom but I trust God will some time or other judg between me them before whom I am ready if it be his pleasure that I should at this time depart out of this life to give an account of my faith and observance towards you Moreover whereas I have been advanced by Henry your Father to many and great honours which your Majesty hath been pleased to confirm to me I cannot but according to that faith and love that I have for your affairs desire that you would not let slip so notable an opportunity of an happy enterprize especially now that the breach is already made and there are many tokens and pledges of your mind as to the Belgick Expedition so as if the matter now begun be relinquished it will be
mischiefs had befallen him from them Navar and Conde who had headed a company of profligate persons and seditiously raised war against him That he had just reason to revenge these injuries and now also had an opportunity put into his hand but that he would pardon what was past upon the account of their consanguinity and the lately contracted affinity and lastly of their age and that he would think that these things were not done by the advice or fault of them but of Coligny and his followers who had already or should shortly receive the just deserts of their wickedness that he was willing that those things should be buried in oblivion provided they would make amends for their former offences by their future loyalty and obedience and renouncing their profane superstitious Doctrine would return to the Religion of their Ancestors that is to the Roman Catholick Religion for he would have only that Religion professed in his Kingdom which he had received from his fore-Fathers Therefore that they should look to it that they do comply with him herein otherwise they might know that the same punishment which others had suffered did hang over their heads To this the King of Navar did most humbly beg that no violence might be offered to their consciences nor persons and that then they would remain faithful to him and were ready to satisfy him in all things But Conde added that he could not perswade himself that the King who had engaged himself by solemn oath to all the Protestant Princes of his Kingdom would upon any account violate it or hearken to their enemies and adversaries in that matter As to Religion that was not to be commanded that his life and fortunes were in the King's power to do with them what he pleased but that he knew he was to give an account only to God of that Religion that he had received from God Therefore that he was fixed and resolved never to recede from his Religion which he knew assuredly was true no not for any present danger of life With which answer the King being highly provoked he called Conde stubborn seditious Rebel and the son of a Rebel and told him that if he did not change his mind within three days his head should pay for his obstinacy 20. Many of the Protestant Nobles had taken up their lodgings in the Suburbs of St. German and could not be perswaded to lie in the City Among these were Johannes Roanus Frontenaeus Godofridus Caumonlius Vidame of Chartres Gabriel Mongomerius Jo. Lafinius Bellovarius Segurius Pardallanius and others The destroying of whom was given in charge to Laurentius Mougironus and besides Marcells was ordered to take care that 1000 Souldiers of the City Trained-Bands should be sent thither to Maugironus who went but flowly on in his business While this was doing tidings came to Mongomery of the rumor of taking up Arms in the City who signified the same to the Vidame of Chartres and presently they met all together uncertain what was to be done for that many confiding in the King's faithfulness perswaded themselves that this was done without the King's command by the Guisians encouraged by the forwardness of the seditious people therefore they thought it was best to go to the King and that he would succour them against any violence In that doubtfulness of mind though the more prudent did not doubt that these things were done by agreement and by the King's command were many hours spent so that they might easily have been destroyed but that another impediment happened to the Conspirators for whiles Maugironus doth in vain expect Parisians to be sent from Guise who were all busied in plundering Guise impatient of further delays calls forth the King's Guards out of the Louvre intending whiles they passed the River to go thither himself And when he came to the gates it did too late appear that they had mistaken the keys therefore while they sent for others it being now broad day the Switzers and others of the King's Guards passing the Siene were seen from the other side and upon the discharging of a Gun on the other side of the River as was thought by the King's command the Associates take counsel to fly and before they came were gotten a good way off Guise pursued Mongomery and others to Montfort but in vain and meeting with Sanleodegarius he commands him that he should follow them with fresh horses There were some sent to Udencum and to Dreux who should intercept them if they went that way but all in vain Franciscus Bricomotius who could not be destroyed in the tumult flies to the English Ambassadors lodgings †In Bernardinorum caio. where he for some days lay hid Arnoldus Cavagnius also hid himself not far from hence with a friend who fearing the danger defired him to provide for himself but both being taken were cast into the Palace prison and with that event which we shall shew anon In the mean time Guise with Aumale and Angolesme return into the City where the King's Guards did commit outrages upon the lives and fortunes of the Protestant Nobles and Gentlemen even of those that were their familiars and well known to them This work being assigned to them in particular whiles the people incited by the Sheriffs wardsmen and tything-men that ran about did furiously rage with all manner of licentiousness and excess against their fellow-Citizens and a sad and horrid face of things did every where appear For the streets and ways did resound with the noise of those that flocked to the slaughter and plunder and the complaints and doleful out-cries of dying men and those that were nigh to danger were every where heard The carkasses of the slain were thrown down from the windows the Courts chambers of houses were full of dead men their dead bodies rolled in dirt were diagged through the streets bloud did flow in such abundance through the chanels of the streets that full streams of blond did run down into the River the number of the slain men women even those that were great with child and children also was innumerable Annas Terrerius Chapius being eighty years old and an Advocate of great name in the Senate was slain Also Jo. Lomerius Secretary to the King having compounded for his safety was thrown into Gaol by Johannes Parisiensis Judge of Criminals and having sold * Versalium fundum his Estate at Versailles to his adversary with whom he had a Suit depending about it at a low rate and leaving his office upon the account of another was afterwards slain by the command of those with whom he had those dealings Magdalena Brissonetta the Relict of Theobaldus Longiolius an Irish-man Master of the Requests Neece of Cardinal Gulielmus Brissonettus and besides a woman of most rare accomplishments and of no mean learning when in old apparel taking with her her daughter Francisca and Johannes Spina a noted Preacher who was her houshold Chaplain she would have
it was nearly related to him Thus with his Instance agree the undertakings of the Conspirators with his Doctrine of not revealing things discovered in Confession though the most hainous Treasons and most pernitious to the State the Practice of their Confessors with his means for concealing the same by Equivocation and Confirmation thereof by Oath or most solemn protestations their punctual strict and resolute use and observance thereof All which is so plain and manifest from what is before recited out of that Section and observed in it and from the following History and the Proceedings against the Traytors that nothing more need be alledged to prove it as nothing can be said with any colour of probability to disprove it 17. And therefore 2. We may also as to their Actions take notice of the great Core and Caution and Secrecy together with their Jugling indirect Practises wherewith they managed their business and that in these two respects 2. in general for the better securing of their design and undertakings from discovery And this appears in divers Instances as 1. In Th. Winters Dealing first with Sir William Stanly to whom though a good friend to the Catholick Cause he positively affirmed that there was no resolution to set any project a foot in England as he tells us in his Confession then with Fawkes to whom though sent for by him to act in this tragedy he imparted only a resolution of a practise in general against his Majesty for relief of the Catholick Cause as appears by both their Confessions 2. In that the business was very sparingly communicated at first but to few and afterwards to more as the intended time of Execution drew on and under an Oath of Secrecy in the most solemn manner confirmed by receiving the Sacrament upon it And Garnet himself often religiously protested to them both by word and writing that he would never betray them in his Letter dated on Palm-Sunday Tortura Torti pag. 286. which implyes that he was often thereunto urged by them 3. In that reason which Catesby alledged when he desired leave to acquaint some others with the business for many said he may be content that I should know who would not therefore that all the company should be acquainted with their names as it is in Winters Confession and it is not unlikely that he learnt this reason by experience at the same time and from the same person as he did the contrivance it self which might possibly for the more secrecy be thus conveyed to him through divers intermediate hands from the first Author or Authors of it 18. And 2. more especially for securing the reputation of the Society in case the Plot should be detected and this appears in the Actions and indirect Practises both of the Jesuites and of the other Conspirators Hence it was that Garnet the Provincial being of greatest Authority and therefore likely to bring most Discredit and greatest Odium upon the Society if such a man as he should be discovered to have any hand in so foul and infamous a matter at first would not be known even to Catesby himself the principal visible actor in the Plot or to any other but of his own Order that he was made privy to it And after the Discovery of the Plot how sollicitous was he and concern'd for the whole Society At at actum est de Societate which he feared would suffer for it as being conscious they well deserved Then upon his Examination and Tryal how ready and dexterous was he with his Equivocations and desperately impious in stiff Denyals upon his Soul and with detestable Execrations of those very things which were after so manifestly proved against him that he could not longer deny them And for the other Conspirators 1. They taxed none in Holy Orders which many looked upon says Thuanus as purposely avoided because they were bound by Oath not to do it And certainly Garnet when he so often engaged not to betray them would not be less careful for the Society to oblige them not to discover any of it 2. Nor did they only carefully abstain from accusing but most desperately indeavoured by all means even the worst of means by lyes and false protestations to excuse them Such were Digbys Protestations whereupon the Earl of Salisbury observed what faith was to be given to these mens protestations who sought to excuse all Jesuits how foul soever out of an opinion that it is meritorious so to do at such time as they had no hope of themselves and to clear them of those practises which they themselves have now confessed ex proprio ore Such was also that lamentable attempt of Tresham upon his death-bed to excuse Garnet wherein he was disproved by the Confessions both of Mrs Vaux Garnets intimite and of Garnet himself To these may be added Their Design to have father'd the enterprise upon the Puritans and since Their impudent groundless Imputation of the Original of it to Cecil which makes the relation of that design more credible and that again makes this imputation more apparently void of Credit 19. Now of these Observations of their Secrecy and Practise we may reasonably make this Vse 1. To manifest the validity and Sufficiency of these and such like Arguments and Proofs from Circumstances and by way of Inducement in this case For where such Works of Darkness as to the main substance of them are plainly and sully proved and as plainly and evidently proved to have been managed with so much Secrecy and Practise we cannot reasonably expect greater Proof and Evidence of any Circumstance belonging to them than so plain a concurrence and agreement of all other Circumstances with it 2. To manifest the Insufficiency of what ever should be urged from their Confessions against us For since they did not only stifly deny plain truths but also must impudently affirm manifest falshoods especially where it was thought necessary for excusing any of the Society what ever shall be alledged from their speeches for that purpose may reasonably be suspected to have been fained and devised for that end and deserves no credit at all 3. To Answer the Objection that might be made and Correct the Mistake that hath been committed concerning the first Author and Original of the Plot as if it was at first of Catesby's Contrivance and not till their Despair of Assistance from Spain upon their last Negotiation there 20. To which it might be Answered from their Practise to excuse their Complices especially the Jesuits that they attributed the Contrivance to Catesby because he being dead could accuse no other and assigned That Time as being a good probable Occasion of it But 2. It may be Answered perhaps more satisfactorily and fully From their Secrecy and from Catesby's own words that some might be willing to be known to him who would not be known to the rest to be privy and the rather because this was an old policy formerly practised in order to the Spanish
business and so full was he of it that being come to Paris and endeavouring to perswade the King to the admission of the Council of Trent in France he urged it with this as a most weighty argument That the memoâ—y of the late fact which is to be commended to all ages as conducing to the glory of God and the dignity of the holy Roman Church might be as it were sealed by the approbation of the holy Synod For so would it be manifest to all who now are or hereafter shall be that the King consented to the destruction of so many lives not out of hatred or revenge or sense of any private injury of his own but out of an ardent desire to propagate the glory of God That what could not be expected whilst the faction of the Protestants stood now they being taken away the Catholick Apostolick Roman Religion which by the Synod of Trent is cleared and defended from the venome of the Sectaries might be establishâ—d beyond controversie and without exception through all the Provinces of the French Dominion But the King had no mind to admit the Council much less to make that an occasion to perpetuate the memory of that fact which he was already contriving how to excuse And therefore was the Legate dismissed without any effect as to that particular to the Pope's no great satisfaction yet he solaced himself with atchievement of the Massacre which because it had happened in the beginning of his Papacy he reckoned a most prosperous omen Thu. l. 52. Seres p. 794. and among his greatest felicities And to increase his comfort the head of Colinius was sent him to Rome for a present 47. Thu. l. 54. But alas in France all men generally and the King himself had already far other thoughts of that Tragedy and the Legate found a far other face of things there at his coming than he expected and had left at Rome for the King now more sensible of the foulness and odiousness of the fact when done as is usual in such cases the heinousness of sin seldom appearing to wicked minds till actually committed was in great perplexity whether to own it or not and how to excuse it And therefore it was long debated at Court whether to admit the Legate at all or by some handsome excuses to put him off without audience though out of respect to the Pope and to the person of the Legate thought well affected to the interest of France it was at last permitted but not without such caution and admonition to him as hath been mentioned For this unhappy King had no sooner accomplished these deep designs from which he promised himself so great security content and happiness but he found himself surprized and involved in inextricable difficulties perplexity and misery And besides the daily secret horrors of his mind and conscience Thu. l. 57. which appeared in their nocturnal effects and productions disturbing and interrupting his sleep with direful and frightful dreams which drove him to the use of Saul's remedy 1 Sam. 16. by Musick to refresh and quiet his disturbed spirits that anxiety which arose in his mind after the fact committed from his fears and doubts of what might be the ill consequence of it was now no less than his hopes had been before of that happiness and tranquility which he had promised himself that he should obtain by it For though he had before promised himself great security by the destruction of the heads and slaughter of so great a party of the Protestants yet having done the deed that desperation into which he apprehended his perfidious cruelty had driven those who remained and by the articles of the last agreement of Peace held Rochel and other strong places in their possession rendred them not a little formidable to him and perplexed his mind with doubts and fears of new troubles from so just and great provocation These cares of what might be the consequence of this action at home Thu. l. 53. were increased and aggravated by his apprehension of what effects so barbarous an act which is reporâ—ed to have filled with stupor and amazement the Great Turk himself at the hearing of it might produce in his neighbours abroad lest they thereby might be moved out of commiseration to send their aid and relief to his so injuriously oppressed subjects Wherefore all ways and means were studied and devised to give some satisfaction to the Protestants at home by treaties and favourable Edicts though his former often and foul breaches of his Faith made this very difficult and to excuse the foulness of the late fact both to them and to the Princes and States abroad Thu. l. 52. It had been considered before-hand out of that sense and pre-apprehension they had of the wickedness and foulness of the design how to cast the imputation of it upon the Guises who also out of the same sense and pre-apprehension endeavoured all they could to avoid the odium of it And being done the King immediately whether affrighted and terrified says Thuanus with the atrocity of the fact or fearing the odium of it dispatched his Letters to the Presidents of the Provinces to lay all the blame upon the Guises alledging that it was done without his privity or consent that they fearing that the friends and relations of Colinius would revenge the injury done to him upon them had raised the tumult which he was not able to repress in time with a great deal to this purpose And to the same purpose were Letters written by the Queen and sent not only through France but also to the Helvetians and dispersed through England and in divers parts of Germany But as it usually happens upon the perpetration of such horrid crimes and wickedness that the authors of them distracted with the horrors of their guilty conscience when they find no satisfaction or assurance of security in any course they take to conceal or palliate their crime continually devise and attempt new ways and means and by their often change and inconstancy to any promote that discovery which they seek to evade so it happened in this case For as these Letters were disproved by his express commands which as Davila relates he had but few daies before sent out so doth he now again in few days after contract the same and in full Senate declares that all was done by his own will and command and orders so much to be entred of record in the publick acts of the Curt. Cicarel in vita Greg. 13. Thu. l. 53. And though to the Pope and Spaniard he owned that he did it upon the score of Religion yet knowing that with others this would not so much excuse as aggravate and increase the odium of it some other cause was to be devised and pretended And therefore first to extenuate the fact V. l. 54. he pretends that his commands extended only to the cutting off of Colinius and his Confederates which
thing being once undertaken the tumult at Paris proceeded further than he intended or was able so soon as he desired to restrain and that other Cities taking example from thence did the like without his license and to his great grief and trouble and then for the cause pretends a Conspiracy against himself his Mother and Brothers and Navar himself and to make Conde King and afterwards to kill him also and set up Colinius And though the causes pretended against Colinius in the judgment of the most prudent men who were not at all addicted to the Protestant party says Thuanus had not so much colour of truth as will perswade even children to believe them much less any sufficient proof yet to put some colour upon the business a Trial was ordered to be had in form of Law and two days after a Jubilâ—e as hath been said was appointed and an Edict published wherein the King declares that what had happened was done by his express command but not out of hatred to the Protestant Religion or to derogate from the Edicts of Pacification which he still desired should be inviolably and religiously observed but to prevent the Conspiracy of Colinius and his Confederates c. and Letters to like purpose were sent to the Presidents of the Provinces declaring as was pretended the TRUE causes of the tumult and commanding them to treat the Protestants in all friendly manner Thu. l. 53. c. And that nothing might be wanting says Thuanus to the height of madness that they might seem to glory and triumph in so detestable an enterprise in emulation of the ancient Emperors Medals were coyned with the Inscriptions VIRTUS IN REBELLEIS PIETAS EXCITAVIT JUSTITIAM Divers other such like arts were used to put a face upon the business and make it look like a happy prevention of some terrible Conspiracy But what was the most detestable of all by the accumulating of sin upon sin as is usual in such cases was the gross abuse of Justice it self whereby the Courts of Justice were drawn into the participation of the guilt by an horrible and abominable Sentence not only against Colinius who was dead but his children who were alive and also against Monsieur de Briquemaut who had fled to the English Ambassadors and Arnald Cavagnes Master of Requests who had hid himself hard-by with a friend who admonished him of the danger but were both taken and imprisâ—ned in the Palace and the same day that Sentence was given against Colinius were condemned to death which Cavagnes suffered with admirable constancy reciting Prayers out of the Psalms by heart in Latin for three hours together with his eyes steadily fixed towards Heaven but his companion at first affrighted with his approaching death made an unworthy offer for the redemption of his life to discover a means how to surprize Rochel yet afterwards when the King refused that condition but offered him another which was that he should acknowledg himself guilty of the crimes objected to him and confess before the people that there was a Conspiracy entred into by Colinius against the King he refused that and chose rather to suffer death which accordingly he did with Cavagnes While these such like arts were used to excuse and disguise the business at home to do it abroad besides the Queens Letters above-mentioned were several Ambassadors employed in Helvetia Germany England Poland and other foreign Countries where they either resided before or were sent on purpose for this service and Learned men suborned and perswaded to do it by printed Books But all these not having any certain ground of truth as a common foundation for all to build upon while each alledged not what he did know or believe to be true but what his own genius dictated as most plausible and likely to put some colour upon the business some extenuating the fact as to the King 's acting in it and others on the contrary justifying the same some excusing it only by way of recrimination for things done in the late Wars and others insisting upon the pretended conspiracy of Colinius were not only confuted by others who also in print answered their writings and speeches but of themselves betrayed and detected the vanity of their several pretences and allegations by their inconsistency and disagreement one with another The Learned Lawyer Fr. Baldwin was hereunto sollicited but was more ingenuous than to be retained in the patronage of so foul a cause and yet among those who undertook this office besides the Mercenaries were some persons otherwise of honour and repute who because what was done could not be undone partly to consult the credit of their King and Countrey partly to accommodate the present state of affairs endeavoured either by feigned praises or officious excuses to cover and palliate that fact which in their hearts they detected And some were therein so far transported and over-shot themselves out of zeal for the honour and good of their Countrey that our ingenuous author deplores their actings in it especially as to that foul business of the Trial and Sentence above-mentioned But generally the French Courtiers who were more ingenuous than to prostitute their reputation by asserting that pitiful pretence of the conspiracy yet used all their art to represent the case as a sudden accidental thing and not so long before contrived as the Italians and Spaniards relate 48. It is very usual and even natural to men especially to the more considering minds when any thing rare and extraordinary doth occur not to rest satisfied with the bare contemplation of the thing but also to reflect back and enquire into the causes of it And therefore since Thuanus relates that the more prudent of those Lib. 53. who being no way addicted to the Protestant party with good and honest meaning sought how to excuse this execrable fact yet in their heart detesting the same did also seriously consider the causes of it their sense and judgment in that respect may likewise deserve our observation They saw apparently that so infamous and pernitious counsels could not proceed but from minds so strangely infatuated and blinded and did seem to argue a special judgment of God upon them And of that the causes to which it might be reasonably attributed were very obvious and easy to be discovered For such was the profaneness debauchery and wickedness which prevailing in the King through his evil Education by his Mother and those Tutors to whom she committed him and in the Court were by the evil example thereof derived to the City and thence to the Countrey-Towns and Villages and so diffused through the whole Kingdom as could not but provoke the Holy Majesty of God to send down his judgments upon them This is the sum of their judgment only he gives more particular instances in the sins of common Swearing Adultery and Fornication to which others add many more and tell us in general that then never was there any