FrenchAmbassador Resident in England to whom he bore a great Malice And yet such was his Fineness and Dissimulation that at the latter end of that Year being at Liberty and here at home he grew very great with the same French Gentleman Cecil took notice of it and wrote to Smith that he thought it strange to see what great Amity now was between the French-Ambassador and Mr. Throgmorton considering the Hate he had before born him It was strange to Cecil a plain-dealing Man and of no Turnings and Windings tho' a great and wise Politician But Throgmorton could play the Courtier and pretend Friendship in colour for some private ends of his own when the same distempered Spirit lurked still within him that did before And happy was Smith in the Friendship of the foresaid Cecil who as he was a wise and good Man so most sincere and cordial in his Nature And yet once had our Ambassador taken something ill at his Hands according to an ill Office that some had done between them representing him as guilty of some Unkindness towards Sir Thomas Whereat he very plainly and freely in his next Letters dated in December told him of it This Freedom the Secretary took in good part and valued in Truth his Friendship the more for it telling him that He had much Cause to thank him for his Friendly Dealing with him and as much more cause to praise him for his open and plain Dealing Which I assure you on my Faith as he said I do allow more in you than any other part of your Friendship And hence he took occasion to give this good piece of Advice to him viz. wishing him to use all Integrity in his Transactions that he might have the Testimony of a good Conscience Notwithstanding which Counsel he reckoned that he needed not to give it him For added he piously and gravely when all the Glory and Wit when all the Wealth and Delight of this World is past we must come before the Judge that will exact this Rule of us to discern us from the Goats CHAP. X. Peace with France Smith continues Ambassador there His Book of the Common-wealth of England Returns A Review of his Embassy IN the Beginning of the Year 1564. by the Means and Labour of Sir Tho. Smith and Sir Nic. Throgmorton his Collegue Peace was concluded with France Which was to take place on the 23d of April It was proclaimed in London the 22d and on the 23d a notable good Sermon was made at St. Paul's with e Deum sung and all incident Solemnitiâ—s The same Day it was published at Windsor in the Queen's presence going to Church and having with her the French-Ambassador So as nothing wanted to shew Contentation The Queen also now sent over the Garter to be presented to that King by the Lord Hunsdon Sir Tho. Smith and Sir Gilb. Dethic King of Arms. After the Peace was concluded Sir Tho. Smith still resided in France And now one of his great Businesses was to get some good Answer for the Money due by the Prince of Conde to the Queen In September Sir Thomas desirous of returning solicited by the Secretary his sending for home But the Secretary could not attain of the Queen a Determination about it perceiving in her a Disposition rather to have him continue till that King should return back from those South Parts where he then was But this Care however she took for him that for avoiding of the Plague which then reigned in France she would have him forbear to follow the Court in dangerous Places Considering as she said the French Ambassador did forbear to follow her Court all her last Progress into the North taking his Ease at London altho' he was by some means moved to the contrary Wherewith her Majesty was somewhat offended Wherefore she admonished Smith in like manner according to his Convenience to forbear so diligent a â—aâ—lowing of that Court as hitherto he haâ— used In this Month of September the Rhinegrave being in France dealt with our Ambassador concerning a Match between the Archduke the Emperor's Son and Queen Elizabeth With which he acquainted the Secretary To which the Secretary replyed That it would be very seasonable if it were honourably propounded Sir Thomas afterwards wrote him that he should hear more of this another way In March the beginning of the Year 1565. did Sir Thomas finish his known Tract of the Common-wealth of England and the Manner of the Government thereof Consisting of three Books The first whereof was concerning the Diversities of Common-wealths or Governments And therein he treated of the Gentlemen of England Which he divided into the Great and Less Nobility and of the other Ranks of Men in this Country The Second Book was taken up in shewing particularly the Laws of the Realm The Third was concerning Appeals of the Courts of Star-Chamber Wards and Liveries c. This excellent Book he wrote at his leisure Hours while he was abroad in this his Embassy in France Occasioned as it seemeth by certain Discourses he had with some Learned Men there concerning the variety of Common-wealths Wherein some did endeavour to under-value the English Government in comparison with that in other Countries where the Civil Law took place His drift herein was as he tells us himself in the Conclusio◠〈◊〉 his Book to set before us the principal Points wherein the English Policy at that Time differed from that used in France Italy Spain Germany and all other Countries which followed the Civil Law of the Râ—mans compiled by Iustinian in his Pandects and Code And this Tract of his being as a Project or Table of a Common-wealth laid before the Reader he recommended to be compared with the Common-wealths which at that Day were in Eâ—â—e or with others which did remain described in true Histories Especially in such Points wherein the one differed from the other To see which had taken the more right truer and more commodious way to Govern the People as well in War as in Peace This he said would be no illiberal Occupation for him that was a Philosopher and had a delight in Disputing nor unprofitable for him that had to do with or had good will to serve the Prince and Common-wealth in giving Counsel for the better Administration thereof This was written in Latin as well as in English and many were the Copies taken of it till at last it was Printed tho' I think not before the Year 1621. when it came forth in English in the old Black Letter From the 5th of August to the 30th of October Smith's extraordinary Charges which he brought in to the Queen amounted to 103 l. 6 s. 8 d. And as a good part of which was for his Servants some sent into England and others to the French Court the King being then in his Progress and Smith not always following the Court so the greatest part was spent in gratifying Spies
and Intelligencers whereof he had both Scots and French Of these was De Rege whom in August he gratified with 6 l. 13 s. 4 d. and in October following with the like Sum. Of these French were also La Selle La Fere Le Meilleur Le Gras. To whom he gave Monthly to some 4 l. to some 3 l. and to some 40 s. In this Embassy Sir Thomas Smith's only Son was with him Whom he took along with him to learn Accomplishments in a foreign Court. In the Month of August he came to Secretary Cecil his Father having sent him over with a Message to the said Secretary Who let his Father know that he was very welcome to him and that he liked him well wishing that he were with him again For that he seemed to have well prositâ—d in Observation of many things there In October the said young Gentleman went back to France with Letters from the Secretary to his Father Sir Thomas seemed now to be near the accomplishment of his earnest Desires For the Queen in October determined the Secretary's Brother-in-Law Mr. Tho Hoby should go in Sir Thomas Smith's place Tho' he it seems had no great Stomach to it For when it was moved to him by the Secretary he took it unkindly at his Hands The Queen understanding it willed the Earl of Leicester to let him understand peremptorily her Majesty's Pleasure Of this the Secretary advised Sir Thomas adding that this tho' unwillingly he knew his Brother would not deny And that the Earl had promised him to send for his Brother but yet it was not done And that he the Secretary therefore meant to have my Lady Sir Thomas's Wife either to speak or send to his Lordship to press the Business After the Winter was past and gone on the 26th day of March Mr. Hoby took his leave of her Majesty in order to his Embassy promising to be at the Sea-side within Ten Days So that in the beginning of the Year 1566. Sir Thomas seems to have come home from his long Embassy in France To take up a few further Remarks of this Embassy at the French Court Smith was apprehensive of the Difficulty of performing this his Negotiation to the Approbation of others knowing the ticklish Station wherein he stood and that his Absence might give occasion to some to Slander or Misrepresent him On which account and being willing to know what Reports went of him he desired his Friend Dr. Haddon Master of the Requests to inform him what Opinions his Friends of Sway and Authority had of his Discharge of the Affairs committed to him and what he heard in his Doings that pleased or displeased And the Reason Smith gave was because it was a very difficult thing for one that was concerned in the Managery of publick Affairs so to perform his Actions in one and the same constant Tenor as to be always applauded Sir Thomas had the Opportunity in the Pursuit of his Embassy for the Service of his Mistress to travel through many Parts of France that King going in Progress in the Year 1564. and our Ambassador attending the Court He was at Avignion whither the Court seemed to remove chiefly for the Plague that raged very sore now in that Kingdom as it had done the last Year in Newhaven and in London In April he was at Bourdeaux as he had been at Tholouse before At Bourdeaux he was taken with a Fever or Ague Which creeping on him at first came at length to that Violence that he despaired of his Life And on a sudden it abated And then he let Blood Whereby in little more than a Day he felt himself to grow towards Recovery both in Body and Mind The next Day he hunted the Hare that he might enjoy a more free Air. Which Exercise he continued for some Days And from the 1st of March to the 12th he writ it to some of his Friends as his Diversion his Dogs caught nineteen Hares While he was in these Southern Parts of France his Friends wrote him word of the Queen's intended Progress into the North and that she would take a sight of Cambridge in her way to visit that University and to hear the Scholars Disputations When Smith heard it he heartily wisht to be among them Not to Feast or Hunt or to indulge his Genius on this splendid Occasion he was above those things but to see as he said his Royal Mistress a Spectator there in a Place so dearly by him affected and to partake of the Specimina of those Wits and to take notice what new Men of Learning and Ingenuity were sprung up in that University since he left it At Tholouse in his leisure Hours he wrote three Books of the English Common-wealth mentioned before which he Intitled De Republica Anglorum Wherein he described in effect the whole Form of it Especially in those Things wherein it differed from others And it differed almost in all Things So that the Work grew greater than he thought of He wrote it in our Language in a Stile between Historical and Philosophical after that Form as he conceived Aristotle wrote concerning divers of the Gracian Common-wealths Which Writings are now perishâ—d Of this he wrote to his Learned Friend Haddon in his Correspondence with him in the Year 1564. Adding that he had yielded a very copious Argument to such as would dispute in a Philosophical way of the single Questions and whether is better that which is held for Law in England or that which in France is so held and in other Provinces which are governed by the Roman Laws For almost all as he said were different And that he had in gross and in sum examined both This he drew up in the Year 1564. And as these Writings were as yâ—t but in rough Draught when written fair he promised Haddon he would send them to him And the value himself had of this his Labour may appear in those Words of his 〈◊〉 to the before-mentioned Lâ—â—â—ned 〈…〉 will see your self certainly as I 〈…〉 you have read it over that 〈…〉 â—â—â—lesly conversant in our Couâ—â—â—â— Common-wealth Some vacant spaces he had left in his Manuscript here and there because he had not with him one Book of the English Laws nor had he there Lawyers to consult with Therefore he wrote so much as the memory of things seen and read by him on the sudden suggested to him And what was imperfect he intended when he returned home at leisure to supply While the Learned Smith was in Paris he could not forbear to enquire for the Learned Men there to enjoy their Conversation at his spare Hours Here he met with Peter Ramus the Philosopher and â—udovicus Regius an Historian and other Professors of Science who were the King's Readers To Ramus's Acquaintance Haddon had particularly recommended him But the Wars proclaimed between Princes and the Times were such that Smith could not so frequently converse and hold
see him burie in his Astronomy Nay if we may believe his Poet and that he did not take too much Poetical Liberty Smith was arrived to the very Top of the Astronomical Skill and might be a companion for Ptolomy Alphonsus and Zacutus if they were alive Nec Polus aut Tillus mâ—gâ—â— ulli cognâ—ta cuiquam Quorsum â—go dâ—ssâ—mulâ—m Fuit unus unicus ille Fâ—lâ—us Uraniâ— Ptolomâ— major utroque Et centum Alphonsis plusquam mille Zacutis And perhaps the Love and Study of the Stars might be one Reason that he delighted so much in his high Seat at Mounthaut where he might have a more spacious Prospect of the Skies In State-Policy he was a great Master Which by long Experience in State matters at home in the Reigns of four Princes and Embassies abroad he had acquired Walsingham that most compleat and happy Secretary of State improved himself much by making his Observations of Smith how quick and sharp his Apprehension of things how grave and sound his Counsels and with what Dexterity and admirable Parts he managed publick Affairs and yet with clean and just hands So he sung that made his Funeral Verses Sâ—cius tâ—nâ—orum insignis Honorum Qui vigilanti oculo SMITHI observasset Acumen Sensissâ—tque acres sensus animumque virilem Consiliumque grave pectus moresque colendos Virtutes etiam raras Dotesque stupendas He was also an excellent Linguist and a Master in the knowledge of the Latin Greek French Italian and English Tongues A great Historian especially in the Roman History An Orator equal to the best and a perfect Ciceronian A Notable Specimen of whose Oratory and History as well as of his Polities appears in his Discursive Orations about Queen Elizabeth's Marriage He had also a very good Genius in Architecture which that Noble Pile of Building at Hilhal doth sufficiently demonstrate And in the Art of Gardening he was very curious and exact Employing his own Hands sometimes for his diversion in grafting and planting At which work I find him when he was making an Orchard for his new House about the latter end of 1572. having made an Escape from the Court tho' the Winds then were very unkind to him Of which complaining to the Lord Treasurer he said he should soon be weary of Mounthaut because he could not graft nor transplant any Trees the Winds that then brought over the Earl of Worcester from France who had been lately sent to Christen that Kings Child being as he said the worst Enemy to all Cutting Paring or breaking of Trees here in England that could be or for setting of Herbs And as he was an universal and thorow-paced Scholar so he had a most compleat Library and kept a Learned Correspondence and was of a very accurate Judgment in matters of Learning His Library consisted of a thousand Books of various Learning and Arts as we are told by the Learned man his Friend that made his Parentalia Which noble Treasure he bestowed upon his own College where at least the Remainders of them are to this day besides some Italian and French Books which he gave to the Queens Library Libros Monumentaque mille Graeca Latina omnis generis nova prisca profana Religiosa dedit Italicos praeter quosdam Francosque libellos Elizabeteae pius Heros Bibliothecae A Catalogue of the Books which he had at Hilhal in the Year 1566. may be seen in the Appendix And as he was Owner of many Books so he composed not a few himself Three whereof are Printed I. His Commonwealth of England both in Latin and English II. Of the right and correct Writing of the English Tongue This I suppose is the same Book with that which Fuller in his History of Cambridge mentions Of his more compendious way of Printing which would defalcate a fifth part of the Cost in Paper and Ink besides as much of the Pains in Composing and Printing only by discharging many superflous Letters and accommodating the Sounds of long and short Vowels with distinct Characters III. Of the right and correct Pronouncing of the Greek Language Both these last mentioned were published by himself in Latin when he was Ambassador in Paris There is a Fourth Book lately Printed viz. 1685. which some make him the Author of namely Of the Authority Form and Manner of holding Parliaments Other Tracts there be of his that have lain hitherto unpublished As his Orations about the Queens Marriage His discourse of Money and his Tables for the reducing the Roman Coins to the just English Standard I have also seen another large Writing which by the hand seems to be his shewing certain ways and means for the taking care of and for the maintaining the Poor of the Nation And many more whereof as yet neither the sight nor the particular Subjects have come unto me To which I add several excellent Letters of his when Ambassador in France to the Lord Burghley and being Secretary of State to Sr. Francis Walsingham Ambassador in the same Court which are Printed in the Compleat Ambassador And a Bundle of other Letters writ to the Court when he was Ambassador with the French King Ann. 1562. the Earl of Warwick going then in the famous Expedition to New-haven which are yet reserved in the Kings Paper House He was a great Judge of Learning and Applications were often made to him for his Judgment in Matters of that Nature So Dr. Haddon appealed once to him in a sharp Controversie between the French Ambassador and himself Whether Tully were a good Lawyer Which that Ambassador had denied And how learnedly this was decided by Sir Thomas Smith may be seen in this History And both Cecil and the said Haddon would not allow the Answer to Osorius to come abroad till it had past his accurate Perusal and Correction His Acquaintance was with the Learned men of his Age. As Ramus and other Professors in Paris while he was there and with Cheke Cecil Haddon Wilson Ascham men of the finest Wits and purest Learning Of this last in a Letter to Haddon from France he enquired diligently after and complained that for two years and Six Months he had heard nothing from him and then added merrily That his Cocks for he was a great Cock Master ita illum excantâ—sse i.e. had so enchanted him that he had quite forgotten his Friends And I find the Correspondence between him and Ascham continued after for in 1â—68 Ascham requested of Smith to borrow a Book of his own Writing To which Smith answered by a Letter that he had sent it to Walden to be Transcribed least the first Copy and the whole Invention should perish together And Haddon being lately dead Smith in the same Letter told Ascham that his Epistles were found but not all and that his own Epistles to Haddon were more uncertain For they reckoned it pity any thing of that most Humane and Learned
well had Sir Thomas managed his Office and described the Affairs of France so fully that the Letters he wrote thereof to Secretary Cecil did much delight him And in an Answer he told him he had read over his Letters several times Heartily Thanking him for his large Letters which contented him so well as indeed he was delighted to read them twice or some thrice And such was Smith's wise and true English Behaviour and eloquent Utterance that he got himself great Credit and Reputation among the French-men Concerning which the Secretary in one of his Letters to him used these Words That he was glad to see his Credit so good to do good And indeed added he using Wisdom therewith courteous and gracious Speech which was one of Smith's Accomplishments doth much profit And as that Nation was crafty and fine in all their Negotiations with other States so our Ambassador used Art to be a Match for them for he made use of a certain subtil Spy in Orleans whose Letters he received and dispatched into England And by the Intelligence gathered by this means our Ambassador did excellent Service which occasioned the Secretary in a Letter to him speaking of Smith's last Letters and the Copy of others sent to the said Smith from Orleans to say That he saw his great Diligence and to speak in proper Terms that he dealt very cunningly meet for the place he held Advising him to cherish the Party that served his Turn and that he should be kept out of danger whereby his Service might last the longer This he wrote to the Ambassador in Cypher The Secretary added that he had notified him and his Service to the Queen's Majesty and so he bid the Ambassador let him know But notwithstanding the Ambassador could not do that Service he would for he complained that the Instructions from England came not to him and he was perplexed for lack of Intelligence from thence But the Secretary satisfied him in part concerning that Point in the Answer he next made him which was That he knew not what more Instructions he could require than what he already had which was to prosecute no other Ends but the Restitution of Calais And as to his dealing with the Prince of Conde and the Admiral of France whom the Secretary suspected to be about making Peace with the French without the English as they did indeed not long after he advertised him how he ought to urge to them their Promises and Compacts under their Hands and Seals And that if they should have no regard to these they might expect the Judgment of God upon them for their false Dealing The Contents of the Contract between the Queen and them were That She should pay them a great Summ of Money and send them six Thousand Men for their Defence And that they should deliver into Her hands for Caution Nâ—whaven which She should hold in her Hands till Calais should be restored The Letters that past from Sir Thomas in this Embassy this Year are still extant in the Paper-Office in two Bundles One whereof about a General Peace And therein Letters also from Middleton sent from Smith to the Admiral of France Our Ambassador abode still in France until the next Year 1563. Then Monsieur Briquemault came over to the Queen from the Prince of Conde Whose Business was to eadeavour to bring the Queen not to insist upon the Restitution of Calais but to be satisfied with some other Terms But in May when he departed She utterly denied that there was any other way of Satisfaction And the Queen then also wrote Letters to her Ambassador to deal very roundly with the Prince and the Admiral And so the Secretary thought they had deserved as he wrote to the Ambassador And yet as he added he doubted not but the Ambassador would have Consideration how to strike therein whether high or low In Letters our Ambassador Smith had lately sent to the Court he gave great content Wherein as he advertised the Lords of the Council plentifully of the Variety of News in France so he gave good plain Rules how the same Advertisements should be taken and judged And both the one and the other pleased them very well In his Negotiation with France this Year when things were well nigh accorded some Reports came out of France which so offended the Queen that she altered her Resolutions and among other things commanded Sir Thomas that whereas before he Negotiated in one Language which I suppose was the French he should now use no other Language but Latin Concerning which thus the Secretary wrote to him This alteration of your Speech into Latin I thought very strange but surely Her Majesty had occasion ministred by such Reports as now were brought to think the same were best And therefore using no more the vulgar tongue of the Nation but the Learned things for the future might be kept more private and therefore added he I know very well you can do this in the Latin as well as any Man and I nothing doubt but that ye will do it Sir Nicholas Throgmorton who returned into France Iuly 20th and was Ambassador there with Sir Thomas by means of secret practising at the Court was arrested by the French Kings's Order at Caudebee August 3. He was a Favourite of the Lord Robert Duddeley and by his means dispatched thither This Throgmorton was subtile and active and a man of Intrigue He and Sir Thomas a person of more Gravity and Discretion could not well comport together Throgmorton rather hindring than furthering the Queen's Business by his over-practising The Dissension between them came to the Court Throgmorton had a great Friend there namely the Lord Robert Duddeley so Sir Thomas's course was to sue to the Secretary for his good Word The Secretary wrote to him that as he had promised him his Friendship so he saw it well bestowed Smith also desired him to acquaint the Lord Robert with the difference between him and Sir Nicolas writing also the Case This Cecil accordingly caused to be shewn and procured Mr. Somers one who was employed backward and forward in this Treaty between England and France to report his knowledge which it seems made more for Sir Thomas than his own Writing did But the wise Secretary wished as he said such matters to be swallowed up in forgetfulness knowing how by these private Animosities between the Queen's Ambassadors publick Business was hindred Smith also now sent a Letter to the Lord Robert himself which was writ with so much freedom and honest plainness that it pleased the said Lord and set all right between the said Ambassador and him The Lord Robert shewed the Letter to Cecil and much commended his plainness of Writing to him and confessed it to be both wisely and friendly done For Smith was for Truth and Plainness as Throgmorton was for Doubling And the Secretary was of Smith's mind telling him in his
him divers Books which where not to be had at home Thus once he conveyed over Onuphrius and Polydore and certain French Books of Genealogy and Chronology for the Secretary There had been a dangerous Book wrote in Latin and lately printed abroad against the present State of Religion in England An Answer to which in the same Language the Secretary had procured and wanted nothing but to have it printed abroad as the other was In a Letter wrote to the Ambassador dated November 28th he wished he had a sight of it and that he would give his allowance thereof by some Commendatory Epistle to be added and if he could by some good means procure it to be well printed in France without peril of the Book he would send him the Copy Or if he could get it Printed at Strasburgh or Basil by some means from thence he would also send it him but if he could not he would send by some of his Men to Christopher Mount the Queen's Agent in Strasburgh for him to take care for the Publishing of it But to relate a few particulars of this Book which made no small stir in these Days Hieronymus Osorius a Portugal then a private Man afterwards Bishop of Arcoburge or Sylvane wrote an Epistle to Queen Elizabeth in an elegant Latin Stile being nothing in effect but an Admonition to Her to wheel about to Popery In this Epistle he imagined many monstrous Errors to be nurselled in our Church and with much reproachful Language depraved the Professors of the Gospel This Libel was soon after printed in France both in Latin and French as it was also printed in English at Antwerp Ann. 1565. Translated by one Richard Shacklock M. A. and Student of the Civil Law in Lovain and Intituled A Pearl for a Prince This the State thought necessary to have an Answer to because it reflected much upon the Justice and Wisdom of the Nation Dr. Walter Haddon one of the finest Learning and of the most Ciceronian stile in England was imployed to answer this Foreigners Book which he finished in this Year 1563. Beginning Legi Hieronyme tuam Epistolam c. It is extant in the said Haddon's Lucubrations Published by Hatcher of Cambridge In the Beginning Haddon shewed the Cause of his answering of Osorius and of his publishing the same namely that Osorius had indeed writ his Epistle separately to the Queen yet it seemed to be intended for all because it was published in Print and was open to the Eyes of all Men. He added that this Author had taken much upon him that he being a private Man and at a great distance both by Sea and Land unacquaintâ—d also with English Affairs should so considently take upon him to speak to the Queens Majesty that he diminished the Dignity of the Laws of England and that in general he madâ— the Nation guilty of a wicked and malicious kind of Novelty Haddon in his Answer studied Brevity and they were only some particular Points whereunto he thought good to Answer although not to the full neither Because he supposed as he wrote in his Apology that Osorius might be deluded by some malicious Reports of our Adversaries Haddon's Book being thus prepared the care was to get it published And because Osorius was printed in France both in Latin and French Cecil thought it convenient that Haddon's said Answer should be printed in the same Place and in both the same Languages Hereupon the said Cecil in Ianuary sent the Treatise to our Ambassador desiring him to procure the Printing of it and that with all Expedition And that he would add to it something by his own hand where and as he thought good and that he would procure it to speak French and to be published in that Language also And accordingly this Epistle Responsory of Dr. Haddon was so well considered over and weighed by Smith and had his Castigations that it might be reckoned to be Smith's Work as well as Haddon's For Haddon also had entreated him to ponder diligently his Answer that nothing might be in it but what was sit to be seen and read for the Vindication of the Queen and Realm Smith also spake to Robert Stephens the French King's Printer that he would take it in hand He desiring the Copy to see whether there were any thing in it which touched the State of that Kingdom as also to consider the Bulk of the Book and on Condition he had leave of the Queen undertook to do it But it received some stop by this means which probably enough might have been a thing plotted by Osorius's Friends or Queen Elizabeth's and the Nations Enemies One de Valla came to the English Ambassador and desired he might have the sight of this Epistle of Haddon's and whether he had the Ambassador's leave or no went to Stephens as from the Ambassador and took the Book from him to peruse it for a time But while it was in de Valla's Possession the Provost Marshal arrested the said de Valla upon pretence of some Crime and withal took this Book out of his hand and so it was brought to the Court and remained in the possession of the said Provost This created work for the Ambassador So he wrote to the Chancellor of France acquainting him with the whole matter relating to him how Osorius had in the Book traduced the Manners Lives and Religion of England not according to the truth of the thing as indeed it was but according to his Apprehension and as ignorant Men had out of Envy represented matters to him And that if he had kept his Book within its own Bounds and in the Shadow of his own Closet no matter would have been made of it But when he had made that publick Vaunt of his performance by setting it forth in Print and making a Boast of himself to the World in this new and unusual Argument what did he do but display to all not only how ignorant he was of the Institution Manners and Customs which we said he use at present in England but how little he knew of those Controversies and Questions which now exercised the whole Christian World and to the understanding whereof the minds of all were so intent Thus the Ambassador discoursed in his Letter Two things therefore in Conclusion he requested of the Chancellor one was that after he had read this Epistle of Dr. Haddon he would procure that the Copy might be restored to Stephens to Print it Cum Privilegio or if that were not allowed yet that he might not be hindred from printing it in Latin and French Or if yet that would not be granted at least to restore the Copy that it might be printed elsewhere This was written by Smith March 6th from Melum a place about twenty Miles from Paris To which the Chancellor gave this Answer That the French Queen was much offended with those Folks that presumed to print Osorius his Book in
one of his Note-books under his own Hand for a Sickness in the Years 1558. and 1559. among the People Watercresses Scabious Pileworth Egremony Boyl these with Early of each a good handful saving Egrimony but a little Two Sticks of Liquorish bruised with an Hammer in running Water two Gallons till the one half be consumed Drink warm Morning and Evening half a Pint or thereabouts at a Draught and at other times of the Day cold If they sweat after it it is the better This purifieth the Bloud and taketh away that kind of Plague or Sickness But there is the Name of Mr. Gale set under this Recipe from whence perhaps therefore he had it Once more I find him playing the Physician with the Countess of Oxon the Lord Treasurers beloved Daughter when in the Month of December 157â— she lay under Sickness and far gone in it her Stomach gone and not able to digest any thing which made her refuse all Physic. Sir Thomas sent her a Water to take in a Spoon at once and so to use it from time to time Of his sending this Water to her he gave her Noble and disconsolate Father to understand and withall let him know the Properties of it and that if she took no other sustâ—â—â—nce in three days it would nourish hâ—r sufficiently And within 2â— hours he doubted not but his Lordship would see great Effects and pâ—radventure some Apâ— pitite to Meat to begin to come to her within that space Adding that there was never any one yet but felt good by it He was very conâ—ersant in the Commentâ—ries of Matthiolus upon Dâ—scorides and had interspersed his own Book of Matthâ—olus with many Notes and obsâ—rvâ—tions of his own It was a Book that was never wont to go from him But some Body it seems once had stollen it which grieved him not a little complaining to his Friends that he had rather have lost a far better thing Nor could another be bought any where in Londâ—n Therefore in the year 1572. Walsingham being Ambassador in France he prayed him to procure him the said Book there translated into French and to let it be bound with two or three sheets of Paper before and in the End to serve him for inserting his Notes This Book Walsingham accordingly bought and sent him over And Smith liked it well but yet as he told him if he could have recovered his own noted through with his own Hand he should have liked that far better By his conversing in these Books we may judge of his Learning that Way And as Câ—ymistry is but an Handmaid of Physic and usually accompanieth it so he was as well Skilled in that Art also And had Apartments in his House for his Stills and Laboratories Which were going to his great Cost But especially in Labouring to tranâ—mâ—te coarser Mâ—ttals into those of more Fineness and greater Value He was an excellent Mathematician and for his Recreation therein made a large Globe by his own Hand It was his Love and Practice of the Mathematicks that made him desire of Wâ—lsingham at the same time he sent to him to bâ—y him Matthiolus to procure him also a Case of Mathematical Instruments dirâ—cting him to the Place where they were sold that is at the Palace in Paris He meant that it should contain two Compasses or three a Square a Pâ—n of Metal and other things He had two already But he was minded to have another of the biggest size with the Case a foot long Walsingham accordingly in Ian. 1572. sent him a Case of Tools But such it seems as were extraordinary for Smith himself understood not them all nor lookt for so many nor of that sort But this was proper Employment for him and at his leisure he intended to find out the Property and Use of them What an Arithmetician he was appears by his Money Tables Nor was he a Smatterer in Astronomy The new Star which in the Year 1572. appeared in Cassiopeia exercised much his thoughts as it did the rest of the Learned men of the World And he could almost have been willing to believe it to be the Soul of that brave Admiral of France that had been a little before that time so basely murthered in the Parisiâ—n Massacre Smith was mighty desirous to know what foreign Learned Men judged of this new Star Therefore Decemb. 11 1572. he wrote to Walsingham thus of it That he was sure he had heard of it and he thought had seen the new fair Star or Comet but without Beard or Tayl which appeared in England these three Weeks on the backside of the Chair Cassiopeia and on the Edge of Via laâ—tâ—a The bigness was betwixt the bigness of Iupiter and Venus and kept there to his Appearance who hâ—d no Instrument then to observe it and because oâ— that cold weather also dared not observe the precise Order of the fixed Stars Such aâ— one he had never observed nor read of He therefore praâ—ed Walsingham to let him know what their Wise men of Paris did judg upon it He knew they would not think it that Admirals Soul as the Romans did of the Comet next appearing after the Murder of Iulius Caesar that it was his Soul It might be Astraea said he now peaking out afar in the North to see what Revenge shall be done upon so much innocent Bloud shed in France at a marriage Banquet and reer Suppers after it Yet that it would be acceptable to him to understand what their Astronomers and Heaven-gazers there did judge of it He added that if he were not so much occupied as he was he would turn over all his old Books but he would say something of it himself and guess by chance even as wisely as they tho' he would not publish it but to his Friends Walsingham in Answer to this of the Secretary sent him certain Notes and a new Book from France of this new Comet For which he thanked him but withal he observed to him that in the placing of it their Astronomers and these in England differed exceedingly Theirs placing it in the 29 of Pisces and ours in the 7th degr of aurus So they varied one whole Sign and Eight Degrees He observed moreover that the printed Book went upon it Suspensâ— pede and prayed the Ambassador that if any had writ upon it more boldly he might see it He added further that our Men did not deny that it arose in that Degree of Pisces or the first of aurus but that it was one thing to rise with the Degree of the Zodiack and to stand in a place after Section of the Zodiack and that our Men did find him far above the Moon and above the height of the Sphere of Venus And then it could not be a Temporary Comet Concluding Now things above the Moon do rise and die which was never believed afore but either a new Star madâ— or an old Star new seen Thus we
these lusâ—y and couragious Knights Strangers Kings or Kings Sons to be their Husbands Men of another Countrey Language and Behaviour than theirs I would not wish her Majesty but her Highness's Enemies such Aid Help Honour Riches and Contentation of Mind as those Noble Women had of those Marriages by the Description of the Poets Therefore Sophonisba wife to Syphax was worthy Praise as a wise and stout Lady who was content to put her self into the hands of Masinissa For so much as he was a Numidian born in the same Country of Africa that she was But rather than she would come into the Power and Hand of the Romans being to her Strangers the chose with a Draught of Poison to rid her self both from her Life and from her Care Well I had rather in this Matter Bene ominari And therefore I will bring no more Examples out of Histories as ye know well enough I can of the Successes of such Marriages But well I wot our Country by all Likelihood rather desireth that her Highness had one of this Realm than a Stranger It is not long ago Once there was a Stir for that Matter that cost a good Sort of Gentlemâ—ns Lives Do I forget think you what argument of Authority you used against my Friend here Mr. Spitewedd Do you then remember the Motion of our Speaker and the â—equest of the Commons House what they did and could have moved then and how they ran all one way like the Hounds after the Hare High and Low Knights and Esquires Citizens and â—argesses â—eeâ— as were of the Privy Council and others far and near Whom preferred they I pray you then if they should have had their Wish The Stranger or the English man And think you they did not consider her Majesty's Honour as well as you Do you suppose that they knew not as well what was Disparagement as you Whose Judgments if you would have to be esteemed so much as appears in your Argument you would and as I think you will even now Subscribe unto this Matter is concluded and your Disparagement is gone And where you said that the Marriage within the Realm should bring in Envy Strife Contention and Debate and for to prove the same you shew forth the Marriage that King Edward IV. made with the Lady Katharine Grey wherein followed such Dissension Cruelty Murther and Destruction of the Young Prince and his Brother the sequel I grant Mary if you do consider the Matter well ye do alledge Non Causam tanquam Causam As for the Stomach and Grief of the Earl of Warwick against the King I think indeed that Marriage was the Cause Not because the Queen was an English Woman but because the King having sent the Earl as his Ambassadour to conclude a Marriage for him Which the King did afterward refuse to accomplish And this the Earl thought not only to touch the Kings Honour but also his and fought therefore the Revenging Which he would as well have done and he had the same Cause if he had concluded it in England and after the King refused it So that it was not the Place or Person but the breaking of the Promise and disavouching of his Ambassage and the touching of the Earls Honour herein that made the strife between the Earl and the King For the rest for the Beheading of the Earl Rivers and others the Marriage was not the Cause but the Devilish Ambition of the Duke of Glâ—cester and the Duke of Buckingham Which may appear by the sequel For the one rested not till he had the Crown nor the other till he lost his Head And I pray you what Kin was the Lord Hastings to the Queen And yet he lost his Head even then King Henry VI. Married in France And did not that Marriage make Dissension enough in England And for all that the Queen was a French Woman was not her Husband and her Son by the Desire of the Crown which the Duke of York had both bereaved of their Crown and Lives So that you see that neither Marriage within the Realm maketh these Mischiefs nor yet the Marriages without can let them but Wisdom Foresight and good Governance and chiefly the Aid and Grace of God But it is a great thing to be considered the Riches Power and Strength which shall be by Marriage of a Foreign Prince as well for the Establishment and well keeping of her Highness against Insurrections and Conspiracies which might chance here within the Realm and for Invasions War Battle to be made by or against Princes abroad and without the Realm And here you seem to triumph as tho' all were yours and as tho' it were a thing clear and without all Controversie But I pray you let us weigh this Matter Do you think so much Riches and so much strength gotten unto the Realm when she shall Marry a Foreign Prince Do you praise so much Queen Mary for Marrying King Philip Indeed he is a Prince as you say as great in Birth and Possession as any Christian Prince is at this day But what was England the better for his Marriage We kept Calais above Two Hundred and odd Years in the French Ground in despight of all the French Kings which have been since that Time in all the Civil Wars and the most pernicious Dissension that ever was either in King Henry IV. Henry VI. Richard III. or King Henry VII their times And in King Henry VIII his Time we wan also Boloign and Boloignois And did the Encrease of Strength in his Marriage make us to lose in this Time I do assure you for my Part I never saw nor I think if I should have lived this Five Hundred Years heretofore past I should not have seen at any time England weaker in Strength Men Money and Riches than it was in the Time when we wrote King Philip and Queen Mary King and Queen of so many Kingdoms Dukedoms Marchionats and Countries c. For all those jolly Titles our Hearts our Joy our Comfort was gone As much Affectionate as you note me to be to my Country and Countrymen I assure you I was then ashamed of both They went to the Musters with Kerchiefs on their Heads They went to the Wars hanging down their Looks They came from thence as men dismayed and forelorn They went about their Matters as men amazed that wist not where to begin or end And what marvel was it as my Friend Mr. Agamus saith Here was nothing but Fining Heading Hanging Quartering and Burning Taxing Levying and Pulling down of Bulwarks at home and beggering and loosing our Strong Holds abroad A few Priests men in White Rochets ruled all Who with setting up of Six foot Roods and rebuilding of Rood-lofts thought to make all Cock-sure And is this the surety we shall look for the Defence we shall find the Aid we shall hope of if the Queen's Majesty take a Foreign Prince to her Husband And what Decay came at that Time