of England and from declaring those met at Westminster Rebels though the King again and again importun'd them to it and took their Refusal so ill that in one of his Letters to Queen intercepted at Naseby he reflects heavily upon them for it and calls them in derision his Mungrel Parliament It was likewise the dismal Prospect he had of this War even in the beginning of it that mov'd that Accomplish'd Gentleman the Lord Falkland to throw away his Life rather than be a witness of the Miseries were coming upon the Nation For though he was Secretary of State to the King and follow'd his Fortune yet seeing all his Endeavours for promoting a Peace were in vain he went on with a Party to skirmish with the Enemy the day before the first Battel of Newbury and being dissuaded by his Friends as having no Call to it being no Military Person he said He was weary of the Times and foresaw much Misery to his Countrey and hop'd he should be out of it e're night So pushing into the Battel he was slain Many Endeavours were us'd from time to time to bring Matters to an Accommodation by way of Treaty Endeavours that were us'd for an Accommodation but still some one unlucky Accident or another render'd them all abortive At the Treaty of Vxbridge though the Parliament's Demands were high and the King show'd a more than ordinary Aversion to comply with them yet the ill posture of the King's Affairs at that time and the fatal Consequences they fear'd would follow upon breaking off of the Treaty oblig'd a great many of the King's Friends and more particularly that Noble Person the Earl of Southampton who had gone Post from Vxbrige to Oxford for that purpose to press the King again and again upon their Knees to yield to the necessity of the Times and by giving his Assent to some of the most material Propositions that were sent him to settle a lasting Peace with his People The King was at last prevail'd with to follow their Counsel and the next Morning was appointed for signing a Warrant to his Commissioners to the effect And so sure were they of a happy end of all differences that the King at Supper complaining his Wine was not good one told him merrily He hop'd that his Majesty would dâ—ink better before a Week was over at Guildhall with the Lord Mayor But so it was that when they came early next morning to wait upon him with the Warrant that had been agreed upon over Night they found his Majesty had chang'd his Resolution and was become inflexible in these Points The unhappy Occasion this Alteration has lain hitherto a Secret in History and might have continued such still if a Letter from the Marquess of Montross in Scotland Montross's Fatal Letter whereof I have seen a Copy under the Duke of Richmond's Hand did not give a sufficient Light into it To make the Matter better understood it 's necessary to say something of Montross and his Actions in Scotland This Nobleman had been at first very active and zealous for the Liberties of his Countrey and was the first man that past the River Tweed at the Head of Five hundred Horse upon the Scots First Expedition into England But being afterwards disoblig'd or as some say repenting of his former Error he left that Side and came in to the King at the breaking out of the War between Him and the Parliament When the Scots came into England the second time to assist the Parliament Montross apply'd himself to the King for a Commission to levy War against his Rebel Subjâ—cts as they were call'd of Scotland assuring his Majesty he was able with the Assistance of his Friends and Concurrence of the rest of the Royal Party to make at least a very considerable Diversion if not to reduce the whole Countrey to his Majesty's Obedience Accordingly the Marquess was made Governor of Scotland where in the space of five Months with a handful of raw undisciplin'd Men and those not half arm'd he did over-run a great part of the Countrey and gain'd three very considerable Battels the last of which was that of Inverlochy fought the second of February 1644. according to the English and 1645. according to the Scotch Account In this Battel the Earl of Argyle was entirely defeated and the Prime of the Noble Family of the Campbells cut off with inconsiderable Loss on Montross's side who next day dispatch'd an Express to the King with the News of this and his two former Victories And in his Letter express'd his utter Aversion to all Treaties with his Rebel-Parliament in England as he calls them Tells the King he is heartily sorry to hear that his Majesty had consented to Treat and hopes it is not true Advises him not to enter into Terms with his Rebellious Subjects as being a thing unworthy of a King And assures him That he himself was now so much Master of Scotland that he doubted not but to be able within a few Months to march into England to his Majesty's assistance with a brave Army And concludes with this odd Expression When I have conquer'd from Dan to Beersheba as I doubt not I shall very quickly I hope I may have then leave to say as David ' s General said to his Master Come thou lest this Countrey be call'd by my Name This Letter writ with such an Air of Assurance and by a Person that was thought capable to make good his Promises and the Matter contain'd in it suiting but too well with the King's Inclinations was unluckily deliver'd to the King but a few Hours before he was to have sign'd the Warrant before-mention'd and had as ill effects as the worst of King Charles's Enemies could have wish'd for it dash'd out in a moment all the Impressions his best Friends had been making upon him for a considerable time towards a full Settlement with his People It look'd as if there was some secret Fatality in this whole matter for it could hardly have been imagin'd that a Letter writ the Third of February in the furthermost North Corner of Britain should come so soon to Oxford considering the length of the Journey the badness of the Roads at that time of the Year especially through the Mountainous parts of Scotland together with the Parliament's and Scotch Armies and Garisons that were posted all along the Road And yet certain it is it came through all these Dangers and Inconveniences in very few days for it 's indors'd upon the Copy I have seen That it was deliver'd to the King during the Treaty of Vxbridge which every body knows began the 30 th of Ianuary and ended the 22 d of February And further it must have been deliver'd before the 19 th of February because King Charles takes notice of it in a Letter to the Queen of that Date found among others at Naseby where he says Though I leave News to others yet I cannot but tell
them to their Duty by force of Arms. Both Houses show'd a Willingness to relieve the King's Wants and offer'd him a considerable Supply but with this Condition That their Grievances may be first redress'd which had swell'd up to a considerable Bulk since the last Dissolution Not only so but the Scots had Friends enough in the Parliament to hinder any great matter to be done against them and the greater part both of Lords and Commons were but little inclin'd to a War of Archbishop Laud's kindling The King being thus disappointed dissolv'd this Parliament as he had done the rest when they had scarce sat a Month and made what shifts he could to raise a new Army against the Scots They upon the other hand being resolv'd not to be behind in their Preparations enter'd into England with a numerous Army compos'd for the most part of Veteran Officers and Troops that had serv'd in Germany under Gustavus Adolphus and taking Berwick and Newcastle push'd their way as far as Durham King Charles came in Person to York and there found himself inviron'd with perplexing Difficulties on all hands The Nobility and Gentry that attended him express'd on all occasions their dislike of the Cause and the War they were engag'd in The Scots stood firm to their ground being flesh'd with Success And the King was follow'd from the South with Petitions from the City of London from several Counties and from a considerable Number of Lords desiring him to call a Parliament as the only effectual Means to quiet the Minds of the People and compose the present War without Bloodshed To extricate himself out of this Labyrinth King Charles summon'd the Great Council of Peers to meet at York to consult what was fit to be done in this Juncture who advis'd him unanimously to enter into a Treaty with the Scots at Rippon and to summon a Parliament to meet at Westminster with both which Advices the King comply'd and immediately issu'd out Writs for a Parliament to sit down in November 1640. and adjourn'd the Treaty with the Scots to London No Age ever produc'd Greater Men than those that sat in this Parliament They had sufficient Abilities and Inclinations to have render'd the â—â—ing and their Countrey happy if England had not been through a Chain of concurring Accidents ripen'd for destruction At their sitting down The Parliament 1641. a Scene of Grievances under which the Nation had long groan'd was laid open and all Topicks made use of to paint them out in liveliest Colours The many Cruelties and Illegal Practices of the Star-Chamber and High-Comission-Court that had alienated Peoples Minds from the Hierarchy were now insisted on to throw down those two Arbitrary Tribunals and with them in some time after the Bishops out of the House of Peers and at length Episcopacy it self out of the Church It was not a few of either House but indeed all the Great Patriots that concurr'd at first to make Enquiry into the Grievances of this Reign Sir Edward Hyde afterwards Earl of Clarendon and Lord Chancellor of England the Lord Digby the Lord Falkland the Lord Capell Mr. Grimstone who was chosen afterwards Speaker of the House of Commons that brought in King Charles the Second and was Master of the Rolls Mr. Hollis since Lord Hollis all which suffer'd afterwards on the King's side and in general most of those that took the King's part in the succeeding War were the Men that appear'd with the greatest Zeal for the Redress of Grievances and made the sharpest Speeches upon those Subjects The Intentions of those Gentlemen were certainly Noble and Just and tended to the equal advantage of King and People But the Fate of England urg'd on its own Ruin step by step till an open Rupture between the King and Parliament made the Gap too wide ever to be made up again Sir Thomas Wentworth Earl of Strafford and Dr. Laud Archbishop of Canterbury had too great a share in the Ministry to escape being Censur'd and they were the first that felt the effects of a Popular Hatred These two Gentlemen and Iames Duke of Hamilton first advis'd King Charles to call this Parliament and all Three fell by it though not at the same time The Earl of Strafford was a Gentleman of extraordinary Parts The Fall and Character of the Earl of Strafford a great Orator and yet a greater Statesman He made a considerable Figure in the first Three Parliaments of King Charles and no man appear'd with greater Zeal against Ship-money Tunnage and Poundage and other Taxes illegally impos'd upon the Subject The Court bought him off and preferr'd him to great Honours and Places which lost him his former Friends and made the Breach irreconcilable There had been a long and intimate Friendship betwixt Mr. Pym and him and they had gone hand in hand in every thing in the House of Commons But when Sir Thomas Wentworth was upon making his Peace with the Court he sent to Pym to meet him alone at Greenwich where he began in a set Speech to sound Mr. Pym about the Dangers they were like to run by the Courses they were in and what Advantages they might have if they would but listen to some Offers would probably be made them from the Court Pym understanding his drift stopt him short with this expression You need not use all this Art to tell me that you have a mind to leave us But remember what I tell you You are going to be undone But remember That though you leave us now I will never leave you while your Head is upon your Shoulders He was as good as his word for it was Pym that first accus'd him of High Treason in the House of Commons he carried up his Impeachment to the House of Lords and was the chief Manager of his Tryal and Bill of Attainder There never was a more solemn Trial than that of the Earl of Strafford whether we consider the Accusers or the Person accus'd the Accusation or the Defence As in every thing else so in this more particularly he express'd a wonderful Presence of Mind and a vast Compass of Thought with such nervous and moving Flights of Eloquence as came nothing short of the most celebrated Pieces of Antiquity This did manifestly appear from his summing up the long Answer he made ex tempore to every one of the Articles against him with this Pathetick Conclusion My Lords said he I have troubled you longer than I should have done were it not for the Interest of these dear Pledges a Saint in Heaven hath left me At this word he stopt pointing to his Children that stood by him and dropt some Tears then went on What I forfeit for my self in nothing but that my Indiscretion should extend to my Posterity woundeth me to the very Soul You will pardon my Infirmity something I should have added but am not able therefore let it pass And now my Lords for my self I have been by the Blessing
a Numerous and Splendid Train of Persons of Quality among whom was a Prince of the Blood and Muncini Mazarine 's Nephew who brought a Letter from his Uncle to the Protector full of the highest Expressions of Respect and assuring his Highness That being within view of the English Shore nothing but the King's Indisposition who lay then ill of the Small-Pox at Calais could have hinder'd him to come over to England that he might enjoy the Honour of waiting upon one of the Greatest Men that ever was and whom next to his Master his greatest Ambition was to serve But being depriv'd of so great a happiness he had sent the Person that was nearest to him in Blood to assure him of the profound Veneration he had for his Person and how much he was resolv'd to the utmost of his power to cultivate a perpetual Amity and Friendship betwixt his Master and him Few Princes ever bore their Character higher upon all occasions than Oliver Cromwell especially in his Treaties with Crown'd Heads And it 's a thing without Example that 's mention'd by one of the best-inform'd Historians of the Age Puffendorf in the Life of the late Elector of Brandenburgh That in Cromwell's League with France against Spain he would not allow the French King to call himself King of France but of the French whereas he took to himself not only the Title of Protector of England but likewise of France And which is yet more surprizing and which can hardly be believ'd but for the Authority of the Author Puffendorf de Rebus Gestis Fredâ—rici Wilhelmi Electoris Brandenburgici p. 313. Id porro Bellum Protectoris in Hispanos adeo opportunum Gallo accedebat ut summo Studio istum faedore sibi innectere studeret etiam concesso ut Cromwellus eundem Gaâ—â—orum Regem non Galliarum nuncuparet aliâs ipse Protectoris quoque Franciae vocabulum ficut Angliae assumpturus Simul pateretur Cromwellum Instrumento suo Nomen titulumque ante Gallicum ponere whose own Words are in the Margin In the Instrument of the Treaty the Protector 's Name was put before the French King's It 's true France was then under a Minority and was not arriv'd at that Greatness to which it has since attain'd Towards which Cromwell contributed not a little by that League with France against Spain being the falsest Step he ever made with respect to the Tranquility of Europe As every thing did contribute to the Fall of King Charles I. so did every thing contribute to the Rise of Cromwell And as there was no design at first against the King's Life so it 's probable that Cromwell had no thoughts for a long time of ever arriving at what he afterwards was It is known he was once in Treaty with the King after the Army had carried his Majesty away from Holmby House to have Restor'd him to the Throne which probably he would have done if the Secret had not been like to take Vent by the Indiscretion of some about the King which push'd Cromwell on to prevent his own by the Ruin of the King It 's likewise certain that the Title of Protector did not satisfy his Ambition but that he aim'd to be King The Matter was for some time under Consideration both in his Mock-Parliament and Council of State in-so-far that a Crown was actually made and brought to Whitehall for that purpose But the Aversion he found in the Army against it and the fear of the Commonwealth-Party oblig'd him to lay the Thoughts of it aside at least for that time Yet it 's probable these high Aims did not dye but with himself For to be able with the help of Spanish Gold to carry on his Design in England without depending upon a Parliament for Money is thought was the true Motive of his Attempt upon St. Domingo which was the only Action of War he fail'd in But notwithstanding his specious Pretences to the contrary Cromwell invaded and betrayed the Liberties of his Countrey and acted a more Tyrannical and Arbitrary Part than all the Kings of England together had done since the Norman Conquest And yet after all his Good Fortune accompanied him to the last for after a long Chain of Success he died in Peace and in the Arms of his Friends was buried among the Kings with a Royal Pomp and his Death condol'd by the Greatest Princes and States of Christendom in Solemn Embassies to his Son But this is not all for whatever Reasons the House of Austria had to hate the Memory of Cromwell yet his causing the Portugal Ambassador's Brother to be Executed for a Tumult in London notwithstanding his Plea of being a Publick Minister as well as his Brother was near Twenty Years after Cromwell's Death brought as a Precedent by the present Emperor to justify his Arresting and carrying off the Prince of Furstenburgh at the Treaty of Cologne notwithstanding Furstenburgh's being a Plenipotentiary for the Elector of that Name And in the Printed Manifesto publish'd by the Emperor upon that occasion this Piece of Cromwellâ—s Justice in executing the Portuguese Gentleman is related at large To sum up Cromwell's Character it 's observable That as the Ides of March were equally Fortunate and Fatal to Iulius Caesar another Famous Invader of the Liberties of his Countrey so was the Third of September to Oliver Cromwell For on that Day he was Bornâ— on that Day he fought the Three Great Battels of Marston-Moor Worcester and Dunbar and on that Day he died Cromwell died in the peaceable Possession of the Sovereign Power though disguis'd under another Name and left it to a Son that had neither Heart nor Abilities to keep it The Genius of the Nation return'd to its Natural Byass and Monarchy was so much interwoven with the Laws Customs and the first Threads of the English Constitution that it was altogether impossible it could be ever totally worn out Our Ancestors had wisely settled themselves upon that Bottom and those very men that some Years before had justled out Monarchy upon the account of its Encroachments upon the Rights of the People were become as zealous now to restore it again upon the Encroachments that the assuming part of the People had made of late upon the Rights of their Fellow-Subjects For near Two Years together after Cromwell's Death the Government of England underwent various Shapes and every Month almost produc'd a New Scheme till in the end all these Convulsions co-operated to turn the Nation again upon its True and Ancient Basis. Thence it was that the Son of King Charles the First The Restoration of King Charles II. after Ten Years Exile was restor'd to his Father's Throne in the Year 1660 without Blood or any remarkable Opposition This Revolution was the more to be admir'd since not only all Attempts to bring King Charles back by Force of Arms prov'd ineffectual but that notwithstanding upon Cromwell's Death every thing at home seem'd to concur to his
becomes the Seed of new Lillies and the Motto was Lachrimor in Prolem I weep for Children Underneath was this Distich Pro Natis Iacobe gemis Flos candide Regum Hos Natura Tibi si neget Astra dabunt Dost thou sigh for Children O James thou best of Kings If Nature denies Heaven will grant them There was one Inscription more this Author takes notice of which being one of the most unaccountable things of that kind afforded matter for the Wits of Rome to descant upon Though the Words are ill chose and strangely harsh yet it 's certain the Fathers had a good meaning in them and they refer to King Iames's Influence upon his Brother to turn Roman-Catholick at his death The Inscription runs thus Jacobo Secundo Angliae Regi Quod ipso Vitae Exemplo preunte Et impellente Consiliis Carolus Frater Rex Mortem obierat admodum piam Regnaturus a tergo frater Alas Carolo addidit ET Vt Coelo dignum ET Dignum se Rege Legatum eligeret Fratrem Misit To King James II. King of England for having by his Example and his Counsel prevail'd with Charles his Brother to dye a Pious Death And being 'to succeed him He gave Wings to Charles and that he might make choice of an Ambassador worthy of Heaven and himself he sent his Brother I will not pretend to give the nice Sense of these words and tho I would I cannot there being such a perplexity in them But for the Expressions that follow I may venture to give them in English though they seem to be as much out of the ordinary Road as the former Nuncii ex Anglia proceres Retulerunt Regibus aliis Jacobum Regnantem Coelo Primus omnium retulit Carolus Nec Immerito Reges alii Legatos suscipiunt Mittuntque Principes Legatos Reges Deum Excipere decuit Jacobum mittere English Noblemen were sent to other Kings to acquaint them with King James's Accession to the Crown But Charles first of all brought the News of it to Heaven It was but reasonable For Kings to send and receive Princes as Ambassadors But It became God Almighty to receive and James to send no Ambassadors but Kings To see King Iames neglected at Rome in the Pontificat of Innocent XI The Mortifications K. Iames met with at Rome about his Marriage with the Princess of Esâ—ê was not so strange considering what has been said of his Antipathy to a Faction wherein that Prince was concern'd But that in the time of Innocent's Predecessor and when he was Duke of York he should be denied a common Favour which that Court seldom or never refuses to any one was a thing altogether unaccountable Yet so it was That he having sent the late Earl of Peterborough to Italy to Espouse the Princess of Modena in his Name all the Interest he could make was not able to obtain a Dispensation for the Marriage Genealogies of the Family of Mordant c. in a large Fol. p. 427 428. The account of this matter being so little known and that Earl's Book wherein he mentions it being so rare and as I am told but Twenty four Copies printed I shall give it in the Earl's own Words But now from Rome there was Advice says he by the Abbot of Angeo of the great difficulties that arose in the Consultations of this Affair meaning the Marriage The French Ambassador the Duke d' Estrees favour'd the Marriage with all the Power of the French Faction so did Cardinal Barberini and all the other Friends and Allies of the House of Estê But his Holiness himself was very averse and Cardinal Altieri who was the Governing Nephew a profess'd and violent Opposer The main pretence for this Obstinacy was the Duke of York's not declaring himself publickly of the Romish Church though they knew that he was of a long time reconcil'd to it But now at last continues the Earl of Peterborough came from Rome the Abbot of Angeo without the Dispensation which he could by no means obtain by reason that Cardinal Altieri was inflexible and Threats of Excommunication were issued out against any that should undertake to perform or celebrate the Marriage Whereupon we were all upon the fears and expectations of a total Rupture The Duchess of Modena her self a Zealous if not a Bigot Woman was in great pain about the part that might seem offensive to his Holiness or neglective of his Authority And the Young Princess took occasion from hence to support her unwillingness But in truth Cardinal Barberini upon whom the Duchess had great dependance and all the other Adherents and Relations of the House of Estê being every day more and more possess'd of the Honour and Interest they were like to find in this Alliance were scandaliz'd at the unreasonable Obstinacy of the Pope and his Nephew and did frankly advise the Duchess of Modena suddenly to make up and perfect the Marriage The Peace and Excuse of the thing being easier to be had after it was done than any present License to be obtain'd for doing it The Bishop of Modena was then applied to adds the Earl for the Performance But he refusing a poor English Iacobine was found Brother to Ierome White that after serv'd the Duchess who having nothing to lose and on whom the Terror of Excommunication did not so much prevail did undertake it and so he perform'd the Ceremony Thus far the Earl of Peterborough But to leave this Digression The true design of the Persecution of Dissenters in King Charles's time and to return to our History It was about this time that the Romish Cabal about King Iames began to play their Popular Engine and which was likely to do most Execution by weakning the National Establish'd Church and dividing Protestants among themselves when in the mean time the Roman-Catholicks were to be the only Gainers This was disguis'd under the specious Name of Liberty of Conscience And the very same Party that advis'd this Toleration were they that had push'd on all the Severities against the Protestant Dissenters in the former Reign with design to widen the Breach between them and the Church of England and to render the first more willing to swallow the Bait of Toleration whenever it should be offer'd to them They gain'd in a great part their End for the Dissenters were not so fond of Persecution and Ill Usage as to refuse a Liberty that was frankly offer'd them which neither their Prayers nor Tears could obtain before Nor did they think it good manners to enquire too narrowly how that Liberty came about as long as they were shelter'd thereby from the Oppressions they lay under The Church of England saw through all this Contrivance and fear'd the Consequences The Protestant Dissenters were more pitied now in their seeming Prosperity than ever they had been in their real Adversity Some that had been zealous before in putting the Penal Laws in execution against them did now see their
the State not much lamented and left in Legacy to his Son a discontented People an unnecessary expensive War an incumbred Revenue and an exhausted Treasury together with the Charge of his Grand-children by the Queen of Bohemia that were now divested of a large Patrimony deriv'd to them by a long Series of Illustrious Ancestors In fine he entail'd upon his Son all the Miseries that befel him and left in the minds of his Subjects those Sparks of Discontent that broke out some Years after into a Flame of Civil War which ended in the Ruin of King Charles and of the Monarchy with him This Prince His Character though his Father and Mother were esteemed the Handsomest Couple of the Age they liv'd in was himself but a Homely Person nor in any of his Features was to be found the least Resemblance of the Beautiful Mary Stuart or Lord Darnly No Prince had a more Liberal Education And it could not well be otherwise having the Celebrated Buchanan for his Tutor He was acquainted with most parts of Learning but valued himself upon his Knowledge in Divinity above the rest in which he writ some things that were much esteem'd at that time He writ and spoke well but in a Stile that border'd too much upon Pedantry which was indeed the common Fault of that Age. As to his Religion notwithstanding all his Advances to the Pope and Papists upon the account first of the Spanish and afterwards the French Match he was really Calvinist in most Points but that of Church-Government witness some of his Books and his Zeal for the Synod of Dort But as to Episcopacy he shew'd so much Learning and Reading in his Arguments for it at the Conference of Hampton-Court that Archbishop Whitgift said He was verily persuaded the King spake by the Spirit of God Notwithstanding his Mother was dethron'd to make room for him and consequently he could have no Right but the Consent of the People while she liv'd yet upon all occasions he was fond of being thought to have a Divine Right to the Crown His Courage was much suspected and some would ascribe his want of it to the Fright his Mother was in upon the Death of David Rizio The Troubles of his Youth were various occasion'd chiefly by Factions of Great Men that strove who should have the Management of him But when he came of Age he sought all occasions to be reveng'd upon such of them as were living and the Posterity of those that were dead Goury's Conspiracy being in it self so improbable a thing and attended with so many inconsistent Circumstances was disbeliev'd at the time it was said to have been attempted And Posterity has swallow'd down for a Truth what their Ancestors took for a mere Fiction He came to the Crown of England by Lineal Descent and the Verbal Designation of Queen Elizabeth upon her Death-bed And the Conspiracy wherewith Cobham and Sir Walter Raleigh were charged to set him by the English Throne was no less Mystery than that of Goury's had been before The only uncontroverted Treason that happen'd in his Reign was the Gunpowder Plot The Gunpowder Plot. and yet the Letter to the Lord Mounteagle that pretended to discover it was but a Contrivance of his own the thing being discover'd to him before by Henry the Fourth of France through the means of Monsieur de Rhony after Duke of Sully King Henry paid dear for his Friendship to King Iames and there is reason to believe that it was upon this account among others that a Party of the Church of Rome employ'd Ravillac to murther that Great Man King Iames was equally happy and unhappy in every one of his Children The Character of Pr. Henry Prince Henry was the Darling of Mankind and a Youth of vast Hopes and wonderful Virtues but was too soon Man to be long-liv'd The Duke of Sully being in England to congratulate King Iames upon his Accession to the Crown laid the Foundation of a strict Friendship betwixt his Master and Prince Henry which was afterwards carried on by Letters and Messages till the Death of that King Though it 's a Secret to this day what was the real Design of all those vast Preparations that were made by Henry the Fourth for some time before his Death yet certain it is those Preparations were such as kept all Europe in suspense And I have seen some Papers that make it more than probable that Prince Henry was not only acquainted with the Secret but was engag'd in the Design But whatever it was it prov'd abortive by the Murther of that Excellent King just at the time when it was to have been declar'd his Army being ready to march Prince Henry surviv'd him but two years and dy'd universally lamented The World is very often willing to attribute the Untimely Death of Princes to unfair Practices and it was the general Rumour at that time that this Prince was poison'd Whatever was in it there is yet in Print a Sermon preach'd at St. Iames's upon the Dissolution of his Family that boldly insinuated some such thing And also Sir Francis Bacon Lord Chancellor of England in his Speech at the Trial of the Earl of Somerset had some Reflections upon the Intimacy of that Lord with Sir Thomas Overbury which seem to point that way insomuch that there were several Expressions left out of the printed Copy that were in the Speech But after all there is an Account in Print of what was observable upon the Opening of Prince Henry's Body under the Hand of Sir Theodore Mayerne and Five other Physicians Appendix Numb 5. from which there can be no Inference drawn that he was poyson'd The Second of King Iames's Children was the Princess Elizabeth Of Queen of Bohemia married to the Elector Palatine who was afterwards to his Ruin elected King of Bohemia It is hard to say whether the Virtues of this Lady or her Misfortunes were greater for as she was one of the best of Women she may be likewise reckon'd in the number of the most unfortunate King Iames thought to retrieve his Son-in-law's lost Fortune by the way of Treaty but in that and in every thing else the House of Austria outwitted him so that the poor Prince Palatine gain'd nothing by his Alliance with England but the hard Fate to be abandon'd by those whose Honour and Interest it was to support him Nor had the Crown of England any share in the Honour of re-establishing the Palatine Family which happen'd Thirty Years after for at the time of the Treaty of Munster when that matter was setled King Charles the First was so far from being in a condition to mediate for his Friends that he was himself a Prisoner to those very Enemies that in a few Months after the signing of that Treaty took his Life Of whom being the Youngest of King Iames's Children and of his Misfortunes there will be too much occasion to speak in the following
of God taught That the Afflictions of this present Life are not to be compar'd to that Eternal Weight of Glory which shall be reveal'd hereafter And so my Lords even so with all Tranquility of Mind I freely submit my self to your Iudgment And whether that Iudgment be of Life or Death Te Deum laudamus It 's believ'd that King Charles's appearing so heartily for him did him no good with the House of Commons And it 's confidently said that he wrote his Majesty a Letter from the Tower praying him not to intercede in his Affair and that his not seeming to be concern'd in it would be the best Method to calm the Rage of his Enemies But notwithstanding this Caution the King came to the House of Lords and sending for the House of Commons made a warm Speech in favour of the Earl which some of his Friends took for so good News that they went straight from Westminster to give him an account of it Stafford receiv'd it as his Doom and told them The King's Kindness had ruin'd him and that he had little else now to do but to prepare himself for Death As King Charles was mistaken in his Intercession for the Earl of Strafford so was the Earl himself much more in neglecting the Advice of his Friends against his coming up to this Parliament It was easy to foresee there was something design'd to his Prejudice and he had fair Warning given him not to come up at that time at least till he saw how matters would go He had two plausible Pretences for his Absence if he had pleas'd to make use of them the necessity of his Presence in Ireland where he was Lord Lieutenant or in the North of England where he was Lieutenant-General of the Army that had been rais'd against the Scots But being too confident not only of the King's Favour and his Interest among the Lords but of the good effects an Humble Honey Speech might have with the House of Commons to use his own words he came late at Night to Town and took his place next Morning in the House of Lords with an Intention to ask leave that very day to go down to the House of Commons to clear himself of the Misrepresentations he lay under Mr. Pym hearing he was come mov'd to have the Doors lock'd and the Keys laid upon the Table lest any Member should give Intelligence of what they were upon Which being done he accus'd the Earl of Strafford of High-Treason and an Impeachment was immediately drawn up and agreed to by the House In the mean time it fell out unluckily for the Earl of Strafford that at his coming into the House of Lords they were upon a Debate that took them up a considerable time and while he was waiting till that was over the Commons came up with their Impeachment As the Earl was strangely unfortunate in most things that befel him in the latter Period of his Life he was no less in the very Opinion of the King himself and those others that did all they could to save his Life For the King in the Speech he made to both Houses in his favour was pleas'd to say That he did not think my Lord Strafford fit hereafter to serve him or the Commonwealth in any Place of Trust no not so much as that of a Constable And the Lord Digby in the Speech he made in the House of Commons against the Bill of Attainder for which among other things he was forc'd to fly treats the Earl in yet much harsher Terms The Name of the Earl of Strafford says he is a Name of Hatred in the present Age by his Practices and fit to be made a Terror to future Ages by his Punishment I am still the same in my Opinions and Affections as to the Earl of Strafford continues he after I believe him to be the most dangerous Minister the most insupportable to free Subjects that can be character'd I believe his Practices in themselves as high as Tyranical as any Subject ever ventur'd upon and the Malignity of them highly aggravated by those rare Qualities of his whereof God has given him the Vse but the Devil the Application In a word adds the Lord Digby I believe him still that Grand Apostate to the Commonwealth who must not expect to be pardon'd in this World till he be dispatch'd into the other And yet let me tell you Mr. Speaker my Hand must not be at that Dispatch Thus far a Nobleman that was entirely in the King's Interest and for his Zeal to the Royal Cause became the most obnoxious to the Parliament After all there seems to have been some Mistake about the main Article in his Accusation of his advising the King to bring over the Army from Ireland to reduce England which contributed more to the undoing of this Minister than all the rest For the Proof of this Article being only Words contain'd in Mr. Secretary Vane's Notes Appendix Numb 6. which are plac'd in the Appendix and said to be spoke at the Council-Table they do naturally refer to the Kingdom of Scotland and not to England the thing then under Debate being how to reduce Scotland And though Secretary Vane swore to the Truth of his Notes yet it was after such a manner as left the matter still more dubious And though he had sworn more positively it was but the Testimony of One Witness and that contradicted by Four Lords who were then present in Council and who declar'd upon their Honours That they did not remember they heard the Earl of Strafford speak those Words I cannot leave the Earl of Strafford without taking notice of a silly Mistake that has gain'd some Credit in the World as if the Bill of Attainder against him was of so extraordinary a nature and so much out of all the known Methods of Justice that the Legislators themselves were oblig'd to insert a Clause into the Body of it That it should never be drawn into President Whereas that Clause does expresly relate only to Judges in Inferior Courts and is conceiv'd in the following words Provided That no Iudge or Iudges Iustice or Iustices whatsoever shall adjudge or interpret any Act or Thing to be Treason nor hear or determine any Treason in any other manner than he or they should or ought to have done before the making of this Act. As Archbishop Laud was nothing inferior to the Earl of Strafford in Parts and much his Superior in Learning The Fall and Character of Archbishop Laud. so it is as hard to determine which of the two made a Nobler Defence at their Trial. The Fate of the former has been the same with that of most Great Men to be represented to Posterity in Extremes for we have nothing writ of him but what 's either Panegyrick or Satyr rather than History That Archbishop Laud was brought to his Trial and found Guilty during the Heat of a Civil War and when all things were tending
nothing short of Strafford or Falkland the Two most Celebrated Pens of that time As to his Religion he was Protestant and in the strictest sense of the Church of England and for the Divine Right of Episcopacy But his consenting personally to the total Abolition of that Order in Scotland does not well agree with this part of his Character especially considering his repeated Protestations at the Treaties of Vxbridge and Newport That he could not supersede it but for a time in England What his Opinion was about Subjects defending their Religion and Liberties by Force of Arms appear'd in the business of Rochell For though some would have had us believe of late That Defensive Arms were inconsistent with the Principles of the Church of England it 's hop'd they will not deny but King Charles I. understood the Doctrine and Principles of that Church as well as any other Person can pretend to do and yet its certain that in his Practice and Declarations he allow'd of the People of Rochell's vindicating their Religion and Liberties from the Encroachments made by their Sovereign and that by Force of Arms and assisted them in so doing King Charles did not only assist the Rochellers after the War was actually begun His assisting the Rochellers but we have reason to believe that he encourag'd them to it at first if we look into the Duke of Rhoan 's Memoirs and Apology where that Great Man acquaints the World in what manner he was brought into that War in these words as near as I can translate them from the Original When all our Privileges says he were violated and our Religion brought to Ruin and the City of Rochell in the greatest Danger I could see no possibility to escape but was upon the sad thoughts of submitting our selves to the Mercy of the King meaning Lewis the XIIIth Being in this desperate state there came a Gentleman to me from the King of England who told me from his Master That he seeing our Privileges were violated and our Religion in danger of being subverted had taken compassion on our Sufferings and thought himself oblig'd in Honour and Conscience to assist and protect us which he was resolv'd to do by employing all his Kingdoms and his own Person in so just a War Provided we would join our Arms with his and not enter into any Treaty with the King meaning the French King without him and for that effect he would make War against the French King both by Sea and Land Intreating me continues the Duke of Rhoan not to abandon my Party in so just and honourable a War And a little after in the same Apology he has these words I refer it to all the World if I can be justly call'd the Author of the Third War considering I was sollicited to it by the King of Great Britain But suppose there were no Credit to be given to the Duke of Rhoan whose Honour and Veracity even his very Enemies never call'd in question and suppose it were false which all the World knows to be true that King Charles did actually assist the Rochellers again and again against their Prince yet we have Authentick Accounts of several Speeches made by the Duke of Buckingham's Secretary to the Rochellers and of several Messages sent to them from the Duke in name of the King his Master all to the same purpose And likewise a Manifesto publish'd by him and sign'd with his own Hand dated Iuly 21. 1627. aboard the Admiral Ship in which he has this Expression No private Interest says he has oblig'd my Master to make War against the French King but merely the Defence of the Protestant Church My Master's design is the Re-establishment of the Church their Good is his Interest and their Contentment his End We have also Authentick Copies of the League betwixt King Charles and the People of Rochell in which there is this Expression That the Rochellers may be deliver'd from the Oppressions they groan under And to sum up all there were two Letters writ by King Charles with his own Hand to the Rochellers which are mention'd by Monsieur Mervault a Syndic of that Town and who was active in the whole matter and present during the whole Siege of which the Copies follow To the Mayor Sheriffs Peers and Burgesses of the City of Rochell Gentlemen BE not discouraged though my Fleet be return'd Hold out to the last for I am resolv'd that my whole Fleet shall perish rather than you be not reliev'd For this effect I have order'd It to return back to your Coasts and am sending several Ships to reinforce it With the Help of God the Success shall be happy for you At Westminster May 19. O. S. 1628. Your Good Friend CHARLES R. The other Letter directed as before runs thus Gentlemen I Have been very much troubled to hear that my Fleet was upon the point of returning home without obeying my Orders in supplying you with Provisions cost what it will I have commanded them to return to your Road and not to come away until you are supply'd or at least till they are reinforc'd which I have order'd to be done with all diligence Assure your selves That I shall never abandon you and that I shall employ the whole Power of my Kingdom for your deliverance until God assist me to obtain for you an assured Peace Given at our Palace of Westminster May 27. O. S. 1628. Your Good Friend CHARLES R. I have dwelt the longer upon this Subject because it is easy to draw a Parallel betwixt this Case of King Charles's assisting Subjects against their King in the Defence of their Religion and Liberties and that of another Prince's doing the same upon a late occasion But as the former had no other Right to interpose in the one but the common Interest of Religion so the other had over and above that the Right of a Prince of the Blood and the Interest of the Presumptive Heir of the Crown all which alter'd the Case greatly to the advantage of the latter King Charles was as unfortunate in this War with France as he was in all others he engag'd in The poor City of Rochell after a long and Cruel Siege amidst the Horrors of Famine and Death was at last forc'd to submit to the Will of the Conqueror and the loss of that Bulwark of the French Liberty was in some time follow'd by the total Ruin of the Protestant Interest in France The English Fleet lay within view of the Town when it was taken and which added to the Misfortune that mighty Dyke that had been rais'd at inestimable Charges to block up the Harbour fell down the very next day after the Surrender and open'd a Passage for the Fleet that came to relieve it when it was now too late During this War he lost his Favourite The Character of the D of Buckingham George Villiers Duke of Buckingham This Gentleman was one of the greatest Prodigies of Fortune that
any Age has produc'd and gave us a signal Instance how far it is possible for the same Person to be the Favourite of two Successive Monarchs He possess'd King Iames's Favour without a Rival and without any other Interruption but that Cloud which the Intrigues of Spain rais'd against him in the King's mind which has been already hinted at wherein the Son shar'd equally with the Favourite and which Bishop Williams's dexterity soon dissipated King Charles out-did his Father in his Kindness to Buckingham and had no Favourite after him He had all the Qualities that are requisite for a Court and fit to acquire and preserve his Master's Affection Notwithstanding he was in his Temper highly Generous and Beneficent and that there were few Great Families in England but he had some way or other oblig'd either in themselves or their Relations yet he fell under the Misfortune that attends Favourites but it must be own'd he was rather envied than hated He had the ill luck to be charg'd with a great many things of which he was innocent and particularly in relation to the Spanish Match By all that I have seen he deserv'd the Thanks of the Nation upon that account rather than an Impeachment in Parliament For it was he chiefly that broke off that Match when he saw how much King Iames suffer'd in his Honour through the manner he was treated in it which he found out sooner than the King did himself It 's none of the least Proofs of the Duke of Buckingham's Innocency in these matters that Spanhemius in his History of the Electrice Palatine writ long after Buckingham's Death speaks always honourably of him in the Business of the Palatinate whereas at the same time he exposes King Iames's Conduct It 's a vulgar mistake That he came to be the First Minister merely through the Caprice of King Iames for the Court unanimously promoted his Interest and recommended him to the highest Favour in opposition to Somerset whose Arrogancy Covetousness and Pride had disoblig'd every body and made both the King and the Court weary of him No Servant did his Master more Honour in the Magnificence of his Train and the splendid Manner of his living especially in his Embassy to France whâ—re in the Gracefulness of his Person and Nobleness of his Behaviour and Equipage he out-did any thing that ever was seen of that kind before He was more form'd for a Court than a Camp and though very Brave in his Person he was Unsuccessful in the only Military Expedition he was engag'd in which was that of Rochell And when he was upon the embarking a second time to repair that Disgrace he was basely murder'd amidst a Croud of his Friends and in the height of his Glory To return to King Charles's Character If he had any Personal Faults they were much over-weigh'd by his Virtues But an Immoderate Desire of Power beyond what the Constitution did allow of was the Rock he split upon He might have been happy if he had trusted more to his own Judgment than that of those about him for as in his nature he was an Enemy to all violent Measures so was he apt to submit his own Reason to that of others when any such things came under consideration There was another Error that run through the whole Management of his Affairs both Domestick and Publick and which occasion'd a great part of his Misfortunes He appear'd many times stiff and positive in denying at first what he granted afterwards out of time and too late to give satisfaction which encourag'd ambitious and interested Persons to ask more than they thought of at first and lost him the fruits of his former Concessions So that in the whole Conduct of his Life he verified this Maxim That Errors in Government have ruin'd more Princes than their Personal Vices I shall have done with this Melancholy Subject after the Reader has been acquainted with one remarkable Accident not hitherto mention'd with that Exactness it deserves by any Author I know of which considering its Consequences is an extraordinary Instance upon what small Hinges the greatest Revolutions may turn That the principal Rise of all King Charles's latter Troubles The true Cause of the Scots coming first into England was from the Second War with the Scots has been already show'd But what the Motives were that embolden'd the Scots to alter their Measures from those they had observ'd in the first War continues in great part a Mystery to this day In the first War they stood upon the Defensive only and came no further than their own Borders but in the second they acted so much in the offensive that they march'd into England as far as Durham and were coming on further if the Treaty that was set afoot at Rippon had not stopt them All the Accounts we have of this proceeding of the Scots do seem to be grounded upon the Informations they had of the Backwardness of England to assist the King in this War and that they were well assur'd of Friends all over the Kingdom and some of nearest access to the King's Person who they knew would interpose in their behalf rather than Matters should come to Extremities But these general Encouragements can hardly be thought to have had such weight with the Scots as to make them venture upon so bold an Attempt and therefore it 's but reasonable to believe they went upon surer Grounds when they made this Invasion This matter will be set in a clearer Light when the Reader is acquainted That a Forg'd Letter pretended to be sent from some of the most Leading Men of the Nobility of England came to have the same effects as if it had been a True One and really sign'd by the same Persons whose Names were affix'd to it Which fell out in this manner After the Pacification at Duns which put an end to the first War the King at his Return to London was prevail'd with upon the account of several things the Scots were said to have done contrary to the Articles of the Treaty and the Duty of Subjects to order the Pacification to be burnt by the hands of the Common Hangman To reduce them to obedience he was meditating a New War and in order thereto was levying another Army and was pleas'd to call a Parliament to assist him in it The Scots had their Commissioners at London at that time who wanted not Friends in both Houses to inform them of every thing that happen'd in Parliament and Council which they fail'd not to write home to their Countrey advising them to be on their Guard and to put themselves in a posture not to be surpriz'd The Scots knowing how matters went in England and that a new Storm was like to break out upon them were resolv'd to put themselves into a Posture of Defence and to the Forces they had not yet disbanded they added considerable new Levies both of Horse and Foot Their Preparations went faster on
Yatchts were waiting to Transport some Person of Quality without mentioning who it was or whither bound The Romish Party that manag'd about Court were observ'd to be more than ordinary diligent and busy up and down Whitehall and St. Iames's as if some very important Affair was in agitation and a new and unusual Concern was to be seen on their Countenances Nor was it any wonder for in this suspected Change they were like to be the only Losers and all their teeming Hopes were in a fair way to be disappointed How far the Principles of some of that Party might leave them at liberty to push on their Revenge for this design'd Affront as well as to prevent the Blow that threaten'd them though without the Privacy much less the Consent of the Duke of York is left to the Reader to judge There was a Foreign Minister that some days before the King fell ill order'd his Steward to buy a considerable Parcel of Black Cloth which serv'd him and his Retinue after for Mourning And the late Ambassador Don Pedro Ranquillor made it no Secret that he had a Letter from Flanders the Week before King Charles died that took notice of his Death as the News there But both these might fall out by mere Accident There remains two things more that deserve some Consideration in this matter When his Body was open'd there was not sufficient time given for taking an exact Observation of his Stomach and Bowels which one would think ought chiefly to have been done considering the violent Pains he had there And when a certain Physician seem'd to be more inquisitive than ordinary about the Condition of those Parts he was taken aside and reprov'd for his needless Curiosity In the next place his Body stunk so extremely within a few Hours after his Death notwithstanding the Coldness of the Season that the People about him were extremely offended with the Smell Which is a thing very extraordinary in one of his strong and healthful Constitution and is not a proper Consequent of a mere Apoplectical Distemper There was some Weight laid upon an Accident that fell out at Windsor some Years before his Death For the King drinking more liberally than usual after the Fatigue of Riding he retir'd to the next Room and wrapping himself up in his Cloak fell aslep upon a Couch He was but a little time come back to the Company when a Servant belonging to one of them lay down upon the same Couch in the King's Cloak and was found stabb'd dead with a Ponyard Nor was it ever known how it happen'd but the matter hush'd up and no Enquiry made about it To conclude Dr. Short who was a Man of great Probity and Learning and a Roman-Catholick made no scruple to declare his Opinion to some of his intimate Friends That he believ'd King Charles had foul Play done him And when he came to dye himself express'd some suspicion that he had met with the same Treatment for opening his mind too freely in that Point So much for the Circumstances of King Charles's Death that seem to have an Ill Aspect There are others that seem to destroy all Suspicions of Treachery in the matter As First He had liv'd so fast as might enervate in a great measure the Natural Force of his Constitution and exhaust his Animal Spirits and therefore he might be more subject to an Apoplexy which is a Disease that weakens and locks up these Spirits from performing their usual Functions And though in his later Years he had given himself more up to the Pleasures of Wine than of Women that might rather be the effect of Age than of Choice Next it 's known he had been once or twice attack'd before with Fits that much resembled those of which he afterwards died And yet as the manner of them is told they look rather to have been Convulsive Motions than an Apoplexy seeing they were attended with violent Contorsions of his Face and Convulsions of his whole Body and Limbs This is the more confirm'd by a Passage that happen'd during the Heat of the Popish Plot. King Charles had some secret Matter to manage at that time by the means of a Romish Priest then beyond Sea whom he order'd to be privately sent for And the Gentleman employ'd betwixt the King and him from whom I had the Story was directed to bring him in a Disguise to Whitehall The King and the Priest were a considerable time together alone in the Closet and the Gentleman attended in the next Room At last the Priest came out with all the marks of Fright and Astonishment in his Face and having recover'd himself a little he told the Gentleman That he had run the greatest Risque ever man did for while he was with the King his Majesty was suddenly surpriz'd with a Fit accompanied with violent Convulsions of his Body and Contorsions of his Face which lasted for some Moments and when he was going to call out for help the King held him by force till it was over and then bid him not to be afraid for he had been troubled with the like before the Priest adding what a condition he would have been in considering his Religion and the present Juncture of Affairs if the King had died of that Fit and no body in the Room with him besides himself But leaving this Story to the Credit of the Priest there might be another Natural Cause assign'd for King Charles's falling into such a Fit as that of which he died which is this He had had for some time an Issue in his Leg which run much and consequently must have made a great Revulsion from his Head upon which account it 's probable it was made A few Weeks before his Death he had let it be dried up contrary to the Advice of his Physicians who told him it would prejudice his Health Their Prognostick was partly true in this that there came a painful Tumor upon the place where the Issue had been which prov'd very obstinate and was not thoroughly heal'd up when he died In fine it is agreed on all hands that King Charles express'd no Suspicion of his being poyson'd during all the time of his Sickness Though it must be also observed that his Fits were so violent that he could not speak when they were upon him and show'd an Aversion to speaking during the Intervals And there was not any thing to be seen upon opening his Body that could reasonably be attributed to the force of Poyson Yet to allow these Considerations no more weight than they can well bear this must be acknowledg'd That there are Poysons which affect originally the Animal Spirits and are of so subtle a nature that they leave no concluding Marks upon the Bodies of those they kill Thus Reign'd The Character of King Charles II. and thus Died King Charles the Second a Prince endow'd with all the Qualities that might justly have rendred him the Delight of Mankind and entitled him
Attainder past in Parliament in order to which evey Member of the House of Commons return'd the Names of all such Protestant Gentlemen as liv'd near them or in the County or Borough for which he serv'd and if he was Stranger to any of them he sent to the Countrey for Information about them When this Bill was presented to the King for his Assent the Speaker of the House of Commons told him That many were attainted in that Act upon such Evidence as satisfied the House and the rest upon common Fame In this Act there were no fewer Attainted than Two Archbishops One Duke Seventeen Earls Seven Countesses Twenty eight Viscounts Two Viscountesses Seven Bishops Eighteen Barons Thirty three Baronets Fifty one Knights Eighty three Clergymen Two thousand one hundred eighty two Esquires and Gentlemen And all of them unheard declar'd and adjudg'd Traytors convicted and attainted of High Treason and adjudg'd to suffer the pains of Death and Forfeiture The famous Proscription of Rome during the last Triumvirate came not up in some respects to the Horror of this for there were condemn'd in this little Kingdom more than double the Number that were proscrib'd through the vast Bounds of the Roman Empire And to make this of Ireland yet the more terrible and to put the Persons Attainted out of a possibility of escaping the Act it self was conceal'd and no Protestant allow'd a Copy of it till Four Months after it was past Whereas in that of Rome the Names of the Persons proscrib'd were affix'd upon all the Publick Places of the City the very day the Proscription was concerted and thereby opportunity was given to many of the Noblest Families in Rome to preserve themselves by a speedy flight for better Times There remain'd but one Kingdom more for the Romish Party to act their Designs in and that was Scotland where they reap'd a full Harvest of their Hopes and there were scarce left the least Remains of Ancient Liberty in that Nation Their Miseries were summ'd up in one new-coin'd Word which was us'd in all the King's Declarations and serv'd to express to the full their Absolute Slavery which was this That his Subjects were oblig'd to obey him without Reserve A Word that the Princes of the East how Absolute soever they be did never yet pretend to in their Stile whatever they might in their Actions But I leave the Detail of the Encroachments that were made upon the Laws and Liberties of that Kingdom to others that may be thought more impartial as having suffer'd less in their Ruins While King Iames was thus push'd on by a headstrong Party The Interest that Foreign Princes and States had in England to enslave his Subjects the other Princes and States of Europe look'd on with quite different Sentiments according as their own Interests and Safety mov'd them The greater part did commiserate the Fate of these Three Kingdoms and wish'd for their Deliverance The Protestants saw with Regret that they themselves were within an immediate Prospect of losing the most considerable Support of their Religion and both they and the Roman-Catholicks were equally convinc'd that it was their common Interest to have England continue in a condition to be the Arbiter of Christendom especially at a time when they saw they most needed it On the other hand it was the Interest of another Prince that not only the King of England should be his Friend but the Kingdom of England should become inconsiderable abroad which it could not fail to be when enslav'd at home King Iames had been again and again sollicited not only by Protestant Princes but those of his own Religion to enter into other Measures for the common Safety of Europe at least not to contribute to its Ruin by espousing an Interest which they judg'd was opposite to it The Emperor among others had by his Ambassador made repeated Instances to him to this purpose but with no better Success than the rest as appears by a Letter he writ to him after his Abdication The Emperor's Letter to K. Iames in Latin printed at London 1689. which has been Printed in several Languages and was conceiv'd in Elegant Latin as all the Publick Dispatches of that Court are But all these Remonstrances had no weight with King Iames though they had this good effect in the end as to put those Princes and States upon such Measures as secur'd to them the Friendship of England in another way The Power of France was by this time become the Terror and Envy of the rest of Europe and that Crown had upon all sides extended its Conquests The Empire Spain and Holland seem'd to enjoy a precarious Peace while the common Enemy of the Christian Name was making War with the Emperor and the State of Venice and was once very near being Master of the Imperial Seat whereby he might have carried the War into the Bowels of Germany The main Strength of the Empire being turn'd against the Turks and that with various Success there was another War declar'd against the Emperor by France so that it came to be absolutely necessary for Spain and Holland to interpose not as Mediators for that they were not to hope for but as Allies and Partners in the War These last as well as the other Princes and States that lay nearest the Rhine were expos'd to the Mercy of a Prince whom they were not able to resist if England should look on as Neuters or take part against them the last of which they had reason to fear Thus it happen'd that the Fortune of England and that of the greatest part of Christendom came to be link'd together and their common Liberties must of necessity have undergone one and the same Fate The latter from a Natural Principle of Self-Preservation were resolv'd to make their last Effort to break the Fetters which they saw were ready to be impos'd upon them And the other animated by the Example of their Ancestors and the Constitution of their Countrey which is diametrically opposite to Tyranny were resolv'd to venture All to retrieve themselves and their Posterity from the Chains that were already put upon them Both the one and the others might have struggled in vain to this day with the Ruin that threaten'd them The Interest the Prince of Orange had in England if Heaven in pity to their Condition had not provided in the Person of the Prince of Orange the only Sanctuary that was left them to shelter their sinking State This Prince by his Mother was a Nephew of England and in Right of the Princess his Wife the Presumptive Heir of the Crown By his Father's side he was Heir of an Illustrious Family that had eterniz'd their Name by delivering their Countrey from Slavery and laying the Foundation of a mighty Commonwealth which has since prov'd the greatest Bulwark of the Protestant Religion and the chief Support of the Liberty of Christendom A Family born for the good of Mankind to
to give you my Iudgâ—ment of your Proceedings in your Convocation as you call it and both as Rex in solio and unus Gregis in Ecclesia I am doubly concerned My Title to the Crown no body calls in question but they that neither love you nor me and you guess whom I mean All that you and your Brethren have said of a King in Possession for that Word I tell you is no worse than that you make use of in your Canon concerns not me at all I am the next Heir and the Crown is mine by all Rights you can name but that of Conquest and Mr Solicitor has sufficiently express'd my own Thoughts concerning the Nature of Kingship in general and concerning the nature of it ut in mea persona And I believe you were all of his Opinion at least none of you said ought contrary to it at the time he spake to you from me But you know all of you as I think that my Reason of calling you together was to give your Iudgments how far a Christian and a Protestant King may concur to assist his Neighbours to shake of their Obedience to their once Sovereign upon the Account of Oppression Tyranny or what else you like to name it In the late Queen's time this Kingdom was very free in assisting the Hollanders both with Arms and Advice And none of your Coat ever told me that any scrupled about it in her Reign Vpon my coming to England you may know that it came from some of your selves to raise Scruples about this Matter And albeit I have often told my Mind concerning Jus Regium in Subditos as in May last in the Star-Chamber upon the occasion of Hales his Pamphlet yet I never took any notice of these Scruples till the Affairs of Spain and Holland forc'd me to it All my Neighbours call on me to concur in the Treaty between Holland and Spain and the Honour of the Nation will will not suffer the Hollanders to be abandoned especially after so much Money and Men spent in their Quarrel Therefore I was of the Mind to call my Clergy together to satisfy not so much me as the World about us of the Iustness of my owning the Hollanders at this time This I needed not have done and you have forced me to say I wish I had not You have dipp'd too deep in what all Kings reserve among the Arcana Imperii And what ever Aversion you may profess against God's being the Author of Sin you have stumbled upon the Threshold of that Opinion in saying upon the Matter that even Tyranny is God's Authority and should be reverenc'd as such If the King of Spain should return to claim his old Pontifical Right to my Kingdom you leave me to seek for others to fight for it For you tell us upon the matter beforehand his Authority is God's Authority if he prevail Thus far the Secretary's Hand as I take it follows the rest in the King 's own Hand thus Mr. Doctor I have no time to express my Mind farther in this thorny business I shall give you my Orders about it by Mr. Solicitor and until then meddle no more in it for they are Edge-Tools or rather like that Weapon that 's said to cut with the one edge and cure with the other I commit you to God's Protection good Doctor Abbot and rest Your good Friend Iames R. APPENDIX Containing a Collection of Instruments and Original Papers referr'd to in the former Memoirs NUMB. I. The Character of the Members of the House of Commons in Queen Elizabeth's Time Naunton's Fragmenta Regalia p. 13 14. and how differing from those in the Reign of King James WE must ascribe some part of the Commendation to the Wisdom of the Times and the Choice of Parliament-men For I find not that they were at any time given to any violent or pertinacious dispute Elections being made of grave and discreet Persons not factious and ambitious of Fame such as came not to the House with a malevolent Spirit of Contention but with a preparation to consult on the publick good rather to comply than contest with her Majesty Neither do I find that the House was at any time weaken'd and pester'd with the admission of too many Young Heads as it hath been of later times Which remembers me of Recorder Martin's Speech about the Tenth of our late Sovereign Lord King Iames when there were accounts taken of Forty Gentlemen not above Twenty and some not exceeding Sixteen which moved him to say That it was the ancient Custom for Old Men to make Laws for Young ones but that then he saw the Case alter'd and that there were Children elected unto the great Council of the Kingdom which came to invade and invert Nature and to enact Laws to govern their Fathers Sure we are the House always took the Common Cause into their Consideration and they saw the Queen had just occasion and need enough to use their assistance Neither do I remember that the House did ever capitulate or prefer their private to the publick the Queen's Necessities c. but waited their times and in the first place gave their Supply and according to the Exigency of her Affairs yet failed not at last to obtain what they desired so that the Queen and her Parliaments had ever the good fortune to depart in Love and on reciprocal Terms which are Considerations which have not been so exactly observed in our last Assemblies as they might and I would to God they had been For considering the great Debt left on the King and in what Incumbrances the House it self had then drawn him his Majesty was not well used though I lay not the blame on the whole Suffrage of the House where he had many good Friends for I dare avouch had the House been freed of half a dozen of popular and discontented Persons such as with the Fellow that burnt the Temple at Ephesus would be talked of tho but for doing of mischief I am confident the King had obtained that which in reason and at his first Accession he ought to have received freely and without any condition NUMB. II. The Character of Cecil Naunton Ibid. p. 80 81 82 83. Earl of Salisbury with his Letter to the Lord Mountjoy about the Spaniards Invading Ireland AND so again to this great Master of State and the Staff of the Queen's declining Age who though his little crooked Person could not promise any great supportation yet it carried thereon a Head and a Head-piece of a vast content and therein it seems Nature was so diligent to compleat one and the best part about him as that to the perfection of his Memory and Intellectuals she took care also of his Senses and to put him in Linceos Oculos or to pleasure him the more borrowed of Argos so to give unto him a Prospective Sight And for the rest of his Sensitive Virtues his Predecessor Walsingham had left him a Receit