the King and Land And he told me That Beddingfield could have no right to that which he had sold and that the right was in the King who would readily grant it to the good use intended and that we should have his best assistance to recover it And indeed I found him real to us in this Business from first to last yet did Beddingfield by the friendship of the Attorney General and some others so delay the Business as bringing it to a Suit in Chancery he kept Mr. Ashurst in a Twelve-months trouble before he could recover the Land but when it came to Judgment the Lord Chancellour spake very much against him and granted a Decree for the New Corporation For I had procured of him before the King 's Grant of a New Corporation and Mr. Ashurst and my self had the naming of the Members And we desired Mr. Robert Boyle a worthy Person of Learning and a Publick Spirit and Brother to the Earl of Cork to be President now called Governour and I got Mr. Ashurst to be Treasurer again and some of the old Members and many other godly able Citizens made up the rest Only we left the Nomination of some Lords to his Majesty as not presuming to nominate such And the Lord Chancellour Lord Chamberlain and six or seven more were added But it was Mr. Boyle and Mr. Ashurst with the Citizens that did the Work But especially the care and trouble of all was on Mr. Ashurst And thus that Business was happily restored § 149. And as a fruit of this his Majesty's Favour Mr. Elliot sent the King first the New Testament and then the whole Bible translated and printed in the Indian's Language Such a Work and Fruit of a Plantation as was never before presented to a King And he sent word that next he would print my Call to the Unconveried and then The Practice of Piety But Mr. Boyle sent him word it would be better taken here if the Practic of Piety were printed before any thing of mine At the present the Revenues of the Land goeth most to the maintaining of the Press Upon the occasion of this Work I had these Letters of Thanks from the Court and Governour in New-England and from Mr. Norton and Mr. Elliot Reverend and much honoured Sir THat we who are personally unknown to you do in this manner apply our selves is rendred not only excusable but unless we will be ingrateful necessary by Obligations from your self with whom the interest of poor Strangers in a remote Wilderness hath been so regarded as to shew them kindness and that we believe upon the best account i.e. for the Lord's sake We have understood from those that were employed by us with what loving and cordial readiness you did upon request put forth your self to further our Concernments in our late Applications to his Majesty for which act of favour and love we cannot but return our unfeigned thankful Acknowledgments and the rather because we know no Argument that could move your Thoughts in it but that of the poor Prophets Widow viz. That your Charity did look upon your Servants as Fearers of the Lord Love unto whom we perswade our selves was the Root that bare this Fruit of Love and Kindness to us and that at such a time as this We trust the faithful God will not forget your Work and Labour of Love which you have shewed towards his Name in ministring to the help of some part of his unworthy People who are Exiles in this Wilderness we hope for his Names sake Sir You shall further oblige this poor People and do that will not be unpleasing to him who is our Lord and yours by the continuance of your Love and Improvement of your Interests and Opportunities in our behalf What advantage God hath put into your hands and reserved your weak Body unto by access unto Persons of Honour and Trust or otherways we hope it will be no grief of heart unto you another day if you shall improve part thereof this way â— All that we desire is Liberty to serve God according to the Scriptures Liberty unto Errour and Sin or to set up another Rule besides the Scriptures we neither wish to be allowed to our selves nor would we willingly allow it unto others If in any thing we should mistake the meaning of the Scriptures as we hope it is not in any Fundamental Matter that we do so having therein the Concurrence of all the godly Orthodox of the Reformed Protestant Religion so on the other hand in Matters of an inferiour and more difficult Nature wherein godly Christians may differ and should bear difference without disturbance we are willing and desirous to live and learn by any orderly means that God hath appointed for our Learning and Instruction and glad shall we be of the opportunity to learn in peace The Liberty aforesaid we have by the favour of God now for many years enjoyed and the same advantaged and encouraged by the Constitution of our Civil Government according to Concessions and Priviledges granted and established to us by the gracious Letters Patents of King Charles the First the continuance of which Priviledges concerning which his Majesty's late gracious Letter to us hath given us very great encouragement is our earnest and just desire for nothing that is unjust or not honest both in the sight of the Lord and also of Men do we seek or would allow our selves in We hope we shall continue as faithful Subjects to his Majesty according to our Duty and be every way as beneficial to the Interest of our Nation under an Elective Government as under an Imposed But sundry particular Persons for private respects are as we hear earnestly soliciting to bring Changes upon us and do put in many high Complaints against us in special that the Generation of the Quakers are our bitter and restless Enemies complaining of Persecution but are themselves most troublesome and implacable Per secâ—â—â—â—â— of us who desire but to keep our own Vineyard in peace Our hope is in God who hath hitherto helped us and who is able to keep open for us a great and effectual Door of Liberty to serve him and opportunity to advance his Name in this Wilderness although there be many Adversaries among which he can raise up for us some Friends as he hath done your self And as a Friend loveth at all times and a Brother is born for Adversity so may you in this time of our threatned Adversity still perform the part of a Friend as opportunity serves we shall be further much ingaged to ThanKfulness unto God and you who are SIR Your Friends and Brethren in the Faith of Christ Jo. Endecott Governour With the Consent and by Order of the General Court Boston in New-England this 7th of August 1661. To the Reverend and much Honoured Mr. Richard Baxter one of his Majesty's Chaplains in Ordinary Reverend and dear Sir THough you are unknown to me by Face yet not
with him into Scotland Mr. Baxter's Letter to him upon that occasion p. 75. Another Letter of his to the Earl of Lauderdail p. 77. falsly pag'd 93. a Letter of his to Sir Robert Murrey about a Body of Church Discipline for Scotland which was sent to him for his Iudgment about it p. 78. the Affair of the Marquis of Antrim with reference to his Commission from K. Charles 1. p. 83. of Du Moulin's Jugulum Causae and two Books of Dr. Fowler 's p. 85. of Serjeant Fountain's kindness to him p. 86. of Major Blood and his stealing the Crown p. 88. of the shutting up the Exchequer by which Mr. Baxter lost a thousand pounds which he had devoted to charitable uses p. 89. of Fowlis's History of Romish Treasons p. 90. Characters of many of the silenc'd Ministers of Worcestershire Warwickshire in and about London c. from p. 90 to p. 98. the second Dutch War and the Declaration for Liberty of Conscience thereupon p. 99. the different Sentiments of People about the desirableness either of an establisht Toleration or a Comprehension p. 100. Mr. Baxter gets a License p. 102. the Merchants Lecture set up at Pinners-Hall and Mr. Baxter's Accusations for his Sermons there p. 103. Malitious Writings and Accusations of Parker and others ibid. a private Conference between Mr. Baxter and Bp. Gunning p. 104 the Parliament jealous of the growth of Popery p. 106. a private Conference of Mr. Baxter's with Edward Wray Esq. about the Popish Controversies p. 107. Mr. Falkener writes for Conformity p. 108. a Letter of Mr. Baxter's to the Earl of Orery about a general Union of all Protestants against Popery with Proposals for that purpose p. 109 c. the Strictures return'd upon these Proposals with the Answers to them from p. 113. to 140. More bitter and malignant Writings against the Nonconformists p. 141. a Paper of Mr. John Humphreys for Comprehension with Indulgence that was distributed among the Parliament men p. 143 c. a great change of Affairs in Scotland p. 147. a Character of Mr. Thomas Gouge the silenc'd Minister of St. Sepulchres p. 147. a Letter of Mr. Baxter's to Dr. Good Master of Baliol Colledge in Oxford about some passages in a Book he had lately publish'd p. 148. fresh Accusations whereby Mr. Baxter was assaulted p. 151. a Deliverance when he was preaching over St. James's Market-house p. 152. his success while he preach't there and his opposition p. 153. a Proclamation publish'd to call in the Licenses and require the Execution of the Laws against the Nonconformists ib. false Reports about his preaching at Pinners-Hall p. 154. Mr. Baxter apprehended as a Conventicler p. 155. a difference at Court on occasion of Mr. Baxter's Sufferings p. 156. a private Treaty between Dr. Stillingfleet Dr. Tillotson Dr. Bates Dr. Manton Mr. Baxter and Mr. Pool about an Act for Union and Comprehension p. 157. An Act for the Healing and Concord of his Majesty's Subjects in matters of Religion then agreed upon amongst thâ—m p. 158. Petitions Mr. Baxter was then put upon drawing up which were never presented 160. the Case of the City as to the Prosecution of Dissenters p. 165. falsly pag'd 565. an account of his trouble with Sir Thomas Davis ibid. great Debates about the Test in Parliament p. 167. a Censure of it p. 168. a penitent Confession of one of the Informers who had given Mr. Baxter much trouble p. 171. further troubles that he met with and weakness p. 172. a further Account of Sir Matthew Hale p. 175. of Mr. Read's imprisonment p. 176. Of the Additions of the years 1675 1676 1677 1678 c. OF Monsieur Le Blank 's Theses p. 177. of Dr. Jane's Sermon before my Lord Mayor and his Charge against Mr. Baxter ibid. further troubles he met with p. 178. a passage between the Bp. of Exeter and Mr. Sangar ibid. an horrid Lie reported of Mr. Baxter in a Coffee-house about his killing a Tinker the Reporter whereof was brought openly to confess his fault p. 179. Mr. Hollingworth's Sermon against the Nonconformists p. 180. a further passage of Sir Matth. Hale p. 181. Dr. Manton's death p. 182. about the Controversie of Predetermination started amongst the Nonconformists by a Book of Mr. How 's ib. of the Popish Plot and Sir Edmundbury Godfrey's murder c. p. 183. of several of Mr. Baxter's Writings p. 185. of the Writings of Dr. Stillingfleet Mr. Hinkley Mr. Dodwell and others against the Nonconformists p. 187 188. of the deaths of many of his dear Friends p. 189. some further account of Mr. Thomas Gouge p. 190. of his new apprehension and sickness p. 191. an Account of his Case at that time p. 192. the Iudgment of Saunders and Pollixtin about it p. 195. of some other of his Writings p. 196. of a Legacy of 600 l. left by Mr. Robert Mayot of Oxon to be distributed by Mr. Baxter among Sixty ejected Ministers p. 198. a further Account of his sufferings and weakness ibid. p. 199. The Appendix contains these several Pieces following Numb I. A Reply to some Exceptions against the Worcestershire Agreement a large Account whereof is given at the beginning of the second Part of this Narrative and Mr. Baxter's Christian Concord written by a nameless Author supposed to be Dr. Gunning and sent by Dr. Warmestry p. 1. Numb II. Several Letters that pass'd between Mr. Baxter and Mr. Martin Johnson about the Point of Ordination and particularly the necessity of a constant uninterrupted Succession in order to the validity of Ministerial Functions p. 18. Numb III. Several Letters between Mr. Baxter and Mr. Lamb p. 51. Numb IV. Letters and Papers between Mr. Baxter and Mr. Allen p. 67. Numb V. A Letter of Mr. Baxter's to Mr. Long of Exeter p. 108. Numb VI. A Resolution of this Case What 's to be done when the Law of the Land commands persons to go to their Parish Church and Parents require to go to private Meetings p. III Numb VII A Letter of Mr. Baxter's about the Case of Nevil Symmons Bookseller p. 117. Numb VIII Mr. Baxter's general Defence of his accused Writings call'd Seditious and Schismatical p. 119. Numb IX An Act for Concord by Reforming Parish Churches and Regulating the Toleration of Dissenters p. 127. A Letter to the Right Worshipful Sir E. H. about that matter p. 130. Be pleased Candid Reader to correct these Errours in the beginning thus PAge 1. line 29. for and read one and after rest r. and. p. 2. l. 10. after clock r. in the. and l27 dele and. p. 3. l. 35. for being r. bringing me p. 4. l. 28. dele of and l. 40. after knowledge r. was l. 42. for wonder r. wondred p. 6. l. 17. r. that part of Physick p. 8. l. 29. r. usually p. 199. l. 14. for he r. it l. 46. for rejections r. objections The rest as they occur inter legendum for I could not attend the Press and prevent the Errata THE
and Formalists were not now broad enough nor of sufficient force The King's Party as their Serious Word called the Parliaments Party Rebels and as their common ludiâ—rous Name The Round-heads the original of which is not certainly known Some say it was because the Puritans then commonly wore short Hair and the King's Party long Hair Some sâ—y it was because the Queen at Strafford's Tryal asked who that Round-headed Man was meaning Mr. Pym because he spake so strongly The Parliaments Party called the other side commonly by the Name of Malignants as supposing that the generality of the Enemies of serious Godliness went that way in a desire to destroy the Religious out of the Land And the Parliament put that Name into their Mouths and the Souldiers they called Cavaliers because they took that Name to themselves and afterwards they called them Damme's because God Damn me was become a common Curse and as a By-word among them The King professed to sight for the Subjects Liberties the Laws of the Land and the Protestant Religion The Parliament profest the same and all their Commissions were granted as for King and Parliament for the Parliament professed that the Separation of the King from the Parliament could not be without a Destruction of the Government and that the Dividers were the Destroyers and Enemies to the State and if the Soldiers askt each other at any Surprize or Meeting who are you for those on the King's side said for the King and the others said for King and Parliament the King disowned their Service as a Scorn that they should say they fought for King and Parliament when their Armies were ready to charge him in the Field They said to this 1. That they fought to redeem him from them that took him a voluntary Captive and would separate him from his Parliament 2. That they fought against his Will only but not against his Person which they desired to rescue and preserve nor against his Authority which was for them 3. That as all the Courts of Justice do execute their Sentences in the King's Name and this by his own Law and therefore by his Authority so much more might his Parliament do § 52. But now we come to the main matter What satisfied so many of the intelligent part of the Countrey to side with the Parliament when the War began What inclined their Affections I have before shewed and it is not to be doubted but their Approbation of the Parliament in the cause of Reformation made them the easilier believe the lawfulness of their War But yet there were some Dissenters which put the matter to debates among themselves In Warwickshire Sir Francis Nethersole a religious Knight was against the Parliaments War and Covenant though not for the Justness of the War against them In Glocestershire Mr. Geree an old eminent Nonconformist and Mr. Copell a learned Minister who put out himself to prevent being put out for the Book of Recreations and some others with them were against the lawfulness of the War so was Mr. Lyford of Sherborn in Dorcetshire and Mr. Francis Bampfield his Successor and some other Godly Ministers in other Countries And many resolved to meddle on no side Those that were against the Parliaments War were of three Minds or Parties One Part thought that no King might be resisted but these I shall not take any more notice of The other thought that our King might not be at all resisted because he is our Sovereign and we have sworn to his Supremacy and if he be Supreme he hath neither Superior nor Equal And Oaths are to be interpreted in the strictest Sense The third sort granted that in some Cases the King might be resisted as Bilson and other Bishops hold but not in this Case 1. Because the Law giveth him the Militia which was contended for and the Law is the measure of Power 2. Because say they the Parliament began the War by permitting Tumults to deprive the Members of their Liberty and affront and dishonour the King 3. Because the Members themselves are Subjects and took the Oath of Allegiance and Supremacy and therefore have no Authority to resist 4. It is not lawful for Subjects to defend Reformation or Religion by Force against 〈◊〉 Soveraigns no such good Ends will warrant evil Means 5. It is contrary to the Doctrine of Protestants and the ancient Christians and Scripture it selfe which condemneth all that resist the higher Powers and as for the Primitive Christiansâ— it is well known they were acquainted with no other lawful Weapons against them but Prayers and Tears 6. It importeth a false Accusation of the King as if he were about to destroy Religion Liberties or Parliaments all which he is resolved to defend as in all his Declarations doth appear 7. It justifieth the Papists Doctrine and Practices of Rebellion and taketh the Odium from them unto our selves and layeth a Reproach upon the Protestant Cause 8. It proceedeth from Impatience and Distrust of God which causeth Men to fly to unlawful means Religion may be preserved better by patient Sufferings These were their Reasons who were against the Parliaments War which may be seen more at large in Mr. Dudly Digs his Book and Mr. Welden's and Mr. Michael Hudson's and Sir Francis Nethersole's § 53. As for those on the Parliaments side I will first tell you what they said to these Eight Reasons and next what Reasons moved them to take the other side 1. To the First Reason they said as before that for the Law to give the King the â—â—â—â—itia signifieth no more but that the People in Parliament consented to obey him in Matter of Wars and to fight for him and under his Conduct For the Law is nothing but the Consent of King and Parliament and the Militia is nothing but the Peoples own Swords and Strength And that this Consent of theirs should be supposed to be meant against themselves as if they consented to destroy themselves whenever he commanded it is an Exposition against Nature Sense and Reason and the common Sentiments of Mankind And they said that the same Law required Sheriffs to exercise the Militia in Obedience to the Decrees of his Courts of Justice and this against the King's Personal Commands and in the King's Name Because King and Parliament have by Law setled those Courts and Methods of Execution a Command of the King alone can no more prevail against them than it can abrogate a Law And the Law said they is above the King because King and Parliament are more than the King alone And they pretend also Presidents for their Resistance 2. To the Second they said that when 200000 Protestants were murdered in Ireland and their Friends so bold in England and the Parliaments Destruction so industruously endeavoured it was no time for them to rebuke their Friends upon terms of Civility and good Manners though their Zeal was mixt with Indiscretion and that if the Londoners had not shewed that Zeal
on it and made it larger and fit for common use This Book pleased Dr. Hammond much and many Rational Persons and some of those for whom it was written But the Women and weaker sort I found could not so well improve clear Reason as they can a few comfortable warm and pretty Sentences it is Style and not Reason which doth most with them And some of the Divines were angry with it for a Passage or two about Perseverance because I had said that many Men are certain of their present Sanctification which are not certain of their Perseverance and Salvation meaning all the Godly that are assured of their Sanctification and yet do not hold the certainty of Preserverance But a great Storm of Jealousie and Censure was by this and some such Words raised against me by many good Men who lay more on their Opinions and Party than they ought Therefore whereas some would have had me to retract it and others to leave it out of the next Impression I did the latter but instead of it I published not long after § 160. 5. My Book called R. B's Iudgment about the Perseverance of Believers In which I shewed them the Variety of Opinions about Perseverance and that Augustine and Prosper themselves did not hold the certain Perseverance of all that are truly sanctified though they held the Perseverance of all the Elect but held that there are more Sanctified than are Elect and that Perseverance is affixed to the Elect as such and not to the Sanctified as such which Bishop Usher averred to Dr. Kendal before my Face to be most certainly Austin's Judgment though both he and I did incline to another From hence and many other Arguments I inferred that the sharp Censures of Men against their Brethren for not holding a Point which Austin himself was against and no one Author can be proved to hold from the Apostles Days till long after Austin doth argue less Judgment and Charity than many of the Censurers seem to have I never heard of any Censure against these Papers though the few Lines which occasioned them had so much § 161. 6. Before this I had published two Assize Sermons entituled True Christianity one of Christ's Dominion and the other of his Sovereignty over all Men as Redeemer The first was preached before Judge Atkins Sir Tho. Rous being high Sheriff The second before Serjeant Glyn who desiring me to print it I thought meet to print the former with it § 162. 7. Also I published my Apology against divers that had printed Books against many things which I had written It consisteth of five parts 1. An Answer to Mr. Blake 2. An Answer to Dr. Kendall 3. A Confutation of Ludiomâ—us Colvinus 4. An Answer to Mr. Crandon 5. An Answer to Mr. Eyres The first Mr. Blake a reverend worthy Man of my acquaintance in a Treatise of the Covenants had written much I thought mistakingly against me and though I replyed without any sharpness it was very displeasing to him Dr. Kendall was little quick Spirited Man of great Ostentation and a Considerable Orator and Scholar He was driven on farther by others than his own Inclination would have led him He thought to get an Advantage for his Reputation by a Triumph over Iohn Goodwin and me for those that set him on work would needs have him conjoin us both together to intimate that I was an Arminian while I was replying to his first Assault he wrote a second and when I had begun a Reply to that meeting me at London he was so earnest to take up the Controversy engaging Mr. Vines to persuade me that Bishop Usher might determine it and I was so willing to be eased of such work and to end any thing which might be made a Temptation against Charity that I quickly yielded to Bishop Ushers Arbitriment who owned my Judgment about Universal Redemption Perseverance c. but desired us to write against each other no more and so my Second Reply was supprest As for Ludiomaeus Colvinus it is Ludovicus Molinaeus a Doctor of Physick and Son to Pet. Molinaeus and publick Professor of History in Oxford He wrote a small Latin Tractate against his own Brother Cyrus Molinaeus to prove that Justification is before Faith I thought I might be bold to conâ—ute him who chose the Truth and his own Brother to oppose Another small Assault the same Author made against me instead of a Reply for approving of Camero and Amiraldus's way about universal Redemption and Grace To which I answered in the Preface to ther Book But these things were so far from alienating the Esteem and Affection of the Doctor that he is now at this Day one of those Friends who are injurious to the Honour of their own Understanding by overvaluing me and would fain have spent his time in translating some of my Books into the French Tongue Mr. Crandon was a Man that had run from Arminianism into the Extream of half Antinomianism and having an excessive Zeal for his Opinions which seem to be honoured by the extolling of Free-grace and withal being an utter stranger to me he got a deep conceit that I was a Papist and in that persuasion wrote a large Book against my Aphorisms which moved laughter in many and pity in others and troubled his Friends as having disadvantaged their Cause As soon as the Book came abroad the news of the Author's death came with it who died a fortnight after its birth I had before hand got all save the beginning and end out of the Press and wrote so much of an Answer as I thought it worthy before the publication of it Mr. Eyres was a Preacher in Salisbury of Mr. Crandon's Opinion who having preached there for Justification before Faith that is the Justification of Elect Infidels was publickly confuted by Mr. Warren and Mr. Woodbridge a very judicious Minister of Newbury who had lived in New-England Mr. Woodbridge printed his Sermon which very perspicuously opened the Doctrine of Justification after the method that I had done Mr. Eyres being offended with me as a Partner gave me some part of his opposition to whom I returned an Answer in the end And a few words to Mr. Caryl who licensed and approved Mr. Crandon's Book for the Antinomians were commonly Independants No one of all the Parties replied to this Book save only Mr. Blake to some part of that which touched him § 162. 8. Because my Aphorisms had so provok'd so many and the noise was very loud against them to make the Passages plainer which ofended them about Justification Sanctification Merit Punishment c. I wrote a Book called The Confession of my Faith about those matters which I gave the World to save any more of them from misunderstanding my Aphorisms and declared my Suspension of my Aphorisms till I should reprint them intending only to correct two or three Passages and elucidate the rest But afterward I greatly affected to bring them into a small
may read them After this I received from Sir Ralph Clare these ensuing Papers as from some Courtiers which are of the same Strain with Dr. Gunning's which with my brief Answer I adjoin SIR THE Influence and Power you have in the present Pastor of your Church who is much famed abroad and had in a reverend Esteem as well for Piety of Life as for his Learning Moderation and desiring the Peace of the Church gives Encouragement to your old Acquaintance and Associate in that One-glorious Court of England to desire the Favour that this inclosed Paper may be presented to his Christian View and Consideration presuming so great is his Charity that he will not leave any wounded Soul unhealed wherein he is able to bestow his Balm In this he extends not his Charity alone as to a single Person but in me there are many more of your Friends included who would have appeared in Person or met in Conference were is not our Mansions are at too great a distance and the Malignity and Iealousy of Times challenges Retirements rather than Assemblies It is not civil in us to chalk the Method of Answering the Queries yet for Easement Sake and Brevity it will be satisfactory his free Concession of any Proposals in the Affirmative to be true without any Enlargement of Reasons and for those Queries which may and must admit Divisions Distinctions and Discourse on the Case let the reverend Gentleman use his own Form Iudgment and Discretion as believing he will proceed with such Candor and Impartiality as becometh a Man of his Calling and Eminency waving all By-Interests and Relations to any Party or Faction either regnant or eclipst which Act will deservedly heighten the high Esteem he is valued at and your self by this Honour done engage me and many more of your old Friends in me to subscribe our selves Your Servants Theophilus Church A feigned Name April 20. 1655. Certain Queries and Scruples of Conscience offered to some Learned Divines for Resolution and Satisfaction 1. WHETHER may a Christian Magistrate tolerate Liberty of Conscience in Religion and Church Discipline without Scandal 2. Whether may and ought a tender Conscience exercise and use his Liberty and Freedom without Violence inforced by Superiors 3. Whether in Matters of Government Ecclesiastical depending only of Fact the general and perpetual Practice of the Church from Age to Age be not a sufficient Evidence and Warrant of the Right Truth and certainty of the thing 4. Whether the Vocation of Bishops be an Order Lawful in it self 5. Whether the Regiment Ecclesiastical by Bishops hath not continued throughout the Christian Church ever since the Apostles untill Calvin's days No Church Orthodox dissenting 6. Whether was there ever since the Apostle's days so much as one national Church governed by a Presbytery without a Bishop untill Calvin's Days If so where was the Original in what Place by what Persons of what continuance and how was it lost or changed into Episcopacy and upon what Grounds or Motives 7. Whether the present Ministry in the Church of England as it now separated from their lawful Superiors or Bishops be not Schismatical 8. Whether all these Ministers that have taken the Oath of Canonical Obedience to their Bishops and have backsliden and submitted to those Powers that violently deprived the said Bishops of their legal Powers and Iurisdictions by yielding a voluntary Obedience to their Ordinances are not under a high Censure of Perjury and Schism 9. Whether those Ministers now pretended to be made and ordained in the Church of England only by their Fellow Ministers without a Bishop be true Ministers or no or else meer Lay Persons and bold Usurpers of the Sacred Function and Order like Corah and his Complices 10. Whether all those Ministers which are now in actual possession of the late Incumbents Parsonages and Cures of Souls and deprived for their only adhering and assisting their late lawful Prince and their Governour and also their Bishops to whom they owed all Canonical Obedience without and beside any Legal Induction or Admission may not be reputed as Intruders and false Shepherds 11. Whether it had not been an excellent part of Christian Perfection rather to endure passively lost of Liberty Estate and even of Life it self for the maintenance and defence of the Iust and Legal Rights invested in the Church and the Bishops it 's Superintendent Pastors and the Liturgy and Service of the Church than carnally for Self-interest and Ends to comply and submit even against their knowing Consciences to a violent and meer prevailing power and force in the abolishing of Episcopal Power and the daily Prayers and Service used in the Church 12. Whether all such Persons be not guilty of Schism and of Scandal given which Communicate and be present in such Ministers Congregations and Assemblies whether in Church or in private Meetings to hear their Prayers or Sermons or receive their Sacraments according to the now present mode and form more especially in the participation with them in the Sacrament of the Eucharist Or how far may a good Christian Communicate with such without just Scandal given or taken 13. Whether it be lawful and just for any Orthodox Minister or Episcoparian to accept of any Benefice with Cure of Souls as the state of the English Church now standeth visible and ruling without guilt of Schism by compliance to their Form 14. Whether as the Condition of the present Church of England is The Ministers thereof may not legally and so justifiably exercise and use against the late Liturgy of the Church there being no Statute Law prohibiting the same And whether those that continue the Observation of the late Directory be not perturbers of the Peace of the Church especially since the limitation of trial by a pretended Legality and Command for its observance is expired and not reconfirmed 15. Whether the old Iewish Church had not set Forms of Prayer whether St. John the Raptist our Saviour's Praecursor and our blessed Saviour himself taught not their Disciples set Forms of Prayers and whether the Christian Church especially since the time of Peace from the violence of Heathenish Persecution had not nor generally used set Forms of Prayer And whether the Ministers now ex tempore Prayers in the Church be not as well a set Form of Prayers to the Auditors whose Spirits are therein bounded as any set Form of Prayer used in the Church 16. Whether may a Christian without Scandal given appear to be a Godfather or Godmother to a Child in these New Assemblies where the Minister useth his own Dictates and Prayers and not of the ancient Liturgy except the Words of Baptism I Baptize thee A. B. in the Name of the Father c. 17. Whether any Supream Earthly Power or Powers Spiritual or Temporal joint or separate can alienate and convert to secular uses or imployments any Houses Lands Goods or Things once devoted offered and dedicated to God and his Church
said than never to hear it and also that it was said That this Baker was one that he had elected to be a Bishop This greatly troubled the King and he called for the Book that had the Catalogue of the Bishops which Secretary Nicholas brought and said there was no such Name But the King presently spied the Name and said There it was and charged that he should be enquired after The next day we learned that it was another Baker of the same Name with the Bishop And though we also learned that the Bishop himself was a Good-fellow yet because it was not the same Man I went the next day to Mr. Secretary Morrice and intreated him to certifie the King that it was another Baker that so the Bishop might receive no wrong by it which he promised to do Yet was it given out that we were Lyers and â—anderers that maliciously came to defame the Clergy And shortly after the Bishop put it into the News-Book That some Presbyterians had maliciously defamed him and that it was not he but another of his Name So that though the Fact was never questioned or denied yet was it a heinouser matter in us to say that it was reported to be an elect Bishop when it was as ancient a Priest of the same name than for the Man to preach and pray in his Drunkenness I never heard that he was rebuked for it but we heard enough of it § 147. Upon this Fact when we met and dined one day at the Lord Chamberlains among other talk of this Business I said That if I wished their hurt at one of their Enemies I should wish they were more such that their shame might cast them down Mr. Horton a young Man that was Chaplain to the Lord Chamberlain and then intended to conform answered That we must not wish evil that good may come of it To which I replyed There is no doubt of it far is it from me to say that I wish it but if I were their Enemy I could scarce wish them greater hurt and injury to their Cause than to set up such Men and that those are their Enemies whoever they be that perswade them to cast out learned godly Ministers and set up such in their room as these Yet did this Mr. Horton in his complying weakness to please that Party tell Dr. Bolton That I wished that they were all such And Dr. Bolton told it from Table to Table and published it in the Pulpit And when he was questioned for it alledged Mr. Horton as his Author When I went to Mr. Horton he excused it and said That he thought I hâ—d said so and when I told him of the additional words by which then I disclaimed such a sence he could not remember them and that was all the remedy I had though none of the Brethren present remembred any such words as he reported But when the Lord Chamberlain knew of it he was so much offended that I was fain to intercede for Mr. Horton that it might not prove any hurt to him And by this following Letter he exprest his distast For my esteemed Friend Mr. Baxter These SIR I Have just Cause to intreat your Excuse for so abrupt a breaking from you I confess I was under very great trouble for the folly of my Chaplain and could not forbear to express it to him I am concerned with a very true resentment for so imprudent a Carriage Let me intreat you that it may not reflect upon me but that you will believe that I have so great a value of you and am so tender of your Credit as I cannot easily pass by my Chaplain's indiscretion Yet I shall endeavour to clear you from any untrue Aspersions and shall approve my self Your assured Friend Ed. Manchester § 148. I shall next insert some account of the Business which I had so often with the Lord Chancellour at this time Because it was most done in the inter-space between the passing of the King's Declaration and the Debates about the Liturgy In the time of Cromwell's Government Mr. Iohn Elliot with some Assistant in New-England having learnt the Natives Language and Converted many Souls among them not to be baptized and forget their Names as well as Creed as it is among the Spaniards Converts at Mexico Peru c. but to serious Godliness it was found that the great hinderance of the progress of that Work was the Poverty and Barbarousness of the People which made many to live dispersed like wild Beasts in Wildernesses so that having neither Towns nor Food nor Entertainment fit for English Bodies few of them could be got together to be spoken to nor could the English go far or stay long among them Wherefore to build them Houses and draw them together and maintain the Preachers that went among them and pay School-masters to teach their Children and keep their Children at School c. Cromwell caused a Collection to be made in England in every Parish and People did contribute very largely And with the Money beside some left in stock was bought 7 or 800 l. per Annum of Lands and a Corporation chosen to dispose of the Rents for the furthering of the Works among the Indians This Land was almost all bought for the worth of it of one Colonel Beddingfield a Papist an Officer in the King's Army When the King came in Beddingfield seizeth on the Lands again and keepeth them and refuseth either to surrender them or to repay the Money because all that was done in Cromwell's time being now judged void as being without Law that Corporation was now null and so could have no right to Money or Lands And he pretended that he sold it under the worth in expectation of the recovery of it upon the King's return The President of the Corporation was the Lord Steele a Judge a worthy Man The Treasurer was Mr. Henry Ashurst and the Members were such sober godly Men as were best affected to New-Englands Work Mr. Ashurst being the most exemplary Person for eminent Sóbriety Self-denial Piety and Charity that London could glory of as far as publick Observation and Fame and his most intimate Friends Reports could testifie did make this and all other Publick Good which he could do his Business He called the Old Corporation together and desired me to meet them where we all agreed that such as had incurred the King's Displeasure by being Members of any Courts of Justice in Cromwell's days should quietly recede and we should try if we could get the Corporation restored and the rest continued and more fit Men added that the Land might be recovered And because of our other Business I had ready access to the Lord Chancellour they desired me to solicit him about it so Mr. Ashurst and I did follow the Business The Lord Chancelloor at the very first was ready to further us approving of the Work as that which could not be for any Faction or Evil end but honourable to
about this time many Books if so they may be called were written against me One by Mr. Naufen forementioned a Justice of Peace in Worcestershire who being a great Friend of the Papists had spoken against me on the Bench at the Sessions behind my back as the Author of a Petition against Popery heretofore and was angry with me for evincing to him his mistake temerity and injustice And when he saw his time he had nothing else to be the fewel of his Revenge but that very Book which I wrote against the Papists and therein against the killing of the King which I aggravated against the Army and the Popish Instigators and Actors But because in Answer to the Papists I made their Doctrine and Practise of King killing to be worse than these Sectaries were guilty of and thereupon recited what the Sectaries said for themselves which the Jesuites have not to say he took up all these Reasons of the Sectaries and answered them as if they had been my own and I had pleaded for that which I condemned by writing in a time when it might have cost me my Life when the Gendeman that thus would have proved me a Traytor did himself act under the Usurpers and took their Impositions which we abhorred and refused § 244. And here I shall insert a Passage not contemptible concerning the Papists because I am fall's into the mention of them In Cromwells days when I was writing that very Book and my Holy Commonwealth and was charging their Treasons and Rebellions on the Army one Mr. Iames Stansfield a Reverend Minister of Glocestershire called on me and tod me a Story which afterwards he sent me under his Hand and warranted me to publish it which was this One Mr. Atkins of Glocestershire Brother to Judge Atkins being beyond Sea with others that had served the late King fell into intimate acquaintance with a Priest that had been or then was Governour of one of their Colledges in Flanders They agreed not to meddle with each other about Religion and so continued their Friendship long A little after the King was beheaded Mr. Atkins met this Priest in London and going into a Tavern with him said to him in his familiar way What business have you here I warrant you come about some Roguery or other Whereupon the Priest told it him as a great secret That there were Thirty of them here in London who by Instructions from Cardinal Mazarine did take care of such Affairs and had sate in Council and debated the Question Whether the King should be put to death or not and that it was carried in the Affirmative and there were but two Voice for the Negative which was his own and anothers And that for his part he could not concur with them as foreseeing what misery this would bring upon his Country That Mr. Atkins stood to the Truth of this but thought it a Violation of the Laws of Friendship to name the Man I would not print it without fuller Attestation left it should be a wrong to the Papists But when the King was restored and setled in Peace I told it occasionly to Privy Councellor who not advising me to meddle any further in it because the King knew enough of Mazarine's Designs already I let it alone But about this time I met with Dr. Thomas Gnad and occasionally mentioning such a thing he told me that he was familiarly acquainted with Mr. Atkins and would know the certainty of him whether it were true And not long after meeting him again he told me that he spoke with Mr. Atkins and that he assured him that it was true but he was loth to meddle in the publication of it Nor did I think it prudence my self to do it as knowing the Malice and Power of the Papists Since this Dr. Peter Moulin hath in his Answer to Philanax Anglicus declared that he is ready to prove when Authority will call him to it that the King's Death and the Change of the Government was first proposed both to the Sorborne and to the Pope with his Conclave and consented to and concluded for by both § 245. Another Book wrote against me was as was thought by one Tompkins a young Man of All-Souls Son to Mr. Tompkins of Worcester and a School-boy there when I lived in that County He called it The Rebel's Plea being a Confutation of such Passages in my Holy Commonwealth as he least understood and could make most odious All these Men made me think what one advised the Papists to do for the effectual Confutation of the Protestants viz. Not to dispute or talk with them at all but to preach every day against them in the Pulpits for there they may speak without any Contradiction and need not fear an Answer § 246. Shortly after our Disputation at the Savoy I went to Rickmersworth in Hartfordshire and preached there but once upon Matth. 22. 12. And he was speechless where I spake not a word that was any nearer kin to Sedition or that had any greater tendency to provoke them than by shewing that wicked men and the refusers of grace however they may now have many things to say to excuse their sin will at last be speechless and dare not stand to their wickedness before God Yet did the Bishop of Worcester tell me when he silenced me that the Bishop of London had shewed him Letters from one of the Hearers assuring him that I preached seditiously so little Security was any Man's Innocency that displeased the Bishops to his Reputation with that Party who had but one Auditor that desired to get favour by accusing him So that a multitude of such Experiences made me perceive when I was silenced that there was some Mercy in it in the midst of Judgment for I should scarce have preached a Sermon nor put up a Prayer to God which one or other through Malice or hope of Favour would not have been tempted to accuse as guilty of some heinous Crime And as Seneca saith He that hath an Ulcer crieth Oh if he do but think you touched him § 247. Shortly after my return to London I went into Worcestershire to try whether it were possible to have any honest Terms from the Reading Vicar there that I might preach to my former Flock But when I had preached twice or thrice he denied me liberty to preach any more I offered him to take my Lecture which he was bound to allow me under a Bond of 500 l but he refused it I next offered him to be his Curate and he refused it I next offered him to preach for nothing and he refused it And lastly I desired leave but once to Administer the Sacrament to the People and preach my Farewel Sermon to them but he would not consent At last I understood that he was directed by his Superiours to do what he did But Mr. Baldwin an able Preacher whom I left there was yet permitted § 248. At that time my aged Father
owning the King's Declaration by returning him Thanks for it and I perceived that it was designed that we must be the Desirers or Procurers of it But I told him my Resolutions to meddle no more in such Matters having incurred already so much hatred and displeasure by endeavouring Unity And the rest of the Ministers also had enough of it and resolved that they would not meddle so that Mr. Nye and his Brethren thought it partly long of us that they mist of their intended Liberty But all were averse to have any thing to do with the Indulgence or Toleration of the Papists thinking it at least unfit for them § 419. The Independent Brethren also told me That the Lord Chancellor had told them that their Liberty was motioned before when the King's Declaration came out and that we spake against it even I by name But when I told them what words I spake before recited they had no more to say But now they grew greatly affected to the E. of B. a Papist thinking that the King's Declaration was procured by him and that he and the Papists must be the means for their own ends to procure our Liberty But the Declaration took not at all with the Parliament or People and the E. of B. setting himself against the Lord Chancellor accusing him by Articles of High Treason in the Lord's House was cast off by the King as an Incendiary and forc'd to hide his head § 420. Good old Mr. Simeon Ash was buried the very Even of Bartholomew-day and went seasonably to Heaven at the very time when he was to be cast out of the Church He was one of our oldest Non-conformists of the old Strain for now Conforming is quite another thing than before the Wars He was a Christian of the Primitive Simplicity not made for Controversie nor inclined to disputes but of a holy Life and a cheerful mind and of a fluent Elegancy in Prayer full of Matter and Excellent Words His ordinary Speech was holy and edifying Being confined much to his House by the Gout and having a good Estate and a very good Wife enclined to Entertainments and Liberality his House was very much frequented by Ministers He was always cheerful without profuse Laughter or Liberty or vain Words never troubled with doubtings of his Interest in Christ but tasting the continual Love of God was much disposed to the Communicating of it to others and Comforting dejected Souls His eminent Sincerity made him exceedingly loved and honoured insomuch as Mr. Gataker Mr. Whittaker and other the most excellent Divines of London when they went to God desired him to preach their Funeral Sermons He was zealous in bringing in the King having been Chaplain to the Earl of Manchester in the Wars he fell under the obloquy of the Cromwellians for crossing their Designs He wrote to Col. Sanders Col. Barton and others in the Army when G. Monk came in to engage them for the King Having preached his Lecture in Cornhill being heated he took cold in the Vestry and thinking it would have proved but one of his old fits of the Gout he went to Highgate but it turned to a Fever He died as he lived in great Consolation and cheerful Exercise of Faith molested with no Fears or Doubts discernable exceeding glad of the Company of his Friends and greatly encouraging all about him with his joyful Expressions in respect of Death and his approaching Change so that no Man could seem to be more fearless of it When he had at last lain speechless for some time as soon as I came to him gladness so excited his Spirits that he spake joyfully and freely of his going to God to those about him I stayed with him his last Evening till we had long expected his Change being speechless all that day and in the night he departed § 421. On the first of Ianuary following was buried good Mr. Iames Nalton another Minister of the Primitive Sincerity A good Linguist a zealous excellent Preacher commonly called The weeping Prophet because his Seriousness oft exprest it self by Tears of a most holy blameless Life Though Learned yet greatly averse to Controversie and Disputes In almost all things like Mr. Ash except his natural temper and the influence it had upon his Soul both of them so composed of Humility Piety and Innocence that no Enemy of Godliness that knew them had a word of sence to say against them They were scorned as Puritans as their Brethren but escaped all the particular Exceptions and Obloquy which many others underwent But as one was cheerful so the other was from his Youth surprized with violent Fits of Melancholy once in a few years which though it distracted him not yet kept him till it was over in a most despondenâ— Case and next unto Despair And in his health he was over humble and had â—o mean Thoughts of himself and all that was his own and never put out himself among his Brethren into any Imployment which had the least shew of Ostentation Less then a year before he died he fell into a grievous fit of Melancholy in which he was so confident of his Gracelesness that he usually cried out O not one spark of Grace not one good Desire or Thought I can no more pray than a post If an Angel from Heaven would tell me that I have true Grace I would not believe him And yet at that time did he pray very well and I could demonstrate his sincerity so much to him in his Desires and Life that he had not a word to say against it But yet was harping still on the same string and would hardly be perswaded that he was Melancholy It pleased God to recover him from this fit and shortly after he told me That now he confessed that what I said was true and his Despair was all but the effect of Melancholy and rejoyced much in God's deliverance But shortly after came out the Bartholomew Act which cast him out of his Place and Ministry and his heart being troubled with the sad Case of the Church and the multitude of Ministers cast out and silenced and at his own unserviceableness it revived his Melancholy which began to work also with some fears of Want and his Family's Distress and this cast him so low that the violence of it wore him away like a true Marasmus so that without any other Disease but meer Melancholy he consumed to Death continuing still his sad Despondency and Self-condemning Means By which it appeareth how little Judgment is to be made of a Man's Condition by his Melancholy Apprehensions or the sadness of his Mind at Death and in what a different manner Men of the same Eminency in Holiness and Sincerity may go to God! Which I have the rather shewed by the instance of those two Saints than whom this Age hath scarce produced and set up a pair more pious humble just sincere laborious in their well-performed Work unblameable in their Lives not
Learned and Worthy Man Mr. Shaw another Silenc'd Miâ—ister and his Brother in Law who being shut up gave God Thanks for his Deliverance in a very Learned and Profitable Treatise which he Published thereupon And since being found not only very Learned but moderate and holding Communion in the Publick Assemblies and a peaceable Man hath got connivance to Teach a Publick School a great favour in these Times 3. Mr. Roberts a Godly Welsh Minister who also flying from the Plague fell Sick as far off as between Shrewsbury and Oswestry and died on a little Straw while none durst entertain him § 4. It is scarce possible for People that live in a time of Health and Security to apprehend the dreadfulness of that Pestilence How fearful People were thirty or forty if not an hundred Miles from London of any thing that they bought from any Mercer's or Draper's Shop or of any Goods that were brought to them or of any Person that came to their Houses How they would shut their Doors against their Friends and if a Man passed over the Fields how one would avoid another as we did in the time of Wars and how every Man was a Terrour to another O how sinfully unthankful are we for our quiet Societies Habitations and Health § 5. Not far from the place where I sojourned at Mrs. Fleetwood's three Ministers of extraordinary worth were together in one House Mr. Clearkson Mr. Sam. Cradock and Mr. Terry Men of singular Judgment Piety and Moderation and the Plague came into the House where they were one Person dying of it which caused many that they knew not of earnestly to pray for their Deliverance and it pleased God that no other Person dyed § 6. But one great Benefit the Plague brought to the City that is it occasioned the Silenc'd Ministers more openly and laboriously to Preach the Gospel to the exceeding comfort and profit of the People insomuch that to this Day the freedom of Preaching which this occasioned cannot by the daily Guards of Soldiers nor by the Imprisonments of Multitudes be restrained The Ministers that were Silenced for Nonconformity had ever since 1662. done their Work very privately and to a few not so much through their timorousness as their loathness to offend the King and in hope still that their forbearance might procure them some Liberty and through some timorousness of the People that should hear them And when the Plague grew hot most of the Conformable Ministers fled and left their Flocks in the time of their Extremity whereupon divers Non-comformists pitying the dying and distressed People that had none to call the impenitent to Repentance noâ— to help Men to prepare for another World nor to comfort them in their Terrors when about Ten Thousand dyed in a Week resolved that no obedience to the Laws of any mortal Men whosoever could justifie them for neglecting of Men's Souls and Bodies in such extremities no more than they can justifie Parents for fanishing their Children to death And that when Christ shall say Inasmuch as ye did it not to one of these ye did it not to me It will be a poor excuse to say Lord I was forbidden by the Law Therefore they resolved to stay with the People and to go in to the forsaken Pulpits though prohibited and to preach to the poor People before they dyed and also to visit the Sick and get what relief they could for the Poor especially those that were shut up Those that set upon this work were Mr. Thomas Vincent late Minister in Milk-street with some Strangers that came thither since they were Silenced as Mr. Chester Mr. Ianeway Mr. Turner Mr. Grimes Mr. Franklin and some others Those heard them one Day oft that were sick the next and quickly dyed The Face of Death did so awaken both the Preachers and the Hearers that Preachers exceeded themselves in lively fervent Preaching and the People crowded constantly to hear them and all was done with so great Seriousness as that through the Blessing of God abundance were converted from their Carelesness Impenitency and youthful Lusts and Vanities and Religion took that hold on the Peoples Hearts as could never afterward be loosed § 7. And at the same time whilst God was consuming the People by these Judgments and the Nonconformists were labouring to save Men's Souls the Parliament which sate at Oxford whither the King removed from the danger of the Plague was busie in making an Act of Confinement to make the Silenc'd Ministers Case incomparably harder than it was before by putting upon them a certain Oath which if they refused they must not come except the Road within five Miles of any City or of any Corporation or any place that sendeth Burgesses to the Parliament or of any place where-ever they had been Ministers or had preached since the Act of Oblivion So little did the Sense of God's terrible Judgments or of the necessities of many hundred thousand ignorant Souls or the Groans of the poor People for the Teaching which they had lost or the fear of the great and final Reckoning affect the Hearts of the Prelatists or stop them in their way The chief Promoters of this among the Clergy were said to be the Arch-bishop of Canterbury and Dr. Seth-Ward the Bishop of Salisbury And one of the greatest Adversaries of it in the Lord's House was the very Honourable Earl of Southampton Lord Treasurer of England a Man that had ever adhered to the King but understood the interest of his Country and of Humanity It is without Contradiction Reported that he said No honest Man would take that Oath The Lord Chancellor Hide also and the rest of the Leaders of that mind and way promoted it and easily procured it to pass the Houses notwithstanding all that was said against it § 8. By this Act the Case of the Ministers was made so hard that many thought themselves necessitated to break it not only by the necessity of their office but by a natural impossibility of keeping it unless they should murder themselves and their Families As to a moral Necessity as they durst not be so Sacrilegious as to desert the Sacred Office wholly to which they were consecrated which would be worse than Ananias and Sapphird's Alienating their devoted Money so they could hardly exercise any part of their Office if they did obey this Act. For 1. The Cities and Corporations are the most considerable part of the Kingdom and also had for the most part the greatest need of help partly because of the numerousness of the People For in many Parishes in London the fourth part nay in some the tenth part cannot be contained in the publick Temples if they came so as to hear what is said Partly also because most Corporations having smaller Maintenance than the Rural Parishes are worse provided for by the Conformists And every where the private Work of Over-sight and Ministerial Help is through their Numbers greater than many
Stomach and extream Acrimony of Blood by some Fault of the Liver About the Year 1658. finding the Inflation much in the Membranes of the Reins I suspected the Stone and thought that one of my extream Leanness might possibly feel it I felt both my Kidnies plainly indurate like Stone But never having had a Nephritick Fit nor Stone came from me in my Life and knowing that if that which I felt was Stone the Greatness prohibited all Medicine that tended to a Cure I thought therefore that it was best for me to be ignorant what it was And so far was I from melancholy that I soon forgot that I had felt it even for about Fifteen Years But my Inflations beginning usually in my Reins and all my Back daily torn and greatly pained by it 1673. it turned to terrible Suffocations of my Brain and Lungs So that if I slept I was suddenly and painfully awakened The Abatement of Urine and constant Pain which Nature almost yielded to as Victorious renewed my Suspicion of the Stone And my Old Exploration And feeling my Lean Back both the Kidneys were greatlier indurate than before and the Membrane so sore to touch as if nothing but Stone were within them The Physicians said That the Stone cannot be felt with the Hand I desired Four of the Chief of them to feel them They all concluded that it is the Kidneys which they felt and that they are hard like Stone or Bone but what it is they could not tell but they thought if both the Kidneys had Stones so big as seemed to such feeling it was impossible but I should be much worse by Vomiting and Torment and not able to Preach and go about I told them besides what Skenkius and many Observators say That I could tell them of many of late times whose Reins and Gall were full of Stone great ones in the Reins and many small ones in the Gall who had some of them never suspected the Stone and some but little But while One or Two of the Physicians as they use did say It could not be lest they should as they thought discourage me I became the Common Talk of the City especially the Women as if I had been a melancholy Humourist that conceited my Reins were petrified when it was no such matter but meer Conceit And so while I lay Night and Day in Pain my supposed Melancholy which I thank God all my Life hath been extraordinary free from became for a Year the Pity or Derision of the Town But the Discovery of my Case was a great mercy to my Body and my Soul For 1. Thereupon seeing that all Physicians had been deceived and perceiving that all my Flatulency and Pains came from the Reins by Stagnation Regurgitation and Acrimony I cast off all other Medicine and Diet and Twice a Week kept clean my Intestines by an Electuary of Cassia Terebinth Cypr. and Rhab. c. or Pills of Rhab. and Terebinth Scio. Using also Syrup of Mallows in all my Drink and God hath given me much more Abatements and Intermissions of Pain this Year and half than in my former overwhelming Pains I could expect 2. And whether it be a Schyrrus or Stones which I doubt not of I leave to them to tell others who shall dissect my Corps But sure I am that I have wonderful Cause of Thankfulness to God for the Ease which I have had these Forty Years Being fully satisfied that by ill Diet Old Cheese Raw Drinks and Salt Meats whatever it is I contracted it before Twenty Years of Age and since Twenty One or Twenty Two have had just the same Symptoms as now at Sixty saving the different strength of Nature to resist And that I should in Forty Years have few hours without pain to call me to redeem my Time and yet not one Nephritick Torment nor Acrimony of Urine save One Day of Bloody Urine nor intolerable kind of Pain What greater Bodily Mercy could I have had How merciful how suitable hath this Providence been My Pains now in Reins Bowels and Stomach c. are almost constant but with merciful Alleviations upon the foresaid means § 312. As I have written this to mind Physicians to search deeper when they use to take up with the General Hiding Names of Hypochondriacks and Scorbuticks and to caution Students so I now proceed to that which occasioned it I had tried Cow's Milk Goats Milk Breast Milk and lastly Asses Milk and none of them agreed with me But having Thirty Years ago read in many great Practitioners That for Bloody Vrine and meer Debility of the Reins Sheeps Milk doth Wonders see Gordonius Forestus Schoubo c. I had long a desire to try it and never had Opportunity But as I was saying this to my Friend a Child answered That their next Neighbour a Quaker did still milk their Sheep a Quarter of a Year after the usual time or near Whereupon I procured it for six Weeks to the greatest increase of my Ease Strength and Flesh of any thing that ever I had tried 2. And at the same time being driven from Home and having an Old License of the Bishop's yet in Force by the Countenance of that and the great industry of Mr. Berisford I had Leave and Invitation for Ten Lord's Days to Preach in the Parish-Churches round about The first Parish that I Preach'd in after Thirteen Years Ejection and Prohibition was Rickmersworth and after that at Sarrat at Kings Langley at Chessam at Chalford and at Amersham and that often Twice a Day Those heard that had not come to Church of Seven Years and Two or Three Thousand heard where scarce an Hundred were wont to come and with so much Attention and Willingness as gave me very great Hopes that I never spake to them in vain And thus Soul and Body had these special Mercies § 313. But the Censures of Men pursued me as before The Envious Sort of the Prelatists accused me as if I had intruded into the Parish-Churches too boldly and without Authority The Quarrelsome Sectaries or Separatists did in London speak against me for drawing People to the Parish-Churches and the Liturgy and many gave out That I did Conform And all my Days nothing hath been charged on me so much as my Crimes as my costliest and greatest Duties But the pleasing of God and saving Souls will pay for all § 314. The Countries about Rickmersworth abounding with Quakers because Mr. W. Pen their Captain dwelleth there I was desirous that the Poor People should Once hear what was to be said for their Recovery Which coming to Mr. Pen's Ears he was forward to a Meeting where we continued speaking to Two Rooms full of People Fasting from Ten a Clock till-Five One Lord and Two Knights and Four Conformable Ministers besides others being present some all the Time and some part The Success gave me Cause to believe that it was not labour lost An Account of the Conference may be published ere
supposing such Excellent persons to be Saved But Errours and Sins contradict themselves and Factious Damners that for Preferment Condemn good Men are ordinarily self-condemned § 3. This maketh me remember how this last year one Dr. Mason a great Preacher against Puritanes Preached against me publickly in London saying That when a Justice was sending me to prison and offered me to stay till Monday if I would promise not to Preach on Sunday I answered I shall not Equivocally meaning I shall not promise when he thought I meant I shall not Preach O these say the Malignants are your holy Men And was such a putid Falshood fit for a Pulpit from such Men that never spake one word to my face in their Lives The whole truth is this The foresaid Tho. Ross with Philips being appointed to send me to prison for Preaching at Braâ—nford shut the Chamber doors and would neither shew or tell me who was my Accuser or Witness nor let any one living be present but themselves And it being Saturday I askt them to stay at home to set my House in order till Monday Ross asked me Whether I would promise not to Preach on Sunday I answered No I shall not The Man not understanding me said Weâ—t you Promise not to Preach I replyed No Sir I tell you I will not promise any such thing If you hinder me I cannot help it but I will not otherwise forbear Never did I think of Equivocation This was my present Answer and I went strait to Prison upon it Yet did this Ross vent this false Story behind my back and among Courtiers and Prelatists it past for currant and was worthy Dr. Mason's Pulpit-impudency Such were the Men that we were persecuted by and had to do with Dr. Mason died quickly after § 4. Being denied forcibly the use of the Chappel which I had built I was forced to let it stand empty and pay Thirty pounds per Annum for the Ground-Rent my self and glad to Preach for nothing near it at a Chappel built by another formerly in Swallow-street because it was among the same poor people that had no Preaching the parish having 60000 Souls in it more than the Church can hold when I had Preached there a while the foresaid Justice Parry one of them that was accused for slitting Sir Iohn Coventree's Nose with one Sabâ—es signed a Warrant to apprehend me and on Nov. 9. 1676. six Constables foâ—â— Beadles and many Messengers were set at the Chappel-doors to 〈◊〉 it I forbare that day and after told the Duke of Lauderdaile of it and asked him What it was that occasioned their wrath against me He desireâ— me to go and speak with the Bishop of London Compton I did and he spake very fairly and with peaceable words But presently he having spoken also with some others it was contrived that a noise was raised as against the Bishop at the Court that he was Treating of a Peace with the Presbyterians But after a while I went to him again and told him it was supposed That Justice Parry was either set on work by him or at least a word from him would take him off I desired him therefore to speak to him or provide that the Constables might be removed from my Chappel-doors and their Warrant called in And I offered him to resign my Chappel in Oxenden-street to a Conformist so be it he would procure my continued Liberty in Swallow-street for the sake of the pâ—or multitude that had no Church to go to He did as good as promise me telling me That he did not doubt to do it and so I departed expecting Quietness the next Lord's day But instead of that the Constables Warrant was continued though some of them begg'd to be excused and against their wills they continued guarding the Door for above Four and twenty Lord's-days after And I came near the Bishop no more when I had so tried what their Kindnesses and Promises signifie § 5. It pleased God to take away by torment of the Stone that excellent faithful Minister Mr. Tho. Wadsworth in Southwark and just when I was thus kept out at Swallow-Street his Flock invited me to Southwark where though I refused to be their Pastor I Preached many Months in peace there being no Justice willing to disturb us This was in 1677. § 6. When Dr. Lamplugh now Bishop of Exeter was Pastor at St. 〈◊〉 old Mr. Sangar the Minister thence put out thought it his duty to abide in the Parish with those of his ancient flock that desired him and to visit such as desired him in sickness because many that were against our Preaching pretended that we might find work enough in private Visitings and helps An old Friend of Mr. Sangar's being sick near St. Iames's Market-house sent to him to visit her By that time he had a while Prayed by her Dr. Lampleugh came in and when he had done came fiercely to him saying Sir What business have you here Mr. Sangar answered To visit and Pray with my sick Friend that sent for me The Doctor fiercely laid hold of his breast and thrust him toward the Door saying Get you out of the Room Sir to the great trouble of the Woman that lay sick in Bed by them having buried her Husband but a little before Had this been done to any other than to so Ancient Grave Reverend Peaceable Moderate and Calm a Man as Mr. Sangar who had been lawfully called before this Doctor to be Pastor of the Parish and then Preached no where but to a few in his own small House it had been more excusable Mr. Sangar oft profest to me the truth of what I say which I mention to silence those our Accusers that would have us give over Preaching that we may do such private Work Wheras 1. I must be a year speaking that to people one by one which publickly I may tell them all in one day And he that heareth my Exhortation but once a year and heareth Seducers Swearers Cursers and Railers every day may wish at last he had better friends than these pretenders to Peace and Obedience that accuse us 2. And such Instances shew that we are envyed as much in our private duty as in our publick And did we speak only in private our Persecutors would then vent their Suspicions of our Doctrin without any Confutation and would say We are they that creep into Houses to lead the silly Women captive O what a World is this Where Atheists Infidels and the most Beastly Sinners are Members of the Church of England When did we hear of any of them Excomunicate and God's faithfullest Servants represented even by the envious Prelates and publick-Priests as the intolerable Criminal persons of the Land for Praying and Preaching when they forbid them and the necessity of Thousands binds them to it besides their Ordination Vow § 7. When Dr. William Lloyd became Pastor of St. Martin's in the Fields upon Lamplugh's Preferment I was encouraged by