Selected quad for the lemma: england_n

Word A	Word B	Word C	Word D	Occurrence	Frequency Band	MI	MI Band	Prominent
england_n	world_n	year_n	yield_v	60	3	7.3348	4	false

Text snippets containing the quad

ID	Title	Author	Corrected Date of Publication (TCP Date of Publication)	STC	Words	Pages
A69897	An essay upon the probable methods of making a people gainers in the ballance of trade ... by the author of The essay on ways and means.	Davenant, Charles, 1656-1714.	1699 (1699)	Wing D309; ESTC R5221	132,769	338

by a Colony or Colonies consisting of a Number between a Hundred and a Thousand People which seems probable such Colony or Colonies might be brought over between the Year of the World 2400 and 2600 viz. about eight or nine Hundred Years after the Flood and fourteen or fifteen Hundred Years before the Birth of Christ at which time the World might have about a Million of Families and four or five Millions of People From which Hypothesis it will follow by an orderly Series of Increase That when the Romans invaded England fifty three Years before Christ's time the Kingdom might have about 360,000 People and at Christ's Birth about four hundred Thousand That at the Norman Conquest Ann. Christ 1066. the Kingdom might contain somewhat above 2,000,000 That Anno 1260. or about 200 Years after the Norman Conquest it might contain about 2,750,000 People or half the present Number So that the People of England may have doubled in about 435 Years last past That in probability the next doubling will be in about 600 Years to come viz. by the Year 2300 at which time it may have about 11,000,000 of People and the Kingdom containing about 39 Millions of Acres there will be then about three Acres and a half per Head That the Increase of the Kingdom for every hundred Years of the last preceding Term of doubling and the subsequent Term of doubling may have been and in probability may be according to the following Scheme Anno Christi Number of People Increase every hundred Years 1300 2,860,000 440,000 1400 3,300,000 540,000 1500 3,840,000 780,000 1600 4,620,000 880,000 1700 5,500,000 920,000 1800 6,420,000 930,000 1900 7,350,000 930,000 2000 8,280,000 925,000 2100 9,205,000 910,000 2200 10,115,000 885,000 2300 11,000,000   Whereby it may appear That the Increase of the Kingdom being 880,000 People in the last hundred Years and 920000 in the next succeeding hundred Years the Annual Increase at this time may be about 9000 Souls per Annum But whereas the Yearly Births of the Kingdom are about 1 in 28 95 or 190,000 Souls And the Yearly Burials 1 in 32 35 or 170,000 Souls Whereby the Yearly Increase would be 20,000 Souls It is to be noted   p. An.   1 st That the Allowance for Plagues and great Mortalities may come to at a Medium 4000 11,000 per An. 2 dly Foreign or Civil Wars at a Medium 3500 3 dly The Sea constantly employing about 40,000 may precipitate the death of about 2500 4 thly The Plantations over and above the Accession of Foreigners may carry away 1000 Whereby the neat Annual Increase may be but 9000. Souls That of these 20,000 Souls which would be the Annual Increase of the Kingdom by Procreation were it not for the formention'd Abatements The Country Increases Annually by Procreation 20,000 Souls The Cities and Towns exclusive of London by Procreation 2000 Souls But London and the Bills of Mortality decrease Annually 2000 Souls So that London requires a Supply of 2000 Souls per An. to keep it from decreasing besides a further Supply of about 3000 per Annum for its Increase at this time In all 5000 or above a half of the Kingdoms neat Increase Mr. King further observes That by the Assessments on Marriages Births and Burials and the Collectors Returns thereupon and by the Parish Registers it appears That the Proportions of Marriages Births and Burials are according to the following Scheme Vide Scheme A. Whence it may be observ'd That in 10,000 Co-existing Persons Scheme A. People Annual Marriages 530,000 London and Bills of Mortality 1 in 106. In all 5000. Producing 4. Children each 870,000 The Cities and Market Towns 1 in 128. In all 6800. Producing 4.5 Children each 4,100,000 The Villages and Hamlets 1 in 141. In all 29200. Producing 4.8 Children each 5,500,000   1 in 134.   41000.   4.64   Annual Births Annual Burials London and Bills of Mortality 1 in 26 ½ In all 20000. 1 in 24.1 In all 22000. The Cities and Market Towns 1 in 28 ½ In all 30600. 1 in 30.4 In all 28600. The Villages and Hamlets 1 in 29.4 In all 139400. 1 in 34.4 In all 119400.   1 in 28.95   190000. 1 in 32.35   170000. Place this Scheme p. 20. There are 71 or 72 Marriages in the Country producing 343 Children 78 Marriages in Towns producing 351 Children 94 Marriages in London producing 376 Children Whereby it follows First That tho' each Marriage in London produces fewer People than in the Country yet London in general having a greater Proportion of Breeders is more prolifick than the other great Towns and the great Towns are more prolifick than the Country Secondly That if the People of London of all Ages were as long liv'd as those in the Country London would increase in People much faster pro rato than the Country Thirdly That the Reasons why each Marriage in London produces fewer Children than the Country Marriages seem to be First From the more frequent Fornications and Adulteries Secondly From a greater Luxury and Intemperance Thirdly From a greater Intensness on Business Fourthly From the unhealthfulness of the Coal Smoak Fifthly From a greater Inequality of Age between the Husbands and Wives Sixthly From the Husbands and Wives not living so long as in the Country He farther observes Accompting the People to be 5,500,000 That the said five Millions and a half including the Transitory People and Vagrants appear by the Assessments on Marriages Births and Burials to bear the following Proportions in relation to Males and Females and other Distinctions of the People viz. Vide Scheme B. So that the Number of Communicants is in all 3,260,000 Souls And the Number of Fighting Men between 16 and 60 is 1,308,000 That the Batchelors are about 28 per Cent. of the whole Whereof those under 25 Years are 25 ½ per Cent. And those above 25 Years are 2 ½ per Cent. That the Maidens are about 28 ½ per Cent. of the whole Scheme B.   Males   Females Males Females Both. In London and Bills of Mortality 10 to 13. 230,000 300,000 530,000 In the other Cities and Market Towns 8 to 9. 410,000 460,000 870,000 In the Villages and Hamlets 100 to 99. 2,060,000 2,040,000 4,100,000   27 to 28. 2,700,000 2,800,000 5,500,000 That as to other Distinctions they appear by the said Assessments to bear these Proportions     People Males Females Husbands and Wives at above 34 ½ per Cent. 1,900,000 950,000 950,000 Widowers at above 1 ½ per Cent. 90,000 90,000 Widows at about 4 ½ per Cent. 240,000   240,000 Children at above 45 per Cent. 2,500,000 1,300,000 1,200,000 Servants at about 10 ½ per Cent. 560,000 260,000 300,000 Sojourners and single Persons 4 per Cent. 210,000 100,000 110,000 100 5,500,000 2,700,000 2,800,000 And that the different Proportions in each of the said Articles between London the Great Towns and the Villages may the better appear he has form'd the following Scheme   London

World because one Part could not then help another for which Reason the Northern Nations heretofore when their People multiply'd too fast did disburthen themselves by sending out numerous Colonies to seek out new Dwellings in apprehension that by a scarce Year they might be distroy'd at home but England with any moderate Care is not liable to such a Fear tho' its present Numbers should even be doubled because we have every where the Sea to Friend and in such an Extremity our Wants may be supply'd from other Nations And our Matter leading us into it it may not be unnecessary here to take Notice That Countries not over-stock'd with Men and tho' Situate so as to be reliev'd by the Sea may suffer greatly and be reduc'd very low for want of Corn unless they make some due Provision against such a Calamity The value of the Wheat Barly and Rye necessary for the Sustenance of England amounts at least to six Millions of Pounds per Annum at the common Rate from whence 't is apparent That if a long Dearth should happen here such as they lately had in France tho' we may be supply'd upon more easie Terms than France was and tho' we might still keep our People alive yet that a Disaster of this kind would exhaust more of our Mony than a War of ten Years continuance Suppose which God forbid that for two or three Years successively the Season should prove so bad as to deprive us of half our usual Crop to supply such a Want what immense Summs must be carry'd out of the Kingdom And it may be made evident that such a Scarcity did very much drein the French To provide against a Calamity of the like Nature is no doubt of the highest Consequence That we have been deficient in this point of Polity is too Notorious tho' Providence has taken more Care of us than a Negligent People deserve However we have had outragious Famines in England and in Edward the 3ds Reign Corn did once rise to 13 times the common value this indeed can hardly happen again because there are more different sorts of Soils improv'd and manur'd now than in that Age but at several times we have suffer'd Wants of this kind very afflicting and sometime or other our Negligence in a Matter of such concern to the People's Welfare may come to be more severely punish'd By the best Accompts we are able to procure from such as have look'd into these things we find that in England in a plentiful Year there is not above five Months stock of Grain at the time of the succeeding Harvest and not above four Months Stock in an indifferent Year which is but a slender Provision against any Evil Accident We enjoy the benefit of such different Soils viz. High Lands and Low Lands where one hits when the other fails that now a-days we seldom see Corn above treble its common Rate which however would be fatal if it should at any time continue so long as to make large Supplies from abroad necessary to us 'T is observ'd That but 1 10 defect in the Harvest may raise the Price 3 10 and when we have but half our Crop of Wheat which now and then happens the remainder is spun out by Thrift and good Management and eked out by the use of other Grain but this will not do for above one Year and would be a small help in the succession of two or three unseasonable Harvests For the scarcity even of one Year is very destructive in which many of the poorest Sort perish either for want of sufficient Food or by unwholsome Diet. We take it That a Defect in the Harvest may raise the Price of Corn in the following Proportions Defect   above the Common Rate 1 Tenth Raises the Price 3 Tenths 2 Tenths 8 Tenths 3 Tenths 1. 6 Tenths 4 Tenths 2. 8 Tenths 5 Tenths 4. 5 Tenths So that when Corn rises to treble the Common Rate it may be presum'd that we want above a third of the Common Produce and if we should want 5 Tenths or half the Common Produce the Price would rise to near five times the Common Rate We dwell the longer upon this Subject being convinc'd in Judgment that nothing in the World can more impoverish a Country nor tend more to set it back with other People in the Ballance of Trade for a long while than such a Calamity 't is indeed the Scourge of God but improvident States are more liable to it than wiser Nations The Hollanders cannot nourish their People from their Territory and must always seek for Assistance from abroad but in Prospect that the Harvest may be bad now and then in some and even in all those Places from whence they fetch their Corn whereby in scarce times they would be impos'd upon They take care to have Granaries and Store-houses where in plentiful Years they lay up vast Quantities of all sort of Grain against a dearer Season by which good and prudent Oeconomy those Dearths which in their turn have afflicted most other Countries fall but lightly upon their Common People On the contrary when such a Calamity happens they are able from their Stores to assist other Nations and tho' we cannot go so high as Sir Walter Raleigh who is over large in his Computations of this Nature and reckons the Dutch to get an Immense Sum by this sort of Trade yet 't is apparent That they are very great Gainers from time to time by selling us our own Corn dear which they had bought cheap and that they make us pay very largely for its Store-room A Nation that will get by Foreign Traffick must carefully watch all these things and the Instance we have here given is a great pull-back in the general Ballance of Trade and what the Dutch in this manner Gain is a dead Loss to England But this Evil is without doubt capable of a Remedy If they can afford to let their Mony lie dead for a time pay Freight backward and forward and Store-room and yet be Gainers by selling us our own Commodity in a dearer Market why should not we think it worth our while to build Granaries and publick Store-houses within our own Dominions We take it That Freight backward and forward in such a bulky Ware as Corn is does over Ballance the difference in the Interest of Mony here and there So that we seem to be impos'd upon in this important Matter meerly through that Negligence of which Wealthy Nations are but too Guilty It may therefore be worth the Consideration of such as study the good of England whither it would not be adviseable and for the publick Welfare to settle a Fond for the erecting in every County Granaries capable of containing such a quantity of Corn as may nourish the People for a certain time upon any emergent occasion and as may hinder us at all times from purchasing at a dear Rate our own Product from our more wary Neighbours This

p. 80 Want of Corn may very much Exhaust our Treasure p. 81 What Stock of Corn remains generally in England at the succeeding Harvest p 82 In what proportion a defect in the Harvest may raise the Price of Corn p. 83 The Care of the Hollanders to have Granaries and Store-houses for Corn and the Wealth they acquire thereby p. 84. Considerations about Granaries in England p. 85 86 Countries thrive by Trade as they well or ill manage their Product and Manufactures p. 87 England with Industry may be the foremost People in the whole Commercial World p. 88. It seems more the Interest of England to Imploy its Land in Breeding and Feeding Cattle than to produce Corn p. 89. Of the Breeding and Transporting of Horses p. 90 The Value of the Horses Yearly bred in England p. 91 Of the Mines and Minerals of England p. 92 Of the Mines in Cardiganshire p. 93 Nations who will thrive must look into small things as well as great p. 94 Of the Fishery p. 95 Of Wooll and the Wollen Manufacture p. 96 Of the Old and New Draperies p. 97 Different Countries are adapted to different Manufactures p. 99 Ireland is able to Nourish more than 3 times its present Inhabitants ib. Of the Woollen Manufacture there p. 100 Ireland fit to be Encouraged ib. England gains by the Improvement of Ireland p. 101 Of the Wealth of Rome and the chief Seat of Empires p. 101 102 Ireland has not above 500,000 l. in current Cash p. 102 Of the English Bill for Prohibiting the Exportation of the Woollen Manufactures of Ireland to Foreign Parts p. 104 Whether Laws made here are binding in Ireland p. 105 Mr. Molineux's Argument consider'd viz. Whether Ireland be a Colony from England ib. The Argument stated p. 106 An Historical Deduction of the whole matter p. 107 c. The Case of Ireland compared with the Roman Colonies p. 114 The difference of the Case between Scotland and Ireland p. 116 Whether it be necessary to prohibite by Law the Exportation of Woollen Manufactures from Ireland to Foreign Parts p. 120 Whether the Woollen Goods can be made cheaper in Ireland than in England p. 121 The Author's Conclusion upon this Argument p. 126 Of setting up the Linnen Manufactures in Ireland p. 127 Of taking off the Prohibition which now lies upon Irish Cattle p. 129 Of the course Draperies of England and of encouraging their Exportation to new Places p. 131 SECT IV. Of our Payments to ohe Publick as they affect the Ballance of Trade THe danger of Profusion and of the Crown being brought low p. 135 The Wealth of a Country is finite as well as of a private Man p. 136 Of the Administration of the publick Revenues under Henry III. and Henry IV. of France ib. Machiavel's Sentiments touching Liberality in a Prince p. 137 Whence the ill management in Kingdoms proceeds ib. Of Frugality in absolute Monarchies p. 138 Whether large Payments to the State are hurtful p. 140 Of the Annual Income of England France and Holland ib. The great Increase of our Wealth between Anno 1660 and 1688. was from the small Taxes and Duties then paid comparitively with other Nations p. 142 The Payments in 1688. were little above a 20th part of the then Annual Income of the Nation p. 143 The Duties and Payments now on Foot are one Eighth of the present Annual Income ib. It will be several years before our Annual Payments can be considerably diminish'd p. 144. The Excise and Malt Duty are a burthen upon our Woollen Manufactures p. 145. High Customs are pernicious to our Commerce abroad ib. The high Duties on Salt are of all others the most hurtful to Trade p. 146. Mr. King's Proportion of our own and our Foreign Navigation with a Scheme thereof and several Conclusions thereupon p. 147 to 150. How the Ballance of Trade from time to time might be adjusted from the Custom-house Books p. 151. Mr. King's Position as to the Nations Gain by Foreign Trade ib. The principal Expence in a trading Vessel is Meat and Drink p. 152. Of the Salt used for Barrelling up Beef and Pork and the high Price of it now to what it was before Anno 1688. with the Consequences thereof p. 153 Trade is a necessary Evil p. 154 Freight is the most certain Profit in Trade p. 155. The Tax on Coals affects our Iron Manufactures ib. An Abstract of Mr. King's Scheme of the yearly Increase of the actual Stock of England from 1600 to 1698. with some Conclusions thereupon p. 156. The great Taxes and Variety of new Duties lately levied are a heavy Burden upon our Foreign Trade p. 157. An Account of what Money has been actually granted since the War p. 158. An Account of what Money was intended by the Parliament for the War p. 162. The Expence of the Civil-List during the War p. 163. The Expence of the War and Civil-List ballanced against the Money granted during the War p. 164. Of Interest for publick Monies ib. The Publick cannot be much in Debt if all Accompts were narrowly inspected p. 165. If the Publick be much in Debt how the same must arise ib. We still remain engag'd for upwards of 20 Millions and in what particulars p. 166. England cannot flourish in Trade and Manufactures till we come to pay but 2,300,000 per An. as before the war p. 167. If this be not compassed what will be the Consequences thereof ib. How it comes that France and Holland have thriven by Trade notwithstanding their heavy Taxes though England cannot p. 168. New Impositions and remote Fonds are dangerous to Liberty p. 169. Of our present Payments to the Government and the dangers that may arise thereby p. 170. Of better providing against the diverting and misapplying the publick Treasure p. 172. Danger of stopping the Exchequer ib. Corrupt Ministers will sooner divert appropriated Monies than make new Levies p. 173. Our Mischiefs are only to be cured by lessening as fast as possible our present publick Payments p. 174. By negligence we may come to pay constantly between 5 and 6 Millions per An. p. 175 Of improving the Revenues already granted particularly the Excise p. 176. Of good management in laying out the publick Treasure p. 178. Some Methods propos'd how to get sooner out of Debt p. 179. Of over-haling the Publick Accompts ib. Of the Crown Lands and Forfeited Estates in Ireland ib. Of unwarrantable Gains by Contracts with the Crown ib. Of the surprising Premiums for Circulating Excheq Bills p. 180. Of rejecting the Offer made by the Old East India Company to raise 2 Millions and allowing a large Premium to the New p. 181 Frugal management invites the People to stretch their Purses p. 183 Difference between Human Bodies and the Body Politick p. 184 High Interest and large Premiums divert Money from flowing in the Channel of Trade p. 186 Laws cannot lower Interest where great Sums are continually borrow'd by the Government p. 187 A Prince's

first Step would be the most chargeable but in the Course of a few Years the Expence would be over-paid to the Body of the Kingdom as to filling these Stores with Corn sufficient to answer the People's Occasions we are inclin'd to think it would be best manag'd by private Undertakers whom the hopes of Advantage will easily invite into such a Business But here again will come the common Objection made to publick Things That some private Men will be thereby Gainers and so in the name of God let 'em provided they do the Publick Service However there are many Reasons to think That such a Business from the very Nature of it would be more uncorruptly manag'd than most other publick Matters First Some Persons would look after it as a Work of more meritorious Charity than any that can be thought on Secondly In case of Male Administration the Clamors of the common People would be irresistable Thirdly A great many different sorts of Men would find themselves concern'd in point of Interest to see it well and justly administer'd 'T is not here pretended to give any regular Scheme of this whole Matter which would take up more time than consists with the brevity design'd in these Discourses but 't is hop'd the Hints now given will suffice to make some good Patriots in due season lay to heart a business of such high Importance to their Land to its Product and to the entire Body of the People That Corporation for setting the Poor to Work of which a Scheme has been here propos'd may very properly provide Granaries round the Kingdom It would likewise be very adviseable to review the Ancient Laws concerning Corn for they no ways square with the present Numbers of our People nor with the Growth of London and indeed ought to be more adapted to many other Circumstances of the Times we now live in All Countries thrive or decline by Trade as they well or ill manage their Product and Manufactures and wise Nations observe carefully every part where they think to have any probable Advantage If they excel in Product and Manufacture as in France the Government bends it self to encourage the People in the pursuit of what is judg'd profitable to the Publick If they have little Product of their own as in Holland they fall to be Carriers of the World and to buy Goods in one place to vend in another whereby the Bulk of their Riches has been gain'd England has an Excellent Product of its own wherewith to sustain its Inhabitants The Woollen Manufacture is a Wealth in a manner peculiar to us We have besides the Product of other Countries subject to our Dominion the West-Indies The East-Indies are an inexhaustible Mine of Vanities to barter for the Vanities of other Countries which a rich Nation will always covet We have Ports and Situation and every thing that can contribute to make us the foremost People of the whole Commercial World only a little Industry may be wanting which to stir up is the Drift of these Inquiries We have look'd into Mr. King's Computation of the Corn because it should be the Fundamental Care of a good Government to provide that the People never want it for two or three Years defect there pulls down whatever the Merchant has been doing for a long time As to his Estimate of our live Stock in Cattle many Conclusions perhaps useful may be form'd from it which we omit as fearing to be too Voluminous We shall only observe That it seems more the National Interest of England to employ its Land to the Breeding and Feeding of Cattle than to the Produce of Corn For as Mr. Fortrey has well noted The profit of one Acre of Pasture in the Flesh Hide and Tallow of an Ox or in the Flesh Wool and Tallow of a Sheep or in the Carcase of a Horse is of so much greater value abroad than the like Yield of the Earth would be in Corn that the Exportation of this Nation might be at least double to what it is if rightly dispos'd 'T is true in these Matters Men are apt to follow what they think their particular Profit but the Influence of good Laws would go a great way towards inclining them more to pursue what is for the general Advantage and indeed the private Concerns of Men should be always made subservient to the Publick Interest Nor is force at all needful to bring this about for Men in most of their Measures where the Administration is wise and steady may be induc'd to pursue the common Welfare by directive Laws by Examples from the Prince and great Ones and by some few not very expensive Encouragements As for Example 't is in the Power of a King of England not only to have as many Horses bred but of what Shape and Size He pleases His Encouragement will at any time increase the Studds and when He countenances the Shape and Size that He thinks will profit His Country most that way the Breeders will forthwith turn all their Care and Industry Our Ancestors have not been unmindful to promote the breed of Horses as we may see by 27 H. 8. 6. 32 H. 8. 13. foreseeing what an Advantage might accrue thereby to England but those old Laws want revising and to be more adapted to present use Our Fore-fathers indeed were against transporting Horses and Mares above such a value 11 H. 7. 13. 1 Ed. 6. 5. but when those Prohibitions were enacted the business of Trade was not so well understood as it is at present However in practice we have of late Years consulted our National Interest which in all appearance is to let this Commodity be traded for as well as any other It may be convenient to restrain the carrying out of Mares but as to Gueldings and Stone-horses we can see no danger in it On the contrary if such Numbers were call'd for as would invite us to increase our Breeds it would no doubt bring a great Profit to the Kingdom Stone-Horses yield most abroad and cost no more rearing than Gueldings Against this is objected That we may thereby strengthen our Enemies by mending the Breed of other Countries but there is little Strength added to that Enemy whose Mony we take for a perishable Commodity Besides the Nation we have most Reason to distrust labour under a Natural Impediment of not excelling in the Breed of Horses their Ground is not proper for it They do not want Stallions of which they may have as good if not better than Ours from other Parts but they have neither Mares nor fit Pasture and if they had Mares they would be yet to seek for 't is Notorious that the Shape Strength and Beauty of Horses proceed from the Soil and when that is chang'd in the next Race they degenerate This Matter has been taken notice of because it has been frequently desir'd that the ancient Prohibitions here mention'd might be reinforc'd by some new Law but whether or

and Scions from the great Trunk of the Republick had all of 'em the Face of Formal Governments they had Magistracies and Councils Power of Life and Death and to raise Mony for their Common Safety and to make Laws for their better Rule but this is no Argument that they had all the Parts of Sovereign Empire 'T is true the Inhabitants of Ireland from ancient Concessions have a Priviviledge perhaps above the Roman Colonies namely to Tax themselves by their own Suffrages within their own Limits but this is no more than what is claim'd by several Provinces of France which nevertheless account themselves subordinate to the Sovereign Power of the whole State There is a part of Empire not communicable and which must reside Sovereignly somewhere for there would be such a perpetual clashing of Power and Jurisdictions as were inconsistant with the very Being of Communities unless this last Resort were somewhere lodg'd Now this Incommunicable Power we take to be the Supream Judgment of what is best and most expedient for the whole and in all Reason of Government this ought to be there trusted and lodged from whence Protection is expected That Ireland should judge of what is best for it self is just and fair but in Determinations that are to reach the whole as namely what is most expedient for England and Ireland both there without all doubt the Supream Judgment ought to rest in the King Lords and Commons of England by whose Arms and Treasure Ireland ever was and must always be defended Nor is this any claiming the same Empire over Scotland as Mr. Molyneux would suggest for there is no Parity of Reason in the Cases Scotland to England as Aragon to Spain is a distinct State governing it self by different Laws tho' under the same Prince and is truly but a Kingdom Confederated with the Realm of England tho' subject to our King The Land thereof was not acquir'd to the present Inhabitants by the Arms of England protect them we do as the Strongest Allies always are to defend the Weaker but this puts 'em not in the Degree of Subordination we are treating of They are not our Discendants and they are but Politically our Brethren whereas the English-Irish who are now chief Lords of that Soil are naturally our Offspring Their Inferior Rule and Jurisdictions are not disputed but that Super-eminent Dominion and supream and uncontrollable Regiment over themselves which they pretend to is neither safe for England to grant nor for them to ask Such a Power would be dangerous because by some Accident it may come to be so exercis'd as to be their and our Ruin We have had bad Kings and those Kings have had evil Counsellors Suppose us then in some future Age under such Circumstances as to have a Prince and his Council so angry with the People as to desire their Destruction which was our Case once with King John who would have sold us to the Moors to wreak his own Discontents And suppose this Prince willing to set up Ireland in opposition to this Kingdom may not a Prince so dispos'd give the Royal Assent to Laws in Ireland that would utterly destroy England And what Remedy would Poining's Act be in such a Juncture In a Case like this what way have the People of England to preserve themselves but to represent their Grievance to the Prince Who when he sees the Error of his Council may be induc'd to join in some Supream Exercise of the Legislature here coercive and such as may keep Ireland in the degree of Subordination that seems requisite to the well-being of both Nations Suppose a Prince bent to hurt England should give his Assent to a Law there That the Irish may transport all their Wool to Foreign Countries would not this as they say cut the Turf from under our Feet and at one blow in a manner ruin all our Woollen Manufactures There are many other Instances in which if they were indulg'd the greatest part of our Traffick would be carry'd to their Ports In Matters of Trade even the best of Kings may be surpris'd of which we have a late Example and the ill Consequences the Scotch Act will probably have ought to make us very watchful over what our Neighbours do especially where they depend upon us That the greatest part of the present Inhabitants of Ireland chiefly those who claim the Land-Property are a Colony from England has been here peradventure sufficiently made out and we take it to be their best Hold to be always so accompted because it gives them a lasting Title to be protected and defended by us And if they are a Colony it would be a strange Defect in our Constitution if we wanted any of the Powers requisite to pursue the Ends of Government of which the Principal is to take care that no one part of the People be permitted to hurt the other but if the Legislature of England cannot in Important Matters restrain that of Ireland Ireland is at least in a Capacity to ruin England which would make our Form of Government at one and the same time Ridiculous and Dangerous But to be thus out of our Jurisdiction would in the Conclusion be as fatal to them as to us for tho' they should grow Rich at our Expence and tho' a large part of our Trade were diverted thither they would not yet be able to subsist alone and by themselves And if we by Loss of our Trade become weaken'd how can we give them that Assistance which from time to time they have always wanted So that this division of Strength would be destructive to both Countries It must therefore be their Interest as well as Ours That the Supream Power and the chief Wealth should be ever preserv'd to Center here in the Seat of Empire Upon the whole Matter it seems the Right of England and as well for the Benefit of Ireland its best and noblest Colony that the Legislative Authority here should upon all Emergencies make such Regulations and Restrictions relating to Trade especially as shall be thought for the Weal-Publick of both Countries And having premis'd these Things we shall proceed to handle more closely the Subject of our Question namely Whither it is necessary to Prohibit by Law the Exportation of Woollen Manufacture from Ireland to Foreign Parts To put an early Stop to their turning their Stock and Industry this way appears requisite for many Reasons First Ireland contains near a half as much Territory as England and the Soil being of the same Nature may be brought to produce near a half as much Wool as England yields and this Material being the Basis upon which our Trade is built they who can come near us in it will come just so near us in our Trade abroad Secondly Countries thinly Peopled can sooner improve in the Breed of Cattle than any other way because 't is a Work which a few Hands may manage Thirdly Where there is Plenty of a

And that from Oleron at from 2 l. 10 s. to 2 l. 15. per Tun. But now the very Duty for forty Bushels of Oleron Salt amounts to 13 l. 6. s. 8. d. besides the 25 per Cent. ad valorem of which formerly the prime Cost came to but 2 l. 15 s. at highest The Duty likewise upon forty Bushels of Lisbon Salt comes to 13 l. 6 s. 8 d. of which the prime Cost was formerly at highest but 3 l. 10 s. And as to our Newcastle and Limington Salt which is now generally made use of in Salting Beef and Pork for Trading Vessels the very Duty for forty Bushels amounts to 6 l. 13 s. 4 d. of which before the War the prime Cost came but to 3 l. at the dearest Market Insomuch that we are credibly inform'd a Merchant can store himself in Ireland for a long Voyage with Salt Beef and Pork ready pack'd up almost as cheap as he can buy the Salt in England So that for long Voyages the Merchant will either Victual in Ireland or Salt his Beef and Pork on some Foreign Coast as he Sails along where Provisions shall be cheap which must bring a great Damage to the Landed Interest here or if he does not do so Victualling will be so expensive to him as to make Freight much dearer than it ought to be in a Country that expects to thrive by Trade The Consequence of all which will be That the Body of our Merchants must lie under a general Discouragement They will neglect looking after National Gain which English Merchants have perhaps heretofore as much consider'd in their Dealings as any Trading Men in the whole Commercial World They will have an Eye to nothing but their own temporary Profit and fuffer Strangers to go away with those Gains which England was wont to make by Freight from whence it will follow That we must decay in our Stock of Shipping and decrease every Year in the breed of Seamen and when this happens we must no more pretend to such a Naval Strength as has hitherto made us terrible to all our Neighbours Trade without doubt is in its nature a pernicious thing it brings in that Wealth which introduces Luxury it gives a rise to Fraud and Avarice and extinguishes Virtue and Simplicity of Manners it depraves a People and makes way for that Corruption which never fails to end in Slavery Foreign or Domestick Licurgus in the most perfect Model of Government that was ever fram'd did banish it from his Common-wealth But the Posture and Condition of other Countries consider'd 't is become with us a necessary Evil. We shall be continually expos'd to Insults and Invasions without such a Naval Force as is not to be had naturally but where there is an extended Traffick However if Trade cannot be made subservient to the Nation 's Safety it ought to be no more encourag'd here than it was in Sparta And it can never tend to make us safe unless it be so managed as to make us increase in Shipping and in the Breed of Seamen Freight is not only the most Politick but the most National and most certain Profit a Country can possibly make by Trade Therefore all Duties must be pernicious that burthen it and make it dear And we have dwelt the longer upon this Article of the Salt Duty because it seems to have more dangerous Consequences in relation to our Commerce abroad than all the other Impositions put together The late Tax upon Coals is a heavy Burthen on all Handicrafts working on Iron a Manufacture in which we are now come to a great Perfection And the Skill and Neatness of our Work-men is such in Locks Keys Hindges and other Curiosities of this kind that our Exportations of these Commodities may in time grow very considerable if this new Duty does not interrupt their Industry We have shown in several Instances how the Excises lately set a foot may affect us in the general Ballance of Trade And we have done it with a design of making it appear how much it is for the Common Good to endeavour to get out of those Debts for which these Revenues are the Security and Fund Mr. King in a Scheme of his of the Yearly Increase and Decrease of the Actual Stock of England from the Year 1600. to 1698. and what it may probably amount to by the Year 1710. if the present Peace continue and none of those Accidents of Plague War Fires and Civil Discords intervene which more or less do certainly diminish or hinder the Increase of the Nations Wealth whenever they happen computes That Anno 1600. the said Actual Stock was but about 25 Millions making a Yearly Increase of about 4 or 500,000 l. That Anno 1630. it was about 37 Millions making a Yearly Increase of about one Million That in 1664. the Year before the last great Plague it was about 64 Millions making a Yearly Increase of about 1,200,000 l. And that Anno 1668. it was about 86 Millions making a Yearly Increase of 2,400,000 l. And Concludes First That the last Plague the Fire of London and the Dutch War did actually diminish the said Stock at least 9 or 10 Millions and hindred the Increase of 18 or 20 Millions more Secondly That the last War with France with the other Circumstances of the Revolution and the Recoyning the Mony has actually diminish'd the said Stock about 12 Millions and hindred the Increase of about 28 Millions besides Thirdly That the Nation will not arrive to the same Degree of Actual Stock which it had Anno 1688. till about the Year 1705. nor make an Increase of 2,400,000 l. per Annum as it did in 1688. till about the Year 1706. nor then neither unless the Taxes be considerably diminish'd that thereby our Navigation and Commerce may be fully restored to what it was before the late War We do not pretend to give any Accompt of the present Posture of our Foreign Trade nor how it stood during all the last War for it would be launching into a very wide Sea but without doubt the Immense Sums that have been rais'd every Year and the variety of new Duties that have been lately levied are a heavy Burthen upon it And in order to give some little Light into this Matter and to show how the Ballance has been and may be thereby affected we shall briefly State what Mony has been Anually granted since the War   l. s. d. For Anno 1689. Granted for the War and to pay 60,000 l. to King Charles's Servants and to pay 600,000 l. to the Dutch in all that Year 1,844,786 16 04 For Anno 1690. Granted for the War 2,535,452 01 02 For Anno 1691. Granted for the War and for building Ships 4,794,861 07 00 3 4 For Anno 1692. Granted besides what was paid out of the Revenue of the Crown towards the War 3,337,268 08 09 ● 4 Carry over 12,512,368 13 04   l. s. d. Brought over 12,512,368 13 04