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A54693 Regale necessarium, or, The legality, reason, and necessity of the rights and priviledges justly claimed by the Kings servants and which ought to be allowed unto them / by Fabian Philipps. Philipps, Fabian, 1601-1690. 1671 (1671) Wing P2016; ESTC R26879 366,514 672

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the 17th year of her Reign by her Writ under the Great Seal of England directed to that learned and judicious Lawyer Sir Nicholas Bacon Knight Lord Keeper of it who allowed and sealed it and the Lord Treasurer of England and her Justices Barons of the Exchequer Sheriffs Mayors Bayliffs c. signifie that she had taken into her Protection for three years Martin Frobisher Gent. probably the eminent Sea-Captain and his ordinary Servants whom she had imployed in her affairs beyond the Seas and therefore by vertue of her Royal Prerogative which she would not have disputed commanded every of them that during the saie Martin Frobishers absence and before his departure and after his return during the said three years they should not suffer him or his Servants in ordinary to be arrested attached or outlawed or to be molested or disquieted in their Persons Goods Chattels Lands or Estates and that the Justices in their several Courts should supersede and discharge all Actions Plaints and Suits tending thereunto and not proceed thereupon and may give us to understand that howsoever in Warhams Case in the 20th year of her Reign before her Judges of her Bench her Protection signifying that she would not have her Prerogative disputed was without debating as the Writ commanded not allowed but silently laid by possibly by reason of variance or incertainty of time or upon some defect of form or words in the Writ or in regard that it mentioned not whether the party desiring to be protected was profecturus or moraturus to go or abide in the Queens service or because the Writ of Protection came too late or the nature of the Action or some matter in the Pleading or the Issue which was omitted by the Reporter would not admit it yet the disallowance of one Protection is no argument or enough to conclude that no Protection was or ought to be allowed when so many do appear in the Records and Year-Books of our Laws to have been allowed For certainly if that great Queen had the year before 1588. and that almost unavoidable ruining storm of the Spanish Armado which threatned the destruction of her and this Nation given her Protection Royal to Sir Thomas Gresham Knight that Prince of Merchants for the securing of his person and Estate from arrest or troubles when for her service and the safeguard and defence of the Nation he had stretched that grand and all the Credit which he had in Foreign parts to dreyn the Banks thereof and to borrow and take up at Interest so great a part of the moneys thereof as he prevented the King of Spain therein and so disappointed him of money as he could no sooner send that formidable Navy against England which he designed to have sent the year before whereby she was not suddenly attaqued but had time to provide a gallant resistance and whether the clause of commanding her Prerogative therein not to be disputed had been inserted or not which in such a secret and important affair ought not to have been made publick either in such a Writ or in a Court of Justice every man that had not sued a Bill of Divorce against his reason common sense and understanding might have believed such a Protection in such an exigent to have been as legal as it would have been for publique good and necessary And although the Reverend Judge Fitzherbert was of opinion that a Protection of the King quia in servitio Regis because the party to whom it was granted was in the service of the King or the like is not to be allowed for a longer time than a year and a day being supposed to be a competent time for the dispatch of such an emergent or extraordinary imployment of the Kings as was pretended which no Act of Parliament hath yet limited there being a possibility of a longer time of the imployment either as profecturus or moraturus in the going or tarrying when the time of the dispatch of business cannot be circumscribed especially in Foreign parts whither and whence in longer or shorter Voyages the winds as well as other occasions and accidents are to be a●●ended and that in the 39th year of the Reign of King Henry the 6th a Protection was not allowed because the Defendant having obtained it in regard that he was in servitio Regis and sent to Rome Pleas of Dower and Quare Impedit were not as they used to be and ought by Law to be excepted in the Writ of Protection yet Mayle one of the Justices of the Court of Common Pleas then said that in a Voyage Royal or in business concerning the Realm or in an Embassage or the like a man should be protected and a Voyage Royal saith Fitzherbert is where the King goeth to War or his Lieutenant or Deputy Lieutenant and that a man is to be protected when he is in the Kings service for guard of the West Marches of England towards Scotland and in the 21th year of the Reign of King Henry the 6th a Protection was allowed after the Nisi prius or Issue tryed and sometimes for the Plaintiff as well as the Tenant or Defendant as in the 14th year of the Reign of King Edward the 4th Essoines of the Kings service being likewise ordinarily allowed by the Judges upon allegation or proof of the Kings service at the time of casting or praying for them there being an ordinary course of Essoining allowed communi jure of common right to such as are not in servitio Regis or the Kings Servants as de malo lecti for sickness c. and are now in many Actions allowed of course without any proof or question made thereof And those kind of Protections were so effectual and respected in the 21th year of the Reign of King Edward the 3d. as in an Action where the Queen who was to enjoy some greater Priviledges then others of the Subjects was Plaintiff such a Protection was allowed and it is not without some warrant or reason of Law observable that the Protections and Essoines which were quia in servitio Regis in regard that the person to be protected was in the Kings service were most commonly quia profecturus because he was to go or abide upon some imployment for the King do mention per praeceptum or in obsequio Domini Regis that they were sent by the Kings command or upon his service which in case of ordinary or domestick service needs not to be so much mentioned by the words per praeceptum or in obsequio Regis the word obsequium being by the Civil Law only understood to be reverentia honoris exhibitio erga parentes patronos an honour and reverence of Freemen to their Parents and Patrons contradistinct to the duty of work or labour in Servants that such men were commonly Strangers and none of the Kings Houshold Servants and that in those early dayes and times of Popery when there was
seu exemplar as a great and antient example worthy to be imitated whereof one waiting by the space of a month menseque finito adveniente alia prima domum redibat which being ended that returning home another succeeded the other two propriis quivis necessitatibus studentes commorabantur being busied about their own affairs tarried in the mean·time at home secunda itaque cohors mense peracto adveniente tertia domum redibat and the second Troop having served their month the third came into their places and the thirds course or time alotted being ended the first returned to his former attendance Et hoc ordine omnibus vitae praesentis temporibus talium vicissitudinum in Regali Curto rotatur administratio and in this manner all the life time of the said King and by such changes or courses was the service in his Royal Court administred And certainly no small number of Officers and Servants were heretofore thought to be sufficient in England to attend on our Kings and Princes when Hardi-Canutus King of England furnished Tables of meat for his Servants and all comers four times a day when Thomas Earl of Lancaster who was an Attendant himself upon the King had in the Reign of King Edward the second a Bishop and Barons officiating in his house 100 Knights and as many Esquires besides Officers and common Servants Bishops Earls and Lords in after ages rode and travelled with great Trains and Retinues Nicholas West Bishop of Ely in the Reign of King Henry the 8th had continually in his house 200 Servants Edward Earl of Darby 200 men in Checque-Roll in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth and John Earl of Oxford although a well-deserving Ancestor of his that led the Vantguard of King Henry the 7th at the Battel of Bosworth-field was in that Kings after Halcyon dayes fined in a then great sum of money for attending him at his house with a very great Retinue did usually ride from his house in Essex to his house at London-Stone in London with 80 Gentlemen in Livery of Red or Tawny with Chains of Gold about their necks and 100 tall Yeomen in the like Livery to follow him without Chains but all wearing his Crest of the blew Boar embroydered on their left armes or shoulders so as in the difference betwixt the Majesty of a great and Soveraign Prince being as the Sun in our Firmament and the grandeur which his Nobility as the Stars in their lesser lights derived from it either did or should endeavour to support the measure or rule of proportion may evidence how necessary it is for a King to have an honourable and competent number of Servants when those that were so much inferior to the Majesty Power and Soveraignty of a free Prince could in their lesser Orbs not want a fitting number to attend upon the Honours which he or some of his Ancestors gave them when as by an Order of his late Majesty in the year of our Lord 1626. 40 Messengers of his Chambers were at all times to be ready to do his Majesty service and at all entertainments and receptions of Ambassadors many of the Gentlemen of the Kings Privy Chamber are commanded to attend such of the Nobility as are appointed by the King to receive and conduct the Ambassadors unto him in so much as in the year 1636. eight Gentlemen of the Kings Privy Chamber were appointed to attend the Earl of Lindsey to bring the King of Polands Ambassador to Hampton-Court and such multitudes and variety of cares and business which do attend a King and the consequences and grand concernments thereof so hugely different from any of their Nobility or Subjects may perswade us to allow our Saul to be as well in the number of their Houshold Servants as in all other things higher from the shoulders upwards than all or any of th●m and will better become him than those many which our murmurers were so well content to afford their Oliver the Protector of their intended sl●very when by his Instrument so called of his Usurped Government he was to have two hundred thousand pounds per annum for defraying the necessary charges of the administration of Justice and other expences of the Government besides all the Kings Revenue which was left unfold being a considerable part thereof with the Fines Amerciaments and casual profits of the basely misused and despoiled Crown of England and a pay and constant yearly maintenance of Ten Thousand Horse and Dragoons and Twenty Thousand Foot in England Scotland and Ireland with a setled yearly Revenue for the maintenance of a convenient number of Ships for guarding of the Seas allowed unto him had his Chamberlain Treasurer and Comptroller of a better house than the Brew-house which he could not thrive in at Huntington his mis●called Lords of his Privy Counsel Commissioners of his Great Seal Secretary of State his Turn-coat Heralds Serjeants at Armes Messengers of his Chamber Ushers and many other Servants and Officers belonging to his Counterfeit Highness and his Envoys and Ambassadors one of which could not be dressed out or sent with a lesser state and magnificence than 200 Attendants And the Lord Mayor of London being but a temporary and yearly Governour of that City and one of the lesser rayes of the Majesty of our Kings communicated to that annual Magistracy under them can be allowed for his state a Recorder Common Serjeant Chamberlain Town●Clerk Coroner Sword-Bearer Marshall Common Hunt Common Cryer Water-Bayliff and Under-Chamberlain four Clerks of his Mayors Court three Serjeant Carvers as many Serjeants of the Chamber a Serjeant and Yeoman of the Channel four Yeomen of the Water-side an Under Water-Bayliff two Yeomen of the Chamber three Meal-Weighers two Yeomen of the Wood-Wharfs the Sword-Bearers man the Common Hunts two men the Common Cryers man the Water-Bayliffs two men and the Carvers man some of which several Officers or Attendants do wait by turns or courses and hath one of the Kings Maces or Serjeant at Armes at some certain times of Solempnity attending upon him a resemblance of a House of Peers in his Court of Aldermen where the Recorder is the Prolocutor and a House of Commons in his Common Counsel both which upon occasions he calls and adjourns at his pleasure hath his Court of Conscience like a Chancery for equity and several Courts of Justice and when he goeth with above 60 Companies of all Trades in a kind of triumph of their Trade and Mysteries to take his Oath before the Barons of the Exchequer hath all the worship and attendance which his Towns-men or Citizens can help him unto every one of which Companies of Trade having some 20 some 45 some 120 Livery men some in their Gowns of Budge and others with Foines who at 20 or 28 l. a piece are willing to purchase a share of preheminence in the rule and ill ordering instead of better of their several Fraternities of Deceipts together with their Whiflers Marshals-men
then next following and King Edward the 4th by vertue of his Kingly Prerogative as the Writ and the Record declared granted his Protection unto John Namby Gentleman Executor of William White alias Namby for himself and his Servants and their Lands and Estates to endure for three years very many of the Subjects of England in those dayes and the Reigns of our former Kings travelling on Pilgrimage for devotion or penance to Jerusalem or St. James of Compostella or which were Cruzadoed or voluntarily went unto the Holy Land so called for recovery of it in such numbers as about the year of our Lord 1204. being in the latter end of the Reign of King John sixty thousand English took the Cross for the Holy Land whose Protections saith Fleta were not in those dayes disallowed in the Courts of Justice because it was then understood to be in causa Dei the cause of God or for some which were sent on the Kings messages or affairs to Rome Normandy or Gascoigny in France or other parts beyond the Seas or in those many our English Warlike Expeditions and Armies sent to Jerusalem France Spain and Scotland or the Borders thereof in the Reigns of many or most of our Kings and Princes from William the Conquerors entring into England and the subduing of it untill the Reign of King James and into Wales or the Borders thereof untill the Reign of King Edward the third when the Nobility and principal part of the Gentry were even in those times more likely then the Commonalty or vulgar to be in debt and wanted not upon occasions the credit and good will of the Common people to trust them and freedom from Actions at Law and troubles in the mean time and the many thousands of our Tenants in Capite who by the Tenure of their Lands as well as by the bond and obligation of their Loyalty to their Kings and Princes were to attend them in the service of War not only upon their Summons and Commands in their Foreign Expeditions but at home in their defence against Rebellions and sudden Insurrections and had in the mean time no doubt Protections and freedom from Suits and Arrests whose Court Barons and Leets more then now orderly kept permitted not their Tenants disobedience unto them or their Jurisdictions or an enhance of the price of their Commodities and their Lands so entayled as they could not if they would either borrow or owe much money When the Nobility and Gentry like the Stars in our Hemisphere kept their courses and great Hospitalities addicted themselves to actions of greatness goodness charity and munificence and their numerous Tenants depending upon them returned them submissive and humble obedience a reverential awe and gratitude and held much of their Lands upon trust of performance of their Services and many Husbandry works instead of Rents and in that were more endebted to their Landlords and entrusted by them then their Landlords were unto them who did not as now they do with their Wives and Daughters resort to London to learn vice and vanities and run into Debt more than they should do nor make themselves at costly rates so great and o●ten purchasers of Transmarine Wares and Commodities which the small Income of the Customs in the beginning of the Reign of Queen Elizabeth when our Clothing and Exportation far exceeded our Importation will witness when the profit of her Customs in both was at first let to Farm but at 13000 l. per annum and afterwards at no more then 50000 l. per annum when there was not so great and consuming expences in Coaches Wine and other Foreign Toyes and Trifles when by reason of 600 Monasteries and Religious Houses and the great Retinues and number of Servants kept by them and the Nobility Bishops and Gentry and depending upon them the younger Children of the Nation were so largely provided for as there were not so many Trades or Apprentices in London as there have been of latter times so many Taverns Cooks or Trades of pride and luxury to entice the Nobility and Gentry into debts and expences when the rates and prices of their Wares and Commodities honester made and of Victuals and Houshold provisions were limited and bounded by our then better than now executed Laws and Trade was not let loose to all manner of fraud and unlawfull gains and the Companies or Corporations of Trades were not so many Combinations to adulterate and abuse the Trade of the Kingdom as now they do when there was not so frequent trusting by Trades-men as now of late only to encrease their gain double and raise their prices and make a more then ordinary usury upon the kindness they pretend to do their Customers by trusting of them when Trade and the furnishing of vice and excess had not made the Gentry so endebted to the City who are not in their Countreys or Neighbourhood so much under the lash of their complaints or prosecution when the Church-men by reason that some contracts were upon distrust of performance sworn and bound up by Oath would ratione s●andali sometimes take occasion to draw into their Courts the cognisance of Debts and Excommunicate them untill they were about the Reign of King Edward the first prohibited by the King and his Courts of Justice And Usury was as well before as long after accounted such a mortal sin as Christian Burial and the power of making last Wills and Testaments was denyed unto them the personal Estates of the Usurers confiscated the dying in debt reckoned a sin punishable in the next World all or some of which might give us the reason why there was in former times but very little complaint against Protections for most of that little which appears of the use or pleading of Protections in our Law-books or Records through so many past ages were in Pleas or Actions concerning Lands or Replevins c. but few in personal Actions or Actions of Debt and those which do in every Kings Reign appear in our Records to have been granted in respect of the many occasions and importunities which might otherwise have induced the granting of them to have been but a few in respect of many more which might have been granted if the prudence and care of our Kings had not restrained or limited their own power and authority therein for that there were then either few or out-lying over-grown or long-forborn Debts or the reason of the parties protected being imployed in the Kings Service which was and ever is to be accounted the interest of every man and a concernment of the Publique was enough to pacifie them and the care and reverence of the King and his business taught the people to obey rather then dispute that necessary part of his Prerogative which deserves our imitation when conform to the Laws of Nations Queen Elizabeth by the advice of as wise and carefull a Councel as any Prince of the World was ever blessed with did in