riuer both in one chanell as experience hath confirmed From hence then our Hull goeth to to Ratseie to Goodale-house and then taking in a water from Hornesie mere it goeth on through Beuerleie medowes by Warron Stoneferrie Hull and finallie into the Humber Of the rill that falleth into this water from south Netherwijc by Skirlow and the two rilles that come from Cottingham and Woluerton I saie no more sith it is enough to name them in their order The description of the Humber or Isis and such water-courses as doo increase hir chanell Chap. 15. THere is no riuer called Humber from the hed Wherfore that which we now call Humber Ptolomie Abie Leland Aber as he gesseth hath the same denomination no higher than the confluence of Trent with the Ouze as beside Leland sundrie ancient writers haue noted before vs both Certes it is a noble arme of the sea and although it be properlie to be called Ouze or Ocellus euen to the Nuke beneath Ancolme yet are we contented to call it Humber of Humbrus or Umar a king of the Scithians who inuaded this I le in the time of Locrinus thinking to make himselfe monarch of the same But as God hath from time to time singularlie prouided for the benefit of Britaine so in this businesse it came to passe that Humber was put to flight his men slaine and furthermore whilest he attempted to saue himselfe by hasting to his ships such was the prease of his nobilitie that followed him into his owne vessell and the rage of weather which hastened on his fatall daie that both he and they were drowned togither in that arme And this is the onelie cause wherefore it hath béene called Humber as our writers saie and wherof I find these verses Dum fugit obstat ei flumen submergitur illic Déque suo tribuit nomine nomen aquae This riuer in old time parted Lhoegres or England from Albania which was the portion of Albanactus the yongest sonne of Brute But since that time the limits of Lhoegres haue béene so inlarged first by the prowesse of the Romans then by the conquests of the English that at this present daie the Twede on the one side the Solue on the other be taken for the principall bounds betweene vs and those of Scotland In describing therefore the Humber I must néeds begin with the Ouze whose water bringeth foorth a verie sweet fat and delicat samon as I haue beene informed beside sundrie other kinds of fish which we want here on the south and southwest coasts riuers of our land whereof I may take occasion to speake more at large heerafter The Ure therfore riseth in the furthest parts of all Richmondshire among the Coterine hilles in a mosse toward the west fourtéene miles beyond Midleham Being therefore issued out of the ground it goeth to Holbecke Hardraw Hawshouse Butterside Askebridge which Leland calleth the Askaran and saith thereof and the Bainham that they are but obscure bridges then to Askarth through Wanlesse parke Wenseleie bridge made two hundred yeares since by Alwin parson of Winslaw New parke Spennithorne Danbie Geruise abbeie Clifton and Masham When it is come to Masham it receiueth the Burne by south west as it did the Wile from verie déepe scarrie rockes before at Askaran and diuerse other wild rilles not worthie to be remembred From Masham it hasteth vnto Tanfield taking in by the waie a rill by southwest then to another Tanfield to Newton hall and Northbridge at the hither end of Rippon and so to Huickes bridge But yer it come there it meeteth with the Skell which being incorporat with the same they run as one to Thorpe then to Alborow and soone after receiue the Swale Here saith Leland I am brought into no little streict what to coniecture of the méeting of Isis and Ure for some saie that the Isis and the Ure doo méet at Borowbridge which to me dooth séeme to be verie vnlikelie sith Isurium taketh his denomination of Isis and Vro for it is often séene that the lesse riuers doo mingle their names with the greater as in the Thamesis and other is easie to be found Neither is there any more mention of the Ure after his passage vnder Borowbridge but onelie of Isis or the Ouze in these daies although in old time it held vnto Yorke it selfe which of the Ure is truelie called Urewtjc or Yorke short or else my persuasion dooth faile me I haue red also Ewerwtjc and Yorwtjc But to procéed and leaue this superfluous discourse From Borowbridge the Ouze goeth to Aldborough and receiuing the Swale by the waie to Aldworke taking in Usburne water from the southwest then to Linton vpon Ouze to Newton vpon Ouze and to Munketun méeting with the Nid yer long and so going withall to the Redhouses to Popleton Clifton Yorke where it crosseth the Fosse to Foulfoorth Middlethorpe Acaster Acaster Kelfléet Welehall Barelebie Selbie Turmonhall Skurthall Hokelath Hoke Sandhall Rednesse Whitegift Uslet Blacketoff Foxfléet Brownfléet and so into Humber The course of the Ouze being thus described and as it were simplie without his influences now will I touch such riuers as fall into the same also by themselues contrarie to my former proceeding imagining a voiage from the Rauenspurne vntill I come néere to the head of These so southwards about againe by the bottome of the hillie soile vntill I get to Buxston Sheffeld Scrobie the verie south point of Humber mouth whereby I shall crosse them all that are to be found in this walke leaue I doubt some especiall notice of their seuerall heads and courses The course of the Hull a streame abounding with sturgeon and lampreie as also the riuers which haue their issue into the same being as I say alreadie described I thinke it not amisse as by the waie to set downe what Leland saith thereof to the end that his trauell shall not altogither be lost in this behalfe and for that it is short and hath one or two things worthie to be remembred conteined in the same The Hulne saith he riseth of thrée seuerall heads whereof the greatest is not far from Oriefield now a small village sixtéene miles from Hull Certes it hath beene a goodlie towne and therein was the palace of Egbright king of the Northumbers and place of sepulture of Alfred the noble king sometime of that nation who died there 727 the ninetéene Cal. of Iulie the twentith of his reigne and whose toombe or monument dooth yet remaine for ought that I doo know to the contrarie with an inscription vpon the same written in Latine letters Néere vnto this towne also is the Danefield wherein great numbers of Danes were slaine and buried in those hils which yet remaine there to be séene ouer their dones and carcasses The second head saith he is at Estburne and the third at Emmeswell and méeting all togither not farre from Orifield
report that he builded thrée temples one to Mars at Perth in Scotland another to Mercurie at Bangor and the third to Apollo in Cornewall Of Riuallus Gurgustius Sysillius Iago and Kinimacus rulers of Britaine by succession and of the accidents coincident with their times The seuenth Chapter RIuallus the sonne of Cunedag began to reigne ouer the Britaines in the yeare of the world 3203 before the building of Rome 15 Ioathan as then being king of Iuda and Phacea king of Israel This Riuall gouerned the Iland in great welth and prosperitie In his time it rained bloud by the space of thrée daies togither after which raine ensued such an excéeding number and multitude of flies so noisome and contagious that much people died by reason thereof When he had reigned 46 yeares he died and was buried at Caerbranke now called Yorke In the time of this Riuals reigne was the citie of Rome builded after concordance of most part of writers Perdix also a wizard and a learned astrologian florished and writ his prophesies and Herene also GUrgustius the son of the before named Riuall began to gouerne the Britaines in the yeare after the creation of the world 3249 and after the first foundation of Rome 33 Ezechias reigning in Iuda This Gurgustius in the chronicle of England is called Gorbodian the sonne of Reignold he reigned 37 yeares then departing this life was buried at Caerbranke now called Yorke by his father SYsillius or after some writers Syluius the brother of Gurgustius was chosen to haue the gouernance of Britaine in the yere of the world 3287 and after the building of Rome 71 Manasses still reigning in Iuda This Sysillius in the English chronicle is named Secill He reigned 49 yeares and then died and was buried at Carbadon now called Bath IAgo or Lago the cousin of Gurgustius as next inheritor to Sysillius tooke vpon him the gouernement of Britaine in the yeare of the world 3336 and after the building of Rome 120 in whose time the citie of Ierusalem was taken by Nabuchodonozar and the king of Iuda Mathania otherwise called Zedechias being slaine This Iago or Lago died without issue when he had reigned 28 yeares and was buried at Yorke KInimacus or Kinmarus the sonne of Sysillius as some write or rather the brother of Iago began to gouerne the land of Britain in the yere of the world 3364 and after the building of Rome 148 the Iewes as then being in the third yeare of their captiuitie of Babylon This Kinimacus departed this life after he had reigned 54 yeares and was buried at Yorke Of Gorbodug and his two sonnes Ferrex and Porrex one brother killeth another the mother slaieth hir sonne and how Britaine by ciuill warres for lacke of issue legitimate to the gouernment of a monarchie became a pentarchie the end of Brutes line The eight Chapter GOrbodug the sonne of Kinimacus began his reigne ouer the Britains in the yeare after the creation of the world 3418 from the building of the citie of Rome 202 the 58 of the Iews captiuitie at Babylon This Gorbodug by most likelihood to bring histories to accord should reigne about the tearme of 62 yeares and then departing this world was buried at London leauing after him two sonnes Ferrex and Porrex or after some writers Ferreus and Porreus FErrex with Porrex his brother began iointlie to rule ouer the Britaines in the yeare of the world 3476 after the building of Rome 260 at which time the people of Rome forsooke their citie in their rebellious mood These two brethren continued for a time in good friendship and amitie till at length through couetousnesse and desire of greater dominion prouoked by flatterers they fell at variance and discord whereby Ferrex was constreined to flée into Gallia and there purchased aid of a great duke called Gunhardus or Suardus and so returned into Britaine thinking to preuaile and obteine the dominion of the whole Iland But his brother Porrex was readie to receiue him with battell after he was landed in the which battell Ferrex was slaine with the more part of his people The English chronicle saith that Porrex was he that fled into France at his returne was slaine and that Ferrex suruiued But Geffrey of Monmouth Polychronicon are of a contrarie opinion Matthew Westmonasteriensis writeth that Porrex deuising waies to kill Ferrex atchiued his purpose and slue him But whether of them so euer suruiued the mother of them was so highlie offended for the death of him that was slaine whom the most intierlie loued that setting apart all motherlie affection she found the meanes to enter the chamber 〈◊〉 him that suruiued in the night season and as he slept the with the helpe of his maidens slue him and cut him into small péeces as the writers doo affirme Such was the end of these two brethren after they had reigned by the space of foure to fiue yeares After this followed a troublous season full of cruell warre and seditious discord wherby and in the end 〈◊〉 for the space of fiftie yeares the monarchie or sole gouernement of the Iland became 〈…〉 that is it was diuided betwixt fiue kings or rulers till Dunwallon of Cornewall ouercame them all Thus the line of Brute according to the report of most writers tooke an end for after the death of the two foresaid brethren no rightfull inheritor was left aliue to succéed them in the kingdome The names of these fiue kings are found in certeine old pedegrées and although the same be much corrupted in diuers copies yet these vnder named are the most agréeable But of these fiue kings or dukes the English chronicle alloweth Cloton king of Cornewall for most rightfull heires There appeareth noâ— any 〈◊〉 certeine by report of ancient author how long this variance continue 〈◊〉 amongst the Britains 〈◊〉 but as some say it lasted for the space of 51 yeres coniectyring so much by 〈…〉 recorded in Polychron who saith 〈…〉 till the beginning of the reigne of Dunwallon Mulmucius who began to gouerne 〈◊〉 the time that Brute first entred Britaine about the space of 703 thrée yeares ¶ Here ye must note that there is difference amongst writers about the suppâ—tation and account of these yeares Insomuch that some making their reckoning after certeine writers and finding the same to varie aboue thrée C. yeares are brought into further doubt of the truth at the whole historie but whereas other haue by â—aligent search tried out the continuance of euerie gouernors reigne and reduced the same to a likelihood of some conformitie I haue thought best to follow the same leauing the credit thereof with the first authors The pentarchie 1 Rudacus 2 Clotenus 3 Pinnor 4 Staterus 5 Yewan king of Wales Cornewall Loegria Albania Northumberland The end of the second Booke THE THIRD BOOKE of the Historie of England Of Mulmucius the first king of Britaine who was crowned with
Englishmen that after the conquest when the Normans oftentimes went about to abrogate the same there chanced no small mutinies and rebellions for reteining of those lawes But heere is to be noted that although they were called saint Edwards lawes they were for the more part made by king Edgar but now by king Edward restored after they had bin abrogated for a time by the Danes About this time earle Goodwine died suddenlie as some haue recorded as he sat at table with the king and vpon talke ministred of the death of Alfred the kings brother to excuse himselfe he tooke a peece of bread and did eate it saieng God let me neuer swallow this bread downe into my chest but that I may presentlie be choked therewith if euer I was weetting or consenting vnto Alfreds death and immediatlie therewith he fell downe starke dead Other say that he ended his life at Winchester where being suddenlie surprised with sicknesse as he sat at the table with the king vpon an Easter monday yet he liued till the Thursday following and then died His earledome was giuen vnto his sonne Harold and Harolds earledome which was Oxford was giuen vnto Algar the sonne of Leofrike This Goodwine as he was a man of great power wise hardie and politike so was he ambitious desirous to beare rule and loth that anie other person should passe him in authoritie But yet whether all be true that writers report of his malicious practises to bring himselfe and his sonnes to the chiefe seat of gouernement in the kingdome or that of hatred such slanders were raised of him it may of some perhaps be doubted because that in the daies of king Edward which was a soft and gentle prince he bare great rule and authoritie and so might procure to himselfe euill report for euerie thing that chanced amisse as oftentimes it commeth to passe in such cases where those that haue great dooings in the gouernement of the common wealth are commonlie euill spoken of and that now and then without their guilt But truth it is that Goodwine being in authoritie both in the daies of king Edward and his predecessors did manie things as should appeare by writers more by will than by law and so likewise did his sonnes vpon presumption of the great puissance that they and their father were of within the realme He had to wife Editha the sister of king Cnute of whome he begat thrée sonnes as some write that is to say Harold Biorne Tostie also his daughter Editha whome he found meanes to bestow in mariage vpon K. Edward as before ye haue heard But other write that he had but one son by Cnutes sister the which in riding of a rough horsse was throwen into the riuer of Thames and so drowned His mother also was stricken with a thunderbolt so perished worthilie as is reported for hir naughtie dooings She vsed to buy great numbers of yoong persons and namelie maids that were of anie excellent beautie and personage whome she sent ouer into Denmarke and there sold them to hir most advantage After hir deceasse as the same authors record Goodwine maried another woman by whome he had issue six sonnes Swanus or Swaine Harrold Tostie or Tosto Wilnot Girth and Leofrike of whom further mention is shall be made as places conuenient shall serue thereto Edward earle of Northumberland discomfiteth Mackbeth the vsurper of the Scotish kingdome and placeth Malcolme in the same a controuersie whether Siward were at this discomfiture or no his stout words when he heard that one of his sonnes was slaine in the field bishop Aldred is sent to fetch home Edward the sonne of K. Edmund Ironside into England earle Algar being banished ioineth with the Welshmen against the English and Normans and getteh the victorie Harold the son of earle Goodwine putteth earle Algar his retinue to their shifts by pursute pacification betweene the generals of both armies their hosts Siward earle of Northumberland dieth his giantlike stature his couragious heart at the time of his deceasse why Tostie one of Goodwins sonnes succeeded him in the earledome The fift Chapter ABout the thirteenth yeare of king Edward his reigne as some write or rather about the nineteéenth or twentith yeare as should appeare by the Scotish writers Siward the noble earle of Northumberland with a great power of horssemen went into Scotland and in battell put to flight Mackbeth that had vsurped the crowne of Scotland and that doone placed Malcolme surnamed Camoir the sonne of Duncane sometime king of Scotland in the gouernement of that realme who afterward slue the said Mackbeth and then reigned in quiet Some of our English writers say that this Malcolme was king of Cumberland but other report him to be sonne to the king of Cumberland But héere is to be noted that if Mackbeth reigned till the yeare 1061 and was then slaine by Malcolme earle Siward was not at that battell for as our writers doo testifie he died in the yeare 1055 which was in the yeare next after as the same writers affirme that he vanquished Mackbeth in fight and slue manie thousands of Scots and all those Normans which as ye haue heard were withdrawen into Scotland when they were driuen out of England It is recorded also that in the foresaid battell in which earle Siward vanquished the Scots one of Siwards sonnes chanced to be slaine whereof although the father had good cause to be sorowfull yet when he heard that he died of a wound which he had receiued in fighting stoutlie in the forepart of his bodie and that with his face towards the enimie he greatlie reioised thereat to heare that he died so manfullie But here is to be noted that not now but a little before as Henrie Hunt saith that earle Siward went into Scotland himselfe in person he sent his sonne with an armie to conquere the land whose hap was there to be slaine and when his father heard the newes he demanded whether he receiued the wound whereof he died in the forepart of of the bodie or in the hinder part and when it was told him that he receiued it in the forepart I reioise saith he euen with all my heart for I would not wish either to my sonne nor to my selfe any other kind of death Shortlie after Aldred the bishop of Worcester was sent vnto the emperour Henrie the third to fetch Edward the sonne of Edmund Iron side into England whome king Edward was desirâ—us to sée meaning to ordeine him heire apparant to the crowne but he died the same yeare after he came into England This Edward was surnamed the outlaw his bodie was buried at Winchester or as an other saith in the church of S. Pauls in London ¶ About the same time K. Edward by euill counsell I wot not vpon what occasion but as it is thought without cause banished Algar the sonne of earle Leofrike wherevpon he got him into
ranne awaie and made an outcrie in the citie how there sat a man in such a place so great as an hill the people hearing the newes ran out with clubs and weapons as if they should haue gone vnto a foughten field and 300. of them entring into the caue they foorthwith saw that he was dead and yet sat as if he had béen aliue hauing a staffe in his hand compared by mine author vnto the mast of a tall ship which being touched fell by and by to dust sauing the nether end betwéene his hand and the ground whose hollownesse was filled with 1500. pound weight of lead to beare vp his arme that it should not fall in péeces neuerthelesse his bodie also being touched fell likewise into dust sauing three of his aforesaid teeth the forepart of his scull and one of his thigh bones which are reserued to be séene of such as will hardlie beleeue these reports In the histories of Brabant I read of a giant found whose bones were 17. or 18. cubits in length but Goropius as his maner is denieth them to be the bones of a man affirming rather that they were the bones of an elephant because they somwhat resembled those of two such beasts which were found at the making of the famous ditch betwéene Bruxels and Machlin As though there were anie precise resemblance betwéene the bones of a man and of an elephant or that there had euer béene any elephant of 27. foot in length But sée his demeanour In the end he granteth that another bodie was found vpon the shore of Rhodanus of thirtie foot in length Which somewhat staieth his iudgement but not altogither remooueth his error The bodie of Pallas was found in Italie in the yeare of Grace 1038. and being measured it conteined twentie foot in length this Pallas was companion with Aeneas There was a carcase also laid bare 1170. in England vpon the shore where the beating of the sea had washed awaie the earth from the stone wherein it laie and when it was taken vp it conteined 50. foot in measuâ—â— as our histories doo report The like was seene before in Wales in the yeare 1087. of another of 14. foot In Perth moreouer a village in Scotland another was taken vp which to this daie they shew in a church vnder the name of little Iohn per Antiphrasin being also 14. foot in length as diuerse doo affirme which haue beholden the same and whereof Hector Boetius dooth saie that he did put his whole arme into one of the hanch bones which is worthie to be remembred In the yeare of Grace 1475. the bodie of Tulliola the daughter of Cicero was taken vp found higher by not a few foot than the common sort of women liuing in those daies Geruasius Tilberiensis head Marshall to the king of Arles writeth in his Chronicle dedicated to Otho 4. how that at Isoretum in the suburbes of Paris he saw the bodie of a man that was twentie foot long beside the head and the necke which was missing not found the owner hauing peraduenture béene beheaded for some notable trespasse committed in times past or as he saith killed by S. William The Greeke writers make mention of Andronicus their emperour who liued 1183. of Grace and was ten foot in height that is thrée foot higher than the Dutch man that shewed himselfe in manie places of England 1582. this man maried Anna daughter to Lewis of France before assured to Alexius whome he strangled dismembred and drowned in the sea the ladie not being aboue eleuen yeares of age whereas he was an old dotard and beside hir he kept Marpaca a fine harlot who ruled him as she listed Zonaras speaketh of a woman that liued in the daies of Iustine who being borne in Cilicia and of verie comelie personage was neuerthelesse almost two foot taller than the tallest woman of hir time A carcase was taken vp at Iuie church neere Salisburie but of late yeares to speake of almost fourtéene foot long in Dictionario Eliotae In Gillesland in Come Whitton paroche not far from the chappell of the Moore six miles by east from Carleill a coffin of stone was found and therein the bones of a man of more than incredible greatnes In like sort Leland speaketh of another found in the I le called Alderney whereof you shall read more in the chapiter of our Ilands Richard Grafton in his Manuell telleth of one whose shinbone conteined six foot and thereto his scull so great that it was able to receiue fiue pecks of wheat Wherefore by coniecturall symmetrie of these parts his bodie must needs be of 24. foot or rather more if it were diligentlie measured For the proportion of a comelie and well featured bodie answereth 9. times to the length of the face taken at large from the pitch of the crowne to the chin as the whole length is from the same place vnto the sole of the foot measured by an imagined line and seuered into so manie parts by like ouerthwart draughts as Drurerus in his lineall description of mans bodie doth deliuer Neuertheles this symmetrie is not taken by other than the well proportioned face for Recta orbiculata or fornicata prona resupinata and lacunata or repanda doo so far degenerate from the true proportion as from the forme and beautie of the comelie Hereby also they make the face taken in strict maner to be the tenth part of the whole bodie that is froÌ„ the highest part of the forehead to the pitch of the chin so that in the vse of the word face there is a difference wherby the 9. part is taken I say from the crowne called Vertex because the haire there turneth into a circle so that if the space by a rule were truelie taken I meane from the crowne or highest part of the head to the pitch of the nether chap and multiplied by nine the length of the whole bodie would easilie appeare shew it selfe at the full In like maner I find that from the elbow to the top of the midle finger is the 4. part of the whole length called a cubit from the wrist to the top of the same finger a tenth part the length of the shinbone to the ancle a fourth part and all one with the cubit from the top of the finger to the third ioint two third parts of the face from the top of the forehead Which obseruations I willinglie remember in this place to the end that if anie such carcases happen to be found hereafter it shall not be hard by some of these bones here mentioned to come by the stature of the whole bodie in certeine exact maner As for the rest of the bones ioints parts c you may resort to Drurerus Cardan and other writers sith the farther deliuerie of them concerneth not my purpose To proceed therefore with other examples I read that the bodie of king Arthur being found in the
of a giant that was 46. cubits in length after the Romane standard and by diuerse supposed to be the bodie of Orion or Aetion Neuerthelesse I read that Lucius Flaccus and Metellus did sweare Per sua capita that it was either the carcase of some monster of the sea or a forged deuise to bleare the peoples eies withall wherein it is wonderfull to see how they please Goropius as one that first deriued his fantasticall imagination from their asseueration oth The said Plinie also addeth that the bodie of Orestes was seuen cubits in length one Gabbara of Arabia nine foot nine inches and two reserued In conditorio Sallustianorum halfe a foot longer than Gabbara was for which I neuer read that anie man was driuen to sweare Trallianus writeth how the Athenienses digging on a time in the ground to laie the foundation of a new wall to be made in a certeine Iland in the daies of an emperour did find the bones of Macrosyris in a coffin of hard stone of 100. cubits in length after the accompt of the Romane cubit which was then either a foot and a halfe or not much in difference from halfe a yard of our measure now in England These verses also as they are now translated out of Gréeke were found withall Sepultus ego Macrosyris in longa insula Vitae peractis annis mille quinquies which amounteth to 81. yeares foure moneths after the Aegyptian reckoning In the time of Hadrian the emperour the bodie of the giant Ida was taken vp at Messana conteining 20. foot in length and hauing a double row of teeth yet standing whole in his chaps Eumachus also in Perigesi telleth that when the Carthaginenses went about to dich in their prouince they found two bodies in seuerall coffins of stone the one was 23. the other 24. cubits in length such another was found in Bosphoro Cymmerio after an earthquake but the inhabitants did cast those bones into the Meotidan marris In Dalmatia manie graues were shaken open with an earthquake in diuerse of which certein carcases were found whose ribs conteined 16. els after the Romane measure whereby the whole bodies were iudged to be 64. sith the longest rib is commonlie about the fourth part of a man as some rouing symmetricians affirme Arrhianus saith that in the time of Alexander the bodies of the Asianes were generallie of huge stature and commonlie of fiue cubits and such was the heigth of Porus of Inde whom the said Alexander vanquished and ouerthrew in battell Suidas speaketh of Ganges killed also by the said prince who farre exceeded Porus for he was ten cubits long What should I speake of Artaceas a capitaine in the host of Xerxes afore remembred whose heigth was within 4. fingers bredth of fiue cubits the tallest man in the armie except the king himselfe Herod lib. 7. Of Athanatus whom Plinie remembreth I saie nothing But of all these this one example shall passe which I doo read of in Trallianus and he setteth downe in forme and manner following In the daies of Tiberius th' emperor saith he a corps was left bare or laid open after an earthquake of which ech tooth taken one with another conteined 12. inches ouer at the least Now forsomuch as in such as be full mouthed ech chap hath commonlie 16. teeth at the least which amount vnto 32. in the whole needs must the widenesse of this mans chaps be welneere of 16. foot and the opening of his lips fiue at the least A large mouth in mine opinion and not to eat peason with Ladies of my time besides that if occasion serued it was able to receiue the whole bodies of mo than one of the greatest men I meane of such as we be in our daies When this carcase was thus found euerie man maruelled at it good cause why A messenger was sent to Tiberius the emperour also to know his pleasure whether he would haue the same brought ouer vnto Rome or not but he forbad them willing his Legate not to remooue the dead out of his resting place but rather somewhat to satisfie his phantasie to send him a tooth out of his head which being done he gaue it to a cunning workeman commanding him to shape a carcase of light matter after the proportion of the tooth that at the least by such means he might satisfie his curious mind and the fantasies of such as are delited with nouelties To be short when the image was once made and set vp on end it appéered rather an huge colossie than the true carcase of a man and when it had stood in Rome vntill the people were wearie throughlie satisfied with the sight thereof he caused it to be broken all to peeces and the tooth sent againe to the carcase frō whence it came willing them moreouer to couer it diligentlie and in anie wise not to dismember the corps nor from thencefoorth to be so hardie as to open the sepulchre anie more Pausan. lib. 8. telleth in like maner of Hiplodanus his fellowes who liued when Rhea was with child of Osyris by Cham and were called to hir aid at such time as she feared to be molested by Hammon hir first husband whilest she remained vpon the Thoumasian hill In ipso loco saith he spectantur ossa maiora multo quà m vt humana existimari possunt c. Of Protophanes who had but one great and broad bone in steed of all his ribs on ech side I saie nothing sith it concerneth not his stature I could rehearse manie mo examples of the bodies of such men out of Solinus Sabellicus D. Cooper and others As of Oetas and Ephialtes who were said to be nine orgies or paces in heigth and foure in bredth which are taken for so many cubits bicause there is small difference betwéene a mans ordinarie pace and his cubit and finallie of our Richard the first who is noted to beare an axe in the wars the iron of whose head onelie weighed twentie pound after our greatest weight and whereof an old writer that I haue seene saith thus This king Richard I vnderstand Yer he went out of England Let make an axe for the nones Therewith to cleaue the Saracens bones The head in sooth was wrought full wee le Thereon were twentie pound of steele And when he came in Cyprus land That ilkon axe he tooke in hand c. I could speake also of Gerards staffe or lance yet to be seene in Gerards hall at London in Basing lane which is so great and long that no man can beweld it neither go to the top thereof without a ladder which of set purpose and for greater countenance of the wonder is fixed by the same I haue seene a man my selfe of seuen foot in height but lame of his legs The chronicles also of Cogshall speake of one in Wales who was halfe a foot higher but through infirmitie and wounds not able to beweld himselfe I might if
of England 2 Of the number of bishoprikes and their seuerall circuits 3 Of vniuersities 4 Of the partition of England into shires and counties 5 Of degrees of people in the common-wealth of England 6 Of the food and diet of the English 7 Of their apparell and attire 8 Of the high court of parlement authoritie of the same 9 Of the lawes of England since hir first inhabitation 10 Of prouision made for the poore 11 Of fundrie kinds of punishment appointed for malefactors 12 Of the maner of building and furniture of our houses 13 Of cities and townes in England 14 Of castels and holds 15 Of palaces belonging to the prince 16 Of armour and munition 17 Of the nauie of England 18 Of faires and markets 19 Of parkes and warrens 20 Of gardens and orchards 21 Of waters generallie 22 Of woods and marishes 23 Of baths and hot welles 24 Of antiquities found 25 Of the coines of England Of the ancient and present estate of the church of England Chap. 1. THere are now two prouinces onelie in England of which the first and greatest is subiect to the sée of Canturburie comprehending a parte of Lhoegres whole Cambria also Ireland which in time past were seuerall brought into one by the archbishop of the said sée assistance of the pope who in respect of méed did yéeld vnto the ambitious desires of sundrie archbishops of Canturburie as I haue elsewhere declared The second prouince is vnder the sée of Yorke and of these either hath hir archbishop resident commonlie within hir owne limits who hath not onelie the cheefe dealing in matters apperteining to the hierarchie and iurisdiction of the church but also great authoritie in ciuill affaires touching the gouernement of the common wealth so far foorth as their commissions and seuerall circuits doo extend In old time there were thrée archbishops and so manie prouinces in this Ile of which one kept at London another at Yorke and the third at Caerlheon vpon Uske But as that of London was translated to Canturburie by Augustine and that of Yorke remaineth notwithstanding that the greatest part of his iurisdiction is now bereft him and giuen to the Scotish archbishop so that of Caerlheon is vtterlie extinguished and the gouernement of the countrie vnited to that of Canturburie in spirituall cases after it was once before remoued to S. Dauids in Wales by Dauid successor to Dubritius and vncle to king Arthur in the 519 of Grace to the end that he and his clearkes might be further off from the crueltie of the Saxons where it remained till the time of the Bastard and for a season after before it was annexed vnto the sée of Canturburie The archbishop of Canturburie is commonlie called primat of all England and in the coronations of the kings of this land and all other times wherein it shall please the prince to weare and put on his crowne his office is to set it vpon their heads They beare also the name of their high chapleins continuallie although not a few of them haue presumed in time past to be their equals and void of subiection vnto them That this is true it may easilie appéere by their owne acts yet kept in record beside their epistles answers written or in print wherein they haue sought not onelie to match but also to mate them with great rigor and more than open tyrannie Our aduersaries will peraduenture denie this absolutelie as they doo manie other things apparant though not without shamelesse impudencie or at the leastwise defend it as iust and not swaruing from common equitie bicause they imagine euerie archbishop to be the kings equall in his owne prouince But how well their dooing herein agreeth with the saieng of Peter examples of the primitiue church it may easilie appéere Some examples also of their demeanor I meane in the time of poperie I will not let to remember least they should saie I speake of malice and without all ground of likelihood Of their practises with meane persons I speake not neither will I begin at Dunstane the author of all their pride and presumption here in England But for somuch as the dealing of Robert the Norman against earle Goodwine is a rare historie and deserueth to be remembred I will touch it in this place protesting to deale withall in more faithfull maner than it hath heretofore beene deliuered vnto vs by the Norman writers or French English who of set purpose haue so defaced earle Goodwine that were it not for the testimonie of one or two méere Englishmen liuing in those daies it should be impossible for me or anie other at this present to declare the truth of that matter according to hir circumstances Marke therefore what I saie For the truth is that such Normans as came in with Emma in the time of Ethelred and Canutus and the Confessor did fall by sundrie means into such fauor with those princes that the gentlemen did grow to beare great rule in the court and their clearkes to be possessors of the best benefices in the land Hervpon therefore one Robert a iolie ambitious préest gat first to be bishop of London and after the death of Eadsius to be archbishop of Canturburie by the gift of king Edward leauing his former sée to William his countrieman Ulfo also a Norman was preferred to Lincolne and other to other places as the king did thinke conuenient These Norman clerkes and their freends being thus exalted it was not long yer they began to mocke abuse and despise the English and so much the more as they dailie saw themselues to increase in fauour with king Edward who also called diuerse of them to be of his secret councell which did not a litle incense the harts of the English against them A fraie also was made at Douer betwéene the seruants of earle Goodwine and the French whose maisters came ouer to see and salute the king whereof I haue spoken in my Chronologie which so inflamed the minds of the French cleargie and courtiers against the English nobilitie that each part sought for opportunitie of reuenge which yer long tooke hold betwéene them For the said Robert being called to be archbishop of Canturburie was no sooner in possession of his sée than he began to quarrell with earle Goodwine the kings father in law by the mariage of his daughter who also was readie to acquit his demeanor with like malice and so the mischiefe begun Herevpon therefore the archbishop charged the earle with the murther of Alfred the kings brother whom not he but Harald the sonne of Canutus and the Danes had cruellie made awaie For Alfred and his brother comming into the land with fiue and twentie saile vpon the death of Canutus and being landed the Normans that arriued with them giuing out how they came to recouer their right to wit the crowne of England therevnto the vnskilfull yoong gentlemen shewing themselues to like of the rumour that was
alwaies wide open vnto reprehension and eies readie to espie anie thing that they may reprooue and carpe at I would haue doone so much for euerie see in England if I had not had consideration of the greatnesse of the volume and small benefit rising by the same vnto the commoditie of the readers neuerthelesse I haue reserued them vnto the publication of my great chronologie if while I liue it happen to come abrode Of Vniuersities Chap. 3. THere haue béene heretofore and at sundrie times diuerse famous vniuersities in this Iland and those euen in my daies not altogither forgotten as one at Bangor erected by Lucius and afterward conuerted into a monasterie not by Congellus as some write but by Pelagius the monke The second at Carlbeon vpon Uske neere to the place where the riuer dooth fall into the Seuerne founded by king Arthur The third at Theodford wherein were 600 students in the time of one Rond sometime king of that region The fourth at Stanford suppressed by Augustine the monke and likewise other in other places as Salisburie Eridon or Criclade Lachlade Reading and Northampton albeit that the two last rehearsed were not authorised but onelie arose to that name by the departure of the students from Oxford in time of ciuill dissention vnto the said townes where also they continued but for a little season When that of Salisburie began I can not tell but that it flourished most vnder Henrie the third and Edward the first I find good testimonie by the writers as also by the discord which fell 1278 betwéene the chancellor for the scholers there on the one part and William the archdeacon on the other whereof you shall sée more in the chronologie here following In my time there are thrée noble vniuersities in England to wit one at Oxford the second at Cambridge and the third in London of which the first two are the most famous I meane Cambridge and Oxford for that in them the vse of the toongs philosophie and the liberall sciences besides the profound studies of the ciuill law physicke and theologie are dailie taught and had whereas in the later the laws of the realme are onlie read and learned by such as giue their minds vnto the knowledge of the same In the first there are not onelie diuerse goodlie houses builded foure square for the most part of hard fréestone or bricke with great numbers of lodgings and chambers in the same for students after a sumptuous sort through the excéeding liberalitie of kings quéenes bishops noblemen and ladies of the land but also large liuings and great reuenues bestowed vpon them the like whereof is not to be séene in anie other region as Peter Martyr did oft affirme to maintenance onelie of such conuenient numbers of poore mens sonnes as the seuerall stipends bestowed vpon the said houses are able to support When these two schooles should be first builded who were their originall founders as yet it is vncerteine neuerthelesse as there is great likelihood that Cambridge was begun by one Cantaber a Spaniard as I haue noted in my chronologie so Alfred is said to be the first beginner of the vniuersitie at Oxford albeit that I cannot warrant the same to be so yong sith I find by good authoritie that Iohn of Beuerleie studied in the vniuersitie hall at Oxford which was long before Alfred was either horne or gotten Some are of the opinion that Cantabrigia was not so called of Cantaber but Cair Grant of the finisher of the worke or at the leastwise of the riuer that runneth by the same and afterward by the Saxons Grantcester An other sort affirme that the riuer is better written Canta than Granta c but whie then is not the towne called Canta Cantium or Cantodunum according to the same All this is said onlie as I thinke to deface the memorie of Cantaber who doâ—â—â—ting from the Brigants or out of Biscaie called the said towne after his owne and the name of the region from whence he came Neither hath it béene a rare thing for the Spaniards heretofore to come first into Ireland and from thense ouer into England sith the chronologie shall declare that it hath béene often seene and that out of Britaine they haue gotten ouer also into Scithia and contrariwise coasting still through Yorkeshire which of them also was called Brigantium as by good testimonie appeareth Of these two that of Oxford which lieth west and by north from London standeth most pleasantlie being inâ—â—roned in maner round about with woods on the hilles aloft and goodlie riuers in the bottoms and vallies beneath whose courses would bréed no small commoditie to that citie and countrie about if such impediments were remooued as greatlie annoie the same and hinder the cariage which might be made thither also from London That of Cambridge is distant from London about fortie and six miles north and by east and standeth verie well sauing that it is somewhat néere vnto the fens whereby the wholesomenesse of the aire there is not a litle corrupted It is excellentlie well serued with all kinds of prouision but especiallie of freshwater fish and wildfoule by reason of the riuer that passeth thereby and thereto the I le of Elie which is so néere at hand Onlie wood is the chéefe want to such as studie there wherefore this kind of prouision is brought them either from Essex and other places thereabouts as is also their cole or otherwise the necessitie thereof is supplied with gall a bastard kind of Mirtus as I take it and seacole whereof they haue great plentie led thither by the Grant Moreouer it hath not such store of medow ground as may suffice for the ordinarie expenses of the towne and vniuersitie wherefore the inhabitants are inforced in like sort to prouide their haie from other villages-about which minister the same vnto them in verie great aboundance Oxford is supposed to conteine in longitude eightéene degrees and eight and twentie minuts and in latitude one and fiftie degrées and fiftie minuts whereas that of Cambridge standing more northerlie hath twentie degrees and twentie minuts in longitude and therevnto fiftie and two degrées and fifteene minuts in latitude as by exact supputation is easie to be found The colleges of Oxford for curious workemanship and priuat commodities are much more statelie magnificent commodious than those of Cambridge and therevnto the stréets of the towne for the most part more large and comelie But for vniformitie of building orderlie compaction and politike regiment the towne of Cambridge as the newer workmanship excéedeth that of Oxford which otherwise is and hath béene the greater of the two by manie a fold as I gesse although I know diuerse that are of the contrarie opinion This also is certeine that whatsoeuer the difference be in building of the towne stréets the townesmen of both are glad when they may match and annoie the students by incroching vpon
learning or of good and vpright life as bishop Fox sometime noted who thought it sacrilege for a man to tarrie anie longer at Oxford than he had a desire to profit A man may if he will begin his studie with the law or physike of which this giueth wealth the other honor so soone as he commeth to the vniuersitie if his knowledge in the toongs and ripenesse of iudgement serue therefore which if he doo then his first degrée is bacheler of law or physicke and for the same he must performe such acts in his owne science as the bachelers or doctors of diuinitie doo for their parts the onelie sermons except which belong not to his calling Finallie this will I saie that the professors of either of those faculties come to such perfection in both vniuersities as the best students beyond the sea doo in their owne or else where One thing onlie I mislike in them and that is their vsuall going into Italie from whense verie few without speciall grace doo returne good men whatsoeuer they pretend of conference or practise chiefelie the physicians who vnder pretense of séeking of forreine simples doo oftentimes learne the framing of such compositions as were better vnknowen than practised as I haue heard oft alledged and therefore it is most true that doctor Turner said Italie is not to be séene without a guide that is without speciall grace giuen from God bicause of the licentious and corrupt behauiour of the people There is moreouer in euerie house a maister or prouost who hath vnder him a president certeine censors or deanes appointed to looke to the behauior and maners of the students there whom they punish verie seuerelié if they make anie default according to the quantitie and qualitie of their trespasses And these are the vsuall names of gouernours in Cambridge Howbeit in Oxford the heads of houses are now and then called presidents in respect of such bishops as are their visitors founders In ech of these also they haue one or moe thresurers whom they call Bursarios or Bursers beside other officers whose charge is to sée vnto the welfare and maintenance of these houses Ouer each vniuersitie also there is a seuerall chancelor whose offices are perpetuall howbeit their substitutes whom we call vicechancelors are changed euerie yeare as are also the proctors taskers maisters of the streates and other officers for the better maintenance of their policie and estate And thus much al this time of our two vniuersities in each of which I haue receiued such degree as they haue vouchsafed rather of their fauour than my desert to yeeld and bestow vpon me and vnto whose students I wish one thing the execution whereof cannot be preiudiciall to anie that meaneth well as I am resolutelie persuaded and the case now standeth in these our daies When anie benefice therefore becommeth void it were good that the patrone did signifie the vacation therof to the bishop and the bishop the act of the patrone to one of the vniuersities with request that the vicechancellor with his assistents might prouide some such able man to succeed in the place as should by their iudgement be méet to take the charge vpon him Certes if this order were taken then should the church be prouided of good pastors by whome God should be glorified the vniuersities better stored the simoniacall practises of a number of patrons vtterlie abolished and the people better trained to liue in obedience toward God and their prince which were an happie estate To these two also we may in like sort ad the third which is at London seruing onelie for such as studie the lawes of the realme where there are sundrie famous houses of which thrée are called by the name of Ins of the court the rest of the chancerie and all builded before time for the furtherance and commoditie of such as applie their minds to our common lawes Out of these also come manie scholers of great fame whereof the most part haue heretofore béene brought vp in one of the aforesaid vniuersities and prooue such commonlie as in processe of time rise vp onelie through their profound skill to great honor in the common-wealth of England They haue also degrées of learning among themselues and rules of discipline vnder which they liue most ciuilie in their houses albeit that the yoonger sort of them abroad in the streats are scarse able to be bridled by anie good order at all Certes this errour was woont also greatlie to reigne in Cambridge and Oxford â—etweene the students and the burgesses but as it is well left in these two places so in forreine counteies it cannot yet be suppressed Besides these vniuersities also there are great number of Grammer schooles through out the realme and those verie liberallie indued for the better reliefe of poore scholers so that there are not manie corporat townes now vnder the quéenes dominion that hain not one Gramar schoole at the least with a sufficient liuing for a maister and vsher appointed to the same There are in like maner diuerse collegiat churches as Windsor Wincester Eaton Westminster in which I was sometime an vnprofitable Grammarian vnder the reuerend father master Nowell now deane of Paules and in those a great number of poore scholers dailie mainteened by the liberalitie of the founders with meat bookes and apparell from whence after they haue béene well entered in the knowledge of the Latine and Gréeke toongs and rules of versifieng the triall whereof is made by certeine apposers yearelie appointed to examine them they are sent to certeine especiall houses in each vniuersitie where they are receiued the trained vp in the points of higher knowledge in their priuat hals till they be adiudged meet to shew their faces in the schooles as I haue said alreadie And thus much haue I thought good to note of our vniuersities and likewise of colleges in the same whose names I will also set downe here with those of their founders to the end the zeale which they bare vnto learning may appeare and their remembrance neuer perish from among the wise and learned Of the colleges in Cambridge with their founders Yeares of the foundations Colleges  Founders 1546 1 Trinitie college by King Henrie 8. 1441 2 The kings college K. Henrie 6. Edward 4. Henrie 7. and Henrie 8. 1511 3 S. Iohns L. Margaret grandmother to Henrie 8. 1505 4 Christes college K. Henrie 6. and the ladie Margaret aforesaid 1446 5 The queenes college Ladie Margaret wife to king Hentie 6. 1496 6 Iesus college Iohn Alcocke bishop of Elie. 1342 7 Bennet college The brethren of a popish guild called Corporis Christi 1343 8 Pembroke hall Maria de Valentia countesse of Pembroke 1256 9 Peter college Hugh Balsham bishop of Elie. 1348 1557 10 Gundeuill and Cauius college Edmund Gundeuill parson of Terrington and Iohn Caius doctor of physicke 1354 11 Trinitie hall William Bateman bishop of Norwich 1326 12
and called after their names as lord Henrie or lord Edward with the addition of the word Grace properlie assigned to the king and prince and now also by custome conueied to dukes archbishops and as some saie to marquesses and their wiues The title of duke commeth also of the Latine word Dux à ducendo bicause of his valor and power ouer the armie in times past a name of office due to the emperour consull or chéefe gouernour of the whole armie in the Romane warres but now a name of honor although perished in England whose ground will not long beare one duke at once but if there were manie as in time past or as there be now earles I doo not thinke but that they would florish and prosper well inough In old time he onelie was called marquesse Qui habuit terram limitaneam a marching prouince vpon the enimies countries and thereby bound to kéepe and defend the frontiers But that also is changed in common vse and reputed for a name of great honor next vnto the duke euen ouer counties and sometimes small cities as the prince is pleased to bestow it The name of earle likewise was among the Romans a name of office who had Comites sacri palatij comites aerarij comites stabuli comites patrimonij largitionum scholarum commerciorum and such like But at the first they were called Comites which were ioined in commission with the proconsull legate or iudges for counsell and aids sake in each of those seuerall charges As Cicero epistola ad Quintum fratrem remembreth where he saith Atque inter hos quos tibi comites adiutores negotiorum publicorum dedit ipsa respublica duntaxat finibus his praestabis quos ante praescripsi c. After this I read also that euerie president in his charge was called Comes but our English Saxons vsed the word Hertoch and earle for Comes and indifferentlie as I gesse sith the name of duke was not in vse before the conquest Goropius saith that Comes and Graue is all one to wit the viscont called either Procomes or Vicecomes and in time past gouerned in the countie vnder the earle but now without anie such seruice or office it is also become a name of dignitie next after the earle and in degrée before the baron His reléefe also by the great charter is one hundred pounds as that of a baronie a hundred marks and of a knight flue at the most for euerie fée The baron whose degrée answered to the dignitie of a senator in Rome is such a frée lord as hath a lordship or baronie whereof he beareth his name hath diuerse knights or fréeholders holding of him who with him did serue the king in his wars and held their tenures in Baronia that is for performance of such seruice These Bracton a learned writer of the lawes of England in king Henrie the thirds time tearmeth Barones quasi robur belli The word Baro indéed is older than that it may easilie be found from whence it came for euen in the oldest histories both of the Germans and Frenchmen written since the conquest we read of barons and those are at this daie called among the Germans Liberi vel Ingenui or Freihers in the Germane toong as some men doo coniecture or as one saith the citizens and burgesses of good townes and cities were called Barones Neuerthelesse by diligent inquisition it is imagined if not absolutelie found that the word Baro and Filius in the old Scithian or Germane language are all one so that the kings children are properlie called Barones from whome also it was first translated to their kindred and then to the nobilitie and officers of greatest honour indifferentlie That Baro and Filius signifieth one thing it yet remaineth to be séene although with some corruption for to this daie euen the common sort doo call their male children barnes here in England especiallie in the north countrie where that word is yet accustomablie in vse And it is also growne into a prouerbe in the south when anie man susteineth a great hinderance to saie I am beggered and all my barnes In the Hebrue toong as some affirme it signifieth Filij solis and what are the nobilitie in euerie kingdome but Filij or serui regum But this is farre fetched wherefore I conclude that from hensefoorth the originall of the word Baro shall not be anie more to seeke and the first time that euer I red thereof in anie English historie is in the reigne of Canutus who called his nobilitie and head officers to a councell holden at Cirnecester by that name 1030 as I haue else-where remembred Howbeit the word Baro dooth not alwaies signifie or is attributed to a noble man by birth or creation for now and then it is a title giuen vnto one or other with his office as the chéefe or high tribune of the excheker is of custome called lord chéefe baron who is as it were the great or principall receiuer of accounts next vnto the lord treasuror as they are vnder him are called Tribuni aerarij rationales Hervnto I may ad so much of the word lord which is an addition going not seldome and in like sort with sundrie offices and to continue so long as he or they doo execute the same and no longer Unto this place I also referre our bishops who are accounted honourable called lords and hold the same roome in the parlement house with the barons albeit for honour sake the right hand of the prince is giuen vnto them and whose countenances in time past were much more glorious than at this present it is bicause those lustie prelats sought after earthlie estimation and authoritie with farre more diligence than after the lost shéepe of Christ of which they had small regard as men being otherwise occupied and void of leisure to attend vpon the same Howbeit in these daies their estate remaineth no lesse reuerend than before and the more vertuous they are that be of this calling the better are they estéemed with high and low They reteine also the ancient name lord still although it be not a littie impugned by such as loue either to heare of change of all things or can abide no superiours For notwithstanding it be true that in respect of function the office of the eldership is equallie distributed betwéene the bishop and the minister yet for ciuill gouernements sake the first haue more authoritie giuen vnto them by kings and princes to the end that the rest maie thereby be with more ease reteined within a limited compasse of vniformitie than otherwise they would be if ech one were suffered to walke in his owne course This also is more to be maruelled at that verie manie call for an alteration of their estate crieng to haue the word lord abolished their ciuill authoritie taken from them and the present condition of the church in other things reformed whereas to saie trulie
that gaue authoritie to the cleargie to punish whoredome who at that time found fault with the former lawes as being too seuere in this behalfe For before the time of the said Canutus the adulterer forfeited all his goods to the king and his bodie to be at his pleasure and the adulteresse was to lose hir eies or nose or both if the case were more than common whereby it appéereth of what estimation mariage was amongst them sith the breakers of that holie estate were so gréeuouslie rewarded But afterward the cleargie dealt more fauourablie with them shooting rather at the punishments of such priests and clearkes as were maried than the reformation of adulterie and fornication wherein you shall find no example that anie seueritie was shewed except vpon such laie men as had defiled their nuns As in theft therfore so in adulterie and whoredome I would wish the parties trespassant to be made bond or slaues vnto those that receiued the iniurie to sell and giue where they listed or to be condemned to the gallies for that punishment would proue more bitter to them than halfe an houres hanging or than standing in a shéet though the weather be neuer so cold Manslaughter in time past was punished by the pursse wherin the quantitie or qualitie of the punishment was rated after the state and calling of the partie killed so that one was valued sometime at 1200 another at 600 or 200 shillings And by an estatute made vnder Henrie the first a citizen of London at 100 whereof else-where I haue spoken more at large Such as kill themselues are buried in the field with a stake driuen through their bodies Witches are hanged or sometimes burned but théeues are hanged as I said before generallie on the gibbet or gallowes sauing in Halifax where they are beheaded after a strange maner and whereof I find this report There is and hath beene of ancient time a law or rather a custome at Halifax that who soeuer dooth commit anie fellonie and is taken with the same or confesse the fact vpon examination if it be valued by foure constables to amount to the sum of thirtéene pence halfe penie he is foorthwith beheaded vpon one of the next market daies which fall vsuallie vpon the tuesdaies thursdaies saturdaies or else vpon the same daie that he is so conuicted if market be then holden The engine wherewith the execution is doone is a square blocke of wood of the length of foure foot and an halfe which dooth ride vp and downe in a slot rabet or regall betwéene two péeces of timber that are framed and set vpright of fiue yardes in height In the neather end of the sliding blocke is an ax keied or fastened with an iron into the wood which being drawne vp to the top of the frame is there fastned by a woodden pin with a notch made into the same after the maner of a Samsons post vnto the middest of which pin also there is a long rope fastened that commeth downe among the people so that when the offendor hath made his confession and hath laid his necke ouer the neathermost blocke euerie man there present dooth either take hold of the rope or putteth foorth his arme so neere to the same as he can get in token that he is willing to sée true iustice executed and pulling out the pin in this maner the head blocke wherein the ax is fastened dooth fall downe with such a violence that if the necke of the transgressor were so big as that of a bull it should be cut in sunder at a stroke and roll from the bodie by an huge distance If it be so that the offendor be apprehended for an ox oxen shéepe kine horsse or anie such cattell the selfe beast or other of the same kind shall haue the end of the rope tied somewhere vnto them so that they being driuen doo draw out the pin wherby the offendor is executed Thus much of Halifax law which I set downe onelie to shew the custome of that countrie in this behalfe Roges and vagabonds are often stocked and whipped scolds are ducked vpon cuckingstooles in the water Such fellons as stand mute and speake not at their arraignement are pressed to death by huge weights laid vpon a boord that lieth ouer their brest and a sharpe stone vnder their backs and these commonlie hold their peace thereby to saue their goods vnto their wiues and children which if they were condemned should be confiscated to the prince Théeues that are saued by their bookes and cleargie for the first offense if they haue stollen nothing else but oxen sheepe monie or such like which be no open robberies as by the high waie side or assailing of anie mans house in the night without putting him in feare of his life or breaking vp of his wals or doores are burned in the left hand vpon the brawne of the thombe with an hot iron so that if they be apprehended againe that marke bewraieth them to haue beene arraigned of fellonie before whereby they are sure at that time to haue no mercie I doo not read that this custome of sauing by the booke is vsed anie where else than in England neither doo I find after much diligent inquirie what Saxon prince ordeined that lawe Howbeit this I generallie gather thereof that it was deuised to traine the inhabiters of this land to the loue of learning which before contemned letters and all good knowledge as men onelie giuing themselues to husbandrie and the warres the like whereof I read to haue beene amongst the Gothes and Uandals who for a time would not suffer euen their princes to be lerned for weakening of their courages nor anie learned men to remaine in the counsell house but by open proclamation would command them to auoid whensoeuer anie thing touching the state of the land was to be consulted vpon Pirats and robbers by sea are condemned in the court of the admeraltie and hanged on the shore at lowe water marke where they are left till three tides haue ouer washed them Finallie such as hauing wals and banks néere vnto the sea and doo suffer the same to decaie after conuenient admonition whereby the water entereth and drowneth vp the countrie are by a certeine ancient custome apprehended condemned and staked in the breach where they remaine for euer as parcell of the foundation of the new wall that is to be made vpon them as I haue heard reported And thus much in part of the administration of instice vsed in our countrie wherein notwithstanding that we doo not often heare of horrible merciles and wilfull murthers such I meane asiare not sildome séene in the countries of the maine yet now and then some manslaughter and bloudie robberies are perpetrated and committed contrarie to the lawes which be seuerelie punished and in such wise as I before reported Certes there is no greater mischéefe doone in England than by robberies the first by yoong shifting
soiles dispersed here and there each one vpon the seuerall grounds of their owners are builded in such sort generallie as that they haue neither dairie stable nor bruehouse annexed vnto them vnder the same roofe as in manie places beyond the sea some of the north parts of our countrie but all separate from the first and one of them from another And yet for all this they are not so farre distant in sunder but that the goodman lieng in his bed may lightlie heare what is doone in each of them with ease and call quicklie vnto his meinie if anie danger should attach him The ancient manours and houses of our gentlemen are yet and for the most part of strong timber in framing whereof our carpenters haue beene and are worthilie preferred before those of like science among all other nations Howbeit such as be latelie builded are cōmonlie either of bricke or hard stone or both their roomes large and comelie and houses of office further distant from their lodgings Those of the nobilitie are likewise wrought with bricke and hard stone as prouision may best be made but so magnificent and statelie as the basest house of a baron dooth often match in our daies with some honours of princes in old time So that if euer curious building did florish in England it is in these our yeares wherin our workemen excell and are in maner comparable in skill with old Vitruuius Leo Baptista and Serlo Neuerthelesse their estimation more than their gréedie and seruile couetousnesse ioined with a lingering humour causeth them often to be reiected strangers preferred to greater bargaines who are more reasonable in their takings and lesse wasters of time by a great deale than our owne The furniture of our houses also exceedeth and is growne in maner euen to passing delicacie and herein I doo not speake of the nobilitie and gentrie onelie but likewise of the lowest sort in most places of our south countrie that haue anie thing at all to take to Certes in noble mens houses it is not rare to sée abundance of Arras rich haugings of tapistrie siluer vessell and so much other plate as may furnish sundrie cupbords to the summe oftentimes of a thousand or two thousand pounds at the least whereby the value of this and the rest of their stuffe dooth grow to be almost inestimable Likewise in the houses of knights gentlemen merchantmen and some other wealthie citizens it is not geson to behold generallie their great prouision of tapistrie Turkie worke pewter brasse fine linen and thereto costlie cupbords of plate worth fiue or six hundred or a thousand pounds to be deemed by estimation But as herein all these sorts doo far excéed their elders and predecessors and in neatnesse and curiositie the merchant all other so in time past the costlie furniture staied there whereas now it is descended yet lower euen vnto the inferiour artificers and manie farmers who by vertue of their old and not of their new leases haue for the most part learned also to garnish their cupbords with plate their ioined beds with tapistrie and silke hangings and their tables with carpets fine naperie whereby the wealth of our countrie God be praised therefore and giue vs grace to imploie it well dooth infinitelie appeare Neither doo I speake this in reproch of anie man God is my iudge but to shew that I do reioise rather to sée how God hath blessed vs with his good gifts and whilest I behold how that in a time wherein all things are growne to most excessiue prices what commoditie so euer is to be had is dailie plucked from the communaltie by such as looke into euerie trade we doo yet find the means to obtein atchiue such furniture as heretofore hath beene vnpossible There are old men yet dwelling in the village where I remaine which haue noted three things to be maruellouslie altred in England within their sound remembrance other three things too too much increased One is the multitude of chimnies latelie exected wheras in their yoong daies there were not about two or thrée if so manie in most vplandish townes of the realme the religious houses manour places of their lords alwaies excepted and peraduenture some great personages but ech one made his fire against a reredosse in the hall where he dined and dressed his meat The second is the great although not generall amendment of lodging for said they our fathers yea and we our selues also haue lien full oft vpon straw pallets on rough mats couered onelie with a shéet vnder couerlets made of dagswain or hopharlots I vse their owne termes and a good round log vnder their heads in steed of a bolster or pillow If it were so that our fathers or the good man of the house had within seuen yeares after his mariage purchased a matteres or flockebed and thereto a sacke of chaffe to rest his head vpon he thought himselfe to be as well lodged as the lord of the towne that peraduenture laie seldome in a bed of downe or whole fethers so well were they contented and with such base kind of furniture which also is not verie much amended as yet in some parts of Bedfordshire and elsewhere further off from our southerne parts Pillowes said they were thought méet onelie for women in child-bed As for seruants if they had anie shéet aboue them it was well for seldome had they anie vnder their bodies to kéepe them from the pricking straws that ran oft through the canuas of the pallet and rased their hardened hides The third thing they tell of is the exchange of vessell as of treene platters into pewter and woodden spoones into siluer or tin For so common were all sorts of tréene stuffe in old time that a man should hardlie find foure péeces of pewter of which one was peraduenture a salt in a good farmers house and yet for all this frugalitie if it may so be iustly called they were scarse able to liue and paie their rents at their daies without selling of a cow or an horsse or more although they paid but foure pounds at the vttermost by the yeare Such also was their pouertie that if some one od farmer or husbandman had béene at the alehouse a thing greatlie vsed in those daies amongst six or seuen of his neighbours and there in a brauerie to shew what store he had did cast downe his pursse and therein a noble or six shillings in siluer vnto them for few such men then cared for gold bicause it was not so readie paiment and they were oft inforced to giue a penie for the exchange of an angell it was verie likelie that all the rest could not laie downe so much against it whereas in my time although peraduenture foure pounds of old rent be improued to fortie fiftie or an hundred pounds yet will the farmer as another palme or date trée thinke his gaines verie small toward the end of
haue such an equall iudge as by certeine knowledge of both were able to pronounce vpon them I doubt not but he would giue the price vnto the gardens of our daies and generallie ouer all Europe in comparison of those times wherein the old exceeded Plinie and other speake of a rose that had thrée score leaues growing vpon one button but if I should tell of one which bare a triple number vnto that proportion I know I shall not be beléeued and no great matter though I were not howbeit such a one was to be séene in Antwarpe 1585 as I haue heard and I know who might haue had a slip or stallon thereof if he would haue ventured ten pounds vpon the growth the same which should haue bene but a tickle hazard and therefore better vndoone as I did alwaies imagine For mine owne part good reader let me boast a litle of my garden which is but small and the whole Area thereof little aboue 300 foot of ground and yet such hath béene my good lucke in purchase of the varietie of simples that notwithstanding my small abilitie there are verie néere thrée hundred of one sort and other conteined therein no one of them being common or vsuallie to bee had If therefore my little plot void of all cost in keeping be so well furnished what shall we thinke of those of Hampton court None such Tibaults Cobham garden and sundrie other apperteining to diuerse citizens of London whom I could particularlie name if I should not séeme to offend them by such my demeanour and dealing Of waters generallie Chap. 21. THere is no one commodâ—tie in England whereof I can make lesse report than of our waters For albeit our soile abound with water in all places and that in the most ample maner yet can I not find by some experience that almost anie one of our riuers hath such od and rare qualities as diuers of the manie are said to be indued withall Vitruuius writeth of a well in Paphlagonia whose water séemeth as it were mixed with wine addeth thereto that diuerse become drunke by superfluous taking of the same The like force is found In amne Licesio a riuer of Thracia vpon whose bankes a man shall hardlie misse to find some traueller or other sléeping for drunkennesse by drinking of that liquor Néere also vnto Ephesus are certeine welles which taste like sharpe vineger and therefore are much esteemed of by such as are sicke and euill at ease in those parts At Hieropolis is a spring of such force as Strabo saith that the water thereof mixed with certaine herbes of choise dooth colour wooll with such a glosse that the die thereof contendeth with skarlet murreie and purple and oft ouercommeth the same The Cydims in Tarsus of Cilicia is of such vertue that who so batheth himselfe therein shall find great case of the gowt that runneth ouer all his ioints In one of the fortunate Iles saith Pomponius the Cosmographer are two springs one of the which bringeth immoderate laughter to him that drinketh thereof the other sadnesse and restraint of that effect whereby the last is taken to be a souereigne medicine against the other to the great admiration of such as haue beholden it At Susis in Persia there is a spring which maketh him that drinketh downe anie of the water to cast all his téeth but if he onlie wash his mouth withall it maketh them fast his mouth to be verie healthfull So there is a riuer among the Gadarens wherof if a beast drinke he foorthwith casteth hoofe haire and hornes if he haue anie Also a lake in Assyria neere vnto the which there is a kind of glewie matter to be found which holdeth such birds as by hap doo light thereon so fast as birdlime by means wherof verie manie doo perish and are taken that light vpon the same howbeit if anie portion hereof happen to be set on fire by casualtie or otherwise it will neuer be quenched but by casting on of dust as Caieranus dooth report Another at Halicarnassus called Salmacis which is noted to make such men effeminate as drinke of the water of the same Certes it maie be saith Strabo that the water and aire of a region maie qualifie the courage of some men but none can make them effeminate nor anie other thing because of such corruption in them sooner than superfluous wealth and inconstancie of liuing and behauiour which is a bane vnto all natures lib. 4. All which with manie other not now comming to memorie as the Letheus Styx Phlegeton Cocitus c haue strange incredible reports made of them by the new and ancient writers the like wherof are not to be found in England which I impute wholie to the blessing of God who hath ordeined nothing amongst vs in this our temperate region but that which is good wholesome and most commodious for our nation We haue therefore no hurtfull waters amongst vs but all wholesome and profitable for the benefit of the people Neuertheles as none of them is to be found without hir fish so we know by experience that diuerse turne ash some other elme and oken stakes or poles that lie or are throwne into them into hard stone in long continuance of time which is the strangest thing that I can learne at this present wherevpon to rest for a certentie Yet I read of diuerse welles wherevnto our old writers ascribe either wonderfull vertues or rare courses as of one vpon the shore beyond the which the sea floweth euerie daie twise a large mile and more and yet is the surge of that water alwaies seuen foot from the salt sea whereby it should séeme that the head of the spring is mooueable But alas I doo not easilie beleeue it more than that which is written of the Lilingwan lake in Wales which is néere to the Seuerne and receiueth the flowing sea into hir chanell as it were a gulfe and yet is neuer full but when the sea goeth awaie by reason of the ebbe it casteth vp the water with such violence â—hat hir banks are ouerflowne and drowned which is an absurd report They ad also that if all the people of the countrie stood neere to the same with their â—ces toward the lake in such maner that the dashing of the water might touch and wet their clothes they should haue no power to go from thence but mawgre their resistance be drawne into that gulfe and perish whereas if they turned their backs vnto the same they should suffer no such inconuenience though they stood neuer so neere Manie other such like toies I could set downe of other welles and waters of our countrie But whie should I write that for other men to read whereto I giue no credit my selfe more than to the report which Iohannes du Choul dooth make in his description of Pilats lake In monte Pilati in Gallia or Boccatius of the Scaphigiâ—lo in the Appenine hils or Foelix Malliolus of Pilaâ—s lake
to supplie those turnes with no lesse skill than their husbands which is an hard worke for the poore butcher sith he through this means can seldome be rich or wealthie by his trade In like sort the flesh of our oxen and kine is sold both by hand and by weight as the buier will but in yoong ware rather by weight especiallie for the stéere and heighfer sith the finer béefe is the lightest wheras the flesh of buls and old kine is of sadder substance and therefore much heauier as it lieth in the scale Their hornes also are knowne to be more faire and large in England than in anie other places except those which are to be séene among the Paeones which quantitie albeit that it be giuen to our bréed generallie by nature yet it is now and then helped also by art For when they be verie yoong manie grasiers will oftentimes annoint their budding hornes or tender tips with honie which mollifieth the naturall hardnesse of that substance and thereby maketh them to grow vnto a notable greatnesse Certes it is not strange in England to sée oxen whose hornes haue the length of a yard or thrée foot betweene the tips and they themselues thereto so tall as the heigth of a man of meane and indifferent stature is scarse equall vnto them Neuerthelesse it is much to be lamented that our generall bréed of catell is not better looked vnto for the greatest occupiers weane least store bicause they can buie them as they saie far better cheape than to raise and bring them vp In my time a cow hath risen from foure nobles to foure marks by this means which notwithstanding were no great price if they did yearelie bring foorth more than one calfe a péece as I heare they doo in other countries Our horsses moreouer are high and although not commonlie of such huge greatnesse as in other places of the maine yet if you respect the easinesse of their pase it is hard to saie where their like are to be had Our land dooth yéeld no asses and therefore we want the generation also of mules and somers and therefore the most part of our cariage is made by these which remaining stoned are either reserued for the cart or appointed to beare such burdens as are conuenient for them Our cart or plough horsses for we vse them indifferentlie are commonlie so strong that fiue or six of them at the most will draw thrée thousand weight of the greatest tale with ease for a long iourneie although it be not a load of common vsage which consisteth onelie of two thousand or fiftie foot of timber fortie bushels of white salt or six and thirtie of baie or fiue quarters of wheat experience dailie teacheth and I haue elsewhere remembred Such as are kept also for burden will carie foure hundred weight commonlie without anie hurt or hinderance This furthermore is to be noted that our princes and the nobilitie haue their cariage commonlie made by carts wherby it commeth to passe that when the quéenes maiestie dooth remooue from anie one place to another there are vsuallie 400 carewares which amount to the summe of 2400 horsses appointed out of the countries adioining whereby hir cariage is conueied safelie vnto the appointed place Hereby also the ancient vse of somers and sumpter horsses is in maner vtterlie relinquished which causeth the traines of our princes in their progresses to shew far lesse than those of the kings of other nations Such as serue for the saddle are commonlie gelded and now growne to be verie déere among vs especiallie if they be well coloured iustlie limmed and haue thereto an easie ambling pase For our countriemen séeking their ease in euerie corner where it is to be had delight verie much in these qualities but chieflie in their excellent pases which besides that it is in maner peculiar vnto horsses of our soile and not hurtfull to the rider or owner sitting on their backes it is moreouer verie pleasant and delectable in his eares in that the noise of their well proportioned pase dooth yéeld comfortable sound as he trauelleth by the waie Yet is there no greater deceipt vsed anie where than among our horssekeepers horssecorsers and hostelers for such is the subtill knauerie of a great sort of them without exception of anie of them be it spoken which deale for priuat gaine that an honest meaning man shall haue verie good lucke among them if he be not deceiued by some false tricke or other There are certeine notable markets wherein great plentie of horsses and colts is bought and sold and wherevnto such as haue néed resort yearelie to buie and make their necessarie prouision of them as Rippon Newport pond Wolfpit Harborow and diuerse other But as most drouers are verie diligent to bring great store of these vnto those places so manie of them are too too lewd in abusing such as buie them For they haue a custome to make them looke faire to the eie when they come within two daies iourneie of the market to driue them till they sweat for the space of eight or twelue houres which being doone they turne them all ouer the backs into some water where they stand for a season and then go forward with them to the place appointed where they make sale of their infected ware and such as by this meanes doo fall into manie diseases and maladies Of such outlandish horsses as are dailie brought ouer vnto vs I speake not as the genet of Spaine the courser of Naples the hobbie of Ireland the Flemish roile and Scotish nag bicause that further spéech of them commeth not within the compasse of this treatise and for whose breed and maintenance especiallie of the greatest sort king Henrie the eight erected a noble studderie and for a time had verie good successe with them till the officers waxing wearie procured a mixed brood of bastard races whereby his good purpose came to little effect Sir Nicholas Arnold of late hath bred the best horsses in England and written of the maner of their production would to God his compasse of ground were like to that of Pella in Syria wherin the king of that nation had vsuallie a studderie of 30000 mares and 300 stallions as Strabo dooth remember Lib. 16. But to leaue this let vs sée what may be said of sheepe Our shéepe are verie excellent sith for sweetnesse of flesh they passe all other And so much are our woolles to be preferred before those of Milesia and other places that if Iason had knowne the value of them that are bred and to be had in Britaine he would neuer haue gone to Colchis to looke for anie there For as Dionysius Alexandrinus saith in his De situ orbis it may by spinning be made comparable to the spiders web What fooles then are our countrimen in that they séeke to bereue themselues of this commoditie by practising dailie how to transfer the same to other nations in
carieng ouer their rams ewes to breed increase among them The first example hereof was giuen vnder Edward the fourth who not vnderstanding the botome of the sute of sundrie traitorous merchants that sought a present gaine with the perpetuall hinderance of their countrie licenced them to carie ouer certeine numbers of them into Spaine who hauing licence but for a few shipped veris manie a thing commonlie practised in other commodities also whereby the prince and hir land are not seldome times defrauded But such is our nature and so blind are we in déed that we sée no inconuenience before we féele it and for a present gaine we regard not what damage may insue to our posteritie Hereto some other man would ad also the desire that we haue to benefit other countries and to impech our owne And it is so sure as God liueth that euerie trifle which commeth from beyond the sea though it be not woorth thrée pence is more estéemed than a continuall commoditie at home with vs which far excéedeth that value In time past the vse of this commoditie consisted for the most part in cloth and woolsteds but now by meanes of strangers succoured here from domesticall persecution the same hath béene imploied vnto sundrie other vses as mockados baies vellures grograines c whereby the makers haue reaped no small commoditie It is furthermore to be noted for the low countries of Belgie know it and dailie experience notwithstanding the sharpenesse of our lawes to the contrarie dooth yet confirme it that although our rams weathers doo go thither from vs neuer so well headed according to their kind yet after they haue remained there a while they cast there their heads and from thencefoorth they remaine polled without any hornes at all Certes this kind of cattell is more cherished in England than standeth well with the commoditie of the commons or prosperitie of diuerse townes whereof some are wholie conuerted to their féeding yet such a profitable sweetnesse is their fléece such necessitie in their flesh and so great a benefit in the manuring of barren soile with their doong and pisse that their superfluous numbers are the better borne withall And there is neuer an husbandman for now I speake not of our great shéepemasters of whom some one man hath 20000 but hath more or lesse of this cattell séeding on his fallowes and short grounds which yéeld the siner fléece as Virgil following Varro well espied Georg. 3. where he saith Si tibi lanicium curae primùm aspera sylua Lappaequae tribulique absint fuge pabula laeta Neuerthelesse the sheepe of our countrie are often troubled with the rot as are our swine with the measels though neuer so generallie and manie men are now and then great losers by the same but after the calamitie is ouer if they can recouer and kéepe their new stocks sound for seauen yeares togither the former losse will easilie be recompensed with double commoditie Cardan writeth that our waters are hurtfull to our shéepe howbeit this is but his coniecture for we know that our shéepe are infected by going to the water and take the same as a sure and certeine token that a rot hath gotten hold of them their liuers and lights being alredie distempered through excessiue heat which inforceth them the rather to séeke vnto the water Certes there is no parcell of the maine wherin a man shall generallie find more fine and wholesome water than in England and therfore it is impossible that our shéepe should decaie by tasting of the same Wherfore the hinderance by rot is rather to be ascribed to the vnseasonablenes moisture of the weather in summer also their licking in of mildewes gossamire rowtie fogs ranke grasse full of superfluous iuice but speciallie I saie to ouer moist wether whereby the continuall raine pearsing into their hollow felles soketh foorthwith into their flesh which bringeth them to their baines Being also infected their first shew of sickenesse is their desire to drinke so that our waters are not vnto them Causa aegritudinis but Signum morbi what so euer Cardan doo mainteine to the contrarie There are peraduenture no small babes which are growne to be so good husbands that they can make account of euerie ten kine to be cléerelie woorth twentie pounds in coÌ„mon and indifferent yeares if the milke of fiue shéepe be dailie added to the same But as I wote not how true this surmise is bicause it is no part of my trade so I am sure hereof that some housewiues can and doo ad dailie a lesse proportion of ewes milke vnto the chéese of so manie kine whereby their cheese dooth the longer abide moist and eateth more brickle and mellow than otherwise it would Goats we haue pâ—ntie and of sundrie colours in the west parts of England especiallie in and towards Wales and amongst the rockie hilles by whome the owners doo reape no small aduantage some also are cherished elsewhere in diuerse stéeds for the benefit of such as are diseased with sundrie maladies vnto whom as I heare their milke chéese and bodies of their yoong kids are iudged verie profitable and therefore inquired for of manie farre and néere Certes I find among the writers that the milke of a goat is next in estimation to that of the woman for that it helpeth the stomach remooueth oppilations and stoppings of the liuer and looseth the bellie Some place also next vnto it the milke of the ew and thirdlie that of the cow But hereof I can shew no reason onelie this I know that ewes milke is fulsome sweet and such in tast as except such as are vsed vnto it no man will gladlie yéeld to liue and féed withall As for swine there is no place that hath greater store nor more wholesome in eating than are these here in England which neuerthelesse doo neuer anie good till they come to the table Of these some we eat greene for porke and other dried vp into bakon to haue it of more continuance Lard we make some though verie little because it is chargeable neither haue we such vse thereof as is to be séene in France and other countries sith we doo either bake our meat with swéet suet of beefe or mutton and bast all our meat with sweet or salt butter or suffer the fattest to bast it selfe by leisure In champaine countries they are kept by herds and an hogherd appointed to attend and wait vpon them who commonlie gathereth them togither by his noise and crie and leadeth them foorth to féed abroad in the fields In some places also women doo scowre and wet their cloths with their doong as other doo with hemlocks and netles but such is the sauor of the cloths touched withall that I cannot abide to weare them on my bodie more than such as are scowred with the reffuse sope than the which in mine opinion there is none more vnkindlie fauor Of our tame bores we make
corrupted in the rehearsall of the miles Iter Britanniarum A GESSORIACO De Gallis Ritupis in portu Britanniarum stadia numero CCCCL A LIMITE ID EST A VALLO Praetorio vsque M. P. CLVI sic A Bramenio Corstopitum m. p. XX Vindomora m. p. IX Viconia * m. p. XIX Vinouia Vinouium Cataractoni m. p. XXII Darington Isurium m. p. XXIIII Aidbor◠〈…〉 Eburacum legio VI Victrix m. p. XVII yorke Deruentione m. p. VII Tadcaster Delgouitia m. p. XIII Wentbridge Praetorio m. p. XXV Tudford ITEM A VALLO AD portum Ritupis m. p. 481 491 sic Ablato Bulgio * castra exploratorum m. p. X 15 alià s à Blato Lugu-vallo * m. p. XII alià s à Lugu-valio Cairteill Voreda m. p. XIIII Brouonacis * m. p. XIII Brauoniacis Verteris m. p. XX 13 Lauatris m. p. XIIII Cataractone * m. p. XXI Caturractonium Darington Isuriam * m. p. XXIIII Isoriam Ald borow alià s Topcliffe Eburacum * m. p. XVIII Eboracum yorke Calcaria * m. p. IX Cacaria Camboduno m. p. XX Mammuncio * m. p. XVIII Manucio Condate m. p. XVIII Deua legio XXIII CI m. p. XX Bouio * m. p. X Bonio Mediolano m. p. XX Rutunio m. p. XII Vrio Conio * m. p. XI Viroconium Shrewesbuie propè Vxacona m. p. XI Penno-Crucio m. p. XII Etoceto m. p. XII Mandues Sedo m. p. XVI Venonis m. p. XII Bennauenta * m. p. XVII Banna venta Lactorodo * m. p. XII Lactodoro Maginto * m. p. XVII 12 Magiouintum Duro-Cobriuis m. p. XII Dunstable Vero-Lamio m. p. XII Sâ—â—lbanes Sullomacis * m. p. IX Barnet Longidinio m. p. XII Londinio London Nouiomago m. p. XII Vagniacis m. p. VI Durobrouis m. p. V. Duroprouis Rochester Duroleuo m. p. XVI 8 Duror-Verno * m. p. XII Drouerno Durouerno Ad portum Ritupis m. p. XII Duraruenno Daruerno ITEM A LONDINIO ad portum Dubris m. p. 56 66 sic Dubobrus * m. p. XXVII Durobrouis Durobrius Rochester Duraruenno m. p. XV 25 Canturburie Ad portum Dubris m. p. XIIII Douer hauen ITEM A LONDINIO AD portum Lemanis m. p. 68 sic Durobrius m. p. XXVII Rochester Duraruenno m. p. XV 25 Canturburie Ad portum * Lemanis m. p. XVI Lumming hauen ITEM A LONDINIO Lugu-Valio ad Vallum m. p. 443 sic Caesaromago m. p. XXVIII Colonia m. p. XXIIII Villa Faustini m. p. XXXV 25 Icianos m. p. XVIII Camborico m. p. XXXV Duroliponte m. p. XXV Durobriuas m. p. XXXV Gausennis m. p. XXX Lindo m. p. XXVI Segeloci m. p. XIIII Dano m. p. XXI Lege-Olio * m. p. XVI Logetium Eburaco m. p. XXI Isubriganium * m. p. XVI Isurium Briganium Cataractoni m. p. XXIIII Leuatris * m. p. XVIII Leuatrix Verteris m. p. XIIII Brocouo * m. p. XX Brocouicum Lugu-Vallo m. p. XXV 22 ITEM A LONDINIO Lindo m. p. 156 sic Verolami m. p. XXI Duro Cobrius m. p. XII Magiouinio * m. p. XII Maginto Lactodoro m. p. XVI Magis Isanna Vantia * m. p. XII Isanna vatia Tripontio m. p. XII Isanna varia Venonis m. p. IX Ratas m. p. XII Verometo m. p. XIII Margi-duno m. p. XII Ad Pontem * m. p. VII Pons Aelij Croco Calana * m. p. VII Crorolana Lindo m. p. XII ITEM A REGNO Londinio m. p. 116 96 sic Clausentum m. p. XX Venta Belgarum m. p. X Galleua * Attebatum m. p. XXII Galleua Walingford Pontibus m. p. XXII Reding Calliua Walingford Londinio m. p. XXII ITEM AB EBVRACO Londinium m. p. 227 sic Lagecio m. p. XXI Dano m. p. XVI Dancaster Ageloco * m. p. XXI Segoloco Lindo m. p. XIIII Crococalano m. p. XIIII Margi-duno m. p. XIIII Vernemero * m. p. XII Verometo Ratis m. p. XII Vennonis m. p. XII Bannauanto m. p. XIX Magio Vinio m. p. XXVIII Durocobrius m. p. XII Dunstable Verolamo m. p. XII S Albanes Sullomaca m. p. IX Barnet Londinio m. p. XII London ITEM A VENTA ICINORVM Londinio m. p. 128 sic Sitomago m. p. XXXI Combretouio * m. p. XXII Cumbretnio Ad Ansam m. p. XV Camoloduno m. p. VI Canonio m. p. IX Caesaromago m. p. XII Durolito m. p. XVI Londinio m. p. XV ITEM A GLAMOVENTA Mediolano m. p. 150 sic Galaua m. p. XVIII Alone * m. p. XII Alaâ—â—a * Aliona Alione Galacum * m. p. XIX Galacum Brigantum Bremetonaci m. p. XXVII Coccio m. p. XX Mancunio * m. p. XVIII Mammucio vel Manucio Condate m. p. XVIII Mediolano m. p. XIX ITEM A SEGONCIO DEuam m. p. 74 sic Canouio m. p. XXIIII Varis m. p. XIX Deua m. p. XXXII ITEM A CALLEVA alià s MVRIDONO alià s Viroconiorum Per Viroconiâ—â—â— Vindonu * m. p. XV Vindomi Venta Belgarum m. p. XXI Brige * m. p. XI Bragâ— Soruioduni m. p. IX Vindogladia m. p. XIII 15 Durnouaria m. p. VIII Muriduno m. p. XXXVI Scadum Nunniorum * m. p. XV 12 Iscadum Leucaro m. p. XV Bomio m. p. XV Nido m. p. XV Iscelegua Augusti * m. p. XIIII Iscelegla Burrio m. p. IX Gobannio m. p. XII Magnis m. p. XXII Brauinio * m. p. XXIIII Bronâ—niâ— Viriconio m. p. XXVII ITEM AB ISCA CALIeuâ— m. p. 109 sic Burrio m. p. IX Blestio m. p. XI Ariconio m. p. XI Cleuo m. p. XV Durocornouio m. p. XIIII Spinis m. p. XV Calleua m. p. XV ITEM ALIO ITINERE AB Isca Calleua m. p. 103 sic Venta Silurum m. p. IX Abone m. p. IX Traiectus m. p. IX Aquis Solis m. p. VI Verlucione m. p. XV Cunetione m. p. XX Spinis m. p. XV Calleua m. p. XV ITEM A CALLEVA IS CADVM Nunniorum m. p. 136 sic Vindomi m. p. XV Venta Belgarum m. p. XXI Brige m. p. XI Sorbiodoni m. p. VIII Vindocladia m. p. XII Durnonouaria * m. p. VIII 〈◊〉 Moriduno m p. XXXVI Iscadum Nunniorum m. p. XV FINIS THE Historie of England from the time that it was first inhabited vntill the time that it was last conquered Wherein the sundrie alterations of the state vnder forren people is declared and other manifold obseruations remembred BY RAPHAEL HOLINSHED Now newlie read ouer and diligentlie digested into bookes and chapters with their seuerall arguments prefixed conteining an abridgement of the whole historie for the helpe of the readers iudgement and memorie With two tables of particulars the one seruing the description the other the historie by Abr. Fleming Laus historiae ex I. Lelando Quod sol aethereo praestat pulcherrimus orbi Historia humanis vsibus hoc tribuit To the Readers studious in histories THe order obserued in the description of Britaine by reason of the necessarie diuison thereof into bookes and chapters growing our of the varietie of matters therein conteined seemed in my iudgement so conuenient a course deuised by the writer as I was easilie induced thereby to digest the historie of England immediatlie following into the like method so that as in the one so likewise in the other by summarie contents foregoing euerie chapter as also by
all persons right and iustice all the daies of his life and lastlie being growne to great age died when he had reigned now this third time after most concordance of writers the tearme of foure yeares and was buried at Caerleill A Chapter of digression shewing the diuersitie of writers in opinion touching the computation of yeares from the beginning of the British kings of this Iland downewards since Gurguintus time till the death of Elidurus and likewise till king Lud reigned in his roialtie with the names of such kings as ruled betweene the last yeare of Elidurus and the first of Lud. The eight Chapter HEre is to be noted that euen from the beginning of the British kings which reigned here in this land there is great diuersitie amongest writers both touching the names and also the times of their reignes speciallie till they come to the death of the last mentioned king Elidurus Insomuch that Polydor Virgil in his historie of England finding a manifest error as he taketh it in those writers whome he followeth touching the account from the comming of Brute vnto the sacking of Rome by Brennus whome our histories affirme to be the brother of Beline that to fill vp the number which is wanting in the reckoning of the yeares of those kings which reigned after Brute till the daies of the same Brenne Beline he thought good to change the order least one error should follow an other and so of one error making manie he hath placed those kings which after other writers should séeme to follow Brenne and Beline betwixt Dunuallo and Mulmucius father to the said Beline and Brenne and those fiue kings which stroue for the gouernement after the deceasse of the two brethren Ferrex and Porrex putting Guintoline to succéed after the fiue kings or rulers and after Guintoline his wife Martia during the minoritie of hir sonne then hir said sonne named Sicilius After him succéeded these whose names follow in order Chimarius Danius Morindus Gorbonianus Archigallo who being deposed Elidurus was made king and so continued till he restored the gouernement as ye haue heard to Archigallo againe and after his death Elidurus was eftsoones admitted and within a while againe deposed by Uigenius and Peredurus and after their deceasses the third time restored Then after his deceasse followed successiuelie Ueginus Morganus Ennanus Idunallo Rimo Geruntins Catellus Coilus Porrex the second of that name Cherinus Fulgentius Eldalus Androgeus Urianus and Eliud after whom should follow Dunuallow Molmucius as in his proper place if the order of things doone the course of time should be obserued as Polydor gathereth by the account of yeares attributed to those kings that reigned before and after Dunuallo according to those authours whom as I said he followeth if they will that Brennus which led the Galles to Rome be the same that was sonne to the said Dunuallo Mulmucius and brother to Beline But sith other haue in better order brought out a perfect agréement in the account of yeares and succession of those kings which reigned and gouerned in this land before the sacking of Rome and also another such as it is after the same and before the Romans had anie perfect knowledge thereof we haue thought good to follow them therein leauing to euerie man his libertie to iudge as his knowledge shall serue him in a thing so doubtfull and vncerteine by reason of variance amongst the ancient writers in that behalfe And euen as there is great difference in writers since Gurguintus till the death of Elidurus so is there as great or rather greater after his deceasse speciallie till king Lud atteined the kingdome But as maie be gathered by that which Fabian and other whome he followeth doo write there passed aboue 185 yeares betwixt the last yeare of Elidurus and the beginning of king Lud his reigne in the which time there reigned 32 or 33 kings as some writers haue mentioned whose names as Gal. Mon. hath recorded are thâ—se immediatlie héere named Regâ—â— the sonne of Gorbolian or Gorbonian a worthie prince who iustlie and mercifullie gouerned his people Margan the sonne of Archigallo a noble prince likewise and guiding his subiects in good quiet Emerian brother to the same Margan but far vnlike to him in maners so that he was deposed in the sixt yeare of his reigne Ydwallo sonne to Uigenius Rimo the sonne of Peredurus Geruntius the sonne of Elidurus Catell that was buried at Winchester Coill that was buried at Nottingham Porrex a vertuous and most gentle prince Cherinus a drunkard Fulginius Eldad and Androgeus these thrée were sonnes to Chercinus and reigned successiuelie one after another after them a sonne of Androgeus then Eliud Dedaicus Clotinius Gurguntius Merianns Bledius Cop Owen Sicilius Bledgabredus an excellent musician after him his brother Archemall then Eldol Red Rodiecke Samuill Penisell Pir Capoir after him his sonne Gligweil an vpright dealing prince and a good iusticiarie whom succeeded his sonne Helie which reigned 60 yeares as the forsaid Gal. Mon. writeth where other affirme that he reigned 40 yeares and some againe say that he reigned but 7 moneths There is great diuersitie in writers touching the reignes of these kings and not onlie for the number of yéeres which they should continue in their reignes but also in their names so that to shew the diuersitie of all the writers were but to small purpose sith the dooings of the same kings were not great by report made thereof by any approoued author But this maie suffice to aduertise you that by conferring the yéeres attributed to the other kings which reigned before them since the comming of Brute who should enter this land as by the best writers is gathered about the yéere before the building of Rome 367 which was in the yéere after the creation of the world 2850 as is said with their time there remaineth 182 yéeres to be dealt amongst these 33 kings which reigned betwixt the said Elidure Lud which Lud also began his reigne after the building of the citie of Rome as writers affirme about 679 yéeres and in the yéere of the world 3895 as some that will séeme the precisest calculators doo gather Polydor Virgil changing as I haue shewed the order of succession in the British kings in bringing diuerse of those kings which after other writers followed Beline and Brenne to precéed them so successiuelie after Beline and Brenne reherseth those that by his coniecture did by likelihood succéed as thus After the decesse of Beline his sonne Gurguntius being the second of that name succeeded in gouernment of the land and then these in order as they follow Merianus Bladanus Capeus Ouinus Sicilius Bledgabredus Archemallus Eldorus Rodianus Redargius Samulius Penisellus Pyrrhus Caporus Dinellus and Helie who had issue Lud Cassibellane and Neurius Of king Helie who gaue the name to the I le of Elie of king Lud and what memorable edifices he made London sometimes called Luds towne
and all the late writers of Lucius Hereby it appeareth that whether one or mo yet kings there were in Britain bearing rule vnder the Romane emperors On the other part the common opinion of our chronicle-writers is that the chiefe gouernment remained euer with the Britains that the Romane senat receiuing a yearelie tribute sent at certeine times Ex officio their emperors and lieutenants into this I le to represse the rebellious tumults therein begun or to beat backe the inuasion of the enimies that went about to inuade it And thus would these writers inferre that the Britains euer obeied their king till at length they were put beside the gouernement by the Saxons But whereas in the common historie of England the succession of kings ought to be kept so oft as it chanceth in the same that there is not anie to fill the place then one while the Romane emperors are placed in their steads and another while their lieutenants and are said to be created kings of the Britains as though the emperors were inferiors vnto the kings of Britaine and that the Romane lieutenants at their appointments and not by prescript of the senat or emperours administred the prouince This may suffice here to aduertise you of the contrarietie in writers Now we will go foorth in following our historie as we haue doone heretofore sauing that where the Romane histories write of things done here by emperors or their lieutenants it shall be shewed as reason requireth sith there is a great appearance of truth oftentimes in the same as those that be authorised and allowed in the opinion of the learned Of Theomantius the tearme of yeares that he reigned and where he was interred of Kymbeline within the time of whose gouernment Christ Iesus our sauiour was borne all nations content to obeie the Romane emperors and consequentlie Britaine the customes that the Britaines paie the Romans as Strabo reporteth The xviij Chapter AFter the death of Cassibellane Theomantius or Tenantius the yoongest sonne of Lud was made king of Britaine in the yéere of the world 3921 after the building of Rome 706 before the comming of Christ 45. He is named also in one of the English chronicles Tormace in the same chronicle it is conteined that not he but his brother Androgeus was king where Geffrey of Monmouth others testifie that Androgeus abandoned the land clerelie continued still at Rome because he knew the Britains hated him for treason he had committed in aiding Iulius Cesar against Cassibellane Theomantius ruled the land in good quiet and paid the tribute to the Romans which Cassibellane had granted and finallie departed this life after he had reigned 22 yeares and was buried at London KYmbeline or Cimbeline the sonne of Theomantius was of the Britains made king after the deceasse of his father in the yeare of the world 3944 after the building of Rome 728 and before the birth of out Sauiour 33. This man as some write was brought vp at Rome and there made knight by Augustus Cesar vnder whome he serued in the warres and was in such fauour with him that he was at libertie to pay his tribute or not Little other mention is made of his dooings except that during his reigne the Sauiour of the world our Lord Iesus Christ the onelie sonne of God was borne of a virgine about the 23 yeare of the reigne of this Kymbeline in the 42 yeare of the emperour Octauius Augustus that is to wit in the yeare of the world 3966 in the second yeare of the 194 Olympiad after the building of the citie of Rome 750 nigh at an end after the vniuersall floud 2311 from the birth of Abraham 2019 after the departure of the Israelits out of Egypt 1513 after the captiuitie of Babylon 535 from the building of the temple by Salomon 1034 from the arriuall of Brute 1116 complet Touching the continuance of the yeares of Kymbelines reigne some writers doo varie but the best approoued affirme that he reigned 35 years and then died was buried at London leauing behind him two sonnes Guiderius and Aruiragus ¶ But here is to be noted that although our histories doo affirme that as well this Kymbeline as also his father Theomantius liued in quiet with the Romans and continuallie to them paied the tributes which the Britains had couenanted with Iulius Cesar to pay yet we find in the Romane writers that after Iulius Cesars death when Augustus had taken vpon him the rule of the empire the Britains refused to paie that tribute whereat as Cornelius Tacitus reporteth Augustus being otherwise occupied was contented to winke howbeit through earnest calling vpon to recouer his right by such as were desirous to sée the vttermost of the British kingdome at length to wit in the tenth yeare after the death of Iulius Cesar which was about the thirtéenth yeare of the said Theomantius Augustus made prouision to passe with an armie ouer into Britaine was come forward vpon his iournie into Gallia Celtica or as we maie saie into these hither parts of France But here receiuing aduertisements that the Pannonians which inhabited the countrie now called Hungarie and the Dalmatians whome now we call Slauons had rebelled he thought it best first to subdue those rebells neere home rather than to séeke new countries and leaue such in hazard whereof he had present possession and so turning his power against the Pannonians and Dalmatians he left off for a time the warres of Britaine whereby the land remained without feare of anie inuasion to be made by the Romans till the yeare after the building of the citie of Rome 725 and about the 19 yeare of king Theomantius reigne that Augustus with an armie departed once againe from Rome to passe ouer into Britaine there to make warre But after his comming into Gallia when the Britains sent to him certeine ambassadours to treat with him of peace he staied there to settle the state of things among the Galles for that they were not in verie good order And hauing finished there he went into Spaine and so his iournie into Britaine was put off till the next yeare that is the 726 after the building of Rome which fell before the birth of our sauiour 25 about which time Augustus eftsoons meant the third time to haue made a voiage into Britaine because they could not agrée vpon couenants But as the Pannonians and Dalmatians had aforetime staied him when as before is said he meant to haue gone against the Britans so euen now the Salassians a people inhabiting about Italie and Switserland the Cantabrians and Asturians by such rebellious sturrs as they raised withdrew him from his purposed iournie But whether this controuersie which appeareth to fall forth betwixt the Britans and Augustus was occasioned by Kymbeline or some other prince of the Britains I haue not to auouch for that by our writers
forward courage hasted to incounter his enimies the which receiued him so sharplie and with so cruell fight that at length the Englishmen were at point to haue turned their backs But herewith came king Ethelred and manfullie ended the battell staied his people from running away and so encouraged them and discouraged the enimies that by the power of God whom as was thought in the morning he had serued the Danes finallie were chased and put to flight losing one of their kings that is to say Basreeg or Osréeg and 5 earles Sidroc the elder and Sidroc the yoonger Osberne Freine and Harold This battell was sore foughten and conâ—inued till night with the slaughter of manie thousands of Danes About 14 daies after king Ethelred and his brother Alured fought eftsoones with the Danish armie at Basing where the Danes had the victorie Also two moneths after this they likewise fought with the Danes at Merton And there the Danes after they had béene put to the woorse pursued in chase a long time yet at length they also got the victorie in which battell Edmund bishop of Shireborne was slaine and manie other that were men of woorthie fame and good account In the summer following a mightie host of the Danes came to Reading and there soiourned for a time ¶ These things agrée not with that which Polydor Virgil hath written of these warres which king Ethelred had with the Danes for he maketh mention of one Iuarus a king of the Danes who landed as he writeth at the mouth of Humber and like a stout enimie inuaded the countrie adioining Against whome Ethelred with his brother Alured came with an armie and incountring the Danes fought with them by the space of a whole day togither and was in danger to haue béene put to the woorse but that the night seuered them asunder In the morning they ioined againe but the death of Iuarus who chanced to be slaine in the beginning of the battell discouraged the Danes so that they were easilie put to flight of whome before they could get out of danger a great number were slaine But after that they had recouered themselues togither and found out a conuenient place where to pitch their campe they chose to their capteines Agnerus and Hubba two brethren which indeuored themselues by all meanes possible to repaire their armie so that within 15 daies after the Danes eftsoones fought with the Englishmen and gaue them such an ouerthrow that little wanted of making an end of all incounters to be attempted after by the Englishmen But yet within a few daies after this as the Danes attended their market to spoile the countrie and range somewhat licentiouslie abroad they fell within â—he danger of such ambushes as were laid for them by king Ethelred that no small slaughter was made of them but yet not without some losse of the Englishmen Amongest others Ethelred himselfe receiued a wound whereof he shortlie after died Thus saith Polydor touching the warres which king Ethelred had with the Danes who yet confesseth as the trueth is that such authors as he herein followed varie much from that which the Danish writers doo record of these matters and namelie touching the dooings of Iuarus as in the Danish historie you may sée more at large But now to our purpose touching the death of king Ethelred whether by reason of hurt receiued in fight against the Danes as Polydor saith or otherwise certeine it is that Ethelred anon after Easter departed this life in the sixt yeare of his reigne and was buried at Winborne abbey In the daies of this Ethelred the foresaid Danish capteins Hungar otherwise called Agnerus and Hubba returning from the north parts into the countrie of the Eastangles came vnto Thetford whereof Edmund who reigned as king in that season ouer the Eastangles being aduertised raised an armie of men and went foorth to giue battell vnto this armie of the Danes But he with his people was chased out of the field and fled to the castell of Framingham where being enuironed with a siege by his enimies he yéelded himselfe vnto them And because he would not renounce the christian faith they bound him to a trée and shot arrowes at him till he died and afterwards cut off his head from his bodie and threw the same into a thicke groue of bushes But afterwards his friends tooke the bodie with the head and â—uried the same at Egleseon where afterward also a faire monasterie was builded by one bishop Aswin and changing the name of the place it was after caâ—â—ed saint Edmundfburie Thus was king Edmund put to death by the cruell Danes for his constant confessing the name of Christ in the 16 yeare of his reigne and so ceased the kingdome of Eastangles For after that the Danes had thus slaine that blessed man they conquered all the countrie wasted it so that through their tyrannie it remained without anie gouernor by the space of nine yeares and then they appointed a king to rule ouer it whose name was Guthrun one of their owne nation who gouerned both the Eastangles and the Eastsaxons Ye haue heard how the Danes slue Osrike and Ella kings of Northumberland After which victorie by them obteined they did much hurt in the north parts of this land and amongest other cruell deeds they destroied the citie of Aâ—â—uid which was a famous citie in the time of the old Saxons as by Beda and other writers dooth manifestlie appeare Here is to be remembred that some writers rehearse the cause to be this Osbright or Osrike king of Northumberland rauished the wife of one Berne that was a noble man of the countrie about Yorke who tooke such great despight thereat that he fled out of the land and went into Denmarke and there complained vnto the king of Denmarke his coosin of the iniurie doone to him by king Osbright Wherevpon the king of Denmarke glad to haue so iust a quarell against them of Northumberland furnished foorth an armie and sent the same by sea vnder the leading of his two brethren Hungar and Hubba into Northumberland where they slue first the said king Osbright and after king Ella at a place besides Yorke which vnto this day is called Ellas croft taking that name of the said Ella being there slaine in defense of his countrie against the Danes Which Ella as we find registred by writers was elected king by such of the Northumbers as in fauour of Berne had refused to be subiect vnto Osbright Alfred ruleth ouer the Westsaxons and the greatest part of England the Danes afflict him with sore warre and cruellie make wast of his kingdome they lie at London a whole winter they inuade Mercia the king whereof Burthred by name forsaketh his countrie and goeth to Rome his death and buriall Halden king of the Danes diuideth Northumberland among his people Alfred incountreth with the
of his reigne king Alured went to Eglerighston on the east part of Selwood where there came to him the people of Summersetshire Wiltshire Hamshire reioising greatlie to sée him abroad From thence he went to Edanton there fought against the armie of the Danes and chased them vnto their strength where he remained afore them the space of fouretéene daies Then the armie of the Danes deliuered him hostages and couenants to depart out of his dominions and that their king should be baptised which was accomplished for Gurthrun whome some name Gurmond a prince or king amongst these Danes came to Alured and was baptised king Alured receiuing him at the fontstone named him Adelstan and gaue to him the countrie of Eastangle which he gouerned or rather spoiled by the space of twelue yéeres Diuerse other of the Danish nobilitie to the number of thirtie as Simon Dunelmensis saith came at the same time in companie of their king Gurthrun and were likewise baptised on whome king Alured bestowed manie rich gifts At the same time as is to be thought was the league concluded betwixt king Alured and the said Gurthrun or Gurmond in which the bounds of king Alureds kingdome are set foorth thus First therefore let the bounds or marshes of our dominion stretch vnto the riuer of Thames and from thence to the water of Lée euen vnto the head of the same water and so foorth streight vnto Bedford and finallie going alongst by the riuer of Ouse let them end at Watlingstréet This league being made with the aduise of the sage personages as well English as those that inhabited within east England is set foorth in maister Lamberts booke of the old English lawes in the end of those lawes or ordinances which were established by the same king Alured as in the same booke ye may sée more at large Th'English called diuers people Danes whom the French named Normans whervpon that generall name was giuen them Gurmo Anglicus K. of Denmark whose father Frotto was baptised in England the Danes besiege Rochester Alfred putteth them to flight recouereth London out of their hands and committeth it to the custodie of duke Eldred his sonne in law he assaulteth Hasting a capteine of the Danes causeth him to take an oth his two sonnes are baptised he goeth foorth to spoile Alfreds countrie his wife children and goods c are taken and fauourablie giuen him againe the Danes besiege Excester they flie to their ships gaine with great losse they are vanquished by the Londoners the death of Alfred his issue male and female The xv Chapter HEre is to be noted that writers name diuerse of the Danish capteins kings of which no mention is made in the Danish chronicles to reigne in those parties But true it is that in those daies not onelie the Danish people but also other of those northeast countries or regions as Swedeners Norwegians the Wondens and such other which the English people called by one generall name Danes and the Frenchmen Normans vsed to roaue on the seas and to inuade forren regions as England France Flanders and others as in conuenient places ye may find as well in our histories as also in the writers of the French histories and likewise in the chronicles of those north regions The writers verelie of the Danish chronicles make mention of one Gurmo whome they name Anglicus bicause he was borne here in England which succeeded his father Frotto in gouernement of the kingdome of Denmarke which Frotto receiued baptisme in England as their stories tell In the eight yéere of king Alfred his reigne the armie of the Danes wintered at Cirencester and the same yéere an other armie of strangers called Wincigi laie at Fulham and in the yéere following departed foorth of England and went into France and the armie of king Godrun or Gurmo departed from Cirencester and came into Eastangle and there diuiding the countrie amongst them began to inhabit the same In the 14 yéere of king Alfred his reigne part of the Danish armie which was gone ouer into France returned into England and besieged Rochester But when Alfred approched to the reskue the enimies fled to their ships and passed ouer the sea againe King Alfred sent a nauie of his ships well furnished with men of warre into Eastangle the which at the mouth of the riuer called Sture incountering with 16 ships of the Danes set vpon them and ouercame them in fight but as they returned with their prises they incountered with another mightie armie of the enimies and fighting with them were ouercome and vanquished In the yeere following king Alfred besieged the citie of London the Danes that were within it fled from thence and the Englishmen that were inhabitants thereof gladlie receiued him reioising that there was such a prince bred of their nation that was of power able to reduce them into libertie This citie being at that season the chiefe of all Mercia he deliuered into the kéeping of duke Eldred which had maried his daughter Ethelfleds held a great portion of Mercia which Colwolphus before time possesed by the grant of the Danes after they had subdued K. Burthred as before is said About the 21 yere of K. Alfred an armie of those Danes Normans which had béene in France returned into England and arriued in the hauen or riuer of Limene in the east part of Kent néere to the great wood called Andredesley which did conteine in times past 120 miles in length and thirtie in breadth These Danes landing with their people builded a castle at Appledore In the meane time came Hasting with 80 ships into the Thames and builded a castle at Middleton but he was constreined by siege which king Alfred planted about him to receiue an oth that he should not in any wise annoie the dominion of king Alfred who vpon his promise to depart gaue great gifts as well to him as to his wife and children One of his sonnes also king Alfred held at the fontstone and to the other duke Aldred was god father For as it were to win credit and to auoid present danger Hasting sent vnto Alfred these his two sonnes signifieng that if it stood with his pleasure he could be content that they should be baptised But neuerthelesse this Hasting was euer most vntrue of word and déed he builded a castle at Beamfield And as he was going foorth to spoile and wast the kings countries Alfred tooke that castle with his wife children ships and goods which he got togither of such spoiles as he had abroad but he restored vnto Hasting his wife and children bicause he was their godfather Shortlie after newes came that a great number of other ships of Danes were come out of Northumberland and had besieged Excester Whilest king Alfred went then against them the other armie which lay at Appledore inuaded Essex and built
Moreouer fortie of their ships or rather as some write 45 were reteined to serue the king promising to defend the realme with condition that the souldiers and mariners should haue prouision of meate and drinke with apparell found them at the kings charges As one autor hath gathered Swaine king of Denmarke was in England at the concluding of this peace which being confirmed with solemne othes and sufficient hostages he departed into Denmarke The same author bringeth the generall slaughter of Danes vpon S. Brices day to haue chanced in the yéere after the conclusion of this agréement that is to say in the yéere 1012 at what time Gunthildis the sister of king Swaine was slaine with hir husband hir sonne by the commandement of the false traitor Edrike But bicause all other authors agrée that the same murther of Danes was executed about ten yéeres before this supposed time we haue made rehearsall thereof in that place Howbeit for the death of Gunthildis it maie be that she became hostage either in the yéere 1007 at what time king Egelred paied thirtie thousand pounds vnto king Swaine to haue peace as before you haue heard or else might she be deliuered in hostage in the yéere 1011 when the last agréement was made with the Danes as aboue is mentioned But when or at what time soeuer she became hostage this we find of hir that she came hither into England with hir husband Palingus a mightie earle and receiued baptisme héere Wherevpon she earnestlie trauelled in treatie of a peace betwixt hir brother and king Egelred which being brought to passe chieflie by hir sute she was contented to become an hostage for performance thereof as before is recited And after by the commandement of earle Edrike she was put to death pronouncing that the shedding of hir bloud would cause all England one day sore to rue She was a verie beautifull ladie and tooke hir death without all feare not once changing countenance though she saw hir husband and hir onelie sonne a yoong gentleman of much towardnesse first murthered before hir face Turkillus the Danish capteine telleth king Swaine the faults of the king nobles commons of this realme he inuadeth England the Northumbers and others submit themselues to him Danes receiued into seruice vnder Egelred London assalted by Swaine the citizens behaue themselues stoutlie and giue the Danish host a shamefull repulse Ethelmere earle of Deuonshire and his people submit themselues to Swaine he returneth into Denmarke commeth back againe into England with a fresh power is incountred withall of the Englishmen whose king Egelred is discomfited his oration to his souldiers touching the present reliefe of their distressed land their resolution and full purpose in this their perplexitie king Egrlred is minded to giue place to Swaine lie sendeth his wife and children ouer into Normandie the Londoners yeeld vp their state to Swaine Egelred saileth ouer into Normandie leauing his land to the enimie The sixt Chapter NOw had Turkillus in the meane time aduertised king Swaine in what state things stood here within the realme how king Egelred was negligent onlie attending to the lusts pleasures of the flesh how the noble men were vnfaithfull and the commons weake and féeble through want to good and trustie leaders Howbeit some write that Turkillus as well as other of the Danes which remained héere in England was in league with king Egelred in somuch that he was with him in London to helpe and defend the citie against Swaine when he came to assalt it as after shall appéere Which if it be true a doubt may rise whether Swaine receiued anie aduertisement from Turkillus to mooue him to rather to inuade the realme but such aduertisements might come from him before that he was accorded with Egelred Swaine therefore as a valiant prince desirous both to reuenge his sisters death and win honor prepared an huge armie and a great number of ships with the which he made towards England and first comming to Sandwich taried there a small while and taking eftsoones the sea compassed about the coasts of the Eastangles and arriuing in the mouth of Humber sailed vp the water and entering into the riuer of Trent he landed at Gainesbourgh purposing to inuade the Northumbers But as men brought into great feare for that they had béene subiect to the Danes in times past and thinking therefore not to reuolt to the enimie but rather to their old acquaintance if they should submit themselues to the Danes streightwaies offered to become subiect vnto Swaine togither with their duke named Wighthred Also the people of Lindsey and all those of the northside of Watlingstreet yéelded themselues vnto him and deliuered pledges Then he appointed his sonne Cnutus to haue the kéeping of those pledges and to remaine vpon the saâ—egard of his ships whiles he himselfe passed forward into the countrie Then marched he forward to subdue them of south Mercia and so came to Oxford to Winchester making the countries subiect to him through out wheresoeuer he came With this prosperous successe Swaine being greatlie incouraged prepared to go vnto London where king Egelred as then remained hauing with him Turkillus the Dane which was reteined in wages with other of the Danes as by report of some authors it maie appeare and were now readie to defend the citie against their countriemen in support of king Egelred togither with the citizens Swaine bicause he would not step so farre out of the way as to go to the next bridge lost a great number of his men as he passed through the Thames At his comming to London he bagan to assault the citie verie fiercelie in hope either to put his enimie in such feare that he should despaire of all reliefe and comfort or at the least trie what he was able to doo The Londoners on the other part although they were brought in some feare by this sudden attempt of the enimies yet considering with themselues that the hazard of all the whole state of the realme was annexed to theirs sith their citie was the chiefe and metropolitane of all the kingdome they valiantlie stood in defense of themselues and of their king that was present there with them beating backe the enimies chasing them from the walles and otherwise dooing their best to kéepe them off At length although the Danes did most valiantlie assault the citie yet the Englishmen to defend their prince from all iniurie of enimies did not shrinke but boldlie sallied foorth at the gates in heapes togither and incountered with their aduersaries and began to fight with them verie fiercelie Swaine whilest he went about to kéepe his men in order as one most desirous to reteine the victorie now almost gotten was compassed so about with the Londoners on each side that after he had lost a great number of his men he was constreined for his safegard to breake out through the
commanded that to his armie lodged at Gréenewich wages and vittels sufficient should be deliuered for the finding releeuing succouring and susteining thereof Swaine vsed the victorie verie cruellie against the Englishmen oppressing them on each hand to the intent that them being brought low he might gouerne in more suertie The yéere in which he obteined the rule thus of thus realme and that king Egelred was constreined to flie into Normandie was in the 35 yeere of the same Egelred his reigne and after the birth of our Lord 1014. Swaine being once established in the gouernment did not onelie vse much crueltie in oppressing the laitie but also stretched foorth his hand to the church and to the ministers in the same fléecing them and spoiling both churches and ministers without anie remorse of conscience insomuch that hauing a quarell against the inhabitants within the precinct of S. Edmunds land in Suffolke he did not onelie harrie the countrie but also rifled and spoiled the abbeie of Burie where the bodie of saint Edmund rested Wherevpon shortlie after as he was at Gainesbrough or Thetford as some say and there in his iollitie talked with his Nobles of his good successe in conquering of this land he was suddenlie striken with a knife as it is reported miraculouslie for no man wist how or by whome and within three daies after to wit on the third of Februarie he ended his life with grieuous paine and torment in yelling and roring by reason of his extreame anguish beyond all measure There hath sproong a pleasant tale among the posteritie of that age how he should be wounded with the same knife which king Edmund in his life time vsed to weare Thus haue some of our writers reported but the Danish chronicles report a farre more happie end which should chance to this Swaine than is before mentioned out of our writers for the said chronicles report that after he had subdued England he tooke order with king Egelred whome they name amisse Adelstane that he should not ordeine any other successor but onlie the said Swaine Then after this he returned into Denmarke where vsing himselfe like a right godlie prince at length he there ended his life being a verie old man Notwithstanding all this when or howsoeuer he died immediatlie after his deceasse the Danes elected his sonne Cnute or Knought to succeed in his dominions But the Englishmen of nothing more desirous than to shake off the yoke of Danish thraldome besides their necks shoulders streightwaies vpon knowledge had of Swaines death with all spéed aduertised king Egelred thereof and that they were readie to receiue and assist him if he would make hast to come ouer to deliuer his countrie out of the hands of strangers These newes were right ioifull vnto Egelred who burning in desire to be reuenged on them that had expelled him out of his kingdome made no longer tariance to set that enterprise forward But yet doubting the inconstancie of the people he sent his elder son named Edmund to trie the minds of them and to vnderstand whether they were constant or wauering in that which they had promised The yoong gentleman hasting ouer into England and with diligent inquirie perceiuing how they were bent returned with like spéed as he came into Normandie againe declaring to his father that all things were in safetie if he would make hast King Egelred then conceiued an assured hope to recouer his kingdom aided with his brother in laws power and trusting vpon the assistance of the Englishmen returned into England in the time of Lent His returne was ioifull and most acceptable to the English people as to those that abhorred the rule of the Danes which was most sharpe and bitter to them although Cnute did what he could by bountifulnesse and courteous dealings to haue reteined them vnder his obeisance And of an intent to procure Gods fauour in the well ordering of things for the administration in the common wealth he sought first to appease his wrath and also to make amends to saint Edmund for his fathers offense committed as was thought against him insomuch that after he had obteined the kingdome he caused a great ditch to be cast round about the land of saint Edmund and granted manie fréedoms to the inhabitants acquiting them of certeine taskes and paiments vnto the which other of their neighbours were contributarie He also builded a church on the place where saint Edmund was buried and ordeined an house of moonks there or rather remooued the canons or secular priests that were there afore and put moonks in their roomes He offered vp also his crowne vnto the same S. Edmund and redéemed it againe with a great summe of monie which maner of dooing grew into an vse vnto other kings that followed him He adorned the church there with manie rich iewels and indowed the monasterie with great possessions But these things were not done now at the first but after that he was established in the kingdome For in the meane time after that king Egelred was returned out of Normandie Cnute as then soiourning at Gainesbrough remained there till the feast of Easter and made agréement with them of Lindsey so that finding him horsses they should altogither go foorth to spoile their neighbors King Egelred aduertised thereof sped him thither with a mightie host and with great crueltie burned vp the countrie and slue the more part of the inhabitants bicause they had taken part with his enimies Cnute as then was not of power able to resist Egelred and therefore taking his ships which lay in Humber fled from thence sailed about the coast till he came to Sandwich and there sore gréeued in his mind to remember what mischéefe was fallen and chanced to his friends and subiects of Lindsey onelie for his cause he commanded that such pledges as had béene deliuered to his father by certeine noble men of this realme for assurance of their fidelities should haue their noses slit and their eares stuffed or as some write their hands and noses cut off When this cruell act according to his commandement was doone taking the sea he sailed into Denmarke but yet tooke not all the Danes with him which his father brought thither For earle Turkill perceiuing the wealthinesse of the land compounded with the Englishmen and chose rather to remaine in a region replenished with all riches than to returne home into his owne countrie that wanted such commodities as were here to be had And yet as some thought he did not forsake his souereigne lord Cnute for anie euill meaning towards him but rather to aid him when time serued to recouer the possession of England againe as it afterwards well appeared For notwithstanding that he was now reteined by K. Egelred with fortie ships and the flower of all the Danes that were men of warre so that Cnute returned but with 60 ships into his countrie yet
prepared to receiue whensoeuer the Englishmen approched and heerewith bringing his men into araie he came foorth to méet his enimies Then was the battell begun with great earnestnesse on both sides continued foure houres till at length the Danes began somewhat to shrinke which when Cnute perceiued he commanded his horssemen to come forward into the forepart of his dawnted host But whilest one part of the Danes gaue backe with feare and the other came slowlie forward the arraie of the whole armie was broken then without respect of shame they fled amaine so that there died that day of Cnutes side foure thousand and fiue hundred men and of king Edmunds side not past six hundred and those were footmen This battell was fought as should appéere by diuerse writers at Okefort or Oteford It was thought that if king Edmund had pursued the victorie and followed in chase of his enimies in such wise as he safelie might haue doone Edriks counsell he had made that day an end of the warres but he was counselled by Edrike as some write in no condition to follow them but to staie and giue time to his people to refresh their wearie bodies Then Cnute with his armie passed ouer the Thames into Essex and there assembled all his power togither and began to spoile and waste the countrie on each hand King Edmund aduertised thereof hasted foorth to succour his people and at Ashdone in Essex three miles from Saffron Walden gaue battell to Cnute where after sore and cruell fight continued with great slaughter on both sides a long time duke Edrike fled to the comfort of the Danes and to the discomfort of the Englishmen Héerevpon king Edmund was constreined in the end to depart out of the field hauing first doone all that could be wished in a woorthie chiestaine both by woords to incourage his men by deeds to shew them good example so that at one time the Danes were at point to haue giuen backe but that Cnute aduised thereof rushed into the left wing where most danger was and so relieued his people there that finallie the Englishmen both wearied with long fight and also discouraged with the running awaie of some of their companie were constreined to giue-ouer and by flight to séeke their safegard so that king Edmund might not by anie meanes bring them againe into order Héere vpon all the waies and passages being forelaid and stopped by the enimies the Englishmen wanting both carriage to make longer resistance and perceiuing no hope to rest in fléeing were beaten downe and slaine in heapes so that few escaped from that dreadfull and bloudie battell There died on king Edmunds side duke Edmund duke Alfrike and duke Goodwine with earle Ulfekettell or Urchell of Eastangle and duke Aileward that was sonne to Ardelwine late duke of Eastangle and to be briefe all the floure of the English nobilitie There were also slaine at this battell manie renowmed persons of the spiritualtie as the bishop of Lincolne and the abbat of Ramsey with others king Edmund escaping awaie got him into Glocestershire and there began to raise a new armie In the place where this field was fought are yet seuen or eight hils wherein the carcases of them that were slaine at the same field were buried and one being digged downe of late there were found two bodies in a coffin of stone of which the one laie with his head towards the others féet and manie chaines of iron like to the water-chains of the bits of horsses were found in the same hill But now to the matter London other great cities townes submit themselues to Cnute be hasteth after Edmund with his power both their armies being readie to incounter by occasion are staied the oration of a capteine in the hearing of both hosts the title and right of the realme of England is put to the triall of combat betweene Cnute and Edmund Cnute is ouermatâ—ched his woords to king Edmund both kings are pacified and their armies accorded the realme diuided betwixt Cnute and Edmund king Edmund traitorouslie slaine the dissonant report of writers touching the maners of his death and both the kings dealing about the partition of the realme Cnute causeth Edrike to be slaine for procuring king Edmunds death wherein the reward of treason is noted how long king Edmund reigned and where he was buried the eclipsed state of England after his death and in whose time it recouered some part of it brightnesse The tenth Chapter IN the meane while that Edmund was buâ—ie to leauie a new armie in Glocester and other parties of Mercia Cnute hauing got so great a victorie as before is mentioned receiued into his obeisance not onelie the citie of London but also manie other cities and townes of great name and shortlie after hasted forward to pursue his enimie king Edmund who was readie with a mightie host to trie the vttermost chance of battell if they should eftsoones ioine Héerevpon both the armies being readie to giue the onset the one in sight of the other at a place called Dearehurst neere to the riuer of Seuerne by the drist of duke Edrike who then at length began to shew some token of good meaning the two kings came to a communication and in the end concluded an agreement as some haue written without anie more adoo Others write that when both the armies were at point to haue ioined one of the capteins but whether he were a Dane or an Englishman it is not certeinlie told stood vp in such a place as he might be heard of both the princes boldlie vttered his mind in former following The oration of a capteine in the audience of the English and Danish armie WE haue most woorthie capteins fought long inough one against another there hath beene but too much bloud shed betweene both the nations and the valiancie of the souldiers on both sides is sufficientlie seene by triall either of your manhoods likewise and yet can you beare neither good nor euill fortune If one of you win the battell he pursueth him that is ouercome and if he chance to be vanquished he resteth no till he haue recouered new strength to fight eftsoones with him that is victor What should you meane by this your inuincible courage At what marke shooteth your greedie desire to beare rule and your excessiue thirst to atteine honour If you fight for a kingdome diuide it betweene you two which sometime was sufficient for seuen kings but if you couet to winne fame and glorious renowme and for the same are driuen to try the hazard whether ye shall command or obeie deuise the waie whereby ye may without so great slaughter and without such pitifull bloudshed of both your guiltlesse peoples trie whether of you is most woorthie to be preferred Thus made he an end and the two princes allowed well of his last motion and so order was taken that they should
made away the worthiest bodie of the world I shall raise thy head aboue all the lords of England and so caused him to be put to death Thus haue some bookes Howbeit this report agreeth not with other writers which declare how Cnute aduanced Edrike in the beginning of his reigne vnto high honor and made him gouernor of Mercia and vled his counsell in manie things after the death of king Edmund as in banishing Edwin the brother of king Edmund with his sonnes also Edmund and Edward But for that there is such discordance and variable report amongst writers touching the death of king Edmund and some fables inuented thereof as the manner is we will let the residue of their reports passe sith certeine it is that to his end he came after he had reigned about the space of one yéere and so much more as is betwéene the moneth of Iune and the latter end of Nouember His bodie was buried at Glastenburie neere his vncle Edgar With this Edmund surnamed Ironside fell the glorious maiestie of the English kingdome the which afterward as it had beene an aged bodie being sore decaied and weakened by the Danes that now got possession of the whole yet somewhat recouered after the space of 26 yéers vnder king Edward surnamed the Confessor and shortlie therevpon as it had béene falne into a resiluation came to extreame ruine by the inuasion and conquest of the Normans as after by Gods good helpe and fauorable assistance it shall appeare So that it would make a diligent and marking reader both muse and moorne to see how variable the state of this kingdome hath béene thereby to fall into a consideration of the frailtie and vncerteintie of this mortall life which is no more frée from securitie than a ship on the sea in tempestuous weather For as the casualties wherewith our life is inclosed and beset with round about are manifold so also are they miserable so also are they sudden so also are they vnauoidable And true it is that the life of man is in the hands of God and the state of kingdoms dooth also belong vnto him either to continue or discontinue But to the processe of the matter Cnute vndertaketh the totall regiment of this land he assembleth a councell at London the nobles doo him homage he diuideth the realme into foure parts to be gouerned by his assignes Edwin and Edward the sonnes of Edmund are banished their good fortune by honorable mariages King Cnute marieth queene Emma the widow of Egelred the wise and politike conditions wherevpon this mariage was concluded the English bloud restored to the crowne and the Danes excluded queene Emma praised for hir high wisedome in choosing an enimie to hir husband Cnute dismisseth the Danish armie into Denmarke Edrike de Streona bewraieth his former trecherie and procureth his owne death through rashnesse and follie the discordant report of writers touching the maner cause of his death what noble men were executed with him and banished out of England Cnute a monarch The xj Chapter CAnute or Cnute whome the English chronicles doo name Knought after the death of king Edmund tooke vpon him the whole rule ouer all the realme of England in the yéere of our Lord 1017 in the seuentéenth yeere of the emperour Henrie the second surnamed Claudus in the twentith yéere of the reigne of Robert king of France and about the 7 yeere of Malcolme king of Scotland Cnute shortlie after the death of king Edmund assembled a councell at London in the which he caused all the nobles of the realme to doo him homage in receiuing an oth of loiall obeisance He diuided the realme into foure parts assigning Northumberland vnto the rule of Irke or Iricius Mercia vnto Edrike and Eastangle vnto Turkill and reseruing the west part to his owne gouernance He banished as before is said Edwin the brother of king Edmund but such as were suspected to be culpable of Edmunds death he caused to be put to execution whereby it should appeere that Edrike was not then in anie wise detected or once thought to be giltie The said Edwin afterwards returned and was then reconciled to the kings fauor as some write but shortlie after traitorouslie slaine by his owne seruants He was called the king of churles Others write that he came secretlie into the realme after he had béene banished and kéeping himselfe closelie out of sight at length ended his life and was buried at Tauestocke Moreouer Edwin and Edward the sonnes of king Edmund were banished the land and sent firt vnto Sweno king of Norweie to haue bin made away but Sweno vpon remorse of conscience sent them into Hungarie where they found great fauor at the hands of king Salomon insomuch that Edwin maried the daughter of the same Salomon but had no issue by hir Edward was aduanced to marie with Agatha daughter of the emperour Henrie and by hir had issue two sonnes Edmund and Edgar surnamed Edeling and as many daughters Margaret and Christine of the which in place conuenient more shall be said When king Cnute had established things as he thought stood most for his suertie he called to his remembrance that he had no issue but two bastard sonnes Harold and Sweno begotten of his concubine Alwine Wherefore he sent ouer to Richard duke of Normandie requiring to haue quéene Emma the widow of king Egelred in mariage and so obteined hir not a little to the woonder of manie which thought a great ouersight both in the woman and in hir brother that would satisfied the request of Cnute herein considering he had beene such a mortall enimie to hir former husband But duke Richard did not onelie consent that his said sister should be maried vnto Cnute but also he himselfe tooke to wife the ladie Hestritha sister to the said Cnute ¶ Here ye haue to vnderstand that this mariage was not made without great consideration large couenants granted on the part of king Cnute for before he could obteine queene Emma to his wife it was fullie condescended agréed that after Cnuts decease the crowne of England should remaine to the issue borne of this mariage betwixt hir Cnute which couenant although it was not performed immediatlie after the deceasse of king Cnute yet in the end it tooke place so as the right séemed to be deferred and not to be taken away nor abolished for immediatlie vpon Harolds death that had vsurped Hardicnute succéeded as right heire to the crowne by force of the agréement made at the time of the mariage solemnized betwixt his father and mother and being once established in the kingdome he ordeined his brother Edward to succéed him whereby the Danes were vtterlie excluded from all right that they had to pretend vnto the crowne of this land and the English bloud restored thereto chieflie by that gratious conclusion of this mariage betwixt king Cnute and quéene Emma For the
tributes and paiments He caused indeed eight markes of siluer to be leuied of euerie port or hauen in England to the reteining of 16 ships furnished with men of warre which continued euer in a readinesse to defend the coasts from pirats To conclude with this Harold his spéedie death prouided well for his fame bicause as it was thought if his life had béene of long continuance his infamie had been the greater But after he had reigned foure yeeres or as other gathered three yéeres and thrée moneths he departed out of this world at Oxford was buried at Winchester as some day Other say he died at Meneford in the moneth of Aprill and was buried at Westminster which should appeare to be true by that which after is reported of his brother Hardiknoughts cruell dealing and great spite shewed toward his dead bodie as after shall be specified Hardicnute is sent for into England to be made king alteration in the state of Norwaie and Denmarke by the death of king Cnute Hardicnute is crowned he sendeth for his mother queene Emma Normandie ruled by the French king Hardicnute reuengeth his mother exile vpon the dead bodie of his stepbrother Harold queene Emma and erle Goodwine haue the gouernment of things in their hands Hardicnute leuieth a sote tribute vpon his subiects contempt of officers deniall of a prince his tribute sharpelie punished prince Edward commeth into England the bishop of Worcester accused and put from his see for being accessarie to the murthering of Alfred his restitution procured by contribution Earle Goodwine being accused for the same trespasse excuseth himselfe and iustifieth his cause by swearing but speciallie by presenting the king with an inestimable gift the cause why Goodwine purposed Alfreds death the English peoples care about the succession to the crowne moonke Brightwalds dreame and vision touching that matter Hardicnute poisoned at a bridall his conditions speciallie his hospitalitie of him the Englishmen learned to eate and drinke immoderatlie the necessitie of sobrietie the end of the Danish regiment in this land and when they began first to inuade the English coasts The xv Chapter AFter that Harold was dead all the nobles of the realme both Danes Englishmen agréed to send for Hardiknought the sonne of Canute by his wife quéene Enma and to make him king Héere is to be noted that by the death of king Canute the state of things was much altered in those countries of beyond the seas wherein he had the rule and dominion For the Norwegians elected oen Magnus the sonne of Olauus to be their king and the Danes chose this Hardiknought whome their writers name Canute the third to be their gouernor This Hardiknought or Canute being aduertised of the death of his halfe brother Harold and that the lords of England had chosen him to their king with all conuenient speed prepared a nauie and imbarking a certeine number of men of warre tooke the sea and had the wind so fauorable for his purpose that he arriued vpon the coast of Kent the sixt day after he set out of Denmarke and so comming to London was ioifullie receiued and proclaimed king and crowned of Athelnotus archbishop of Canturburie in the yere of our Lord 1041 in the first yéere of the emperour Henrie the third in the 9 yeere of Henrie the first of that name king of France and in the first yéere of Magâ—â—nloch alià s Machabeda king of Scotland Incontinentlie after his establishment in the rule of this realme he sent into Flanders for his mother queene Emma who during the time of hir banishment had remained there For Normandie in that season was gouerned by the French king by reason of the minoritie of duke William surnamed the bastard Moreouer in reuenge of the wrong offered to quéene Emma by hir sonne in law Harold king Hardicnute did cause Alfrike archbishop of Yorke and earle Goodwine with other noble men to go to Westminster and there to take vp the bodie of the same Harold and withall appointed that the head thereof should be striken off and the trunke of it cast into the riuer of Thames Which afterwards being found by fishers was taken vp and buried in the churchyard of S. Clement Danes without Temple barre at London He committed the order and gouernement of things to the hands of his mother Emma and of Goodwine that was erle of Kent He leuied a sore tribute of his subiects here in England to pay the souldiers and mariners of his nauie as first 21 thousand pounds 99 pounds and afterward vnto 32 ships there was a paiment made of a 11 thousand and 48 pounds To euerie mariuer of his nauie he caused a paiment of 8 marks to be made and to euerie master 12 marks About the paiment of this monie great grudge grew amongst the people insomuch that two of his seruants which were appointed collectors in the citie of Worcester the one named Feader and the other Turstane were there slaine In reuenge of which contempt a great part of the countrie with the citie was burnt and the goods of the citizens put to the spoile by such power of lords and men of warre as the king had sent against them Shortlie after Edward king Hardicnutes brother came foorth of Normanâ—ie to visit him and his mother quéene Emma of whome he was most ioifullie and honorablie welcomed and interteined and shortlie after made returne backe againe It should appeare by some writers that after his comming ouer out of Normandie he remained still in the realme so that he was not in Normandie when his halfe brother Hardicnute died but here in England although other make other report as after shall bée shewed Also as before ye haue heard some writers seeme to meane that the elder brother Alfred came ouer at the same time But suerlie they are therein deceiued for it was knowne well inough how tenderlie king Hardicnute loued his brethren by the mothers side so that there was not anie of the lords in his daies that durst attempt anie such iniurie against them True it is that as well earle Goodwine as the bishop of Worcester that was also put in blame and suspected for the apprehending and making away of Alfred as before ye haue heard were charged by Hardicnute as culpable in that matter insomuch that the said bishop was expelled out of his see by Hardicnute and after twelue moneths space was restored by meanes of such summes of monie as he gaue by waie of amends Earle Goodwine was also put to his purgation by taking an oth that he was not guiltie Which oth was the better allowed by reason of such a present as he gaue to the king for the redéeming of his fauour and good will that is to say a ship with a sterne of gold conteining therein 80 souldiers wearing on each of their armes two braceiets of gold of 16 ounces weight
Rogation wéeke Harold eftsoones by the kings commandement went against the Welshmen and taking the sea sailed by Bristow round about the coast compassing in maner all Wales His brother Tostie that was earle of Northumberland met him by appointment with an host of horssemen and so ioining togither they destroied the countrie of Wales in such sort that the Welshmen were compelled to submit themselues to deliuer hostages and conditioned to paie the ancient tribute which before time they had paied And moreouer they renounced their prince the forenamed Griffin so that he remained as a banished person and finallie about the fift day of August they slue him and sent his head to earle Harold Afterwards king Edward granted the rule of Wales vnto Blengent or Blethgent Riuall Griffins two brethren which did homage vnto him for the same and had serued vnder Harold against their brother the foresaid Griffin There be which write that not onelie Griffin but also another of his brethren called Rice was brought to his death by the manfull meanes and politike order of earle Harold all the sauage people of Wales reduced into the forme of good order vnder the subiection of king Edward Shortlie after earle Harold chanced to passe ouer into Normandie whither of hap or of purpose it is hard to define writers doo varie so much in report thereof Some write that he made earnest sute to king Edward to haue licence to go ouer to sée his brother Wilnot and his nephue Hacune which as ye haue heard were deliuered as pledges to king Edward sent into Normandie to remaine there with duke William and at length with much adoo got leaue but yet he was told aforehand of the king that he would repent his iournie and doo the thing that should be preiudiciall to the realme Other write that Harold lieng at his manor of Bosham went aboord one day into his fishers boat or craier and caused the same to lanch forth to the sea for his pleasure but by misfortune at the same time a contrarie wind suddenlie came about and droue the vessell on land into France vpon the coast of Ponthieu where he was taken by the countrie people presented to the earle of Ponthieu named Guie or Guido who kept him as prisoner meaning to put him to a grieuous ransome But Harold remembring himselfe of a wile dispatched a messenger forth with all spéed vnto William duke of Normandie signifieng vnto him that he being sent from king Edward to confirme such articles as other meane men that had béene sent vnto him afore had talked of by chance he was fallen into the hands of the earle of Ponthieu and kept as prisoner against all order of law reason or humanitie Duke William thus informed by the messenger sent to the earle of Ponthieu requiring him to set earle Harold at libertie that he might repaire to him according to his commission The earle of Ponthieu at the dukes request did not onelie restore Harold to his libertie but also brought him into Normandie and presented him there to the duke of whome he was most ioifullie receiued There be that agrée partlie with this report and partlie varie for they write that earle Harold tooke the sea vpon purpose to haue sailed into Flanders and that by force of wâ—â—d he was driuen to the coast of Pouthieu and so after came into Normandie in maner as before is mentioned But by what means or occasion soeuer he came thither certeine it is that he was ioifullie receiued and had great chéere made him by the said duke William who at that time was readie to make a iournie against the Britains and tooke earle Harold with him to haue his companie in armes in that iournei that he might haue the better triall of his valiancie Earle Harold behaued himselfe so that he shewed good proofe both of his wisedome and policie and also of his forwardnesse to execute that with hand which by wit he had deuised so that duke William had him in high fauour and as it hath béene said earle Harold to procure him more friendship at the dukes hands declared vnto him that king Edward had ordeined him his heire if he died without issue and that he would not faile to kéepe the realme of England to the dukes vse according to that ordinance if K. Edward died without issue And to performe this promise he receiued a corporall oth whether willinglie to win the more credit or forced thereto by duke William writers report it diuerslie At the same time duke William promised vnto him his daughter in marriage whom Harold couenanted in like maner to take to wife Harold at his returne into England reporteth to K. Edward what he had doone beyond the seas and what the king said vnto him in that behalfe who foresaw the comming of the Normans into this land to conquer it when and why king Edward promised to make duke William his heire wherein note his subtiltie diffention betwixt Harold and Tostie two brethren the sonnes of earle Goodwine their vnnaturall and cruell dealing one with another speciallie of the abhominable and merciles murthers committed by Tostie against whome the Northumbers rebell vpon diuerse occasions and reward him with answerable reuengement Harold is sent against them but preuaileth not they offer to returne home if they might haue a new gouernor they renounce Tostie and require Marchar in his roome Tostie displeased getteth him into Flanders king Edward dieth his manners and disposition note woorthie his charitie and deuotion the vertue of curing the maladie called the kings euill deriued from him to the succeeding kings of this land he was warned of his death by a ring he is canonized for a saint the last woords that he spake on his death-bed wherein he vttered to the standers by a vision prophesieng that England should be inhabited with strangers a description of the kings person of a blasing starre fore-telling his death the progenie of the Westsaxon kings how long they continued the names of their predecessors and successors whence the first kings of seuen kingdoms of Germanie had their pedegree c. The seuenth Chapter NOw when Harold should returne into England duke William deliuered him his nephue Hacune but kept his brother Wilnote with him still as a pledge Then went earle Harold into England and declared vnto king Edward what he had doone who said vnto him Did not I tell thee that thou wouldest doo the thing whereof thou shouldest repent thee and procure a mischiefe to follow vnto thy countrie But God of his mercie turne that euill hap from this realme or at the least if it be his pleasure that it must needs come to passe yet to staie it till after my daies Some by Harolds purposed going ouer into Normandie doo gather that king Edward foresaw the comming of the Normans and that he meant nothing lesse than to performe the promise made vnto
I thought good speake also of another of no lesse heigth than either of these and liuing of late yeares but these here remembred shall suffice to prooue my purpose withall I might tell you in like sort of the marke stone which Turnus threw at Aeneas and was such as that twelue chosen and picked men saith Virgil Qualia nunc hominum producit corpora tellus were not able so stur and remooue out of the place but I passe it ouer and diuerse of the like concluding that these huge blocks were ordeined and created by God first for a testimonie vnto vs of his power and might and secondlie for a confirmation that hugenes of bodie is not to be accompted of as a part of our felicitie sith they which possessed the same were not onelie tyrants doltish euill men but also oftentimes ouercome euen by the weake féeble Finallie they were such indéed as in whom the Lord delited not according to the saieng of the prophet Baruch Ibi fuerunt gigantes nominati illi qui ab initio fuerunt statura magna scientes bellum hos non elegit Dominus neque illis viam disciplinae dedit propterea perierunt quoniam non habuerunt sapientiam interierunt propter suam insipientiam c. that is There were the giants famous from the beginning that were of great stature and expert in warre those did not the Lord choose neither gaue he the waie of knowledge vnto them but they were destroied because they had no wisedome and perished through their owne foolishnesse That the bodies of men also doo dailie decaie in stature beside Plinie lib. 7. Esdras likewise confesseth lib. 4. cap. 5. whose authoritie is so good herein as that of Homer or Plinie who doo affirme so much whereas Goropius still continuing his woonted pertinacitie also in this behalfe maketh his proportion first by the old Romane foot and then by his owne therevpon concludeth that men in these daies be fullie so great as euer they were whereby as in the former dealing he thinketh it nothing to conclude against the scriptures chosen writers and testimonies of the oldest pagans But see how he would salue all at last in the end of his Gigantomachia where he saith I denie not but that od huge personages haue bene seene as a woman of ten and a man of nine foot long which I my selfe also haue beholden but as now so in old time the common sort did so much woonder at the like as we doo at these because they were seldome séene and not commonlie to be heard of Of the languages spoken in this Iland Cap. 6. WHat language came first with Samothes and afterward with Albion and the giants of his companie it is hard for me to determine sith nothing of sound credit remaineth in writing which may resolue vs in the truth hereof Yet of so much are we certeine that the speach of the ancient Britons and of the Celts had great affinitie one with another so that they were either all one or at leastwise such as either nation with small helpe of interpretors might vnderstand other and readilie discerne what the speaker meant Some are of the opinion that the Celts spake Greeke and how the British toong resembled the same which was spoken in Grecia before Homer did reforme it but I see that these men doo speake without authoritie and therefore I reiect them for if the Celts which were properlie called Galles did speake Gréeke why did Cesar in his letters sent to Rome vse that language because that if they should be intercepted they might not vnderstand them or why did he not vnderstand the Galles he being so skilfull in the language without an interpretor Yet I denie not but that the Celtish and British speaches might haue great affinitie one with another and the British aboue all other with the Greeke for both doo appéere by certeine words as first in tri for three march for an horsse trimarchia whereof Pausanias speaketh for both Atheneus also writeth of Bathanasius a capitaine of the Galles whose name is méere British compounded of Bath Ynad signifieth a noble or comelie iudge And wheras he saith that the reliques of the Galles tooke vp their first dwelling about Isther and afterward diuided themselues in such wise that they which went and dwelled in Hungarie were called Sordsai and the other that inhabited within the dominion of Tyroll Brenni whose seate was on the mount Brenhere parcell of the Alpes what else signifieth the word Iscaredich in British from whence the word Scordisci commeth but to be diuided Hereby then and sundrie other the like testimonies I gather that the British and the Celtish speaches had great affinitie one with another as I said which Cesar speaking of the similitude or likenesse of religion in both nations doth also auerre Tacitus in vita Agricolae in like sort plainlie affirmeth or else it must needs be that the Galles which inuaded Italie and Greece were meere Britons of whose likenes of speech with the Gréeke toong I need not make anie triall sith no man I hope will readilie denie it Appianus talking of the Brenni calleth them Cymbres and by this I gather also that the Celts and the Britons were indifferentlie called Cymbri in their owne language or else that the Britons were the right Cymbri who vnto this daie doo not refuse to be called by that name Bodinus writing of the meanes by which the originall of euerie kingdome and nation is to be had and discerned setteth downe thrée waies whereby the knowledge thereof is to be found one is saith he the infallible testimonie of the sound writers the other the description and site of the region the third the relikes of the ancient speech remaining in the same Which later if it be of any force then I must conclude that the spéech of the Britons and Celts was sometime either all one or verie like one to another or else it must follow that the Britons ouerflowed the continent vnder the name of Cymbres being peraduenture associat in this voiage or mixed by inuasion with the Danes and Norwegiens who are called Cymbri and Cymmerij as most writers doo remember This also is euident as Plutarch likewise confesseth In vita Mary that no man knew from whence the Cymbres came in his daies and therfore I â—â—â—â—eeue that they came out of Britaine for all the maine was well knowne vnto them I meane euen to the vttermost part of the north as may appeare furthermore by the slaues which were dailie brought from thence vnto them whom of their countries they called Daui for Daci Getae for Gothes c for of their conquests I need not make rehearsall sith they are commonlie knowne and remembred by the writers both of the Greekes and Latines The British toong called Camberaec dooth yet remaine in that part of the Iland which is now called Wales whither the Britons were
driuen after the Sarons had made a full conquest of the other which we now call England although the pristinate integritie thereof be not a little diminished by mixture of the Latine and Saxon speaches withall Howbeit manie poesies and writings in making whereof that nation hath euermore delited are yet extant in my time wherby some difference betwéene the ancient and present language may easilie be discerned notwithstanding that among all these there is nothing to be found which can set downe anie sound and full testimonie of their owne originall in remembrance whereof their Bards and cunning men haue béene most slacke and negligent Giraldus in praising the Britons affirmeth that there is not one word in all their language that is not either Gréeke or Latine Which being rightly vnderstanded and conferred with the likenesse that was in old time betwéene the Celts the British toongs will not a little helpe those that thinke the old Celtish to haue some fauour of the Gréeke But how soeuer that matter standeth after the British speach came once ouer into this Iland sure it is that it could neuer be extinguished for all the attempts that the Romans Saxons Normans and Englishmen could make against that nation in anie maner of wise Petigrées and genealogies also the Welsh Britons haue plentie in their owne toong insomuch that manie of them can readilie deriue the same either from Brute or some of his band euen vnto Aeneas and other of the Troians and so foorth vnto Noah without anie maner of stop But as I know not what credit is to be giuen vnto them in this behalfe although I must néeds confesse that their ancient Bards were verie diligent in there collection and had also publike allowance or salarie for the same so I dare not absolutelie impugne their assertions sith that in times past all nations learning it no doubt of the Hebrues did verie solemnelie preserue the catalogs of their descents thereby either to shew themselues of ancient and noble race or else to be descended from some one of the gods But Stemmata quid faciunt quid prodest Pontice longo Sanguine censeri aut quid auorum ducere turmas c. Next vnto the British speach the Latine toong was brought in by the Romans and in maner generallie planted through the whole region as the French was after by the Normans Of this toong I will not say much bicause there are few which be not skilfull in the same Howbeit as the speach it selfe is easie and dâ—lectable so hath it peruerted the names of the ancient riuers regions cities of Britaine in such wise that in these our daies their old British denominations are quite growne out of memorie and yet those of the new Latine left as most vncertaine This remaineth also vnto my time borowed from the Romans that all our déeds euidences charters writings of record are set downe in the Latine toong though now verie barbarous and therevnto the copies and court-rolles and processes of courts and leets registred in the same The third language apparantlie knowne is the Scithian or high Dutch induced at the first by the Saxons which the Britons call Saysonaec as they doo the speakers Sayson an hard and rough kind of speach God wot when our nation was brought first into acquaintance withall but now changed with vs into a farre more fine and easie kind of vtterance and so polished and helped with new and milder words that it is to be aduouched how there is no one speach vnder the sunne spoken in our time that hath or can haue more varietie of words copie of phrases or figures and floures of eloquence than hath our English toong although some haue affirmed vs rather to barke as dogs than talke like men bicause the most of our words as they doo indéed incline vnto one syllable This also is to be noted as a testimonie remaining still of our language deriued from the Saxons that the generall name for the most part of euerie skilfull artificer in his trade endeth in Here with vs albeit the H be left out and er onlie inserted as Scriuenhere writehere shiphere c for scriuener writer and shipper c beside manie other relikes of that spéech neuer to be abolished After the Saxon toong came the Norman or French language ouer into our countrie and therein were our lawes written for a long time Our children also were by an especiall decrée taught first to speake the same and therevnto inforced to learne their constructions in the French whensoeuer they were set to the Grammar schoole In like sort few bishops abbats or other clergie men were admitted vnto anie ecclesiasticall function here among vs but such as came out of religious houses from beyond the seas to the end they should not vse the English toong in their sermons to the people In the court also it grew into such contempt that most men thought it no small dishonor to speake any English there Which brauerie tooke his hold at the last likewise in the countrie with euerie plowman that euen the verie carters began to wax wearie of there mother toong laboured to speake French which as then was counted no small token of gentilitie And no maruell for euerie French rascall when he came once hither was taken for a gentleman onelie bicause he was proud and could vse his owne language and all this I say to exile the English and British speaches quite out of the countrie But in vaine for in the time of king Edward the first to wit toward the latter end of his reigne the French it selfe ceased to be spoken generallie but most of all and by law in the midst of Edward the third and then began the English to recouer and grow in more estimation than before notwithstanding that among our artificers the most part of their implements tooles and words of art reteine still their French denominations euen to these our daies as the language it selfe is vsed likewise in sundrie courts bookes of record and matters of law whereof here is no place to make any particular rehearsall Afterward also by diligent trauell of Geffray Chaucer and Iohn Gowre in the time of Richard the second and after them of Iohn Scogan and Iohn Lydgate monke of Berrie our said toong was brought to an excellent passe notwithstanding that it neuer came vnto the type of perfection vntill the time of Quéene Elizabeth wherein Iohn Iewell B. of Sarum Iohn Fox and sundrie learned excellent writers haue fullie accomplished the ornature of the same to their great praise and immortall commendation although not a few other doo greatlie séeke to staine the same by fond affectation of forren and strange words presuming that to be the best English which is most corrupted with externall termes of eloquence and sound of manie syllables But as this excellencie of the English toong is found in one and the south part of this Iland so