Selected quad for the lemma: england_n

Word A Word B Word C Word D Occurrence Frequency Band MI MI Band Prominent
england_n writer_n year_n young_a 33 3 6.2835 4 false
View all documents for the selected quad

Text snippets containing the quad

ID Title Author Corrected Date of Publication (TCP Date of Publication) STC Words Pages
A02495 The principal nauigations, voyages, traffiques and discoueries of the English nation. [vols. 1-3] made by sea or ouer-land, to the remote and farthest distant quarters of the earth, at any time within the compasse of these 1600. yeres: deuided into three seuerall volumes, according to the positions of the regions, whereunto they were directed. The first volume containeth the worthy discoueries, &c. of the English ... The second volume comprehendeth the principall nauigations ... to the south and south-east parts of the world ... By Richard Hakluyt preacher, and sometime student of Christ-Church in Oxford.; Principall navigations, voiages, and discoveries of the English nation. 1599 (1599) STC 12626A; ESTC S106753 3,713,189 2,072

There are 8 snippets containing the selected quad. | View lemmatised text

prouince of Tlapa to the riuer of Tlacolula For they may as I haue sayd car●●e the timber in lighters or rafts downe the riuers and may vse the Indians in the townes thereabout to fell and draw the same out of the cold mountaines for in the warme countreyes the most is plaine ground whereas with very fewe men and oxen it may be brought vnto the place where it should be imbarqued There may come flat bottomes and canoas vnto the townes thereabout and lade themselues with victuals For they haue already come by that riuer to the rode of Ometepec made there prouision at the mansion of Don Mattheo and at the farmes at that time when his Maiestie did people the plaines which are betweene these riuers conteining a large and voyde countrey sufficient for the erecting of 20. manours being a countrey well furnished with water and pasture without any danger or perill according to the description hereunto annexed This small harbour of Tecuanapa being seene and viewed seemeth very commodious for to build shippes in by reason of the great abundance of mountaines full of good timber for that purpose with the commodities of riuers and with the seruice and victuals from the townes thereabout which be very good for coast townes The desire of him that made this relation hath bene with zeale to serue your excellencie who therewithall desireth the Lord God to giue the successe THE PRINCIPAL VOYAGES OF the English Nation to the Isles of Trinidad Margarita Dominica Deseada Monserrate Guadalupe Martinino and all the rest of the Antilles As likewise to S. Iuan de Puerto rico to Hispaniola Iamaica and Cuba and also to Tierra firma and all along the coast and Islands therof euen from Cumana and the Caraco● to the neckland of Dariene and ouer it to the Gulfe of S. Michael and the Isle of Perles in the South sea and further to Cabeça Catiua Nombre de dios and Venta de cruzes to Puerto Belo Rio de Chagre and the Isle of Escudo along the maine of Beragua to the Cape and Gulfe of the Honduras to Truxillo Puerto de cauallos and all other the principall Townes Islands and harbours of accompt within the said Gulfe and vp Rio dolce falling into this Gulfe aboue 30. leagues As also to the Isle of Coçumel and to Cape Coto●he the towne of Campeche and other places vpon the land of Iucatan and lower downe to S. Iuan de Vllua Vera Cruz Rio de Panuco Rio de Palmas c. within the bay of Mexico and from thence to the Isles of the Tortugas the port of Hanana the Cape of Florida and the Gulfe of Bahama homewards With the taking sacking ransoming or burning of most of the principall Cities and townes vpon the coasts of Tierra sirma Nueua Espanna and all the foresaid Islands since the most traiterous burning of her Maiesties ship the Iesus of Lube● and murthering of her Subiects in the port of S. Iuan de Vllua and the last generall arrest other Highnesse people with their ships and goods throughout all the dominions of the King of Spaine in the moneth of Iune 1585. Besides the manifold and tyrannicall oppressions of the Inquisition inflicted on our nation vpon most light and friuolous occasion● The voyage of Sir Thomas Pert and Sebastian Cabot about the eight yeere of King Henry the eight which was the yere 1516. to Brasil Santo Domingo and S. Iuan de Puerto rico THat learned and painefull writer Richard Eden in a certaine Epistle of his to the duke of Northumberland before a worke which he translated out of Munster in the yeere 1553 called A treati●e of new India maketh mention of a voyage of discouerie vndertaken out of England by sir Thomas Pert and Sebastian Cabota about the 8. yere of King Henry the eight of famous memorie imputing the ouerthrow thereof vnto the cowardise and want of stomack of the said Sir Thomas Pert in maner following If manly courage saith he like vnto that which hath bene seene proued in your Grace as well in forreine realmes as also in this our countrey had not bene wanting in other in these our dayes at such time as our soueraigne lord of famous memorie king Henry the 8. about the same yeere of his raigne furnished and sent out certaine shippes vnder the gouernance of Sebastian Cabot yet liuing and one sir Thomas Pert whose faint heart was the cause that the voyage tooke none effect it I say such manly courage whereof wee haue spoken had not at that time beene wanting it might happily haue come to passe that that rich treasurie called Perularia which is nowe in Spaine in the citie of Siuill and so named for that in it is kept the infinite riches brought thither from the newfound land of Peru might long since haue beene in the ●ower of London to the kings great honour and wealth of this realme Hereunto that also is to bee referred which the worshipfull M. Robert Thorne wrote to the sayde king Henry the 8. in the yeere 1527. by doctor Leigh his ambassadour sent into Spaine to the Emperour Charles the fift whose wordes bee these Now rest to be discouered the North parts the which it seemeth vnto me is onely your highnes charge and dutie because the situation of this your realme is thereunto neerest and aptest of all other and also for that already you haue taken it in hand And in mine opinion it will not seeme well to leaue so great and profitable an enterprise seeing it may so easily and with so litle cost labour and danger be followed and obteined Though hitherto your grace haue made thereof a proofe found not the commoditie thereby as you trusted at this time it shal be none impediment for there may be now prouided remedies ●or things then lacked and the inconueniences and lets remooued that then were cause your graces desire tooke no full effect which is the courses to be changed and to follow the aforesayd new courses And concerning the mariners ships and proui●ion an order may be deuised and taken mee●e and conuenient much better then hitherto by reason whereof by Gods grace no doubt you● purpose shall take effect And whereas in the aforesayd wordes M. Robert Thorne sayth that he would haue the old courses to bee changed and the newe courses to the North to be followed It may plainely be gathered that the former voyage whereof twise or thrise he maketh mention wherein it is like that sir Thomas Pert and Sebastian Cabot were set foorth by the king was made towarde Brasill and the South parts Moreouer it seemeth that Gonsaluo de Ouiedo a famous Spanish writer assudeth vnto the sayde voyage in the beginning of the 13. chapter of the 19. booke of his generall and natural historie of the West Indies agreeing very well with the time about which Richard Eden writeth that the foresaid voyage was begun The authors wordes are these as I finde them translated
seeke the common commoditie and what way and by what meane that is to bee brought about is the point or summe of the matter since euery good man is ready to imploy his labour This is to bee done by an infinite sort of mèanes as the number of things bee infinite that may bee done for common benefite of the Realme And as the chiefe things so to bee done be diuers so are they to bee done by diuers men as they bee by wit and maner of education more fit or lesse fit for this and for that And for that of many things that tend to the common benefite of the State some tend more and some lesse I finde that no one thing after our other is greater then Clothing and the things incident to the same And vnderstanding that you are of right good capacitie and become a Factor at Constantinople and in other partes i● Turkie I finde no man fitter of all the English Factors there then you And therefore I am so bold to put you in minde and to tell you wherein with some indeuour you may chaunce to doe your Countrey much good and giue an infinite sorte of the poore people occasion to pray for you here throughout the Realme this that I meane is in matter of Cloth c. 1 FIrst you cannot denie but that this Realitie yeeldeth the most fiue Wooll the most soft the most strong Wooll the most durable in Cloth and most apte of nature of all other to receiue Die and that no Island or any one kingdome so small doeth yeeld so great abundance of the same and that no Wooll is lesse subiect to mothes or to fretting in presse then this as the old Parliament robes of Kings of many noble Peeres to be shewed may plainly restifie 2 There is no commoditie of this Realme that may set so many poore subiects on worke as this doeth that doeth bring in so much treasure and so much ●nrich the merchant and so much employ the Nauie of this Realme as this commoditie of our Wooll doeth Ample and full Uent of this noble and rich commoditie is it that the common weale of this realme doeth require Spaine nowe aboundeth with Wools and the same are Clothed Turkie hath Wools and so haue diuers prouinces of Christendome and of Heathenesse and cloth is made of the s●me in diuers places 1 But if England haue the most fine and the most excellent Wools of the world in all respects as it cannot bee denied but it hath 2 If there may bee added to the same excellent artificiall and true making and excellent dying 3 Then no doubt but that we shall haue vent for our Clothes although the rest of the world did abound much more with Wool then it doeth and although their workemanship and their dying were in degree equal with ours of England vnlesse the labour of our people imployed that way and the materials vsed in dying should be the cause of the contrary by dearth But if Forren nations turne their Wools inferiour to ours into truer and more excellent made cloth and shall die the same in truer surer and more excellent and more delectable colours then shall they sell and make ample vent of their Clothes when the English cloth of better wooll shall rest vnsold to the spoyle of the Merchant of the Clothier and of the breeder of the wooll and to the turning to bag and wallet of the infinite number of the poore people imploied in clothing in seuerall degrees of labour here in England Which things wayed I am to tell you what things I wish you in this Realme and after in Turkie to indeuour from time to time as your laisure may permit the same Before you goe out of the Realme that you learne 1 TO know wooll all kind of clothes made in this realme and all other employments of wooll home or forren be y e same in Felt clokes felt hats in the red knit cap for Barbarie called Bonettos rugios colorados or whatsoeuer c. All the deceits in Clothmaking as the sorting together of Wools of seuerall natures some of nature to shrinke some to hold out which causeth clothed to cockle and lie vneuen The euill sorting of threed of good or bad wooll some tootoo hard spun some tootoo soft spun deliuered to be wouen The faults in Weauing The faults in Walking Rowing and Burling and in Racking the Clothes aboue measure vpon the Teintors all which faults may be learned of honest men which faults are to be knowen to the merchant to be shunned and not to be vsed 2 Then to learne of the Diers to discerne all kind of colours as which be good and sure and which will not hold which be faire which not which colours by the dearth of the substances bee deare and which by reason of the cheapenesse of the Materials with which they be died be cheape colours 3 Then to take the names of all the materials and substaunces vsed in this Citie or in the realme in dying of cloth or silke To learne to know them as which be good which bad And what colours they die And what prices they be of And of them which bee the Naturals of this Realme and in what part of the Realme they are to be had And of all the forren materials vsed in dying to know the very naturall places of them and the plentie or the starcenesse of each of them These things superficially learned in the realme before you goe you are the sitter in forren parts to serue your Countrey for by this meanes you haue an enterie into the thing that I wish you to trauell in What you shall doe in Turkie besides the businesse of your Factorship 1 FOrasmuch as it is reported that the Woollen clothes died in Turkie bee most excellently died you shall send home into this realme certaine Mowsters or pieces of Shew to be brought to the Diershall there to be shewed partly to remoue out of their heads the too too great opinion they haue conceiued of their owne cunning and partly to mooue them for shame to endeuour to learne more knowledge to the honour of their countrey of England and to the vniuersall benefit of the realme 2 You shall deuise to amend the Dying of England by carying hence an apte yoong man brought vp in the Arte or by bringing one or other from thence of skill or rather to deuise to bring one for Silkes and another for Wooll and for Woollen cloth and if you cannot worke this by ordinarie meanes then to worke it by some great Bassas meane or if your owne credite there be not sufficient by meane of your small abode in those parties to worke it by the helpe of the French ambassador there resident for which purpose you may infinuate your selfe into his acquaintance and otherwise to leaue no meane vnsought that tendeth to this end wherein you are to doe as circumstances may permit 3 Then to learne to know all
Persians Moscouites and there is no nation that they seeke for to trouble except ours wherefore it were contrary to all iustice and reason that they should suffer all nations to trade with them and to forbid vs. But now I haue as great liberty as any other nation except it be to go out of the countrey which thing as yet I desire not But I thinke hereafter and before it be long if I shall be desirous to go from hence that they wil not deny me licence Before we might be suffered to come out of prison I was forced to put in suerties for 2000 pardaus not to depart from hence without licence of the viceroy otherwise except this we haue as much libertie as any other nation for I haue our goods againe haue taken an house in the chiefest streete in the towne called the Rue dre●ie where we sell our goods There were two causes which moued the captaine of Ormus to imprison vs afterwards to send vs hither The first was because Michael Stropene had accused vs of many matters which were most false And the second was for that M. Drake at his being at Maluco caused two pieces of his ordinance to be shot at a gallion of the kings of Portugall as they say But of these things I did not know at Ormus and in the ship that we were sent in came the chiefest iustice in Ormus who was called Aueador generall of that place he had beene there three yeeres so that now his time was expired which Aueador is a great friend to the captaine of Ormus who certaine dayes after our comming from thence sent for mee into his chamber and there beganne to demaund of me many things to the which I answered and amongst the rest he said that Master Drake was sent out of England with many ships and came to Maluco and there laded cloues and finding a gallion there of the kings of Portugall hee caused two pieces of his greatest ordinance to be shot at the same and so perceiuing that this did greatly grieue them I asked if they would be reuenged of me for that which M. Drake had done To the which he answered No although his meaning was to the contrary He said moreouer that the cause why the captaine of Ormus did send me for Goa was for that the Uiceroy would vnderstand of mee what newes there was of Don Antonio and whether he were in England yea or no and that it might be all for the best that I was sent hither the which I trust in God wil so fall out although contrary to his expectation for had it not pleased God to put into the minds of the archbishop and other two Padres or Iesuits of S. Pauls colledge to stand our friends we might haue rotted in prison The archbishop is a very good man who hath two yong men to his seruantes the one of them was borne at Hamborough and is called Bernard Borgers and the other was borne at Enchuy●en whose name is Iohn Linscot who did vs great pleasure for by them the archbishop was many times put in minde of vs. And the two good fathers of S. Paul who trauelled very much for vs the one of them is called Padre Marke who was borne in Bruges in Flanders and the other was borne in Wilshire in England and is called Padre Thomas Steuens Also I chanced to finde here a young man who was borne in Antwerpe but the most part of his bringing vp hath beene in London his name is Francis de Rea and with him it was my hap to be acquainted in Aleppo who also hath done me great pleasure here In the prison at Ormus we remained many dayes also we lay a long time at sea comming hither and forthwith at our arriuall here were caried to prison and the next day after were se●● for before the Aueador who is the chiefest iustice to be examined and when we were examined he presently sent vs backe againe to prison And after our being here in prison 13 daies Iames Storie went into the monastery of S. Paul where he remaineth and is made one of the company which life he liketh very well And vpon S. Thomas day which was 22 dayes after our arriuall here I came out of prison and the next day after came out Ralph Fitch and William Bets. If these troubles had not chanced I had beene in possibility to haue made as good a voyage as euer any man made with so much money Many of our things I haue solde very well both here and at Ormus in prison notwithstanding the cap●aine willed me if I would to sell what I could before we imbarked so with officers I went diuers times out of the castle in the morning and solde things and at night returned againe to the prison and all things that I solde they did write and at our imbarking from thence the captain gaue order that I should deliuer all my mony with the goods into the hands of the scriuano or purser of the ship which I did and the scriuano made a remembrance which he left there with the captaine that my selfe and the rest with money goods he should deliuer into the hands of the Aueador generall of India but at our arriuall here the Aueador would neither meddle with goods nor money for that he could not proue any thing against vs wherefore the goods remained in the ship 9 or 10 daies after our arriuall and then for that the ship was to saile from thence the scriuano sent the goods on shore and here they remained a day and a night and no body to receiue them In the end they suffered this bringer to receiue them who came with me from Ormus and put them into an house which he had hired for me where they remained foure or fiue daies But afterward when they should deliuer the money it was concluded by the iustice that both the money and goods should be deliuered into the positors hands where they remained fourteene dayes after my comming out of prison At my being in Aleppo I bought a fountaine of siluer and gilt sixe kniues sixe spoones and one forke trimmed with corall for fiue and twentie chekins which the captaine of Ormus did take and payed for the same twentie pardaos which is one hundred larines and was worth there or here one hundred chekins Also he had fiue emrauds set in golde which were woorth fiue hundred or sixe hundred crownes and payed for the same an hundred pardaos Also he had nineteene and a halfe pikes of cloth which cost in London twenty shillings the pike and was worth 9 or 10 crownes the pike and he payed for the same twelue larines a pike Also he had two pieces of greene Kersies which were worth foure and twentie pardaos the piece and payd for them sixteene pardaos a piece besides diuers other trifles that the officers and others had in the like order and some for nothing at all
and cary away his barks and Carauels was content to suffer vs there quietly to tary and likewise to depart and neuer charged vs with one Canon-shot And when our Generall sent him worde that hee was there ready to exchange certaine bullets with him the marques refused his chalenge sending him word that he was not then ready for him nor had any such Commission from his King Our Generall thus refused by the Marques and seeing no more good to be done in this place thought it conuenient to spend no longer time vpon this coast and therefore with consent of the chiefe of his Company he shaped his course toward the Isles of the Aço●es and passing towards the Isle of Saint Michael within 20. or 30. leagues thereof it was his good fortune to meete with a Portugale Carak called Sant Philip being the same shippe which in the voyage outward had caried the 3. Princes of Iapan that were in Europe into the Indies This Carak without any great r●sistance hee tooke bestowing the people thereof in certaine vessels well furnished with victuals and sending them courteously home into their Countrey and this was the first Carak that euer was taken comming foorth of the East Indies which the Portugals tooke for an euil signe because the ship bare the Kings owne name The riches of this prize seemed so great vnto the whole Company as in trueth it was that they assured themselues euery man to haue a sufficient reward for his trauel and thereupon they all resolued to returne home for England which they happily did and arriued in Plimouth the same Sommer with their whole Fleete and this rich booty to their owne profite and due commendation and to the great admiration of the whole kingdome And here by the way it is to be noted that the taking of this Carak wrought two extraordinary effects in England first that it taught others that Caracks were no such bugs but that they might be taken as since indeed it hath fallen out in the taking of the Madre de Dios and fyreing and sinking of others and secondly in acquainting the English Nation more generally with the particularities of the exceeding riches and wealth of the East Indies whereby themselues and their neighbours of Holland haue bene incouraged being men as skilfull in Nauigation and of no lesse courage then the Portugals to share with them in the East Indies where their strength is nothing so great as heretofore hath bene supposed A Patent granted to certaine Marchants of Exeter and others of the West parts and of London for a trade to the Riuer of Senega and Gambra in Guinea 1588. ELlizabeth by the grace of God Queene of England France and Ireland defender of the faith c. To our Treasurer and Admirall of England our Treasurer and Barons of our Exchequer and all and euery our Officers min●sters and subiects whatsoeuer greeting Whereas our welbeloued subiects William Brayley Gilbert Smith Nicolas Spicer and Iohn Doricot of our City of Exeter marchants Iohn Yong of Coliton in our country of Deuon marchant Richard Doderige of Barnestable in our saide Countie of Deuon Marchant Anthonie Dassell and Nicolas Turner of our Citie of London Marchants haue bene perswaded and earnestly moued by certaine Portugals resident within our Dominions to vndertake and set forward a voyage to certaine places on the coast of Guinea Videlicet from the Northermost part of the Riuer commonly called by the name of the Riuer of Senega and from and within that Riuer all along that coast vnto the Southermost part of another Riuer commonly called by the name of Gambra and within that Riuer which as we are informed they haue already once performed accordingly And for that we are credibly giuen to vnderstand that the further prosecuting of the same voyage and the due and orderly establishing of an orderly trafique and trade of marchandize into those Countreis wil not only in time be very beneficial to these our Realmes and dominions but also be a great succour and reliefe vnto the present distressed estate of those Portugals who by our princely fauour liue and continue here vnder our protection And cōsidering that the aduenturing and enterprising of a newe trade cannot be a matter of small charge and hazard to the aduenturers in the beginning we haue therefore thought it conuenient that our said louing subiects William Brayley Gilbert Smith Nicholas Spicer Iohn Doricot Iohn Yong Richard Doderige Anthonie Dassell and Nicholas Turner for the better incouragement to proceede in their saide aduenture and trade in the said Countreis shal haue the sole vse and exercise thereof for a certaine time In consideration whereof and for other waightie reasons and considerations vs specially moouing of our speciall grace certaine knowledge and meere motion we haue giuen and graunted and by these presents for vs our heires and successors doe giue and graunt vnto the said William Brayley Gilbert Smith Nicholas Spicer Iohn Doricot Iohn Young Richard Doderide Anthony Dassell and Nicholas Turner and to euery of them and to such other our Subiects as they or the most part of them shall thinke conuenient to receiue into their Company and society to be the traders with them into the said Countreis that they and euery of them by themselues or by their seruants or Factors and none others shall and may for and during the full space and terme of tenne yeeres next ensuing the date of these presents haue and enioy the free and whole trafique trade and feat of marchandise to and from the said Northermost part of the said Riuer commonly called by the name of the Riuer of Senega and from and within that Riuer all along the coast of Guinea vnto the Southermost part of the said Riuer commonly called by the name of the Riuer of Gambra and within that Riuer also And that they the said William Brayley Gilbert Smith Nicholas Spicer Iohn Doricot Iohn Yong Richard Doderige Anthony Dassel and Nicholas Turner euery of them by themselues or by their seruants or Factors such as they or the most part of them shall receiue into their Company and societie to be traders with them into the sayd Countreis as is aforesaid and none others shall and may for and during the said space and terme of 10. yeres haue and enioy the sole whole trafique or trade of marchandize into and from the said places afore limitted and described for the buying selling bartering and changing of and with any goods wares and marchandizes whatsoeuer to be vented had or found at or within any the cities townes or places situated or being in the countries parts coastes of Guinea before limitted any law statute or graunt matter custome or priuileges to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding And for the better ordering establishing gouerning of the said societie and Company in the said trade and trafique of marchandizes the quiet orderly lawfull exercise of the same We for vs our
and two with dogge-fish which two last we let driue in the sea making none account of them The other foure we sent for England the 30 of August At the taking of these Prizes were consorted with vs some other small men of warre as Maister Iohn Dauis with his shippe Pinnesse and Boate Captaine Markesburie with his ship whose owner was Sir Walter Ralegh the Barke of Lime which was also consorted with vs before The last of August in the morning we came in sight of Tercera being about some nine or ten leagues from shoare where we espied comming towards vs a small boat vnder saile which seemed somewhat-strange vnto vs being so farre from land and no shippe in sight to which they might belong but comming neere they put vs out of doubt shewing they were English men eight in number that had lately beene prisoners in Tercera and finding opportunitie to escape at that time with that small boat committed themselues to the sea vnder Gods prouidence hauing no other yard for their maine saile but two pipe staues tyed together by the endes and no more prouision of victuals then they could bring in their pockets and bosomes Hauing taken them all into the Victorie they gaue vs certaine intelligence that the Carackes were departed from thence about a weeke before Thus beeing without any further hope of those Caraks we resolued to returne for Fayall with intent to surprize the towne but vntill the ninth of September we had either the winde so contrary or the weather so calme that in all that time we made scarce nine or ten leagues way lingring vp and downe not farre from Pico The tenth of September being Wednesday in the afternoone wee came againe to Fayal roade Whereupon immediatly my Lord sent Captaine Lister with one of Graciola whom Captaine Munson had before taken and some others towards Fayal whom certaine of the Inhabitants met in a boat and came with Captaine Lister to my Lord to whom hee gaue this choice either to suffer him quietly to enter into the platforme there without resistance where he and his companie would remaine a space without offering any iniurie to them that they the Inhabitants might come vnto him and compound for the ransome of the Towne or else to stand to the hazard of warre With these words they returned to the towne but the keepers of the platforme answered that it was against their oath and allegeance to king Philip to giue ouer without fight Whereupon my Lord commanded the boates of euery ship to be presently manned and soone after landed his men on the sandie shoare vnder the side of an hill about halfe a league to the Northwards from the platforme vpon the toppe of which hill certaine horsemen and footmen shewed themselues and other two companies also appeared with ensignes displayed the one before the towne vpon the shore by the sea side which marched towards our landing place as though they would encounter vs the other in a valley to the Southwards of the platforme as if they would haue come to helpe the Townesmen during which time they in the platforme also played vpon vs with great Ordinance Notwithstanding my L. hauing set his men in order marched along the sea shore vpon the sands betwixt the sea the towne towards the platforme for the space of a mile or more then the shore growing rockie permitting no further progresse without much difficultie he entred into the towne passed through the street without resistance vnto the platforme for those companies before mentioned at my Lo. approching were soone dispersed and suddenly vanished Likewise they of the platforme being all fled at my Lordes comming thither left him and his company to scale the walles to enter and take possession without resistance In the meane time our shippes ceased not to batter the foresaid Towne and Platforme with great shotte till such time as we saw the Red-Crosse of England flourishing vpon the Forefront thereof This Fayal is the principall towne in all that is land is situate directly ouer against the high and mighty mountaine Pico lying towards the West Northwest from that mountaine being deuided therefrom by a narrow Sea which at that place is by estimation about some two or three leagues in bredth betweene the Isles of Fayal and Pico The towne conteyned some three hundred housholds their houses were faire and strongly builded of lime and stone and double couered with hollow tyles much like our roofe-tyles but that they are lesse at the one end then at the other Euery house almost had a cisterne or well in a garden on the backe side in which gardens grew vines with ripe clusters of grapes making pleasant shadowes and Tabacco nowe commonly knowen and vsed in England wherewith their women there dye their faces reddish to make them seeme fresh and young Pepper Indian and common figge-trees bearing both white and red figges Peach trees not growing very tall Orenges Limons Quinces Potato-roots c. Sweete wood Ceder I thinke is there very common euen for building and fixing My Lord hauing possessed himselfe of the towne and platforme and being carefull of the preseruation of the towne gaue commandement that no mariner or souldier should enter into any house to make any spoyle thereof But especially he was carefull that the Churches and houses of religion there should be kept inuiolate which was accordingly performed through his appointment of guarders and keepers for those places but the rest of the towne eyther for want of the former inhibition or for desire of spoyle prey was rifled ransacked by the souldiers mariners who scarcely left any house vnsearched out of which they tooke such things as liked them as chestes of sweete wood chaires cloth couerlets hangings bedding apparell and further ranged into the countrey where some of them also were hurt by the inhabitants The Friery there conteyning and maintayning thirtie Franciscan Friers among whom we could not finde any one able to speake true Latine was builded by a Fryer of Angra in Tercera of the same order about the yeare of our Lord one thousand fiue hundred and sixe The tables in the hall had seates for the one side onely and were alwayes couered as readie at all times for dinner or supper From Wednesday in the afternoone at which time we entred the towne til Saturday night we continued there vntill the Inhabitants had agreed and payed for the ransome of the towne two thousand duckats most part whereof was Church-place We found in the platforme eight and fiftie yron peeces of Ordinance whereof three and twentie as I remember or more were readie mounted vpon their carriages betweene Barricados vpon a platforme towardes the sea-side all which Ordinance wee tooke and set the platforme on fire and so departed My Lord hauing muited to dinner in the Victorie on the Sunday following so many of the Inhabitants as would willingly come saue onely Diego Gomes the Gouernour who
assistance to the aforesayd Iohn and his sonnes and deputies and that as well in arming and furnishing their ships or vessels as in prouision of food and in buying of victuals for their money and all other things by them to be prouided necessary for the sayd nauigation they do giue them all their helpe and fauour In witnesse whereof we haue caused to be made these our Letters patents Witnesse our selfe at Westminster the fift day of March in the eleuenth yeere of our reigne Billa signata anno 13 Henrici septimi REx tertio die Februarij anno 13 licentiam de dit Ioanni Caboto quod ipse capere possit sex naues Anglicanas in aliquo portu siue portibus regni Ang●iae ita quod sint deportagio 200. doliorum vel subtùs cum apparatu requisito quod recipere possit in dictas naues omnes tales magistros marinarios subditos regis qui cumeo exire voluerint c. The same in English THe king vpon the third day of February in the 13 yeere of his reigne gaue licence to Iohn Cabo● to take sixe English ships in any hauen or hauens of the realme of England being of the burden of 200 tunnes or vnder with all necessary furniture and to take also into the said ships all such masters mariners and subiects of the king as willingly will go with him c. An extract taken out of the map of Sebastian Cabot cut by Clement Adams concerning his discouery of the West Indies which is to be seene in her Maiesties priuie gallerie at Westminster and in many other ancient merchants houses ANno Domini 1497 Ioannes Cabotus Venetus Sebastianus illius filius eam terram fecerunt peruiam quam nullus priùs adire ausus fuit die 24 Iunij circiter horam quintam bene manè Hanc autem appellauit Terram primùm visam credo quod ex mari in eam partem primùm oculos inie●erat Nam que ex aduerso sira est insula eam appellauit insulam Diui Ioannis hac opinor ratione quòd a perta fuit eo diē qui est sacer Diuo Ioanni Baptistae Huius incolae pelles animalium exuuiásque fera●um pro indumentis habent easque tanti faciunt quanti nos vestes preciosissimas Cùm bellum gerunt vtuntur a●cu sagittis hastis spiculis clauis ligneis fundis Tellus sterilis est neque vllos fructus affert ex quo fit vt vrsis albo colore ceruis inusitatae apud nos magnitudinis referta sit piscibus abundar ijsque sane magnis quales sunt lupi marini quos salmones vulgus appellat soleae autem reperiuntur tam longae vt vlnae mensuram excedant Imprimis autem magna est copia eorum piscium quos vulgari sermone vocant Bacallaos Gignuntur in ea insula accipitres ita nigti vt coruorum similitudinem mirum in modum exprimant perdices autem aquilae sunt nigri coloris The same in English IN the yere of our Lord 1497 Iohn C●bot a Uenetian and his sonne Sebastian with an English fleet set out from Bristoll discouered that land which no man before that time had attempted on the 24 of Iune about fiue of the clock● early in the morning This land he called Prima vista that is to say First seene because as I suppose it was that part whereof they had the first sight from sea That Island which lieth out before the land he called the Island of S. Iohn vpon this occasion as I thinke because it was discouered vpon the day of Iohn the Baptist. The inhabitants of this Island vse to weare beasts skinnes and haue them in as great estimation as we haue our finest garments In their warres they vse bowes arrowes pikes darts woodden clubs and slings The saile is barren in some places yeeldeth litle fruit but it is full of white beares and stagges farre greater then ours It yeeldeth plenty of fish and those very great as seales and those which commonly we call salmons there are soles also aboue a yard in length but especially there is great abundance of that kinde of fish which the Sauages call baccalaos In the same Island also there bréed hauks but they are so blacke that they are very like to rauens as also their partridges and egles which are in like sort blacke A discourse of Sebastian Cabot touching his discouery of part of the West India out of England in the time of king Henry the seuenth vsed to Galeacius Butrigarius the Popes Legate in Spaine and reported by the sayd Legate in this sort DOe you not vnderstand sayd he speaking to certaine Gentlemen of Venice how to passe to India toward the Northwest as did of late a citizen of Venice so valiant a man and so well practised in all things pertaining to nauigations and the science of Cosmographie that at this present he hath not his like in Spaine insomuch that for his vertues he is preferred aboue all other pilots that saile to the West Indies who may not passe thither without his licence and is therefore called Piloto mayor that is the grand Pilot. And when we sayd that we knew him not he proceeded saying that being certaine yeres in the city of Siuil and desirous to haue some knowledge of the nauigations of the Spanyards it was tolde him that there was in the city a valiant man a Uenetian borne named Sebastian Cabot who had the charge of those things being an expert man in that science and one that coulde make Cardes for the Sea with his owne hand and that by this report seeking his acquaintance hee found him a very gentle person who intertained him friendly and shewed him many things and among other a large Mappe of the world with certaine particuler Nauigations as well of the Portugals as of the Spaniards and that he spake further vnto him to this effect When my father departed from Venice many yeeres since to dwell in England to follow the trade of marchandises hee tooke mee with him to the citie of London while I was very yong yet hauing neuerthelesse some knowledge of letters of humanitie and of the Sphere And when my father died in that time when newes were brought that Don Christopher Colonus Genuese had discouered the coasts of India whereof was great talke in all the Court of king Henry the 7. who then raigned insomuch that all men with great admiration affirmed it to be a thing more diuine then humane to saile by the West into the East where spices growe by a way that was neuer knowen before by this fame and report there increased in my heart a great flame of desire to attempt some notable thing And vnderstanding by reason of the Sphere that if I should saile by way of the Northwest I should by a shorter tract come into India I thereupon caused the King to be aduertised of my deuise who immediatly commanded two Caruels to bee furnished
the day is longer by an houre and a halfe then it is vnder the Equinoctiall wherefore the heate of the Sunne hauing a longer time of operation must needes be encreased especially seeing the night wherein colde and moysture doe abound vnder the Tropickes is lesse then it is vnder the Equinoctiall Therefore I gather that vnder the Tropickes is the hotest place not onely of Torrida Zona but of any other part of the world especially because there both causes of heate doe concurre that is the perpendicular falling of the Sunne beames two monethes together and the longer abode of the Sunnes presence aboue the Horison And by this meanes more at large is prooued that Marochus in Sommer is farre more hote then at any time vnder the Equinoctiall because it is situate so neere the Tropick of Cancer and also for the length of their dayes Neither yet do I thinke that the Regions situate vnder the Tropicks are not habitable for they are found to be very fruitfull also although Marochus and some other parts of Afrike neere the Tropike for the drinesse of the natiue sandie soile and some a●cidents may seeme to some to be intemperate for ouer much heat For Ferdinand●● Ouiedu● speaking of Cuba and Hispaniola Ilands of America lying hard vnder or by the Tropike of C●ncer saith that these Ilands haue as good pasture for cattell as any other countrey in the world Also they haue most holesome and cleare water and temperate aire by reason whereof the heat●s of beastes are much bigger fatter and of better taste then any in Spaine because of the ●anke pasture whose moysture is better d●gested in the hearbe or grasse by continuall and temper●t● heate of the Sunne whereby being made more fat and vnctious it is of better and more stedfast nourishment For continuall and temperate heate doeth not onely drawe much moysture out of the earth to the nourishment of such things as growe and are engendred in that Clime but doeth also by moderation preserue the same from putrifying digesting also and condensating or thickning the said moyst nourishment into a gamme and vnctious substance whereby appeareth also that vnder the Tropikes is both holesome fruitefull and pleasant habitation whereby lastly it followeth that all the middle zone which vntill of late dayes hath bene compted and called the burning broyling and parched zone is now found to be the most delicate temp●rate commodious pleasant and delectable part of the world and especially vnder the Equinoctiall Hauing now sufficiently at large declared the temperature of the middle zone it remaineth to speake somewhat also of the moderate and continuall heate in colde Regions as well in the night as in the day all the Sommer long and also how these Regions are habitable to the inhabitants of the same contrary to the opinion of the olde writers Of the temperature of colde Regions all the Sommer long and also how in Winter the same is habitable especially to the inhabitants thereof THe colde Regions of the world are those which tending toward the Poles Arctike and Antarctike are without the circuite or boundes of the seuen Climates which assertion agreeable to the opinion of the olde Writers is found and set out in our authour of the Sphere Iohannes de Sacrobosco where hee plainely saith that without the seuenth Climate which is bounded by a Parallel passing at fiftie degrees in Latitude all the habitation beyonde is discommodious and intollerable But Gemma ●●isius a late writer finding England and Scotland to be without the compasse of those Climates wherein hee knewe to bee very temperate and good habitation added thereunto two other Climates the vttermost Parallel whereof passeth by 56. degrees in Latitude and therein comprehendeth ouer and aboue the first computation England Scotland Denmarke Moscouia c. which all are rich ●nd mightie kingdomes The olde writers perswaded by bare coniec●ure went about to determine of those places by comparing them to their owne complexions because they felt them to bee hardly tollerable to themselues and so took thereby an argument of the whole habitable earth as if a man borne in Marochus or some other part of Barbarie should at the latter end of Sommer vpon the suddeine either naked or with his thinne vesture bee brought into England hee would iudge this Region presently not to bee habitable because hee being brought vp in so warme a Countrey is not able here to liue for so suddeine an alteration of the colde aire but if the same man had come at the beginning of Sommer and so afterward by little and little by certaine degrees had felt and acquainted himselfe with the frost of Autumne it would haue seemed by degrees to harden him and so to make it farre more tollerable and by vse after one yeere or two the aire would seeme to him more temperate It was compted a great matter in the olde time that there was a brasse pot broken in sunder with frosen water in Pontus which after was brought and shewed in Delphis in token of a miraculous colde region and winter and therefore consecrated to the Temple of Apollo This effect being wrought in the Parallel of fouretie three degrees in Latitude it was presently counted a place very hardly and vneasily to be inhabited for the great colde And how then can such men define vpon other Regions very farre without that Parallel whether they were inhabited or not seeing that in so neere a place they so grossely mistooke the matter and others their followers being contented with the inuentions of the olde Authours haue persisted willingly in the same opinion with more confidence then consideration of the cause so lightly was that opinion receiued as touching the vnhabitable Clime neere and vnder the Poles Therefore I am at this present to proue that all the land lying betweene the last climat euen vnto the point directly vnder either poles is or may be inhabited especially of such creatures as are ingendred and bred therein For indeed it is to be confessed that some particular liuing creature cannot liue in euery particular place or region especially with the same ioy and felicite as it did where it was first bred for the certeine agreement of nature that is betweene the place and the thing bred in that place as appeareth by the Elephant which being translated and brought out of the second or third climat though they may liue yet will they neuer ingender or bring forth yong Also we see the like in many kinds of plants and herbs for example the Orange trees although in Naples they bring forth fruit abundantly in Rome and Florence they will beare onely faire greene leaues but not any fruit and translated into England they will hardly beare either flowers fruit or leaues but are the next Winter pinched and withered with colde yet it followeth not for this that England Rome and Florence should not be habitable In the prouing of these colde
because my abode was there so short But for the fowle of the fresh riuers these two I noted to be the chiefe whereof the Flemengo is one hauing all red feathers and long red legs like a herne a necke according to the bill red whereof the vpper neb hangeth an inch ouer the nether and an egript which is all white as the swanne with legs like to an hearnshaw and of bignesse accordingly but it hath in her taile feathers of so fine a plume that it passeth the estridge his feather Of the sea-fowle aboue all other not common in England I noted the pellicane which is fained to be the louingst bird that is which rather then her yong should want wil spare her heart bloud out of her belly but for all this louingnesse she is very deformed to beholde for she is of colour russet notwithstanding in Guinea I haue seene of them as white as a swan hauing legs like the same and a body like a hearne with a long necke and a thick long beake from the nether law whereof downe to the breast passeth a skinne of such a dignesse as is able to receiue a fish as big as ones thigh and this her big throat and long bill doeth make her seeme so oughly Here I haue declared the estate of Florida and the commodities therein to this day knowen which although it may seeme vnto some by the meanes that the plenty of golde and siluer is not so abundant as in other places that the cost bestowed vpon the same will not be able to quit the charges yet am I of the opinion that by that which I haue seene in other Islands of the Indians where such increase of cattell hath bene that of twelue head of beasts in fiue twenty yeeres did in the hides of them raise a thousand pound profit yerely that the increase of cattel onely would raise profit sufficient for the same for wee may consider if so small a portion did raise so much gaines in such short time what would a greater do in many yeres and sur●l● I may this affirme that the ground of the Indians for the breed of cattell is not in any point to be compared to this of Florida which all the yeere long is so greene as any time in the Summer with vs which surely is not to be maruelled at seeing the countrey standeth in so watery a climate for once a day without faile they haue a shower of raine which by meanes of the countrey it selse which is drie and more feruent bot then ours doeth make all things to flourish therein And because there is not the thing we all seeke for being rather desirous of present gaines I doe therefore affi●me the attempt thereof to be more requisit for a prince who is of power able to go t●orow with the same rather then for any subiect From thence wee departed the 28 of Iuly vpon our voyage homewards hauing there all things as might be most conuenient for our purpose and tooke leaue of the Frenchmen that there still remained who with diligence determined to make as great speed● after as they could Thus by meanes of contrary windes oftentimes wee prolonged our voyage in such manner that victuals scanted with vs so that we were diuers times or rather the most part in despaire of euer comming home had not God of his goodnesse better prouided for vs then our deseruing In which state of great miserie wee were prouoked to call vpon him by feruent prayer which mooued him to heare vs so that we had a prosperous winde which did set vs so farre shot as to be vpon the banke of Newfound land on Saint Bartholomews eue and we sounded therupon finding ground at an hundred and thirtie fadoms being that day somewhat becalmed and tooke a great number of fresh codde-fish which greatly relieued vs and being very glad thereof the next day we departed and had lingring little gales for the space of foure or fiue dayes at the ende of which we sawe a couple of French shippes and had of them so much fish as would serue vs plentifully for all the rest of the way the Captaine paying for the same both golde and siluer to the iust value thereof vnto the chiefe owners of the saide shippes but they not looking for any thing at all were glad in themselues to meete with such good intertainement at sea as they had at our hands After which departure from them with a good large winde the twentieth of September we came to Padstow in Cornewall God be thanked in safetie with the losse of twentie persons in all the voyage and with great profit to the venturers of the said voyage as also to the whole realme in bringing home both golde siluer pearles and other iewels great store His name therefore be praised for euermore Amen The names of certaine Gentlemen that were in this voyage M. Iohn Hawkins M. Iohn Chester sir William Chesters sonne M. Anthony Parkhurst M. Fitzwilliam M. Thomas Woorley M. Edward Lacie with diuers others The Register and true accounts of all herein expressed hath beene approoued by me Iohn Sparke the younger who went vpon the same voyage and wrote the same The third troublesome voyage made with the Iesus of Lubeck the Minion and foure other ships to the parts of Guinea and the West Indies in the yeeres 1567 and 1568 by M. Iohn Hawkins THe ships departed from Plimmouth the second day of October Anno 1567 and had reasonable weather vntill the seuenth day at which time fortie leagues North from Cape Finister there arose an extreme storme which continued foure dayes in such sort that the fleete was dispersed and all our great boats lost and the Iesus our chiefe shippe in such case as not thought able to serue the voyage whereupon in the same storme we set our course homeward determining to giue ouer the voyage but the eleuenth day of the same moneth the winde changed with faire weather whereby we were animated to followe our enterprise and so did directing our course with the Ilands of the Canaries where according to an order before prescribed all our shippes before dispersed met at one of those Ilands called Gomera where we tooke water and departed from thence the fourth day of Nouember towards the coast of Guinea and arriued at Cape Verde the eighteenth of Nouember where we landed 150 men hoping to obtaine some Negros where we got but fewe and those with great hurt and damage to our men which chiefly proceeded of their enuenomed arrowes and although in the beginning they seemed to be but small hurts yet there hardly escaped any that had blood drawen of them but died in strange sort with their mouthes shut some tenne dayes before they died and after their wounds were whole where I my selfe had one of the greatest woundes yet thankes be to God escaped From thence we past the time vpon the coast of Guinea searching with