Roman Coins The Physicians tamper with him They leave him to Kitchin Physick Goes into the Country Dies Persons attending his Funerals Buried His Monument His Lady dies His Person described CHAP. XVI His last Will. Makes his Will For the finishing his House and Monument To his Lady For preserving good Housekeeping To his Brother His Library to Queen's College or Peter-House Books to his Friends A Cup to the Queen In case of Doubt arising in the Will His Executors The Date of his Will CHAP. XVII Observations upon Sir Thomas Smith His Learning A Platonick A Physician His Recipe for the Plague His Chymical Water sent to the Countess of Oxford His Matthiolus A Chymist A Mathematician An Arithmetician An Astronomer His Iudgment of the Star in Cassiopaeia A Politician A Linguist An Historian An Orator An Architect His Library Books by him written A great Iudge in Learning His Acquaintance The Vogue of his Learning Beneficial to Learning His Places His houses in Chanon-Row In London At Ankerwick Mounthaut His heir Sir William Smith CHAP. XVIII Sir Thomas Smith 's Vertuous Accomplishments His Religion His Principles by which he governed himself His Vertues Vices falsely charged on him His Spirit His Apparel Not oppressive Of an universal Charity His Apophthegms Leland's Copy of Verses to Smith Dr. Byng's Epitaph on him THE LIFE Of the Learned Sir THOMAS SMITH Kt. CHAP. I. Sir THOMAS SMITH's Birth Parentage and Education THE Learned Sir THOMAS SMITH sometimes Secretary of State to K. Edward VI. and afterward to Q. Elizabeth was born at Walden in the County of Essex distinguish'd by the Name of SAFFRON Walden the Lands of that Parish and the Parts adjacent being famous for the Growth of the useful Medicinal Plant whether first brought thither by this Knight's Industry being a great Planter I know not for it was first brought into England as we are told in the Reign of K. Edward III. According to Cambden who writes that Sir Thomas Smith died Anno 1577. in his Climacteric he must have been born in the Year 1514. According to Fox who in his Relation of an Evidence given by the said Knight in February Anno 1551 against Bishop Gardiner assigned his Age then to be Three and Thirty he must have been born in the Year 1518. But himself putteth his Age out of doubt in his Book of the English Commonwealth where he saith that March the 28th 1565 he was in the One and Fiftieth Year of his Age. By which Computation he must have come into the World in the Year 1512. a Year famous to England for building of a Ship the biggest that ever the Sea bore And by the Inscription on his Monument it appears he departed this Life in the 65th Year of his Age. So that Cambden made him Two Years younger than he was and Fox Five unless we should say the Figure 33 is mis-printed for 39 a Fault too common in his Books Our Knight's Father was Iohn Smith of Walden Gentleman a Person of good Rank Quality and Wealth Of which we may take some Measure from two Purchases he made of K. Edward in one Year viz. the Third of his Reign that is to say a Chauntry in the Church of Long Ashton in Somersetshire with other Lands Tenements and Hereditaments in the Counties of Somerset and Glocester which cost him 293 l. 16. s. 8 d. His other Purchase was all the Guild or Fraternity in Great Walden lately dissolved with divers other Lands and Tenements in Essex and London For which he with another Joint-Purchaser paid 531 l. 14 s. 11 d. Of which Fraternity of Walden this by the way must be remembered for the Honour of it that in a Grant made to it by K. Henry VIII as he willed there That he might evermore be remembred in their perpetual Prayers so he charitably desired that he might be admitted a Brother thereof and his dear Wife Q. Katherine to be a Sister And divers others are expressed there to be desirous to be admitted to the same as the Right Worshipful Dr. Wolsey Almoner to the King Richard Nix Bishop of Norwich Henry Earl of Essex and his Lady Lord Brook Chief Justice of England Sir Iohn Cutts Sir Tho. Semer and divers other Gentlemen and Ladies This Iohn Smith if we look further back was in the 30th of King Henry VIII High Sheriff of the Counties of Essex and Hertford For in those Times one Sheriff served both Counties In the year 1545. and the 35th of K. Henry aforesaid his Coat of Arms was granted him by the principal King of Arms or rather confirmed For the said King's Parent specifies That he was descended of honest Lineage and his Ancestors had long continued in Nobility and bearing of Arms and that it was Mr. Smith's Desire that the King of Arms would ratifie unto him his former Coat and Register it in the Records of his Office The Coat therefore granted annexed and attributed unto him was Sables a Fesse Dauncy between three Lionceux regardant Argent Languid Gules pawing with their Left Paws upon as many Altars flaming and burning thereon for that these were Anvils as some have thought alluding to the Name of Smith is a Fancy Upon the Fesse Nine Billets of his Field The Crest an Eagle rising Sable holding in his Right Claw a Pen Argent Flames of Fire issuing thereout This Crest Sir Thomas changed upon a notable Reason as we shall relate in due place Of this Coat of Arms I have laid a Copy of the Original Patent in the Appendix which is in Parchment very well adorned round about with Pictures of Rosâ—â— and Flowers de Lys and the Lively Efsigies of Garter arrayed in his rich Coat standing with a white Wand in his Hand and a Crown on his Head and the Coat of Smith blazonâ—d on the right side of him and pointâ—d to by the said white Wand I have but one thing more to say of this Gentleman and that is That he was an old Favourer of the Religion Reformed in which he brought up his Son Thomas from his Youth He lies buried in the Church of Walden where his Monument is yet remaining that is so much of it as contains his Coat of Arms but the Brass that bore the inscription torn off This for Sir Thomas's Father His Parentagâ— on his Mother's side was also Genule being derived from the ancient Name of the Châ—â—â—ecks of Lancashire his Mother Agnes being a Daughter and Co-heir of that Family By this Gentlewoman Iohn Smith had Issue divers Children of both Sexes viz. Four Daughters Agnes and Margery Alice and Iane which two last were married and three Sons Thomas Iohn and George The Posterity of which last flourish to this Day in Wealth and Honour and possess the Seat and Inheritance of Thomas the Subject of our ensuing History with great Improvements of the Estate Tho' no more Sons are express'd in the Roll
him divers Books which where not to be had at home Thus once he conveyed over Onuphrius and Polydore and certain French Books of Genealogy and Chronology for the Secretary There had been a dangerous Book wrote in Latin and lately printed abroad against the present State of Religion in England An Answer to which in the same Language the Secretary had procured and wanted nothing but to have it printed abroad as the other was In a Letter wrote to the Ambassador dated November 28th he wished he had a sight of it and that he would give his allowance thereof by some Commendatory Epistle to be added and if he could by some good means procure it to be well printed in France without peril of the Book he would send him the Copy Or if he could get it Printed at Strasburgh or Basil by some means from thence he would also send it him but if he could not he would send by some of his Men to Christopher Mount the Queen's Agent in Strasburgh for him to take care for the Publishing of it But to relate a few particulars of this Book which made no small stir in these Days Hieronymus Osorius a Portugal then a private Man afterwards Bishop of Arcoburge or Sylvane wrote an Epistle to Queen Elizabeth in an elegant Latin Stile being nothing in effect but an Admonition to Her to wheel about to Popery In this Epistle he imagined many monstrous Errors to be nurselled in our Church and with much reproachful Language depraved the Professors of the Gospel This Libel was soon after printed in France both in Latin and French as it was also printed in English at Antwerp Ann. 1565. Translated by one Richard Shacklock M. A. and Student of the Civil Law in Lovain and Intituled A Pearl for a Prince This the State thought necessary to have an Answer to because it reflected much upon the Justice and Wisdom of the Nation Dr. Walter Haddon one of the finest Learning and of the most Ciceronian stile in England was imployed to answer this Foreigners Book which he finished in this Year 1563. Beginning Legi Hieronyme tuam Epistolam c. It is extant in the said Haddon's Lucubrations Published by Hatcher of Cambridge In the Beginning Haddon shewed the Cause of his answering of Osorius and of his publishing the same namely that Osorius had indeed writ his Epistle separately to the Queen yet it seemed to be intended for all because it was published in Print and was open to the Eyes of all Men. He added that this Author had taken much upon him that he being a private Man and at a great distance both by Sea and Land unacquaintâ—d also with English Affairs should so considently take upon him to speak to the Queens Majesty that he diminished the Dignity of the Laws of England and that in general he madâ— the Nation guilty of a wicked and malicious kind of Novelty Haddon in his Answer studied Brevity and they were only some particular Points whereunto he thought good to Answer although not to the full neither Because he supposed as he wrote in his Apology that Osorius might be deluded by some malicious Reports of our Adversaries Haddon's Book being thus prepared the care was to get it published And because Osorius was printed in France both in Latin and French Cecil thought it convenient that Haddon's said Answer should be printed in the same Place and in both the same Languages Hereupon the said Cecil in Ianuary sent the Treatise to our Ambassador desiring him to procure the Printing of it and that with all Expedition And that he would add to it something by his own hand where and as he thought good and that he would procure it to speak French and to be published in that Language also And accordingly this Epistle Responsory of Dr. Haddon was so well considered over and weighed by Smith and had his Castigations that it might be reckoned to be Smith's Work as well as Haddon's For Haddon also had entreated him to ponder diligently his Answer that nothing might be in it but what was sit to be seen and read for the Vindication of the Queen and Realm Smith also spake to Robert Stephens the French King's Printer that he would take it in hand He desiring the Copy to see whether there were any thing in it which touched the State of that Kingdom as also to consider the Bulk of the Book and on Condition he had leave of the Queen undertook to do it But it received some stop by this means which probably enough might have been a thing plotted by Osorius's Friends or Queen Elizabeth's and the Nations Enemies One de Valla came to the English Ambassador and desired he might have the sight of this Epistle of Haddon's and whether he had the Ambassador's leave or no went to Stephens as from the Ambassador and took the Book from him to peruse it for a time But while it was in de Valla's Possession the Provost Marshal arrested the said de Valla upon pretence of some Crime and withal took this Book out of his hand and so it was brought to the Court and remained in the possession of the said Provost This created work for the Ambassador So he wrote to the Chancellor of France acquainting him with the whole matter relating to him how Osorius had in the Book traduced the Manners Lives and Religion of England not according to the truth of the thing as indeed it was but according to his Apprehension and as ignorant Men had out of Envy represented matters to him And that if he had kept his Book within its own Bounds and in the Shadow of his own Closet no matter would have been made of it But when he had made that publick Vaunt of his performance by setting it forth in Print and making a Boast of himself to the World in this new and unusual Argument what did he do but display to all not only how ignorant he was of the Institution Manners and Customs which we said he use at present in England but how little he knew of those Controversies and Questions which now exercised the whole Christian World and to the understanding whereof the minds of all were so intent Thus the Ambassador discoursed in his Letter Two things therefore in Conclusion he requested of the Chancellor one was that after he had read this Epistle of Dr. Haddon he would procure that the Copy might be restored to Stephens to Print it Cum Privilegio or if that were not allowed yet that he might not be hindred from printing it in Latin and French Or if yet that would not be granted at least to restore the Copy that it might be printed elsewhere This was written by Smith March 6th from Melum a place about twenty Miles from Paris To which the Chancellor gave this Answer That the French Queen was much offended with those Folks that presumed to print Osorius his Book in
FrenchAmbassador Resident in England to whom he bore a great Malice And yet such was his Fineness and Dissimulation that at the latter end of that Year being at Liberty and here at home he grew very great with the same French Gentleman Cecil took notice of it and wrote to Smith that he thought it strange to see what great Amity now was between the French-Ambassador and Mr. Throgmorton considering the Hate he had before born him It was strange to Cecil a plain-dealing Man and of no Turnings and Windings tho' a great and wise Politician But Throgmorton could play the Courtier and pretend Friendship in colour for some private ends of his own when the same distempered Spirit lurked still within him that did before And happy was Smith in the Friendship of the foresaid Cecil who as he was a wise and good Man so most sincere and cordial in his Nature And yet once had our Ambassador taken something ill at his Hands according to an ill Office that some had done between them representing him as guilty of some Unkindness towards Sir Thomas Whereat he very plainly and freely in his next Letters dated in December told him of it This Freedom the Secretary took in good part and valued in Truth his Friendship the more for it telling him that He had much Cause to thank him for his Friendly Dealing with him and as much more cause to praise him for his open and plain Dealing Which I assure you on my Faith as he said I do allow more in you than any other part of your Friendship And hence he took occasion to give this good piece of Advice to him viz. wishing him to use all Integrity in his Transactions that he might have the Testimony of a good Conscience Notwithstanding which Counsel he reckoned that he needed not to give it him For added he piously and gravely when all the Glory and Wit when all the Wealth and Delight of this World is past we must come before the Judge that will exact this Rule of us to discern us from the Goats CHAP. X. Peace with France Smith continues Ambassador there His Book of the Common-wealth of England Returns A Review of his Embassy IN the Beginning of the Year 1564. by the Means and Labour of Sir Tho. Smith and Sir Nic. Throgmorton his Collegue Peace was concluded with France Which was to take place on the 23d of April It was proclaimed in London the 22d and on the 23d a notable good Sermon was made at St. Paul's with e Deum sung and all incident Solemnitiâ—s The same Day it was published at Windsor in the Queen's presence going to Church and having with her the French-Ambassador So as nothing wanted to shew Contentation The Queen also now sent over the Garter to be presented to that King by the Lord Hunsdon Sir Tho. Smith and Sir Gilb. Dethic King of Arms. After the Peace was concluded Sir Tho. Smith still resided in France And now one of his great Businesses was to get some good Answer for the Money due by the Prince of Conde to the Queen In September Sir Thomas desirous of returning solicited by the Secretary his sending for home But the Secretary could not attain of the Queen a Determination about it perceiving in her a Disposition rather to have him continue till that King should return back from those South Parts where he then was But this Care however she took for him that for avoiding of the Plague which then reigned in France she would have him forbear to follow the Court in dangerous Places Considering as she said the French Ambassador did forbear to follow her Court all her last Progress into the North taking his Ease at London altho' he was by some means moved to the contrary Wherewith her Majesty was somewhat offended Wherefore she admonished Smith in like manner according to his Convenience to forbear so diligent a â—aâ—lowing of that Court as hitherto he haâ— used In this Month of September the Rhinegrave being in France dealt with our Ambassador concerning a Match between the Archduke the Emperor's Son and Queen Elizabeth With which he acquainted the Secretary To which the Secretary replyed That it would be very seasonable if it were honourably propounded Sir Thomas afterwards wrote him that he should hear more of this another way In March the beginning of the Year 1565. did Sir Thomas finish his known Tract of the Common-wealth of England and the Manner of the Government thereof Consisting of three Books The first whereof was concerning the Diversities of Common-wealths or Governments And therein he treated of the Gentlemen of England Which he divided into the Great and Less Nobility and of the other Ranks of Men in this Country The Second Book was taken up in shewing particularly the Laws of the Realm The Third was concerning Appeals of the Courts of Star-Chamber Wards and Liveries c. This excellent Book he wrote at his leisure Hours while he was abroad in this his Embassy in France Occasioned as it seemeth by certain Discourses he had with some Learned Men there concerning the variety of Common-wealths Wherein some did endeavour to under-value the English Government in comparison with that in other Countries where the Civil Law took place His drift herein was as he tells us himself in the Conclusio◠〈◊〉 his Book to set before us the principal Points wherein the English Policy at that Time differed from that used in France Italy Spain Germany and all other Countries which followed the Civil Law of the Râ—mans compiled by Iustinian in his Pandects and Code And this Tract of his being as a Project or Table of a Common-wealth laid before the Reader he recommended to be compared with the Common-wealths which at that Day were in Eâ—â—e or with others which did remain described in true Histories Especially in such Points wherein the one differed from the other To see which had taken the more right truer and more commodious way to Govern the People as well in War as in Peace This he said would be no illiberal Occupation for him that was a Philosopher and had a delight in Disputing nor unprofitable for him that had to do with or had good will to serve the Prince and Common-wealth in giving Counsel for the better Administration thereof This was written in Latin as well as in English and many were the Copies taken of it till at last it was Printed tho' I think not before the Year 1621. when it came forth in English in the old Black Letter From the 5th of August to the 30th of October Smith's extraordinary Charges which he brought in to the Queen amounted to 103 l. 6 s. 8 d. And as a good part of which was for his Servants some sent into England and others to the French Court the King being then in his Progress and Smith not always following the Court so the greatest part was spent in gratifying Spies
Secondly Concerning Laws for the Politick Government of the Country to be possest for the Preservation of it Thirdly In what Orders to proceed in this Journey from the beginning to the End which Sir Thomas called A Noble Enterprise and A Godly Voyage His Son being now with his Colony upon the Place proceeded commendably in order to the Reduction of it He was in a good forwardness of reducing Sarleboy to Obedience For they had much Converse together and came at length to Articles of Agreement The main of which was that he should be made a Denizon of England by the Queen and hold his Land of her and him and the same Privilege should the rest of his Scots enjoy Paying to the Queen a yearly Rent in acknowledgement and he to become Homager to Her by Oath and so to be a faithful Subject or else lose his Right Mr. Smith also began a new Fort in this Country He laboured also to unite the English and Scots that were there who did not it seems very well agree That their strength being united they might be the more able to withstand the Wild Irish. And this the Scots were for promoting as considering that if the English and they should strive together when the one had weakened the other the Wild Irish like the Puthawk it was Sir Thomas's own similitude might drive them out or carry away both Besides the Pains Sir Thomas had already taken for the settlement of the Ardes he drew up this year Instructions to be sent from the Queen to his Son Containing directions upon what terms Sarleboy and his fellows should hold their Lands of her Majesty and him Likewise he drew up a draught for explaining certain Words doubtful in the Indentures between the Queen and him and his Son As about his Sons soldiers if they should Marry in that Country as it was likely they would The Secretary entreated the Lord Treasurer to steal a little leisure to look these Writings over and correct them so that he might make them ready for the Queens signing And this he hoped when once dispatched might be as good to his Son as Five Hundred Irish soldiers At Mr. Smith's first coming hither he found some few that claimed themselves descended of English blood namely the Family of the Smiths and the Savages and two Surnames more And these presently joyned with the English and combined with them against the Wild Irish. But all the rest were mere Irish or Irish Scots and natural Haters of the English The Queen had a Force of men in those Parts for necessary Defence and for the keeping of Knockfergus a very important Place for curbing the Irish. But to retrench her Charge in Ireland she was minded now to discharge them as she had done some already expecting that Smith should secure those Quarters nor would she grant any Foot or Horse to him Sir Thomas therefore in February interceded with her by the means of the Lord Treasurer that at least for that year she would suffer those Bands to be there to Countenance and support the New begun Aid and Fort and not to leave it so naked as it had been it seems all that Winter by Cassing those Bands that were heretofore the Defence of Knockfergus and the Bar of the North. And he told the Lord Treasurer upon this Occasion that it was certain if his Son had not retrieved a Band of the Lord of Harvey's at his own Charge Knockfergus had been in great danger or else clean lost But while these matters thus fairly and hopefully went on Mr. Smith was intercepted and slain by a wild Irish man Yet Sir Thomas did not wholly desist but carried on the Colony and procured more Force to pass over there For in March Anno exeunte his Son being but newly if yet dead there were Harrington Clark and some others Adventurers on this Design that gave certain Summs of Money for Lands there to be assured to them In the beginning of March 1572 the Ships Captains and Soldiers were ready to be wasted over When unhappily some Persons concerned had started some new Matter in regard of the Bargain Which put a stop to their Departure And one Edward Higgins the Chief of the Gentlemen and Captains that were going over and forward in this generous Expedition was hindred for want of the money agreed upon Hence it came to pass that the Captains lay at great Charges when their Ships Mariners and Soldiers were ready and they did nothing but dispend their Money This troubled Sir Thomas not a little as appears by a Letter he wrote to one Mrs. Penne a Gentlewoman that had an Influence upon some of these Persons that made the stop To whom therefore Sir Thomas applied himself praying her to call upon them to consider at what Charge the Captains did lie and to do what she could in any wise to help them away Whereby she should do the Queens Majesty good service and him and them great Pleasure It being a matter said he which indeed for the goodness of it I take much to heart This was writ from Greenwich the 6th of March This Care the Secretary continued For a year or two after I find him drawing out other Passports and Licences for transportation of Victuals for certain that went to the Ardes and expressing himself then to a Friend that it stood him upon both in Profit and Honesty not to let the present Month pass which was May An. 1574. And so during his Life Sir Tho. laboured in the Civilizing and Settlement of this his Colony But upon his Death it seems to have lain neglected for some Time And tho' the Family and Heirs of Sir Thomas who are extant to this day have often claimed their Interest in this Land which their Ancestor did so dearly purchase and well deserve yet they enjoy not a foot of it at this present For as I have been informed by some of that Worshipful Family Sir William Smith Nephew and Heir to our Sir Thomas Smith was meerly tricked out of it by the Knavery of a Scot one Hamilton who was once a Schoolmaster tho' afterwards made a Person of Honour with whom the said Sir William was acquainted Upon the first coming in of King Iames I. He minded to get these Lands confirmed to him by that King which had cost Sir Thomas besides the death of his only Son 10000 l. being to go into Spain with the English Ambassador left this Hamilton to solicite this his Cause at Court and get it dispatch'd But Sir William being gone Hamilton discovered the Matter to some other of the Scotch Nobility And he and some of them begged it of the King for themselves pretending to his Majesty that it was too much for any one Subject to enjoy And this Hamilton did craftily thinking that if he should have begged it all for himself he might perhaps have failed of success being so great a Thing but that
thou do stil prolong Doubt and Defer as now thou dost Thus meâ—â—â—nks England might speak wel enough to her Majesty Whose Word I trust her Highneâ— wil both hear and weigh when it shal please God to put it in her Highnes mind But I wil return to your other Argaments Mr. Agamus You were something long in proving that the Queens Majesty may in Peace by her Council in War by her General govern and conduct al things as wel as tho She were there in Person her self Hardly wil I graunt that the one should be as wel as th' other I se in al other things that Oculus Domini non solum pascit Equum optime as he said but also Colit stercorat Agrum The Italians have a Proverb La â—â—ccia d'buomo saccia de Leone The Face of a man is the Face of a Lion Meaning that the Presence of a man himself to whom the thing doth appertain to Terror to Diligence to setting forward of that which is intended doth furmount and pass al other things As when our late Sovereign K. Henry VIII â—ay against Boloign and another Camp with right good Captains before Montrel the Courage of the Soldier the Provision of the Victuals the Effect of the Enterprize ye know was not like For th' one fought under the Princes Ey th' other as it were behind him th' one saw present Reward or Pain th' other had but trust of their Captains Report As touching the Romans where do you se or read in their Histories that the Leaâ—tes which we call Generals or Lieutenants did so wel as the Consuls or Proconsuls in any War Who altho they were but as other of the Senate yet for that Time they had a Kingly and Sovereign Authority especially abroad And yet the Romans thought not that enough but when any danger came they made Dictaâ—â—â—ent Who from the Time of his Dictatorship was a very King or Monarch as ye know well enough So much did they think that Legats and Generals could not do th'enterprize so wel as he that hath the Princely Fasces as they cal them and the Sceptre And who that readeth the Veuctian Histories shal se that altho their Captain or General hath one of their Senate called Proveditore with him By whose Counsil if he do he doth avoid the danger of judgment Yet for because he is not indeed Consul or Dictator ye see their Wars go but coldly forward And this you knowing which Thing I marked in your Tale you praise them for the keeping that which they get wherefore I peradventure could shew some Causes Indeed for good Warriors I never heard Man yet give them the Prize And if I should grant this that the Generals in War do as wel as the Prince in Person which thing you see I am very loth to do and if it had not been strange and a thing to be wondered at in Octavius Augustus Plutarch would not have noted it But if I should grant it yet as the Greeks say One City is before another and there is difference in Generals and Lieutenants not only in knowledge of the Feats of War and in the Hardines of Courage and Wisdom to atchieve them but also in Estimation of the Soldier And who can be more esteemed or go more nâ—er to do as much in the Wars and with Soldiers as the Queen her Self if She were a Warriour or there in Person should do as either he which is the King or the Queens Husband In K. Henry III. his Time I read of Prince Edward who was after called Long Shanks and in the Time of Edward III. of the Black Prince and Henry V. that they did as much as their Fathers and that their Soldiers would under their Banners sight as valiant and go as far as they would govern their Fathers being then Kings of England And no marvail They did not only look shortly to have them their Sovereign Masters but they knew in the mean time how dear those Persons were to their Fathers Which two things did work so much in their Hearts and Minds that there was smal Want of the Royal Presence So much think I it doth excel to the Encouragement of the Soldier to the Hope of the Capitain to the Terror of the Enemy to understand that the Husband of the Queen he whom her Highnes Loveth above al men and whom She trusteth most and who can commend their Doings at al Times to her Highnes to be in the Field over it is of any other Lieutenant or General whosoever he be At one thing I assure you you had almost made me to laugh when that you spoke so husbandly of Husbanding I perceive the Queens Majesty doth not wel that you are not one of the Green-cloth you would husband the Matter so wel and teach them al to save mony And for one thing ye might do wel there because I perceive ye love no Takers But if you were once of them I fear me you would love Takers better and bear with them as wel as al the rest do Oh! merciful God do you look to save mony and do not care to save your Head You do consider how a few Expences may be saved and do not se how your Posterity shal be spent and consumed Cal to remembrance I pray you what was spoken you wot Where and When a little before the Speaker of the Parlament went to move that Petition to her Highnes wherof I spake even now I would to God her Majesty might live ever I would she should not dye but now I know that being born of mortal Parents there is no Remedy She must once run this Race that al her Progenitors have don before and al mortal Men and Women shal follow When that is don what a Damp shal England be in What an Eclipse wil that be if God do not either send a Prince before of her Body or els incredible Aggrement of the Nobility and Commons We hear what the Daulphin did attempt by the Title of his Wife the Scottish Queen after the Death of Q. Mary Happy is the Queens Majesty by the great Consent of her Subjects and happy be her Subjects by the Life and Prosperity of her Highnes But if there come any Dissension for the Trials of Titles If there come Part-takings who should wear the Crown what a more miserable Realm should there be in the whole World than this of England I am afraid to speak and I tremble to think what Murthers and Slaughters what Robbing and Riâ—ling what Spoiling and Burning what Hanging and Heading what Wasting and Destroying Civil War should bring in if ever it should come From the Time that K. Richard II. was deposed in whom al the Issne of the Black Prince was extinct unto the Death of K. Richard III the unkind and cruel Brother of Edward IV. whose Daughter was Maried as ye know to K. Henry VII by reason of Titles this poor Realm had never long Rest. Noble men
were beheaded poor men were spoiled both one and th' other stain in battel or murthered at home Now this King prevailed now th' other No man sure of his Prince no man of his Goods no man of his Life A King to day to morrow a Prisoner Now hold the Sceptre and shortly after fly privily the Realm And when this fel upon the Head how sped the Body think you Those two Blades of Lyonel and Iohn of Gaunt never rested pursuing th' one th' other til the Red Rose was almost razed out and the White made al bloudy And as it were Eteocles and â—â—lyâ—ices they ceased not til they had filled their Country ful of bloudy Streams They set the Father against the Son the Brother against the Brother the Unkle flew the Nephew and was slain himself So Bloud pursued and ensued Bloud til al the Realm was brought to great Confusion It is no marvail tho' they lost France when they could not keep England And England in the latter end of K. Henry VI. was almost a very Chaos Parishes decayed Churches fel down Townes were desolate plowed Fields waxed Groves Pastures were made Woods Almost half England by Civil War slain and they which remained not sure but in Moates and Castles or lying in Routs and Heaps together When those two Roses by the Reliques and last store of the Whole were joyned in the amiable Knot of Mariage then the Strife ended and England began as it were to be inhabited again Men left Moates and Castles and builded abroad pleasant Houses And thus it hath continued from K. Henry VII hitherto Save that in this Time a few Broyls of the Stirred Sea which could not so soon be calmed by Martin Swarte Perkin Warbeck and Simond out of Ireland were somewhat renewed but they were Trifles to the rest Sith which Time not containing yet fourscore years you se how England is repeopled the Pastures clothed the Desarts inhabited the Rents of Lands encreased the Houses replenished the Woods so wasted that now we begin to complain for want of them and our Encrease is tedious to our selves which find fault with the Fruits of Peace because we know not the Cause of the Success nor the Commodities therof But as if al the World should return to the old Chaos it were the greatest mischief that Heart could invent Tongue speak Pen express or Wit indite So if this should come to our Country of England we for our parts shal feel this I speak of and as it were the particular Judgment of the Day of Doom And it standeth but on a tickle and frail Ground if God wil so plague our Country whether the Red and White Rose shal strive again together or whether the branches of the mixed Rose shal cleave asunder and strive within themselves which is neerer the Root Oh! Lord God let me not live to se that day And you my Friend do you in this Company speak of Saving of Mony to let the saving of this Trouble from the Realm of England With this he held his peace and seemed indeed very much troubled And no man said a word even a good pretty space 〈◊〉 at the last the Stammerer that I told you of whom they called after al that night Mr. Godfather stutting after this maner said this in effect By the Lord I believe you have told as good a Tale as ever I heard I am now glad I have an Excuse by my Tongue for I should not have don it so wel For both in Peace and War and al times you have proved that it is best for her Grace and most to her Comfort and Quiet to have an Husband Mary I thought long for this Last Part of the Necessity of a Prince of her Highnes Body And because you pass it over so with Silence I had thought to have put you in mind of that thing but now I wil not say more of it For I se it troubleth you as it doth us al. Now Sir you have said so much for me as I would wish and I thank you For the rest as I said I am indifferent If you have any thing to speak for an Alien who be so tender unto you and whom you do always prefer before us English Men speak on a Gods Name and let this Gentleman provide wel to aunswer you For I perceive ye wil do wel enough both III. Philoxenius or Love-alien his second Oration for the Queens Marying with a Stranger IN good Faith quoth Love-alien now I have spoken for you so long I am in a maner weary when I should speak for my self And yet this was not out of the Way for me so to do but in maner necessary For it standeth not with order of Disputation as to my remembrance Aristotle writeth that I should go about to prove Quale sit before I have proved Quod sit Therfore it had been superfluous for me to describe what maner of Husband I thought most meet for the Queens Highnes if it were not first proved by reason that it were convenient that her Majesty should have one For if her Grace be fully determined and perswaded by Mr. Agamus Spiteweds Reasons then to reason whether a Stranger or an English-man were more to be wished is clean superfluous For it is cut off by this one stroke Her Majesty wil have none Wel here among this Company for Disputation sake I wil stand so wel in my own Conceit that I take Mr Agamus his Opinion thorowly confuted And let us put the Case that is aggreed upon That best it were for her Majesty to Mary then standeth it in Consultation farther of the maner and Condition of her Husband Wherin may be made many Questions as whether a Young Man or a more elderly whether a Batchelor or a Widower an English-man or a Stranger a great Prince or a King or a mean Personage as in al such where divers be offered of sundry Qualities wherof the Choise and Election is to be taken and because both I am weary and there hath yet but one of these Questions been moved amongst us I shal speak but of that Branch only Whether an English-man or a Stranger is to be perferred Wherin because I have already declared my Opinion which Part I mind to take it resteth that I should also declare the Reasons which moved me to think as I have said and here I intend to begin The very true godly and essential Causes of Matrimony if I may use that Term be three The getting of Children without the Offence of God The natural Remedy to resist the Temptation of the Devil moving us to Fornication or Adultery And the Comfort Pleasure and Help which th' one hath of th' other in al private Affairs and in Governing the House and Family This last the Philosophers which knew not the right Law of God make the first the chief and the whole Cause For as for the Second I mean Fornication they esteemed it not And the first