to be the more Entreated They believed to find less resistance in making the Conditions of the Treaty by th' Indisposition they shewed in Intermedling in th'Accommodation and conceived that they who were in the dirt would think themselves happy to be delivered though they were rudely drawn out and that there was not a Haven too Incommodious to them who were secured from shipwrack But they were deceived for th' affairs of the Republique were not then so desperate as to repair to dishonorable Means t' establish it and it never fell into such desperate disgraces but that it was always in power to rise again with honour That the Spaniards in effect were more reserved than th' had been t' offend the Venetians and that they did not violate on the Land-side the Peace th' had made with them were the things th' effected and the principal Intention and Design of the Venetians The Proposition of th' Accommodation being abortive at Madril and th' humour of the Spaniards and of the Venetians Incompatible for that time The differences were remitted to Rome where the difficulties which interrupted the Peace were no more taken away than in Spain for as the Pope was suspected of passion in savour of the Spaniards and that in th' Affair then acted there were some also who believed That the Pope was not dextrous enough to manage it and would not willingly give others the glory to determine it So th'Inclinations of their Ministers of State in Italy were too strongly carried to War that produced a present and certain Profit which they had not in time of Peace Accompani'd with th'hopes of some famous Success which would have rendred their Administration remarkable And they endeavoured still to gain Time and the Game was plaid till the Spanish Arms had gained Reputation in the taking of Verecil And the fears the Venetians had that the Spaniards would not be restrained in the Frontiers of the Mildnois but over-run their Country being by that Accident Encreased They re-took the Paths they had quitted in relation to Spain and to replay their old Piece but much better adjusted and with more Colour to desire a Conclusion than they had done the first Time The Spaniards also gave over their Subtilties Rodomontadoes The Duke of Lerma a Person of a pacifique humour and who had long sought for some specious way to get off with honour from the War of Italy embraced the Conjuncture It could not be more advantagious to th' Affairs of his Master because the Peace came after the Victory nor more favourable to his particular Affairs because by that Means he discharged Don Pedro of Toledo from the command of th' Army who was of a contrary faction and began to lessen the Dukes Cabinet power wherein th' other was in his proper Sphere by the glory of his Actions done in the Field He receives then with great Approbation the Proposals of the Venetians promiseth to remember th' honour they did his Master by the most profitable and most honorable Conditions he could procure them and no Treaty ever had th' Apparance of a more certain Conclusion that this But as Tempests are not more frequent at Sea than Revolutions at War and that the Constitution of Piedmont had that in particular in it As t' observe the form of the French Government and was dependent upon th'Inconstancy and Changes of a Court which at that time was more Changeable and Uncertain than ever It hapned that the Marshal of Anore a passionate friend for the Spaniards and a great Promoter of their Interests being suddenly killed And the Spring he held shut up of the principal Reliefs which ought t' have passed to the Duke of Savoy being opened by his death such great numbers of French passed into Piedmont That the Duke found himself in a condition to make his Enemies Army to quit the Field which the Siege of Verceil had much difordered That by taking of many Towns he took from them the Remainders of their Army That he was ready to force into the Milanois and that 't was in his power to give fear to the City of Milan if the course of the Victory had not been interrupted from France and the Thunder restrained that was ready to break out on the Spaniards And Fortune that had ill used the Venetians before Gradisque began to declare in their favour and a glorious Re-enforcement of Hollanders under the conduct of Count John of Nassau promised them an happy success and quick Reducement of that place which had cost them great sums of Mony and much Forein and Intestine Blood In this Change of fortune and in this new face of Affairs the Venetians changed proceedings in relation to the Spaniards and took off the Masque under which they then concealed their Intentions which never were That the Spaniards so powerful and formidable in Italy by reason of th'Estates they there possessed should become the Judges of the Quarrels there rais'd and add to the Powers they had in Italy th' Authority of determining the Differences and to regulate th' Affairs wherein they 'd no power They commanded it then to be told the Catholique King That their Ambassador had no command to make other addresses t' him than to know his Sense and take his Advice upon the Matter of the War of Gradisque and that of Piedmont And that they ' ntended to consult him as a Friend in that Matter but not to refer the Decision t' him and to constitute him for Judge And so giving the Spanish King thanks in magnificent Terms and in words of great Respect which they 've accustomed to lay down in abundance upon things they 've no Will to grant They disappointed the Spaniards of their design and reserved for France th' Honour the Spaniards had passionately desired So that in the whole course of this Intrigue and in all this Cabinet-War the Field remained to the Venetians who found not nevertheless their Account in France but either th' Interest of the State or the Genius of the Ministers of State too much carried t' oblige Spain or for fear of disobliging it Was the cause that too great a respect was had to the Dignity of that Crown or too little to that of the Republique and to th'Interests of the Duke of Savoy Th' Emperors and th'Arch-dukes disocntentments had upon this Peace against the Spaniards is not to b' here concealed nor their Complaints against and Accommodation that had not better'd their Condition but had return'd them to the posture they were in by the Treaty of Vienna and had put them into th'Haven from whence they were put out after th' expence and hazards of an unprofitable Navigation Thus the Spaniards have accustomed to sacrifize to their Interests some of their best friends and to strain them to their Ends without Exception of Means of Persons Th' use of this Artifice was not new in the world nor th' Invention of the Venetians It was practised long ago by Charls th'
of a Remedy and t' Insist upon it till it be concluded in the project of a General Peace That it be not declined till it be Accomplished and in such a Defensive League as I 've here above described But lest that in Threatning them with the License which is said Th' House of Austria gives it self to violate all Treaties whose Observation is Damageable and the not Observation Advantagious unto it I may give them a false Alarm and raise fear from a false Imagination It may be that 't is as Carefull to perform what she Promiseth and particularly when the Name of God is Interposed as it hath been th' other specious Apparences of Piety and th' out-side of Exemplary Religion And that it Aims at nothing more than a good Peace and that its Intention is when it hath gained this Haven to put it self no more in danger for the Future unless it be forced upon so Dangerous a Sea as the Warr. I will demonstrate here the Contrary and make it Evident That in truth it gives it self that License and that it doth abuse the Name of God and plaies with the Publick Faith when their Interests require it more than any Prince of the World For this purpose I do not intend to play the Orator nor to make use of an Art which boasts of her Colours and lights to Change when it pleaseth the state of Things and to make them seem Great or Little Fair or Ugly when it shall seem good unto Her This is as much Estranged from my Humours as 't is above my Forces And I do Heartily renounce an Exercise which I should discharge Unhandsomely if I did undertake it I will not here neither produce all the Breaches of the Treaties which this House of Austria hath made nor all th' Infidelities wherewith it hath stained its Conduct Great Volumes are only capable to Contain them I will touch only upon somewhat more Modern as more Sensible and upon what hath passed in these latter times in Germany and Italy As t' Italy who knows not that the last Warrs the Spaniards have made to the Duke of Savoy Grand-father to this Duke have alwaies budded from the Breach on their part of th' Treaties which preceded And so soon as the fear of th' Evil which had Obliged them for Accomodation was over and that the hope of th' End which they had Proposed to their Arms began to Revive They lost the Memory of the Peace they had Sworn and made no Difficulty to renew the Quarrel and to re-kindle the Disorder at the Charges of their Faith and against all Justice So that what Intervened betwixt two Warrs was not so much Peace as a Suspension of Arms nor the Cure of the Feaver as the Remission of th' Access The fire was Covered under th' Ashes but Dyed not in th' Intention of the Spaniards and it hapned t' all that Affair as to Wounds ill Dressed which often break out It was renewed frequently And that Game lasted till new Accidents made the Spaniards take new Designs and that the Troubles of Germany allayed them of Italy I speak not here of the Peace of Suza which they Violated without other Colour than that they were Necessitated to do 't for th' Interest of their Reputation nor of th' Ingratitude wherewith they requited the Courtesie which the King did in their behalf and that rare Moderation which made him bound his Prosperity by the delivery of his Allies and permitted him not t' Overcome but where it found Resistance It hath been spoken of in another place and shall be Spoken of more fully in the Third Part. I remit also to speak there of the Treaty of Cuirasque which the Necessity of the German Affairs forced from them rather than the Love of the Peace of Italy And to which the Resolutions of the Dyet of Ratisâ—one and th' Entry of the King of Swede into Germany where th' Evidences of the Tempest did them Appear which hath since fallen upon th' House of Austria forced them to consent and to set their Hands with design not t' observe it so soon as they had sent us over the Mountains as shall be declared at large in th' Apology of th' Acquisition of Pigneroâ— I will not also Revive here the Deceits they practised towards the Venetians and th' Alterations they gave them upon the business of th' Uscoques It were to repeat but what hath been said I pass also in silence the various â—ricks which at several times they put upon the Grisons and th' Artifices and open Force wherewith they have s ' often assaulted their Liberty against the Faith of the Treaties made with them and with their Allyes That will be seen in the Third Part in th' Apology of the Treaty of Moncon where I give a very Exact Table of th' Affairs of that Common-wealth I come to them of Germany and to what passed upon that Scean not less Famous by the Treaties than by the Warrs which were managed there Who knows not that the Peace of Ulmes Concluded by the Mediation of France gave Means to th' Emperour t' Ease himself of the Weight of the Warr under which he Groaned and t' unravel the Perplexities from which he could not be dis-intangled but by that Expedient And who knows not also That he observed it no longer than was Necessary for to prepare for a Warr which he resolved in Swearing the Peace And that the Ruine of the Count Palatine and of his Friends proceeded only from the Confidence they raised in that Treaty and from that Ruinous Foundation whereupon they trusted as upon an Holy Anchor by the Right of Nations by the Reverence of the Name of God which therein was Interposed and by th' Authority of so Great a Mediator as the King of France After the Gain of the Battel of Prague and that fatal Series of Prosperities which follows great Victories After that th' Imperial Arms had Triumphed over all that favoured the Palatines party and that the Count of Tilly and Marquiss of Spinola had stripped Naked that unhappy Prince Th' Emperour transferred his Electorate to the Duke of Baviere and divided his Country between him and the King of Spain But it being pretended that the Formalities Ordained by the Golden Charter and by th' other Pragmatique Sanctions had not been observed in that Translation and Partition and for fear that proceeding which they supposed to be Violent should Offend th' other Electors by a common Interest and Provoke the King of England to a Revenge and to Prosecute the Reparation of th' Out-rage done to his Son-in-Law Th' Emperour protested in the Dyet of Ratisbone in the year 1662. That h' had transferred th' Electorate to th' House of Baviâ—re for the Dukes Life only that was Invested with it And for what Concerned the Palatinate he would make Reparation to the Count Palatine and give Satisfaction thereupon to his Friends He gave the same Assurances to the King of England by his
th' Arms of Resistance and those of Assault When the combate is made by the forces of Wit there 's no Reason to bring the forces of our Body for defence False Reports are scattered abroad to our disadvantage Make the Truth shine in all places which is contrary to them Vigilancy and Ingenuity need not fear such Artifices and the designs of our Enemies will have a chance answerable to that of Mines which do no hurt if Vent be given them But there 's another kind of Reputation and another sort of Honour wherein the Prince ought not to suffer the least decay but pursue a Reparation with Armes if it may not otherwise be had when offended To speak it in a Word 't is the Dignity of the Crown and th' honour of Soveraignty There are certain Privileges and Prerogatives which the Right of Nations have fastned unto them that ought not to be touch'd without Resentment or Violated or slighted without opposing it by force Injury for example done to an Ambassadour whose person is Holy and Consecrated by common Right and by consent of all people and of all Ages is the subject of a Lawfull War And Francis the first cannot be blamed for breaking with Charls th' Emperour by reason of th' Assasinat of Rignon and of Frigose his Ambassadors whom the Marquis of Gast had caused to be Murdered and could never have justice in what posture soever he put himself to Demand it The Breach of a Treaty which is the mark of Disdain thrown at a Prince or of the small consideration had of his Country is another Title of just War That if the Persons of Ambassadours are Inviolable and ought universally to be respected because they are the Living Bonds of Commerce and th' Animated Instruments of the correspondency of Princes By the same Reasons Treaties which are th' Inanimate Seals and dead Impressions of that Commerce and Correspondency ought to be holy and the breakers thereof corrected with the punishment the Right of Nations permits to be inflicted And as one of the Princes will take advantage of the violation of the Treaty th' other promises to perform so by a necessary Consquence th' other must receive Dammage and that Right and faculty is obtained thereby to take reason of that Injury with the sword in th' hand if it be not given Civily and in a friendly Manner It may be seen by this That the War which the King made to Duke Charls is no Unjust violence nor the Conquest of Lorraine an unjust Invasion since it hath been drawn on himself by the violation of many Treaties made with France and who can take it ill if he have not lost all sense of good and the Taste of all that 's just That what was left in pawn and for security of a thing promised should be forfeited when the promise is not performed and the deposite Detained when the condition for restitution is broken But I purpose to Treat fully of this Matter in the second part and t' undraw the Curtain which I d' here leave at least if the condition of the time permits it and prudence adviseth it Observe another Essential point wherein Reputation is offended and for which Armes may lawfully be taken in hand and War made 'T is to redeem a Prince from vexation for the hatred is born us and because his Interests have some Conjunction with ours The King had just cause to defend the Duke of Mantoua by his Protection and Arms against the design of the Spaniards to strip him even for that Reason that he was born the Kings Subject and that they could not suffer a Frenchman to be a Soveraign Prince in Italy How deeply the honour of France was Wounded with that stroak and what shamefull Reflection was made by that Attempt upon the Dignity of the Crown There 's not a person but may judge of it without Explanation There 's not a person if he be not altogether blind with passion for Spain that can approve of their project t' establish in all places their Dominion and t' extend their Monarchy They shut the Door into Italy and forbid Entrance to the French what Justice soever opens it and what Right soever calls them thither And they who Take at all hands and Usurp on all sides will not permit the true and Lawful Masters t' Enjoy their Lands or gather what belongs to them if they are friends to France The Reasons the King had are remitted to another place and th' other Motives which excited him t' Espouse the protection and undertake the defence of the Duke of Mantoua Honour obligeth also a Soveraign besides other duties which may invite him to make the protection given to a weak Prince to be esteemed and to cause the Sanctuary offered to an unfortunate Prince to be respected I will explain this proposition by an Example After that the late King of Swede was Entred Germany with that Extraordinary success which accompanied his Virtue and that He had taught the House of Austria to know that it was not Invincible and had astonisht it with the blows received from th' hands of a Conqueror It s greatest Care was t' avoid a Ruine and as in a wrack to get some planks whereon to save what remained of goods and hopes The King wh ' alone could put a bridle upon th' Ambition of this brave Prince and Resist the Tempest which threatned the Catholique friends of that disconsolate Family offered them his Royal protection and the shade of his Authority without which there was no Safety nor Recovery for them Th' Elector of Treves beleeving He was not bound to perish with them who probably could not save themselves nor hinder him from falling but to fall onely for Company accepted of his Majesties protection After that who makes question but the King in honour and Reputation was obliged to defend th' estates and the person of that Elector from all th' Enemies Excursions and to turn also his Armes upon the Swedes in case they did not consider as they ought his protection but should violate his safeguard And in truth the King was so Religious in this behalf that He considered not what was Profitable in comparison of what was Honest nor the good of his Affairs in comparison of th' honour of his Word That his Majesty entred upon some Coldness with the Swede when he delayed the satisfaction was desired and to restore a place the King was obliged after the Swedes had taken it to cause to be rendred to th' Elector That if the King had reason t' use such a proceeding in favour of his Allyes and t' hold forth to them some Little Rigour upon that occasion 'T is visible that he had cause upon Stronger terms of Justice and Duty to break with them who gave such Advices and Lent their Armes not only t' undertake upon th' Estates of th' Elector of Treves but also t' attempt upon his Liberty and to make a Prelate and a Soveraign
of Piety towards the Church in securing by our means th' Holy Places and Sacred Persons but hath not a little merited from th' House of Austria if it were capable of some sense of Acknowledgment and would be sensible of a good Turn by hindring his great and formidable Adversary by his fore-sight and address from growing greater by the Conquests of those Estates and to make a dangerous conjunction of the Rhyne with the Mosselle and at the same time t' extend his Arms into Flanders and Germany And therefore let the World judge upon these true and pertinent Facts if that Elector hath deserved th' usage he hath received for his love to us or whether the King could pass by such injuries without resentment and declaring a War to them who have so highly offended in the person of one of his Allies and in the sight and knowledge of all Europe This Example and many others which I shall speak of in their place will make it clearly appear that the King did not engage in all the Wars wherewith miserable Christendome hath been vexed for many years but for the protection of the weak against the stronger and that th' House of Austria by its untameable Ambition hath broken the Bands of publick Concord and kindled the fires whose destruction it may feel as well as any other House before its burning be quench'd God alone knows what Event shall be of so many Armies raised and where th' agitation of so many provoked Nations shall determine But the King ought to have this satisfaction and rest of conscience that he hath not been th' Author of these lamentable troubles but hath done his Endeavour to divert them spared nothing to stop them and having laboured much and taken much pains t' establish and settle the tranquillity of his Kingdom Had not a livelier and hotter passion than to procure th' entire felicity of his people and to see that peace flourish he vvould have given them by th' abundance vvherevvith he had crovvned it had he been Master of the Hearts of Strangers and Arbiter of the Destiny of Things Sixth Discourse That a War ought not onely to be a Just but also Profitable for him who undertakes it Some Rules which Princes should observe when they relieve their Allies AFter Discourse of the Causes that make a War Just and handling of that Thorny Matter that hath yet some need of culture which may be given it in its proper place The Profit of a War must be handled which is th' other Condition that ought t' accompany a War and without which a Prince ought not t' engage though it should be not onely full but filled up with Justice If follows not nevertheless that this Profit ought to be present and sensible nor is it in th' order of things to Reap in Sowing nor that the first Prescriptions heal a sick person or that a Picture be finish'd at the first Draught God alone in giving the first stroak can give the last hand to his Works and finish in beginning yet he hath not always done it and he made use of six days to create the World and to produce and publish the pieces of that Marvellous Frame As for the Works of Men Time and Patience are necessary before th' End can be obtain'd there are many degrees to clime before they can get to the Feast and ordinarily 't is with them as with those of Nature where the Generation of the most Excellent things is but the sequel of a precedent Corruption It sufficeth then that it be a future Utility to th' end it oblige t' act and that it be known for such not with Infallibility and Certitude which appertains onely to God But so far as one may judge of it by the disposition of Second causes and by the Rules of Civil prudence which is all that can be required from the conduct of Men and from the chance of this Life Th' Advantages which ought to return from the War made in favour of Friends and Allies and from the Relief is afforded them shall be here treated of as for others either there 's no difficulty in them or what shall be said of this may clear the Troubles that be in it I will give thee some Rules then which will discover to Princes the ways they ought to take and the Rocks they ought t' avoid when they engage in such Aids The first Rule is this That th' Utility they ought to pursue and propose to themselves before they take up Arms in favour of their friends ought not to be Mercenary not of the nature of what Merchants seek for their Traffick th' ultimate End of their Ambition and the principal Object that stirs up their Industry is the Encrease of their Riches they hazard Little to gain Much they do like the Husbandmen who sow not onely to recover their seed but to multiply it and 't is not to shut the door of their house upon Poverty that they labour but t' introduce Abundance The Reputation also of able and intelligent Persons in their profession concerns them not or very little they think onely of being Rich and Profit makes up all the Glory of their Exercise and all the Price of their Industry There have been Princes in all times who have acted in that Manner and have been possest with that base passion that the greatness of th' Object and Enormity of th' Evil have caused to be called Illustrious but they that are enflamed with the Love of true Wisdom and with the Desire of a fair Reputation ought to sail with another Wind and take a very different way Let this then be a constant and indubitable Principle That a Prince ought not to be perswaded to take Arms in favour of another Prince by the spirit of Avarice and by a greediness to grow Greater at his charges t' enrich himself by his Spoils and to keep the Securities which th' other Prince hath put into his hands for assurance of his faith or to serve him for retreat If that were modeable no person would be found that had not rather try th' Hazard of Arms and runne of the Fortune of Wars whose Events are doubtful and uncertain than expose himself to th' infallible Loss of all his Estates or of a great part of them That as there 's no question but the Wounds received in the heat of the War and from an Enemy to whom one doth the worst he can are less offensive and grievous than those that are received in Cold blood and from a Friend so the Losses received from them who ought to secure us are of worse taste and of harder disgestion than those occasioned by such persons as have declared the War against us and have undertaken to ruine us And the late King had reason after th' Arch-Duke had besieged Calais and the Queen of England had sent to offer him her Sea-Army upon exorbitant conditions to refuse that relief and to command it to be told
an Essay of what is prepared for him in abundance and bounty in the Sequel of this Work And that he may judge of th' Equity and Freedom of the King's proceedings towards his Allies whom He defends and protects I will here say a word of his Generosity in the behalf of one of his Neighbours whom h' had obliged t' his Power to be 's Friend wh ' hath not omitted any Acts of Hostility against the King and to render him all proofs of Hatred and though he was engaged in many formed Conspiracies against France and that it had no secret or publick Enemy with whom He 'd not declared or had Intelligence and though he was guilty as all the world knows of breaking many Treaties and of many Attempts made against France yet so soon as he made shew of Repentance and t' abjure the contrary Party the King opened his Arms unto him and re-established him in his Estates with exception onely t' a few Fortresses which the King would not commit to the Faith of so changeable a Prince and to the flux and reflux of th' humours that perpetually agitated his Soul That if this Prince was hardned in th' habitude of failing and if th' acknowledgment of good received nor hope of what was promised after the War could retain him in his Duty nor stop his moveable Spirit there 's great cause highly to praise the Kings Moderation and his magnanimous Spirit in rendring Voluntarily what he might Lawfully have kept And there 's no cause t' accuse him of Facility and Imprudence for being deceived for that he made judgment of the Duke's Conduct by the Law of his Interest as the most certain Rule to judge by that Prudence affords And there was no reason that a Person in good condition and in a way to be better should destroy himself in a capricious humour and chuse rather t' Erre once more at the pleasure of another and of Fortune and float in th' Incertitude of what He might become than to rest in a Commodious posture and enjoy a Safe condition Moreover 't is of no use to dissemble or to speak but half the truth Th' Event contrary the Presumptions raised though very reasonable have not deceived the Kings fore-sight and the Defection of Duke Charls did not surprize him but shut up bewixt two Extremes to run th' hazard of being deceived or the reproach of the rejection of him who did cast himself at his mercy and implored his clemency He judged it more honorable for him t' expose his Judgment to the first than second Hazard and to convince the world by such an infallible evidence That he could submit t' any thing in order to Peace and for remove of th' Impediments that did obstruct it Ninth Discourse Whether it b' Expedient t' hazard the Remains of the Forces of a State to Recover Reputation lost by some Notorious Disgrace That 't is not safe t' act alone or to permit all things to be done b' others in difficult Enterprises THings being thus established as they have been in the former Discourses a Scruple is to be taken away and a Difficulty cleared which enters into the Matter to be treated of Whether to repair the Reputation ruined by some infamous disgrace and th' Honour abused by some notorious loss The Prince ought t' oppose the fortune that oppresseth him and put all his strength to resist the Ruines of the Violence and t' hazard what remains of the Wrack rather than conserve it beaten with ill fortune and covered with shame That which most sharpens this Scruple and gives most colour to this Difficulty is That the Reputation of th' Affairs of State ought not to be less dear to the Prince than Honour is t' every Particular honest man And yet since all agree that the Wise as well as th' Ignorant conspire in this Judgment that Honour is a Good which must be conserved when 't is gained and recovered when 't is lost at the charges of Life and that 't is better to die Honourably than to live Infamously Why should not the same Judgment be made upon the Reputation of the State And will they not believe That a Prince is obliged to maintain it and to recover it without any exception of Means and without reservation of Lands or Lives And it may b' observed that the Reputation now to be spoken of is different from the two others already spoken of in the precedent Discourses and 't is of another value and of another importance than the first whereof mention hath been made which consists in the sinister Reports scattered b' Enemies and in th' ill savour they raise against the glory of a Prince and to the disadvantage of his Affairs which is not as hath been said the Subject of a Just War though the like offences done to Particular persons and the like stains imprinted upon their honour are but to ' often the foundation and original of their Resentments and Quarrels which makes it appear and I will say this by the way That this sense of Reputation and Honour wherewith the most Excellent Men of all Countries and of all Ages have been touched and which they 've not only Authorized by their Precepts but also Confirmed by their Examples Cannot proceed but from a Spiritual Nature And this Privilege which our Soul hath to raise it self above the Matter and to despise not only the sensible objects which flow from it but Life it self that Depends upon it to subsist by that which is not born but in the thoughts of others and Conserved only in their memory sufficiently shews That sh ' is of a more Exalted Spirit and hath a fairer Birth than the souls of Beasts To return to th' Objection made I say that there 's a great Disproportion and a Notable difference betwixt th' Honour of a Particular person and the Reputation of th' Affairs of State That in the State Reputation is a subaltern good to the real force and a Means which hath for its End the most Essentiall powers That this is th' Health of the body whereof th' other is but the Colour and that agreeable Light which appeares without from the good Constitution within darts into th' Eyes of the Beholders And 't is of the same Concernment to a Prince as I 've formerly said what Credit is to Merchants in order t' effective Riches And therefore as what is Superiour in any order is never abandoned for what is Subaltern nor th' End for the Means which are Constituted for its Accomplishment As to destroy health for beautifying of the face and t' hazard all our Lands to maintain our Credit would be Condemned so a Prince would offend most shamefully against the Laws of Civil Prudence and be not only a most unjust dispensator but a very ill Husband of the Powers of the State to deliver them up wholly to Fortune and t' expose them wholly to th' uncertain and unfaithful Lot of Arms To support the
sinking Reputation of Affairs or to raise it when 't is fallen to the ground all he can do in General and what he ought to do if he be dextrous for th' Interest of the Reputation of Affairs 'T is t' Imprint in Men a great Opinion of his Virtue and Fortune To give as much as he can Relief and day to the good Successes shall befall him And t' Imitate Romulus whom Titus Livius commends for his Admiral Address and Incomparable Grace in giving Value t' all his Actions And to raise it in the least part of his Greatness and Power What Advantages will arise to the State from such Apparances dextrously managed and from that light dispersed Artificially abroad What great Respect and Confidence in Friends these superficial things created from Opinion do produce cannot fully b' expressed and t' Enemies of Reservation and fear As of what great Importance 't is to sick States for preventing th' obstructions of Recovery and of Restitution t' Health That it be believed they are in Health and have also Forces for defence against Assaults The two Principal parts of the Greatness of a State But when Power and Reputation meet in Conjunction and that some Notable Diminution of th' one or th' other is to be suffered 'T is better endured in the last which may alwayes Spring again and retake its Glory so long as the first shall subsist but cannot long survive the Ruine of th' other nor stay long above ground after its fall And truly 't is not a New thing or Extraordinary to see Vicissitudes in the Reputation of Princes and States There 's nothing more frequent in the World and there was never State that hath not suffered some Eclipse and been Assaulted with some Ill success that hath interrupted the Course of his Glory But there may be a Resurrection when the Fall is on that side A spot Imprinted in the Reputation of Affairs is not a Spot that cannot be taken out The first Considerable good Fortune that happens doth Efface it And a Tree which Winter hath stript of its Leaves and left Naked renews in Beauty and Flourisheth as before if it thrust out other Leaves But it seems that some Corruption is permitted in that part That a fairer Generation may put forth And 't is certain that the Glory of the Romans was Livelier and more Entire in that the Victory after the loss of three Battails and the sight of Hannibal at the Gates of Rome remained unto them upon the Carthaginians than if they ' d stopt them upon the Borders of Rhone or at th' Entry of th' Alpes The Defeat of Quintilius Varus by th' Almans was not s ' infamous to the Reign of Augustus as the Revenge which Germanicus took was honourable to the Reign of Tiberius The Virtue of the Republique of Venice was more admired and did Dart out fairer Rayes in their Return from the greatest stroak it received at Gyradade Than if it had not received it and in rising to its Ancient greatness than if it had not fallen And without flattering of the Kings Reign and the present Administration It may be said That if it hath sometimes hapned yet but rarely that some small storm of Disgrace hath fallen upon the Long Prosperity that accompanied his Armes And if the Commanders have not alwayes Happily Commanded them Fortune hath so ordained it as well to conserve by those high Accidents the Right sh ' hath upon all humane Actions As to make the power of the State the better to be known which was not shaken by shakings that had overthrown other States And to make the Prudence the Boldness and Activity of the Conduct of the King and of his Ministers of State t' appear with the more Lustre and Glory who alwayes made th' advantages the Common Destiny of War had given them unprofitable to th' Enemies who alwayes cut off the Wings of their Victory and hindred them from Flying over the Limits of the same Field where they gained it And have so shut it up in the midst of a great Number of Good successes that preceded and followed on our part That it may be said in some sort that it hath Disappeared and vanished away as if there had been no Victory Before handling of th' other branch of Comparison proposed in the beginning of this Discourse which is the sense of Particular Persons in relation to their Honour Two other very Important Maxims shall b' added to what hath been already said in Relation to the Reputation of the State The first That there are some points of Reputation Ambiguous or Contested and some Delicacies of Honour not sufficiently Cleered or which are Called in Question whereupon a Prince or his Ministers of State ought not to Contest opinionately nor to debate Violently when there 's no Question then made of it and that some Affairs are to be Treated and Concluded As a Peace an Alliance of bloud or a League c. For then Endeavours must b' used to slide upon them with Dexterity and handle those Thorns without pricking the Fingers Queen Elizabeth of England did the like upon the Contest that hapned at Bolognia betwixt the Spanish Ambassadour and Hers for the Precedency Th' Expedient found was to Treat by Writing and by Proposals and Reciprocal Answers The same Moderation was observed in the Conference of Vervins betwixt or Ambassadours and those of Spain Ours were lodged there in such a Manner that w' had reason to believe That the Right Justice and the Prescription of Time out of mind had given us was preserved unto us and there remained to the Spaniards some Apparance and shadow I know not what t' hide and Cover the Disadvantage they had received in th' unjust Pretension that torments them upon that Subject and entred into their Spirits with the design of Universal Monarchy But when there 's no Cause to pass beyond it or to labour for some Treaty necessary to the publique good Great Care must be taken of the Byassed Men and to lose Nothing of those Rights in matters of Importance The Dignity of the State must not directly or obliquely be put to Reference nor a Pretension of Equality admitted where the Superiority hath been gained Such was the practice of Pibrac and Ferrier at the Council of Trent who chose rather to Retire than t' Assist at a Ceremony where Precedency before the Spanish Ambassadour was not fully Accorded unto them nor their Dignity sufficiently acknowledged And at the Wedding of the King of Denmarks Son some years past Sir of Avaux the Kings Ambassadour to that Grown Prudently Rejected and without Reserve All the proposed Means that left in the least Jealousie the Precedency claimed by him without Difficulty and Modification above the Spanish Ambassadour It must not therefore be forgot here That there are sometimes little Delicacies and Formalities of Nothing whereon th' Agents of Princes our friends do ketch and for which they cause Disorders And are the Cause
Milan had a Design to convert it into smoak so soon as our Forces had repassed the Mountains and should be in Condition to break it with Advantage He had truly done it and had made it to be sufficiently understood as it shall be fully deduced in th' Apology of th'Acquisition of â—ignâ—roll if the Vigilancy of our Minister of State had not Countermined his Mine And if th' Arms of the King of Swede which began to flourish in Germany had not caused th' Imperial Forces to be re-called from Italy without which the Spanish Forces had not strongth enough t' Act powerfully nor Pretext to cover their Enterprizes that was the Cause the Spaniards were Constrained t'Acquiesce in the Peace Concluded at Quierasque because they were not the Principal parties in the War which they had not begun as they said not pursued but for th'Interests of th'Emperour and as Auxiliaries of th' Empire Before the Raising of the Siege of Cosall and during the sitting of the Dyet of Ratesbone The King treated with the King of Swede whom the Protestants of Germany had Invited to their Relief and upon whom they had Cast their Eyes as upon their last Refuge and the sole Haven which was left them against the storm that did threaten their Countrey Whilst this great Adversary was upon the Stage to try his strength with the formidable House of Austria And to speak the Truth the Victory was not much less to be feared on the Friends than on th' Enemies part in Parties so full of Ambition Reason of State advised That the King should be in Armes to Cause his Authority the more to be Respected and his Protection the more to be Valued which he so Generously and Christianly offered t' all the Catholiques of Germany as a Means to retain if there were Cause the Victorious in their proper Bounds and t' hinder th' abuse of the Victory and th'Enlargement of it further than it might be expedient for the Good of Religion or for the German Liberty That if the King had been as mortal an Enemy to th' House of Austria as th' House of Austria is to France and had sworn its Ruine as th' other had the Ruine of France It cannot be doubted but with the least Effort made when the King of Swede did so violently shake it He had laid it upon the ground And if after the Death of that Magnanimous Prince and whilst good Fortune could not then be separated from th' Armes He Commanded He had joyned his Forces with the Swedes for the Relief of Ratisbone where all the Forces of th'Emperour were Engaged It had probably fallen under that Weight The King truly Religious to a scruple in preserving the Peace that was betwixt us and them and in sparing it in a time when we might have lawfully disturbed it hath been ill requited for that grace and the same Men to whom we gave life at Heidelbourge were the Troops as hath already been observed which surprized Philisbourge from us and made that great Wound that will bleed it may be to th' End of the War But the Spaniards having Commanded Treves to be taken and Carried away th'Elector who took himself to be safe under the shadow of the Flowers of Lillies and Inviolable under our Protection as to them with whom we were not in War Having forced us by all sorts of Reasons to declare it to those Ravishers and to purge that Injury by Armes against them who would not repair it friendly Since Peace appears as a Monster t' affright them what shew soever they have made to desire it and what person soever they have put on to blind the World with that Apparancâ— 'T is certain that they were never in Earnest And being alwayes flattered with hopes that some Change would happen amongstâ—â— that might make the Way plain to Victory or that it might be made th'Easier with their Armes They raised so many Punctilioes and so many Disputes upon the form of Passports Necessaries to treat of Peace and then upon the Quality of the Persons who ought therein to be Comprised and upon other studied Incidents to delay that affair as shall be represented in the following discourse That the worst sighted Men have seen that the Spaniards thought of Nothing less than Peace and that all their Endeavours were but an Illusion to Cheaâ— simple Persons But th' Heavens a weary of their Hypocrisie and abhorting the loss of so much Christian Bloud which their Ambition had Caused to be spilt disappointed their hopes in th' highest Ascendant they were ever arrived into And they who had an Aversion for Peace by reason of th'Immense Advantages which they represented to themselves in the Continuation of the War were Constrained to make a good shew and to keep it at distance t' Endeavour the Recovery of what they had lost and to see whether the Wheel of Fortune that had brought them so low might not make one turn in their Favour and restore them to the place from whence she had Caused them to descend They must nevertheless after Contest upon that Attempt and after a Tryal of all Means to rise again bore under the Destiny that handled them so ill and resolve to quit something whereof they had no sure Hold and to save the rest they might have lost Either all the pressages the present State of things doth hold forth are false or this time as hath been said in another place is not far off And so soon as Germany is reduced to Reason which may be effected by some small Attempts made on that side The last Act of the Tragedy will be plaid and Peace shut up that bloudy Theater which hath been so long open to the War Twelfth Discourse Where 't is shewed by two manifest Proofes That 't is the House of Austria that hath alwayes resisted the Design of Peace To which the King and his Confederates were disposed in Earnest THe World is to be satisfied of a most Important Truth which is necessary to be known and the Matter more exactly handled which hath been but lightly touched in the precedent Discourse It must be made t' appear That 't is not the King that hath broken the Rule which hath been formerly established but his Enemies who have forced from him the Means of observing it They have alwaies oblig'd him t' have th' Armes in his hands though he had a Desire to quit them and having pitty for th'Evils of his Subjects and trouble for all the Wounds which Christendome received and for the great effusion of blood in the War made all the proffers he could make with Honour t' obtain an honest and sure Peace In effect He hath hearkned with the most favourable Eates and with a spirit the best prepared that could be desired t' all the good Offices which his Holiness laid out upon that Occasion He delivered Faithfully and in Warrantable form the necessary passeports for our Enemies Deputies He named his Agents to go
Army t' advance for the Relief of Mantoua But whether the Remedy came too late or that the Malady was no longer capable of Cure or that th' ill Conduct or Imprudence of them who were ordered to dispense it corrupted the Virtue or hindred th' Operation It hapned that it did not produce th' effect which the Venetians had proposed to themselees and t' express the matter as it was The delays they used in resolving upon that Relief Th' Order of that Design the Duke of Rohan had contrived which one of the chief Commanders of their Army changed by Jealousie and th' Ill Intelligence which did arise betwixt the Duke of Candale and the Marshal of Estree were the fatal Causes of the Losse of a place which was of so great Concernment to the Venetians to Conserve I conclude from hence That th' Eminent danger which excites them t' Act hanging no longer over their Head and the defeat of the Spaniards before Casall the great losses they suffered before Thurin And th' other disgraces which have since hapned unto them Having dissipated the fears they Laboured of lest the Spaniards should extend their Invasions upon the rest of Italy And seeing that the Fortune of th' House of Austria was Highly sustained in Germany and that the Spring which might send powerfull Reliefs to the State of Milan was not drawn drye 'T is not to be wondred if they do refuse t' embarke in a Quarrel wherein there 's no great Evill for them to fear nor certain good t'hope for in case they did embarque in it But if they saw the Confederate Forces Superiour and prevalent in Germany as they saw in Spain the Seeds of a long War and the Matter of a lasting Quarrel And by consequent that it should act no more in Italy but by languishing and weak Means There 's probability that they would make use of the Conjuncture and would have been glad t' have gained some part of the State of Milan which might have been convenient for them Or at least that they would put themselves in t ' a posture to make the Spaniards throw up th'Usurpations th' had made in Piedmont and Montferrat being able to do 't safely and without fear of Revenge And in truth it would be a strange and very unjust thing that being so interessed as they are in the Liberty of Italy and having so much there to lose they should ever stand there as immoveable Spectators of what passeth in that Country And in rest and ease leave their Friends always to labour the Work of their Safety and contribute nothing to th' advancement of the Peace and raising of the Temple that is prepared for them but Idle Reasonings but superfluous Wishes and Endeavours without Effect For that Peace I say which is th' End of the Kings Arms and th' object of his Hottest and Constant desires for which He lays up so many Cares and Labours Exposeth His Person to so many Dangers and draws so much Money from the purses of his Subjects and so much bloud from their Veins for that Peace which ought not only t' ease the Wounds of Christendome but ought fully t' Heal and strengthen it which ought not only to be a Remedy against present but also a preservation against future Evils which ought to put Inferiour Persons in safety from the Violence and Attempts of the greatest Persons and under whose shadow all shall enjoy what shall belong to them without Trouble or Jealousie Ninth Discourse What Conditions that Peace ought t' have which all Honest Persons desire That it may be Just and Sure That the particular Peaces which th' House of Austria Endeavours to make would be the Ruine of them who make it WHat I've said of the League which the Republique of Venice might be disposed to make and of the Peace to which it ought to Contribute more reality and effect than wishes and Endeavours Invites me to say a Word of the Conditions which such a Peace ought t' have and of th' ill Fortune of those Princes wh ' have estranged themselves from it in Germany To th' end then that it may be such as all Honest Men desire and to lay the Foundations so deep and solid That there may be no fear of the falling of the building or that it Crack of a long time It must of necessity be a General Peace And that all they wh ' associate to make War make but one Composed Body of many Members and have but one soul to Move them and but one End t' Aim at That the Confederates procure to themselves mutually and without the spirit of Emulation all th' Honest Helps and all the Reasonable Advantages which may serve for common safety That although the League offensive doth separate and their Armies disband a defensive League do remain ever a foot As Guardian of the Peace and as th' Holy Ancre upon which it may repose by which all the Confederates ought t' oblige themselves to run the first down that shall undertake to break it and to rekindle the Torches which it had put out and revive the Troubles which it had quieted And that from th'Indissoluble union and the perfect Correspondency of Princes and others of that League so powerfull a Counterpoise be formed and so Strong and High a Levy made against th' Ambition of th' House of Austria That it might be Compelled to contain its self within the Limits which shall be prescribed and t' enjoy the good of Acquiescence it would lose by taking it away from others 'T is of this Matter that the peace whereof Christendome hath need ought to be made that it may be durable 'T is upon this Basis that it ought to be raised if Men would have it subsist Besides this way I do not see That strength Enough or subsistence can be given it And 't is certain that if the Confederates shall be tempted by the Baits and Advantages which will be presented unto them by particular Treaties and that the Members of the League do sever from the body that they compose They will infallibly be lost And it will befall them as to those Insects which are cut in peeces that preserve for a little time some Motion and Life but Dye and Perish a little after for being deprived of the Virtue that did arise from th Union of all the parts as the Principle of their Duration From whence it may be seen what Imprudence the Duke of Saxe is guilty of and th' other Princes of Germany who followed the course of the first Mobile to sever themselves from the Swedish Alliance For without speaking of th' offence committed against Honesty by that separation whereof mention hath been made of that Villainous Blot of Ingratitude wherewith they have Charged themselves in the Memory of a Prince to whom they were so much indebted Their Interests obliged them alwaies to stand united And instead of that unlucky Peace of Prague which was sold unto them so dear They should
had lawfully gained to cause Mantoua to be rendred which was but a coloured Usurpation and the Country of the Grisons which was an Usurpation without colour That if it appears the King and some Garisons of th' Empire in his hands the number whereof is very small or some others of his Allies in Italy It must be considered that 't is onely to keep them for the Owners wh ' are not able to defend them which to the King is matter onely of great Expence or to free his Frontiers from the Jealousie they would receive from them if they fell into th' hands of his Enemies or to serve for a Retrait or safety t' his Armies when they 're obliged to march far for the good of the common Cause Or lastly to sacrifize them to the good of the same Cause and to the re-establishment of his stript Friends in the Treaty of a General Peace That if Pignerol remain in the King's power after the Wars of Italy which have preceded the Peace of Cairasque And if that place seems to be the recompense of so many thousands of the Kings dead Subjects and of so many millions of Money spent for the Liberty of that Country 'T is a thing in my opinion which cannot reasonably be reproached unto him nor envied since he doth not keep it as a Conquest but as an Acquisition and that he hath bought it with the good-will of him wh ' had power to sell it since it was not done so much of serve for Rampart t' his Kingdom and to secure the Frontiers as t' have a free Entry in t ' Italy and to make the more haste to its Relief when it should b'assaulted Let the Disinterest and Magnanimity be considered which have appeared in all the Treaties on the Kings part made in Germany since that which Sir of Charnasé made at Beerwalde And that which Sir of Avaux renewed the last year at Hambrough Let the sweetness and equity of the Conditions be considered wherewith he received into protection th'Elector of Ireves as may be seen in the Treaties made with him by the Sirs of St. Chaumont and of Saludie Let the cares had of the Swedish Interest be considered and th'effective and real Acknowledgments which the Swedish King always exhorted His Confederates to pay the King as may be justifi'd by the Orations which Sir of Feuquieres made to th' Assembly of Hailbrun and Franckford Let Consequences at last be drawn out of the like Actions from the Kings Promises to the Princes of Italy concerning the places h' holds in Piedmont and which he confirms in this manner in the third Article of the Treaty he made with Sirs the Princes of Savoy That the King newly ratifies the Declarations which have been made by his Ambassadors in divers Otcafions and by the Letters his Mejesty hath written to the Pope and to the Republique of Venice upon the restitution of the Places which his Majesty holds in Piedmont since the death of the late Sir Victor of Amedeé Provided that such Places as are held by the Spaniards his Enemies be reciprocally restored and that Sir the Duke of Savoy remain certainly the Master of them under the Tuition and Regency of Madame Let the consequence of this I say be taken into consideration and it will appear that our Confederates may take a full and entire confidence in this Conduct And that the Counsellour of th' Elector of Mayence above all question a very able Man in the Dyet held some months past at Mayence believing to decipher the Kings Designs t' establish himself in Germany deviated from the Truth though it was by way of probability and that he discovered effectively the Means wherewith he might do it if he had had the Will Before this Discourse b'ended the Reader is to b' advised That I had finished two Treaties which are of the Subject I handle in these two Books Th' one of the Nature of Equivocations Th' other of the force of Opinions which are of great importance for Ministers of State to know But insomuch that this Book is already too long and that these two Treaties may enter commodiously into the Third Part I have believed it was most convenient to place them there End of the Second Book OF The pretended Monarchy OF Th' House of AUSTRIA Third BOOK First Discourse That the true Exercise of the Magnanimity of a Prince Consists in Securing his Countrey from Civil Wars and in Diverting of Forein Wars That the King hath Admirably Prospered in these two Things ' T Is certain That the true exercise of the Magnanimity of a Prince and the Just handling of his Arms Consists onely in these two things Th' one in quieting of his Countrey when it is agitated and in Cutting up the Roots and stopping of the Springs of the Troubles which may there arise Th' other in defeating th' Enterprzes which strangers may set on foot against him or his Allies and in Confining Ambition within the Bounds of Justice When He hath gained these two Ends and that these great Conclusions have prospered with him He may say that nothing is wanting to his glory That his Life hath nothing more in desire to become th' Example of Princes and th'Admiration of the people And such a prosperity is th'ultimate proof of the Love of Heaven and the most wonderful effect that Virtue can produce 'T is not truly to be denied but that the Kings Reign is very observable by these two wonders That h' hath effaced the glory of the fairest precedent Reigns and hath not lest to subsequent Generations Matter for Equality nor any thing to Mow the whole Crop being carried away As to the first point which respects th' inside of the Countrey and th' obedience which Subjects owe their Pricne who knows not that is was so loose amongst us That very often it was entirely divolved into th' Hugonots and that it was not rendred so Pure or so Neat as it ought t' have been from the greatest part of Catholiques France was a horrid Spectacle and a Monstrous Confusion for in the midst of the State another State was to be seen where a confirmed Faction did Reign which was maintained at the Charges of the Prince and became Rich by his Wealth To whom leaving places of Security It was a Tacit Declaration to the world that their faith which ought to b' as firm and Immoveable as the Poles of Heaven and Foundations of th' Earth was doubted and fuspected Where there was n' other discourse than of Assemblies of Circles of Abreges of Circles of Chiefs of Parties and of the like Denominations of ill Augury which were th' Evidences of a present and future revolt How just a thing then and how necessary was it that such a Faction should be suppressed and that they wh ' had a common Birth and drew the same Air and rested under the cares of the same Prince and under the Protection of the same Laws should be reduced t'equal
making War to the Mahometans and to Convert that great Principle of valour wherewith he was born to the Destruction of th'Infidels This was truly very good but the precepts were given him and th' Impression made without Discretion and Choice without Moderation and Rule which spoyled the Goodness and corrupted the Virtue of that Education So the fruits which it produced were not beneficial to Religion though it was his Principal End but fatal t' his Countrey which changed its Government and fell under a yoak which it hath since born with much Impatience and at last shaken off after the losse of all patience As to Ferdinands vows which are much esteemed by them not to permit any Heretiques in the places of its Dominions and to suppress the least Impressions there of Heresie Not to speak of the Nature of those Actions which may b'Excellent in themselves I find great Imprudence in the Solemnity and in that Eminent condition of Acting them publiquely and to the knowledge of many persons There are Actings indeed which ought to b'Acted in the sight of the World and Exposed t'high Noon and put t' use our Saviours Comparison in High places as Cities built upon the Top of Mountains that they may be the better seen and that they who shall see them give God the Glory And a Doctor that shall make a vow t' Apply himself wholly to the Combat of Heresies and to purge the Spirits by his Doctrine of the venome which is the more dangerous and mortal to them wh ' are the least sensible of it at their Deaths might perform an Act of great value and a thing in some sort Heroique But for a Soveraign Prince that would Exercise Proscriptions and Punishments against that kind of Diseases not t' use greater Circumspection and Secresie than a particular person and to publish his Zeal and declare his Design by some publique formality what other things is it than t' advise his Enemies to b'upon their Guards Than t' awake them that sleep lest they should be surprized Than to give them the Will and the Leasure to put themselves into a posture of defence To seek Friends and Protectors to Fortifie themselves with Confaederations And to Cast them into Despair which is more to be feared than Courage This hapned to the Bohemians and 't is the second spring of the German Troubles which Ferdinand opened and one of the principal Causes of th'Emotions in Germany which continue to this day End of the third Book of the second Part. FINIS THE TABLE OF The SECOND PART OF The Minister of State First BOOK First Discourse WHence it proceeds That Beasts of the same Kind do not make War amongst themselves as Men do That Irregular Passions are the cause of that Disorder That Duels are against the Right of Men and particularly against th' Authority of the Prince Page 1. Second Discourse Why God hath left Princes the right of doing themselves Justice when they are offended by other Princes That Lawful War is in th' order of Virtues and a branch of Justice Why 't is called the Elayl of Gods Anger p. 6. Third Discourse That Princes ought t' imitate God in th' use of the Right h' hath given them to do justice themselves That 't is very difficult even for Princes who love understand their affairs t' effect it which is confirmed by two Examples th' one of Henry the Second th' other of Philip the Second p. 11. Fourth Discourse That Justice is to b' observed in the Form as Matter of the War That Faith is to be kept with Hereticks and Infidels That Christians have just cause of Warring with the Turk without making use of the pretext of Religion p. 18. Fifth Discourse That the defence of injur'd Reputation is the subject of a just War Wherein that Reputation consists That the King could not with honour avoid breaking with the Spaniards wh ' had caused the Town and th' Elector of Treves to be surprised being under his Majesties protection p. 24. Sixth Discourse That a War ought not onely to be a just but also profitable for him who undertakes it Some Rules which Princes should observe when they relieve their Allies p. 30. Seventh Discourse The second Rule which a Prince sought t' observe in relieving of his Friends p. 34. Eighth Discourse That the Conduct which the King hath observed in the relieving of his Allies is full of moderation and generosity That the Conduct of some other Princes of this Age is not the same p. 39. Ninth Discourse Whether it b' expedient t' hazard the Remains of the Forces of a State to recover Reputation lost by some Notorious Disgrace That 't is not safe t' act alone or to permit all things to be done by others in difficult Enterprises p. 44. Tenth Discourse Of the difference betwixt th' Honour of particular persons and the Reputation of States And whether the Prince be Master of th' Honour as of the Life and Lands of his Subjects when publick Necessity requires it p. 51. Eleventh Discourse When the War becomes too ruinous to the Subjects of a Prince h' ought t' endeavour if it be possible th' end of it That the King hath been forced to make and continue the War till now by an inevitable Necessity That his Enemies rather than himself have always estranged themselves from Peace p. 58. Twelfth Discourse Where 't is shewed by two manifest proofs that 't is th' House of Austria that hath always resisted the Design of Peace To which the King and his Confederates were disposed in Earnest p. 63. Second BOOK First Discourse THat it is a great misfortune to a Prince to want power to make defence against th' Assaults of a Forein Prince and thereby to depend upon the will of others Which is confirmed by two Examples The first of the League made betwixt the Pope the King of Spain and the Venetians for the relief of Cyprus p. 71. Second Discourse Of th' unhappy Condition of small Princes p. 77. Third Discourse Wherein the second Example is brought spoken of in the First Discourse to shew th' Artifice Princes use in assaulting of Forein Princes t' hinder their Friends to relieve them p. 82. Fourth Discourse Some Rules that Princes and especially they that are weak ought t' observe when they have need to make use of the relief of their Friends p. 90. Fifth Discourse What kind of Confederacy and Correspondency may be formed betwixt a Prince and the Subjects of another Prince in rebellion with their Prince That the King ought in Consequence t' aid the Catalans p. 99. Sixth Discourse Wherein the protection ought to terminate which Princes give to the Rebel-Subjects of another Prince That it b' effected faithfully by the Prince and securely by the Rebels This is confirmed by the proceeding the King hath observed in the business of Catalogniâ— p. 105. Seventh Discourse That 't is a great Secret in War to know how to make best choice of the Place against which the strongest Assaults are to be made That the Spaniards are seldom deceived in that Choice with some other Observations upon their Conduct That the Kings Conduct is admirable in ordering the War he makes in so many places in Christendom p. 112. Eighth Discourse In what conjuncture it may be probably thought that the Venetians will enterint ' a League against the Spaniards p. 121. Ninth Discourse What Conditions that Peace ought t' have which all honest persons desire that it may be just and sure That the particular Peaces which th' House of Austria endeavours to make would be the ruine of them who make it p. 125. Tenth Discourse That the Confederation between the King and his Associates hath all the necessary Conditions required in a durable Peace Some Considerations upon the Nature of Leagues that they may the better be maintained p. 134. Third BOOK First Discourse THat the true exercise of the Magnanimity of a Prince consists in securing his Country from Civil Wars and in diverting of Forein Wars That the King hath admirably prospered in these two things p. 144. Second Discourse Of the Spring of the Design of the pretended Monarchy of th' House of Austria Some Advantages which th' Imperial Dignity brings with it above th' other Secular Dignities of Christendom p. 150. Third Discourse Other Advantages that attend upon th' Imperial Dignity above the Secular Dignities of Christendom p. 155. Fourth Discourse Charls the Fifth was of opinion That t' attain the Monarchy H' ought to make himself Master of one of these three Countries France Italy or Germany That he failed of all of them and could not subdue but a part of Italy p. 164. Fifth Discourse Of the third Enterprise of Charls the Fifth to gain the Monarchy and how it fail'd him p. 171. Sixth Discourse That Philip the Second apply'd himself principally to the gaining of France t' open the way t' himself of the Monarchy That his Successors have endeavour'd t' establish themselves in the heart of Germany to make th' Empire return to their House and pass from thence to the Monarchy p. 180. Seventh Discourse In what manner the Successors of Philip endeavour'd t' establish themselves in Germany The Motives which obliged the Bohemians to withdraw themselves from the Government of th' Emperor Ferdinand and to call th' Elector Palatine to the Crown of Bohemia p. 185. FINIS
Eighth to divert Henry the Seventh the King of England from relieving the Duke of Britany to whom h' had a purpose to make War T' allay then the storm that might arise from that side and stop the Relief which Henry might bring or send in favour of his Neighbour Charls made a shew of desiring the Peace and offered to submit t' Henry the differences h' had with the Duke and t' acknowledge him Arbiter and Mediator of the Quarrel Charls with this delicate Bait and subtil Charm of Honour disarm'd Henry's warlick spirit who was fully engaged with affections and inclinations t' Aid the Duke of Britany But Charls made so powerful and quick a Levy and raised such great Forces that the Duke was over-run before notice was taken of it in England That Charls was entred into his Country with an Army and the Tragedy ended before it was known that the first Act was plaid Fourth Discourse Some Rules that Princes and especially they that are Weak ought t' observe when they have need to make use of the Relief of their Friends IN the precedent Discourse hath been seen th' unhappy Destiny of Weak Princes when they are assaulted by Powerful Princes and the various Artifices exercised t'hinder or slacken the Reliefs which might come to them from their Friends But since 't is necessary that there be such Princes in the world and that in the distribution of the parts of that little Engine for which men give themselves so much Labour and make so great a noise Equality hath not been observed 'T is of necessity that the Weaker follow the General Law and remain the Prey of the Stronger wh ' assault them or that they seek protection from them wh ' are able to give it and secure themselves under the shadow of their Authority or by the force of their Arms some Rules are to b'observed as of Importance to be known The first is That they make the strongest preparation in their power t' oppose th' Enemy that comes t' assault them and to resist his first Impetuosity which ordinarily is the most violent and put by their first strokes which are ever the most Dangerous For this purpose and in this publick Necessity theyâ—re to sell or engage their best and most precious things To sink deep into the purses of their Friends and upon their Subjects to make great Levies And 't is better for their Subjects t' endure a little blood-letting and for a short time by their Prince than totally and for ever ruin'd by strangers And a wasted Country as 't is said is better for him than a lost Country and Subjects a little plundred than Subjects constrained to change Master And though they cannot long bear that extraordinary Levy nor resist that excessive Charge It may fall out that th' Heat of th'Assailant may grow cold by a greater Resistance made on the sudden than was expected And may not b' offended at Proposals of Accommodation and that a door b' opened unto them to get our with Honour from an Enterprize whose Beginnings being unhappy the Progress might b' abated without doing more than making of a Noise and may return to th'Haven without other danger than the fear of a Tempest Or if th' Enemy do not withdraw upon th' ill usage Fortune affords them at the first Attempt and refuse to quit the place or to retire In gaining of time they 've done much which is the great Remedy of Unfortunate and Weak persons and gives Means to their Friends to come to their Relief and to bring them fresh Troops wherewith they may not onely maintain themselves but cause the face of War to change and turn the Defence in t ' an Assault and become th' Assailants of their Enemies The Duke of Savoy Grand-father of the present Duke did the like since the death of the late King in the Wars the Spaniards made him or H' had been suddenly over-run at the first sight and swallowed by the Spanish powerful Armies wherewith the Governour of Milan entred Piedmont and gave fear t' all Italy but to that Prince And yet with that wise and bold proceeding he not onely received and resisted their first assaults but gave them affronts And precedent it hath been observed that after the loss of Verceil which had it been well defended might have been kept strengthned by that fair and flourishing Relief Sir of Esdiguieres brought unto it who put the Spaniards upon the Defensive and compelled them to desire Peace which was concluded at Paris to their Advantage The second Rule is That as great sums of Money are to be expended and a great Army to be raised 't is of great importance to make them timely and not t' expose them to th'hazard of surprises which being dangerous in all sorts of affairs are much more in the business of War and d'ordinarily make breaches by which ill fortune enters so far into the Country That it proves a difficult matter to drive it out And it often falls out that they die of those strokes or are long sick of them And 't is what sometimes hath been to be desired by way of Addition to the Wisdom of the Venetians and to their excellent Conduct Their Historians also confess That one of the causes of the loss of the Kingdom of Cyprus was the delays they used in preparing against the Storm which they saw coming And in the Motions which troubled Italy about the Succession of the last Duke of Mantoua we 've seen them Arm slowlier than was necessary for their very design and have suspended many times th' Orders and Commissions they ' d given for the War upon uncertain and wild reports of a Treaty of Peace and were onely a studied Deceit and an affected Artifice of the Spaniards for to possess them with a coldness and relaxation of spirit 'T is certain at least That if after the King had forced his passage at Suza and taken away the Barrier that shut up their Entry into Italy They had not recalled th'Orders given to their General t' enter into Cremona They had taken of the Spaniards some eminent Advantage whilst they wanted Forces failed of Courage and th'Inclinations of the people were adverse unto them Who can I say doubt but if they had taken possession of Cremona which opened her Arms unto them and breathed after so easie a Yoke as theirs but that they had greatly fortifi'd the Party which they favoured and had obliged it may be by that Declaration the Spaniards t' have observed the Peace of Sutza and t' have caused to be sent to the Duke of Mantoua th'Investiures Accorded by that Treaty rather than t' have shut themselves up betwixt two so considerable Powers as France and Venice and some other Forces which Venice might have drawn t' its assistance or if the War had re-kindled as it did the following year and the Spaniards touched with th'Affronts they received from all parts have been forward at any price to take