very little at all because the said ships being cast away on the ebbe The goods were driuen off into the Sea the dead bodies of many that were drowned I my selfe saw â—ast on the shore with the sundry wrackes of the parts of the Ships Masts and Yards with other wracke of Caske Chists and such like in great abundance The fourteenth day of Nouember the winde being faire wee tooke passage from Lisbone in a small Barke belonging to Bidâ—ford called the Marget and on the foure and twentieth of the same we were landed at Saint Iues in Cornwall and from thence I hasted to Plimmouth where I shewed vnto Sir Ferdinando Gorges and diuers others the Aduenturers the whole Discourse of our vnhappie Voyage together with the miseries that wee had and did indure vnder the Spaniards hands And then hasted with all the speed I could toward the Court of England where I was assured to my great comfort that they either were alreadie or very shortly should bee deliuered Before my departure from Siuill I should haue remembred that about Whitsontide last there were brought into the Prison of the Contractation there two young men brought out of the West Indies in one of the Kings Gallions which were of Captaine Iohn Legats company of Plimmouth which departed out of England about the latter end of Iuly 1606. bound for the Riuer of Amazons as hee told me before his going forth where hee had beene two yeeres before And comming on the Coast of Brasill as those young men the name of one of them is William Adams borne in Plimpton neere Plimmouth reported vnto mee whether falling to the leeward of the Riuer of Amazons or deceiued by his Master they knew not And not being able to recouer the said Riuer were constrayned to refresh in the West Indies in which time there fell a great disorder betweene the said Captaine Legat and his company so as one of his company in a broyle within themselues aboard there ship slue the said Captaine Legat whether in his owne priuate quarrell or with the consent of the rest of the Company they could not tell mee But this is the more to bee suspected for that he alwayes in former Voyages dealt very straitly with his company After his death his company comming to the I le of Pinos on the Southside of Cuba to refresh themselues being eighteene persons were circumuented by the trecherie of the Spaniards and were there betrayed and taken Prisoners and within foure dayes after of eighteene persons fourteene were hanged the other foure being youths were saued to serue the Spaniards whereof two of them refusing to serue longer in there ships were put into the Prison at Siuill the other two remayne still as slaues to the Spaniards This I had the rather noted to the end that it may be the better considered what numbers of ships and men haue gone out of England since the conclusion of peace betweene England and Spaine in the way of honest Trade and Traffique and how many of them haue miserably miscarried Hauing beene slaine drowned hanged or pittifully captiued and thrust out of their ships and all their goods REader I had by me the Voyage of Captaine Thomas Hanham written by himselfe vnto Sagadahoc also the written Iournals of Master Raleigh Gilbert which stayed and fortified there in that vnseasonable Winter fit to freeze the heart of a Plantation of Iames Dauies Iohn Eliot c. but our voluminousnesse makes me afraid of offending nicer and queasier stomackes for which cause I haue omitted them euen after I had with great labour fâ—â—ted them to the Presse as I haue also done a written large Tractate of Mawaushen and the Uoyage of Master Edward Harlie one of the first Planters with Cap. Popham and Nicholas Hobson to those parts 1611. with diuers Letters from Cap. Popham and others You must obserue that it was in those times called by the name of Virginia and the Northerne Plantation or Colonie But Captaine Smith a man which hath so many Irons in our fire presented a Booke of the Countrie to Prince Charles his Highnesse with a Map of the Countrey who stiled it as our hopes are he will one day make it New England and altered the Sauage names of places to English Hee made one Voyage thither Anno 1614. and the next yeere beganne another which taken by Frenchmen he was not able to make vp but in testimonie of his loue to his Countrey here and of his hopes there hath written diuers Bookes One called A Description of New England in which his said Uoyages are described with the description of the Countrey and many Arguments to incite men to that vndertaking which I had also prepared for the Presse but for the former feares haue omitted the other called New Englands Trials twice or thrice printed out of which I haue added thus much that the World may see the benefit to bee made by fishing and may also be better acquainted with the successe and succession of New Englands Affaires CHAP. III. Extracts of a Booke of Captaine IOHN SMITH printed 1622. called New Englands tryalls and continuing the Storie thereof with Motiues to the businesse of fishing there The benefit of fishing as Master Dee reporteth in his Brittish Monarchie HE saith that it is more then foure and fortie yeeres agoe and it is more then fortie yeeres since he writ it that the Herring Busses out of the Low-countries vnder the King of Spaine were siue hundred besides one hundred Frenchmen and three or foure hundred Sayle of Flemmings The Coasts of Wales and Lancashire was vsed by three hundred Sayle of strangers Ireland and Baltemore fraugted yeerly three hundred Sayle of Spaniards where King Edward the Sixt intended to haue made a strong Castle because of the Strait to haue Tribute for fishing Blacke Rocke was yeerely fished by three or foure hundred Sayle of Spaniards Portugals and Biskiners Master Gentleman and many Fisher-men and Fish-mongers with whom I haue conferred report The Hollanders raise yeerely by Herring Cod and Ling 3000000. pounds English and French by Salt-fish Poore Iohn Salmons and Pilchards 300000. pounds Hamborough and the Sound for Sturgion Lobsters and Eeles 100000. pounds Cape Blacke for Tunny and Mullit by the Biskiners and Spaniards 30000. pounds But diuers other learned experienced Obseruers say though it may seeme incredible That the Duke of Medina receiueth yeerely tribute of the Fishers for Tunny Mullit and Purgos more then 10000. pounds Lubeck hath seuen hundred Ships Hamborough six hundred Embden lately a Fisher Towne one thousand foure hundred whose Customes by the profit of fishing hath made them so powerfull as they bee Holland and Zealand not much greater then Yorkeshire hath thirtie walled Townes foure hundred Villages 20000. saile of Ships and Hoyes thirtie sixe thousand are Fisher-men whereof one hundred are Doggers seuen hundred Pinkes and Wel-boates seuen hundred Frand Boates Britters and Tode-boats with one thousand three hundred Busses besides three hundred
to seeke the Portugall Christians out and peaceably to put my selfe into their hands Hereupon the Gouernor and his assistants consulted and concluded together that I should be committed to the house of Antonio de Payue there remaine vntill they might write into Portugall to know the Kings pleasure concerning me Within one yeare they receiued answer from Lisbon concerning me that I should be forth comming and that hereafter the King would send further order for my transporting into Portugall But aboue two yeares passed before this order came In which meane space first I spent part of my time in going into the fields as ouerseer of my friends Negros and Sauages in their planting and dressing of their Sugar Canes and in planting of Gingers which grow there exceeding well but is a forbidden trade to be transported out for hindering of other places and in cutting downe of Brasil-wood and in bringing it downe by Riuers vpon rafts vnto the Port where the Ships doe lade it and in seeing them gather their Cotten wooll and picking the seedes out of it and packing the same and in gathering of the long Pepper both white and red After I had spent some yeare and an halfe in this businesse my friend Antonio de Payue hauing a small Barke of his owne which he employed in carrying of wares from Port to Port and for bringing of Sugars to places where Ships should lade vsed me knowing I had bin brought vp to the Sea in these his businesses Our first Voyage was to Ilheos where we left some wares and staied there some moneth then we went to Puerto Seguro and there tooke in some Sugars for Linnen Cloath Bayes Wine and Oyle Then returning home shortly after we were set forth againe in the same Barke to Spirito Sancto and Saint Vincent and the Riuer Ienero where discharging our wares to certaine Factors and receiuing Sugars and Cotten Wooll aboord we returned safely home In my first Voyage one Master Dauid Leake an English Surgeon lost there out of an English Shippe in the Countrie being much sought for because of his skill had passage with vs from Bahia to Spirito Sancto Vpon my returne of my second voyage my good friend Antonio de Payue aduertised me that a Shippe was shortly to arriue there to carry me into Portugall prisoner telling me that he should not be able any longer to helpe me and therefore wished me to looke to my selfe but kindely offered me his helpe to conuay me away whereupon I tooke his Boate and foure of his Negros pretending to goe on fishing to the Sea and so of purpose going much to Leeward of the place I put in to Feruambuc where the Negroes being examined whence we came and for what cause being vtterly ignorant of mine intent answered that they were drawn thither by force of weather and for their Masters sake were well intreated and returned home with the next winde my selfe remaining secretly behinde them Within certaine moneths there came thither a Hulke with eight English men and foureteene Portugals who after some three moneths had laden the same with English and Portugall goods to come for England The English goods belonged to M. Cordal M. Beecher and M. Sadler worshipfull Merchants of the Citie of London which had bin left in the Countrie before by the Merchant Royall Thus passing homeward in our course as far as the Iles of the Açores within sight of the I le of Pike being fiue Portugall Ships in consort we met with Cap. Raymond and Cap. George Drake of Exeter with two English Ships of warre who because the peace betweene England and Spaine was broken the yeare before commanded vs to yeelde our selues to them as their lawfull prises which we did al fiue accordingly without any resistance But by contrary weather we were driuen into Baltimore in Ireland and within a while after we arriued in the narrow Seas in the hauen of Chichister in the end of Nouember 1586. nine yeares and foureteene dayes after my departure out of England with Sir Francis Drake in his Voyage about the World My strange aduentures and long liuing among cruell Sauages being known to the right honorable the Lord Charles Howard Lord high Admirall of England he certified the Queenes Maiesty thereof with speede and brought me to her presence at White-hall where it pleased her to talke with me a long houres space of my trauailes and wonderfull escape and among other things of the manner of M. Dowties execution and afterward bestowed 22. angels on me willing my Lord to haue consideration of me with many gracious words I was dismissed humbly thanking the Almighty for my miraculous preseruation and safe returne into my natiue Countrie To the Reader HEre maâ—st thou read that dismall and fatall voyage of Master Thomas Candish in which he consummated his earthly peregrination In the former voyage of his which amongst our Circumâ—auigations of the Globe we haue presented thee thou findest a perpetuall Sunshine no man euer hauing in neere so little time compassed that huge circumference or taken his choise of so much more wealth then he could bring home or reuisited his natiue soile with greater pompe and triumph The clearest day hath a night nor doth Summer last alway the Sea hath his â—bbing as well as flowing the Aire hath calmes and stormes the Moone â—â—deth sometimes the Suns lustre from vs by her interposition sometimes is her selfe meerely darkened by the Earths shadow And if the Elements Seasons and Heauens two Eyes be subiect to such vicissitâ—des what is this little mâ—lchill of earth this modell of clay this moueable circumference of constant inconstancie immutable mutability this vanishing centre of diuersified vanitie which we call Man that herein also he should not resemble this samplar of the vniuerse as becommeth a littls map to be like that larger Prototype This we see all and feele daily in our selues this in Master Candish here in Sir Francis Drakes before the Seas two darlings there and thence both liuing and dying if dissolution of the body may be called a death where the soule arriueth in heauen the name fils the earth the deedes are presidents to posteritie and England their Countrie hath the glory alone that she hath brought forth two illustrious Captaâ—â—es and Generals which haue fortunately embraced the round waste of their vaste mother without waste of life reputation and substance yea victorious ouer elements and enemies illustrious in wealth and honour they haue comne home like the Sunne in a Summers day seeming greatest neerest his euening home the whole skie entertaining and welcoming him in festiuall scarless and displayed colours of triumph No Nation else hath yeelded one which in all these respects may be matchable Magalianes hath left himselfe odious to his Portugals for offered seruice to the Spaniard and like Phaeton thinking with Phebus his Chariot to compasse the World perished mid-way Midway was
longest The soyle is variable in some places Mould in some Clay and others a mixed Sand c. The chiefest graine is the Indian Mays or Ginny-Wheat the seed-time beginneth in the midst of April and continueth good till the midst of May. Our Haruest beginneth with September This Corne increaseth in great measure but is inferiour in quantitie to the same in Virginia the reason I conceiue is because Uirginia is farre hotter then it is with vs it requiring great heat to ripen but whereas it is obiected against New England that Corne will not there grow except the ground bee manured with Fish I answere That where men set with Fish as with vs it is more easie so to doe then to cleere ground and set without some fiue or sixe yeeres and so begin a new as in Virginia and elsewhere Not but that in some places where they cannot be taken with ease in such abundance the Indians set foure yeeres together without and haue as good Corne or better then we haue that set with them though indeed I thinke if wee had Cattell to till the ground it would be more profitable and better agreeable to the soyle to sowe Wheat Ry Barley Pease and Oats then to set Mays which our Indians call Ewachim for we haue had experience that they like and thriue well and the other will not bee procured without good labour and diligence especially at seed-time when it must also bee watched by night to keepe the Wolues from the Fish till it be rotten which will bee in foureteene dayes yet men agreeing together and taking their turnes it is not much Much might bee spoken of the benefit that may come to such as shall here plant by Trade with the Indians for Furres if men take a right course for obtaining the same for I dare presume vpon that small experience I haue had to affirme that the English Dutch and French returne yeerely many thousand pounds profits by Trade onely from that Iland on which wee are seated Tobacco may bee there planted but not with that profit as in some other places neither were it profitable there to follow it though the increase were equall because Fish is a better and richer Commoditie and more necessary which may be and there are had in as great abundance as in any other part of the world Witnesse the West-countrey Merchants of England which returne incredible gaines yeerely from thence And if they can so doe which here buy their salt at a great charge and transport more Company to make their voyage then will saile their Ships what may the Planters expect when once they are seated and make the most of their Salt there and imploy themselues at lest eight moneths in fishing whereas the other fish but foure and haue their Ship lie dead in the Harbour all the time whereas such shipping as belong to Plantations may take fraight of Passengers or Cattle thither and haue their lading prouided against they come I confesse we haue come so far short of the meanes to raise such returns as with great difficultie wee haue preserued our liues insomuch as when I looke backe vpon our condition and weake meanes to preserue the same I rather admire at Gods mercies and prouidence in our preseruation then that no greater things haue beene effected by vs. But though our beginning haue beene thus raw small and difficult as thou hast seene yet the same God that hath hitherto led vs thorow the former I hope wâ—ll raise meanes to accomplish the latter CHAP. VI. Noua Scotia The Kings Patent to Sir WILLIAM ALEXANDER Knight for the Plantation of New Scotland in America and his proceedings therein with a description of Mawooshen for better knowledge of those parts IAcobus Dei gratia Magnae Brittanniae Franciae Hiberniae Rex fideique defensor Omnibus probis hominibus totius terrae suae Clericis laicis salutem Sciatis nos semper ad quamlibet quae ad decus emolumentum regni nostri Scotia spectaret occasionem amplectendum fuisse intentos â—â—llamque aut faciliorem aut magis innoxiam acquisitionem censere quà m quae inexteris incultis regnis vbi vitae victui suppectunt commode neuis deducendis Colonijs factu sit praesertim si vel ipsa regna cultoribus prius vacua vel ab infidelibus quos ad Christianam conuerti fidem Dei gloriam interest plurimum insessa fuerint Sed cum alia nonnulla regna haec non it a pridem nostra Anglia landabiliter sua nomina nouis terris acquisitis sed in se subactis indiderunt quam numerosa frequens diuino beneficio haec gens haec tempestate sit nobiscum reputantes quamque honesto aliquo vtili cultu eam studiose exercerine in deteriora ex ignauia otio prolabatur expediat plerosque in nouam deducendos regionem quam Colonijs compleant operaepretium duximus qui animi promptitudine alacritate corporumque robore viribus quâ—â—uscunque difficultatibus si qui alij mortalium vspiamse audiant opponere hunc conatum huic regno maxime idoneum inde arbitramur quod virorum tantummodo mulierum iumentorum frumenti non etiam pecuniae transuectionem postulat neque incommodam ex ipsius regni mercibus retributionem hoc tempore cum negotiatio adeo imminuta sit possit reponere Hisce de causis sicuti propter bonum fidele gratum dilecti nostri consiltarij Domini Willelmi Alexandri eqâ—itis seruitium nobis praestitum praestandum qui proprijs impensis ex nostratibus primus externam hanc coloniam ducendam conatus sit diuer sasque terras infra designatis limitibus circumscriptas incolendas expetiuerit Nos igitur ex regali nostra ad Christanam religionem propagandam ad opulentiam prosperitatem pacemque naturalium nostrorum subditorum dicti regni nostri Scotiae acquirendam cura sicuti alij Principes extranei in talibus casibus hactenus fecerunt cum anisamento consensu praedicti nostri consanguinei consiliarij Ioannis Comitis de Marr Domini Erâ—kene Garrioche summi nostri The saurarij computorum rotulator is collectoris ac The saurarij nouarum nostrarum augmentationum huius Regni nostri Scotiae ac reliquorum dominorum nostrorum Commissionariorum ciusdem Regni nostri dedimus concessimus disposumus tenoreque praesentie chartae nostrae damus concedimus dâ—sponimus praefacto Domino Willelmo Alexandro haredibus suis vel assignatis quibuscunque haereditariè omnes singulas terras continentis ac insulas situatas iacentes in America intra caput seu promontorium communiter Cap. de Sable appellatum iacens prope latitudinem quadraginta trium graduum aut ab co circa ab aequinoctiali linea versus septentrionem à quo promontorio versus littus maris tendentis ad occidentem ad stationem Sanctae Mariae naâ—ium vulgo S. Maries Bay deinceps versus
neuer seene before And all to ioyne the Kingdome of that land Vnto the Kingdomes that he had in hand Now if you aske what set this King on fire To practise warre when he of peace did treat It was his Pride and neuer quencht desire To spoile that IlaÌ„ds wealth by peace made great His Pride which far aboue the heauens did swel And his desire as vnsuffic'd as hell But well haue winds his proud blasts ouerblown And swelling waues alaid his swelling heart Well hath the Sea with greedy gulfs vnknown Deuoured the deuourer to his smart And made his ships a pray vnto the sand That meant to pray vpon anothers land And now O Queene aboue all others blest For whom both winds waues are prest to fight So rule your owne so succour friends opprest As farre from pride as ready to doe right That England you you England long enioy No lesse your friends delight then foes annoy I haue thought good to adde here the prime reports made by the Spaniards and their friends touching the successe of their Armada as they were printed in Spaine and after published and scorâ—ed in England The true Relation of the successe of the Catholike Armie against their Enemies by the Letters of the Post-master of Logrono of the fourth of September and by Letters from Roan of the one and thirtieth of August and by Letters from Paris of the Kings Embassadour there wherein he declareth the imprisonment of Francis Drake and other great Nobles of England and how the Queene is in the Field with an Armie and of a certaine Mutinie which was amongst the Queenes Armie with the successe of the said Catholike Armie since they entred in the Groyne till they came on the Coast of England with two Ballets compounded by Christouer Brauo a blind man of Cordowa Printed with licence by Gabriel Ramos Beiarano Printer THe newes of England is confirmed here by a Letter of the Gouernour of Roan Hee writeth hee hath in his power the chiefe Pilot of Captaine Drake and that he knoweth that all the English Armie remained ouerthrowne hauing sunke two and twentie Ships and taken fortie and imprisoned Francis Drake hauing giuen them chase almost as high as Abspurge and slaine many by the sword and likewise saith that there was foâ—â—d in Captaine Drakes Ship a Peece of Ordnance of fiue and twentie foot long which discharged a Shot of a hundreth weight at once made of purpose with one onely Shot to sinke our Spanish Admirall and it pleased God although shee was somewhat battered yet was shee repaired againe and ouerthrew the English Armie THe English haue lost aboue fortie Ships in one encounter where they could not flye which was in Luxaten a Hauen in Scotland to the which place since the departure of the Spanish Armies from Calleis the English Armie followed and supposing they went to take that Hauen they got before ours to defend the entrance wee seeing them so neere the English Fleet and that they could not retire as they alwaies did when they pleased to the English Hauen they set vpon them so valiantly that they sunke twentie of their Ships and they tooke twentie 〈◊〉 whole and sound and the rest seeing their destruction fled away with great losse of men and their Ships very much battered and with this they say the Spanish Armie tooke the Hauen where they are very well lodged as euery one affirmeth and so the newes is here I pray God giue them good successe Wee vnderstand by the Post come from Calleis that in England it is forbidden vpon paine of death and losse of goods that no bodie doe write newes from thence to any place which confirmeth the newes aboue I Doe not write newes of the Spanish Armie because they are diuers and would gladly write the very truth Now by the newes which runneth from diuers places as Calleis Deepe and Holland and presumptions from England and other places it is holden for certaine that they fought with the English and broken their heads hauing sunke many of their Ships and taken others and the rest which they say were twentie seuen Ships returned very much battered to the Riuer of London which are all those that could escape There goeth with this Post another Post of Iorge Seguin of Calleis which saith that certaine Masters and Mariners of Zeland did affirme to the Gouernours of Calleis Mounsier de Gorden that our Fleet is in a Hauen or Riuer in Scotland called Trifla where they say there may ride two thousand Ships this is that which commonly is currant here BY newes from London the thirtie six of August it is knowne for most certaine from persons of credite that the Queens Admiral Generall was arriued in the Riuer of London with twentie fiue ships onely without his Admirall Ship which was taken by our Admirall Saint Iohn and it is well knowne in England that to hide the losse of their Admirall Ship they say bee put himselfe in a smaller Ship the better to follow our Armie and it is knowne for certaintie that he saued himselfe in a Boat when he lost his Ship That Drake for certaintie is taken or slaine The same is confirmed by the way of Holland by a Pinnace of theirs And from Austerland that the Queene commanded vpon paine of death that no body should speake of her Fleet and that there was great sorrow in those parts of England and that the Queene had in the field thirtie thousand raw Souldiers betwixt Douer and Margate and that the Catholikes vnderstanding that all their Fleet was dispersed moued a certaine Mutinie which forced the Queene to goe her selfe into the Field and for certaine it is knowne that there is not brought into England neither Ship nor Boat of ours more then the Ship of Don Pedro Valdez and that our Fleet was gone into Scotland and arriued in a Hauen called Trapena Euxaten AFter that I had written this here is arriued a Scottishman which saith that all the Spanish Fleet is arriued in Scotland and that Scottishmen haue taken Armes against the English THat vpon the thirtieth of Iuly without seeing any sayle of the Enemies in the Sea hee came to the Channell sixe leagues from Plimouth where vnderstanding the Enemies were hee gathered together and set in order all the Fleet and sayling the first of August there was discouered some Sayles of the Enemies the which the second day were numbred to bee three score Sayle of which the Duke tooke the wind and passed without any fight although he presented the same to them howbeit they began to shoot at the Rearward but the Duke in the Galleon S. Martin set the Prow of his Ship against the biggest of the Enemies the which being succoured by twentie others fled away of this fight and first encounter there was sunke three Galeasses and foure mightie Galeons of the Queenes there was burnt of ourâ— by negligence of a Gunner the Admirall of
a Citie in the West Indies taken by the English its description aire dewes greatnesse Church want of Glasse-windowes doores standing of their Quire in the lowest part of the Church 1144. Fortification 1165. Healthinesse ibid. Its situation 1169 And fortification 1418 Saint Iohns head the easterly part of Port-Ricco 1169 Captaine Iohn Smith his discoverie of Russels Iles Point-Ployer and Limbo Iles in Virginia 1712. His entertainment by the Savages with courtesic and trcacherie his mens desire of returne 1713. His many Savage bickerings endanger by a stinging Fish and safe returne 1714. His setting forth againe and encounter with the Savages 1714 1715. The loue hee received from Mosco that Savage ibid. His fight with the Tapahonecks 1716. His great tempests yet safe returne 1716. His assuming the presidencie of Virginia 1716. His opposition by the Councell iourney to Powhatan onely with foure 1717. His strange entertainment ibid. His provision for Nansamund proiect for Powhatan and setting forth 1720. His discourse and passages with Powhatan 1721 1722. His escaping death amidst his treacherous vassals ibid. His abuse by some treacherous Dutchmen 1723. His great danger with fifteene men by a multitude of Indians ibid. His valiant evasion and forcing them to composition captinating their King in the midst of them ibid. 1724. His poysoning by the Vassals of Powhatan and escape 1725. His death plotted by Dutchmen his escape encounter and captivating the King of Paspahigh and other bickerings 1726. His progresse in the plantation hinderance and desire of remouall thereof 1727 1728. His hatred by vpstart plantationers escaping their plots and revenge on them 1729. His suppressing mutinies appeasing concluding peace endanger by powder 1730 1731. His endanger of murther grieuous torture returne for England and the cause with the consequents 1731 1732. His accusers and accusation 1731. His innocencie 1732 Master Iones his endeuours furthering the plantation of New-England 1867 Ippoa a place neere the great Iland in America 1212 Irasing a place seven leagues from Mexico 1414 Irocois Savages in Canada 1607 Their River and manner of fortification with stakes 1612. Their further description provision and townes and warres with their vanquishment and affrighting with a musket-shot 1643 Iron extolled aboue gold 1814 Isla del Gallo an Iland 1444 Itshuera a towne of the Caribes one dayes iourney from the head of the River Marwin 1285 Saint Iuan de Lua achiefe part in Noua Hispania 1432 Iuan de Ofnate his discoverie of the North from old Mexico his armie and preparation 1563. His losse and revenge of his Nephew his building a towne and possession for Spaine 1566 Iuan Fernandes Ilands their situation and plenty 1393 Iucatan how so called 1455. The inhabitants tortured and consumed by the Spaniards 1581 1582 1583 Iumanos Indians 1561 Saint Iuo de Vllua a Port towne 1418 Iuana the second Iland in Orenoque 1248 Ixtatlan a place in New-Spaine 1558 Iyanough a Governour among the Savages of Pechanochick 1853 Saint Izabella one of the Iles of Salomon 1447 K. KAiwaire a towne inhabited by the Careebees in the River Marwin in America 1283 Kebec a place in New-France wherein was a plantation of the French begun by Capt. Champlaine 1642. The naturall fruit and commodities thereof ibid. Kecoughtan a towne of Savages in Virginia 1687. The inhabitants maner of entertainment dancing Orations 1687 Kenebek a towne vnder the Dominion of Apomhamen in Mawooshen 1874 Ketangheanycke a town vnder the Sagamos Octoworth 1875 Capt. Keymish his voyage to Guiana 1269 Kiarno a towne of the Sauages 1286 Kietitan a god of the Savages 1862 Kine very strange in Brasile living in water without hornes or vdders 1243. Kine strange neere Quiuira with bunched backs 1561 A Kings distinction from others among the Amazons is by a crowne of feathers a woodden sword or a chaine of Lyons teeth 1288 Kings bodies how bestowed after death by the Peruans before the Spanish conquest 1464 Kings dying among the Floridan Indians and Tartarians two yong men are slaine to wait vpon them in the next world 1553 King Iames his name nothing respected among the Spaniards 1834. His faithfulnesse to the Queene of England his wise answere to her Embassadour 1912. His gracious letters to the Earle of Southhampton touching the Silke-wormes and Silke-grasse in Virginia 1787 I0 King Englishman one that lived fifteene yeares at Santos 1203 Kimbeki a River in New-France 1625 Knaw-saw an Iland how situate 1184 Knights how chosen and created among the ancient Emperours of Peru and who thought worthy of Knighthood 1474 Kniuets adventures accidents 1192 He finds a chest of Rials 1203. Loseth his toes by frost 1204. Narrow scaping death 1205 1206. His danger by a Sea-Monster 1207. Eateth Whale 1207. His escaping all his fellowes slaine 1207. His comming to the River Ianero and escaping from drowning by a woman his life there 1208. His slaverie in a Sugar-mill nakednesse shame and flight to the wildernesse his life there 1208. His perill by a Savage 1208. By a Sharke-fish 1209. His disastrous flight and wracke 1209. In danger of starving ibid. His imprisonment condemnation pardon 1210. His wounding the Factor flight iourney and fortune 1210. His fearfull travels through the wildernesse and manifold dangers there 1210 1211. His returne to his old master after many perils 1212. Kils a great dangerous Snake 1215. Is stocked and brought to execution saved 1216 Passeth in a weake vessell through a River that ran vnder-ground 1217. His escape all his fellowes devoured ibid. His nakednesse 1218. Returne againe to his Portingall Master his danger ibid. 1219. His adventure vnder-water 1220. His escape and voyage to Angola in Africa his sending backe againe ibid. His plot and dangerous discoverie 1221. Saveth his master from drowning ibid. Is imprisoned 1222. Escapeth drowning 1223. Ariveth at Lisbon his sicknesse there 1224. One and twenty times let blood 1225. His recoverie imployment and imprisonment ibid. Kniues and Hatchets deare sold amongst the Indians 1229 1208 A Knife bought eight women 1249 Kuskara waock a river in Virginia the inhabitants thereof 1694 L. LAbour well imployed hath its reward one time or other 1832 La Buena Ventura an vnhealthy place in Peru 1446 La Canela a Country in Peru 1415 Lacana a miserable towne in Florida 1553 Laguada a towns in Port-Ricco 1170 Lake of a hundred leagues in length 1644 A Lake wondrous great 1612. A Lake of 80 leagues 1614. Many others ib. 1615. One of three hundred leagues 1616. La Loma de Camana a very fertile soyle in America the description thereof 1420 La Mocha an Iland in America 1443 Lampere a fortified Citie of the Carios in the Indies taken by the Spaniards 1352 Lancerota the town and Castle taken by the Earle of Cumberland 1151 1155. It is one of the greatest Ilands of the Canaries 1155 The chiefe towne in it described 1156. The inhabitants armes situation commodities latitude their severall haruests Church Religion ibid. Language of Savages 1237. A thousand languages of Savages
or fiue Friars one an Irishman Their Bookes Beades and Pictures cost aboue 1000. Duckets The Bishop of Tuccaman had sent for them to take possession of a Monasterie They learned of Master Iohn Drake who went in consort with Captaine Fenton cast away neere the Riuer of Plate his companie taken or slaine by the Saluages of which Iohn Drake and Richard Fairweather escaped with two or three others in a Canoa to the Spaniards and liued in those parts Here also they tooke Miles Philips left in the Countrey by Sir Iohn Hawkins After counsell taken they fell Aprill 3. with the Land of Brasil in 16. degrees and a Terse and watered in the Road of Camana They proceeded and anchored before the Towne of Baya and found in the Harbour eight Ships and one Caruell The next day they forced the Portugals to abandon foure of the best of those ships and towed them forth in despight of infinite store of great and small shot from the shoare and ships one Hulke hauing in her foure and twentie pieces of Ordnance The least of these prizes was 130. Tunnes After this they haled the Hulke and commanded the Master to follow them which he did together with a Caruell with fiftie Butts of wine They fetched reliefe from the shoare also in despite of innumerable Indians and all the enemies forces May 24. they tooke a ship of 120. Tunnes laden with Meale and Sugar But the voyage to the South Sea was defeated by some mens desire to returne in which Captaine Delamour tooke a small Pinnace The Fleâ—â—â—sish Hulke taken into the Fleet in stead of the George cast off furnished with her men suddenly tooke fire and perished Ship Men and Goods Septemb. 29. the residue reached the Coast of England after an vnprofitable and vnfortunate voyage IN the yeare 1587. when the Towne of Slewse was beseeged by the Duke of Parma Sir Roger Williams being Gouernour there the Earle put himselfe in person to make proofe of his valour in that seruice but at his arriuall found the Towne surrendred vnto the Duke the said Sir Roger being not able to hold out longer Anno 1588. amongst many of the Nobility which distributed themselues into diuers of her Maiesties Shippes vpon the approach of the Spanish Armada the Earle put himselfe aboord the Bonaduenture commanded by Captaine George Raymond when they wanne that honour that no Sea can drowne no age can weare out The Queene so accepted this Noble Earles resolution that she gaue him leaue the same yeare to goe as Generall and for his greater honour and ability was pleased to lend him the Golden Lion one of the Shippes Royall to be the Admirall which he victualled and furnished at his owne charge and aduenture hauing Commission to pursue his intended voyage towards the Spanish coasts vnder the broad Seale of England bearing date the fourth of October 1588. Attended with many braue Gentlemen he set forth about the end of October and in the Narrow Seas met with a Shippe of Dunkerke called the Hare laden with Merchandise for Spaine which after some fight he tooke and sent home But contrary windes first suspended and after that a storme which forced them to cut the maine Maste ouerboord depriued him of further hopes and ability to prosecute his true designes HIs spirit remaining neuerthelesse higher then the windes and more resolutely by stormes compact vnited in it selfe he procured a new of her Maiestie the Victory one of the Royal Nauie accompanied with the Meg and Margaret two small Ships and one Caruell which were set forth at his charges and manned with 400. Mariners and Souldiers the Admirall commanded by his Lordship and vnder him Captaine Christopher Lyster the Meg by Captaine William Mounson Viceadmirall the Margaret by Captaine Edward Careles alias Write Rereadmirall the Caruell by Captaine Pigeon The eighteenth of Iune they set forth from Plimmouth and within three dayes met with three French Ships Leaguers of New Hauen and Saint Maloes laden with New-found land fish two of them with the Margaret not able to endure the Sea were sent for England The thirteenth of Iuly his Lordship met with eleuen Dutch Ships which at first made shew to abide a fight and after a few shot yeelded and sent their Masters aboord shewing their Pasports from Hamborough Lubecke Bream Pomerland and Callice who confessed that they had goods aboord to the value of foure thousand fiue hundred pounds of a Iew of Lisbone which being deliuered and distributed his Lordship set saile for the Asores The first of August he had sight of Saint Michael and to disguise himselfe put forth a Spanish Flagge Espying foure Shippes in the Roade he resolued that night to cut their Cables and to bring them away which he accordingly performed before he was descried The Spaniards in three of them leaping into the Sea with much noise and outcry gaue the alarme to the Town which made many vaine shots at his Boate in the darke The fourth was the Falcon of London vnder the name of a Scottish Ship hauing a Scottish Pilot. The three Spaniards were laden from Siuill with Wine and Sallet Oyle The Pinnace tooke a small Shippe wherein was thirty tunnes of Madera wines same Wollen Cloath Silke and Taffata The Carracks were departed from Tercera eight dayes before He manned his Boates and obtained refreshing at Flores professing himselfe a friend to their King Don Antonio From thence rowing a shipboord the Boate was pursued two miles together by a monstrous Fish whose Finnes many times appeared about the gils aboue water foure or fiue yards a sunder and his iawes gaping a yard and a halfe wide not without great danger of ouerturning the Pinnace and deuouring some of the company but at the last they all escaped Here his Lordshippe met and accepted into consort Captaine Dauies with his Shippe and Pinnace a Shippe of Sir Walter Raleighs commanded by Captaine Markesbury and the Barke Lime Hauing intelligence that the Carracks were at Tercera he came vp to the road of Fyall the seuen and twentieth of August and descrying certaine Shippes at anchor close aboord the shoare he sent his Boates which boorded a Ship of 250. tunne armed with foureteene cast Peeces and continued fight till a supply of Boates came from the Fleete to second them and then recouered the prize The Spaniards except Iohn de Palma leapt all ouer-boord to swimme to the shoare which was so neere that the Ship was moored to the Castle from whence the great Ordinance plaied all the time of the fight onely it was not a play to the Master of the Caruell whose calfe of his legge was shot away This Shippe came laden from Port-Racco with Sugar Ginger and Hides The Ship-boates fetched also out of the Roade some other small Ships laden from Guinâ—ee with Elephants teeth Graines Coca nuts and Goate Skinnes most of which prizes he sent for England The
jewels cast off all and naked as they were borne cast themselues into the Sea to aduenture vpon English mercy amongst all which was taken vp by the Reare-admirals Boat two men of note and three of inferiour qualitie These three were clothed and set on land the other two were Don Nuno Velio Periera who had somtimes bin Gouernour of Mozambique and Sofala and returning for Spaine in a Carrick of great value lost neere Bona Speranza was now here a passenger and Bras Carero Captaine of another Carrick cast away neere Mozambique here also a passenger These two were brought into England and ransomed Three impediments happened to the Assailants the Reare-admirall hurt with a shot and made in person vnseruiceable being a valiant man the Vice-admirall slaine and the Admirall himselfe Captaine Caue shot at the first thorow both the legs whereof shortly after his returne hee dyed The Caruell and Pinnace were accidentally absent one and twentie were slaine in the fight In the Carrick were many of qualitie and before infection had fallen amongst them neere the Cape their number of white and blacke men exceeded 1100. all which perished but those before named The burden of this Carrick and her lading in wealth did farre exceede the Madre de Dios returning after a long voyage fraighted with pearles jewels drugs silkes her meanest lading pepper besides the best of the Nazaret lately cast away her commodities the Captaine whereof had beene Bras Carero aforesaid They set saile after this disaster for Flores and after some refreshing on the nine and twentieth of Iune descryed another Carrick of 1500. Tunnes which they supposed to bee the Saint Philip one of the King of Spaines men of warre After some more cautelous fight occasioned by that conceit they sent their Boat to summon her to yeeld to the Queene of Englands ships vnder the command of the Earle of Cumberland or else to vndergoe the fortunes of the Fiue wounds the sorrowfull witnesses whereof they presented those two former Captaines to whom the Generall Don Lewys de Costynio answered As your Generall hath beene at the burning of the Fiue wounds so I haue beene at the burning and taking of the Reuenge of the Queene of Englands Therefore let him doe what he dare doe for his Queene and I will doe what I am able for my King commanding the Boat instantly to be gone The fight was renewed but intermitted by the calme and remitted by the remisser companie their Captaines being slaine and wounded Whereupon they gaue ouer and arriued in England in August and the beginning of September hauing done much harme to the enemie and little good to themselues THe Earle not liking his ill partage in the Madre de Dios nor this vnhappier losse of two Carricks for want of sufficient strength to take them builded a ship of his owne of 900. Tunnes at Detford which the Queene at her lanching named The Scourge of Malice the best ship that euer before had beene built by any subiect Shee made his Lordship three voyages and after was sold to the East Indian Companie whence shee made many returnes before in the name of the Dragon related and proued fortunate against the Portugals in the East His Lordship had thought to haue gone in her in person and prepared the Alcedo his Vice-admirall commanded by Captaine Monson the Antonio commanded by Daniel Iarret and the old Frigot But when he had gone as farre as Plimmouth on his intended voyage Her Majestie by Sir Francis Drake and Sir Iohn Hawkins sent for him to returne which commandement his Lordship obeyed but the ships proceeded to seeke their aduenture giuing command of the Admirall to Captaine Langton which Captaine Monson misliking went forth seuerally to seeke his owne fortune in the Alcedo The Scourge the Antonie and the Frigot went together to the Asores where first they tooke a Saint Thome Caruell of 100. Tunnes laden with Sugars After which neere the Iland of Flores in a fogge they espyed a great Ship lying by the Lee which they conceiued to be a Carrick but found it to be the Saint Thomas Vice-admirall of the King of Spaines fleet lying for the waftage of the East and West Indian fleetes with whom they fell in so hot a fight that shee was glad to beare vp to recouer her selfe amongst the rest of her Consorts which after the cleering of the fogge they discerned not farre from them Thence they went to the Coast of Spaine where they tooke three Dutch ships of the East-Countries laden with Wheat Copper and other munitions and prouisions for the King of Spaine Hauing spent their victuals they returned AN. 1596. his Lordship set forth againe the Scourge of Malice in which he went in person accompanied with the Dread-naught of the Queenes and some other small ships and about thirtie or fortie leagues from England was incountred with a storme wherein the Scourge spent her mayne mast and was made vnseruiceable for that voyage so that hee was forced to returne for England in the Dread naught THe same yeere perceiuing that the Earle of Essex and the Lord Admirall were to goe to the Coast of Spaine with a great fleet of the Queenes together with a squadron of Flemmish men of warre his Lordship thought good to a wait some gleanings in so great a Vintage and set forth the Ascension of 300. Tunnes and foure and thirtie pieces of Ordnance manned with 120. men commanded by Captaine Francis Slingsby chiefly to expect such ships as should come from Lisbone The Ascension thus furnished met with such a fret of winde that with all haste they handed in their sailes and being within the Hooke of Godwine Sands droue with two anchors ahead till they were within two Cables length of the Sands They then let fall their short anchor which by Gods grace stayed them till the next day noone hourely expecting their wrack and at last cut their Cables Hauing refurnished themselues at Plimouth they set forwards and comming to the Rocke say off and on After some frustrated attempts by the Boat on a Caruell in which the Captaine was sore wounded the King of Spaines Admirall Sirago set forth sixe ships against them and himselfe and another ship laid the Ascension aboard the one on the Bow the other on the Quarter and now the mouthes of the great Ordnance being neere in place to whisper roared out their thunders and pierced thorow and thorow on all hands Which ended the Spaniards leaped into the fore-chaines and mayne-chaines thinking to haue entred the ship but were brauely repelled The English seeing many Spaniards together vnder the Admirals halfe decke discharged amongst them a Fowler laden with case shot to their no small harme To that the Spaniards had enough and were content to fall off Of ours two and twentie were slaine and hurt which losse lighted asmuch on them which hid themselues as those which stood to the fight To preuent the like
seuere course to remedie those things he assured himselfe it would be the ruine of our voyage Whereupon the next day I went on shoare to see my men trayned and calling all the Commanders before me rebuked them for those faults and gaue Articles both for their courses at Land and Sea reading to them my Commissions that they might know I had full power to execute those punishments I set downe for euery offence and assuring them I would not be slow in doing it if they offended The next day being the one and twentieth of Aprill I set saile and betwixt the Grand Canarie and Tenerife met with the Royall Defence a ship which should haue comne with mee out of England but being not readie followed me and thwart the Rocke after I was comne from thence met with a Caruell which by ten English men that were prisoners in Lisbone was stollen forth in the night They assured me word being brought thither that I was gone off the Coast they resolued to send forth the Carracks and that within a few dayes they would come forth Which I making knowne to all my Commanders they agreed with me that it was fit to spend some few dayes and looke for their comming so did we but not seeing them the yeere was so farre spent that I assured my selfe they were either gone by or would not goe this yeere their time for doubling the Cape of Buona Speranza being now past for they neuer went out so late but once and then were all forced to returne Though many would imagine the missing of this faire fortune should much haue troubled me I assure you it did not the reason I will let you know hereafter Now againe calling all the Captaines and Masters aboard me I first asked them whether they thought it was fit to tarry any longer vpon that hope telling them mine opinion how little reason there was in it and that longer stay might much hurt our other purposes to which all agreeing we resolued to proceede Then I asked whether they thought the time was not too farre spent to get Farnanbuco to which many answered No. And though I well knew what it was I would not reply till I had called two Portugall Pilots which I brought with me out of England old men that had at the least beene twentie times a piece there out of Portugall And asking their opinions they told vs that they had gone it at that time of the yeere but diuers times put backe and at their best passage beene sixe or seuen weekes in getting one degree To which there were that answered though sometimes it happened so yet it might fall out otherwise and if not though we should be long in getting thither yet there was assurance to win that place with ease and getting it to haue wealth enough Till this I kept secret what now euery occasion gaue mee fit time to vtter Hauing dispatched from mee a ship that was in Trade at the Canaries and bound for England and being so farre shot to the Southwards as I was sure not to meet with any going to the Northwards so as not any newes where I was could come into Spaine till it came out of the Indies which winning of time would giue me so good leisure to fortifie my selfe in the place whither I meant to goe as hardly I would bee supplanted till either wee honorably quitted the place or had supply you may see too griedie desire is a dangerous enemie for where I should haue but lightly touched this as yet I was almost entring into the bowels of my intention the time ripe I saw to speake more freely then I had done I told them I had aduisedly considered of all these things now pleaded and could as I thought before their speech haue giuen them so sufficient reasons for the shaping of some other course then Brasil as would haue stayed all these pleadings But I thought it better first to heare euery one speake his minde and then to vtter my conceit Which though I assured my selfe was the best for vs yet if any amongst them could giue reason against it I would not onely take it well but be drawne to them Then layed I before them how our men were alreadie many of them sicke and that vndoubtedly the crossing the Line would keepe those from recouering although the passage were as good as man could wish Besides I remembred them of intelligence giuen vs both vpon the Coast of Spaine and the Iland that the King had sent thither to defend the place against me six hundred Souldiers and also it was likely that he had giuen order that if they saw not themselues strong enough to resist that with their portable goods they should fleâ— into the Mountaines and set their Sugar and Brasill wood on fire then were we sure to haue nothing and lastly if wee beat long vnder the Line vndoubtedly the most of our men would fall sicke and then should we be forced to returne without doing any thing for to no other place could we goe once bearing vp vpon that occasion With this I pawsed to heare if there would be any thing said by them but not any speaking I told them I well perceiued by their silence the doubts my wordes had driuen into their mindes but not to conceale any longer from them that which hitherto I had for all their goods done the truth was I neuer had intention after I found I could not get out of England before Christmas to goe for Brasil but onely for the west Indies where there were many possibilities to make a voyage by as first the sacking of Margarita which they knew was rich then Porto Rico after that Saint Domingo then in Iuly the outward bound fleet would be in the Acoa where we could not misse them and if these gaue vs not content in the end of Iuly or August wee should meete the fleet at Cape Saint Antonio Many of these reasons I vttered more to carry my men with good liking thither then for any thought I had of diuers of them And my speech had desired successe for they all went with greedie desire and hopefull expectation I appointing them to make what haste they could to Dominica where we would stay one for another thinking it better to goe straggling thither then to goe togither there being possibilitie to meete some purchase by the way which we were in most likelihood of when we spred furthest Therefore we spred thus till we met at Dominica wee straggled all sauing the Alcedon the Centurian and two Flemmings laden with Corne which I tooke vpon the coast of Spaine and still carried alongst with me as chiefe meanes to effect my most desired purpose These with all the rest came safely to Dominica where wee carried our sicke people ashoare the three and twentieth of May and tarried till the first of Iune This Iland is onely inhabited by Indians that
â—arme to the Towne or Castle then borrowing some necessaries There is in the Towne a Church of old and a Frierie not yet finished Their Church hath no windowes nor admitâ—eth light otherwise then by the doores it hath no Chancell but is one vndeuided roome stone seates along the sides and in the one end an Altar with the appurtenants for the people seemeth full of ignorant Superstition many Buls and Pardons being found in diuers houses The Friery is a prettie square with more commodities of fresh water and Gardens then any other place of the Towne euen the Marquesse his house They came that night to the waters side yet thought it better to lodge abroade then aboord though there were Boates to receiue them The next day being Easter day his Lordship hauing something recouered his strength after dinner went ashore to the Companies hauing seene them trained knowing that the enemy watched for aduantage of scatterers saw all his men shipt first and then himselfe tooke Boate. The next day being Munday all the Captaines dined aboord the Admirall and after dinner his Lordship caused his Commission which was exceeding large in many points to be openly reade and Articles of gouernment were giuen for Sea-matters to the Captaine of euery Ship and for seruice by Land to the Captaine of euery company besides which Articles to the Sea Captaines was deliuered a sealed letter which they should open if vpon any accident they lost the Fleete and thereby learne direction where to seeke his Lordship But withall it was expresly articled that in no other case they should aduenture to open it and that if they came into any danger of being taken by the enemy they should not faile to cast the Letter ouer-boord sealed as it was deliuered for in no sort would his Lordship haue his purpose disclosed no not by examination nor torture While his Lordship was coasting neere Teneriffa the breathes rather then windes were so diuers that it was doubled on euery side almost and came so close aboord the shore that we did easily see into Santa Cruz and some other coasting Townes and might discerne the men vpon the hils the rather by coniâ—cture by reason of the eminencie and height thereof among which there is one aboue the rest incomprable generally held to be much higher then the Pyke of the Açores being then couered with Snow when the bottome was as hot as at Midsummer it is in England The Iland though to the Sea a very high land yet is full of many very fruitfull Plaines and Vineyards yeelding to the King yearely by credible mens report 28000. Buts of Canary-Sacke Certaine it is that in common reputation it is held richer not onely then the rest but euen then the grand Canaria it selfe though it seeme not so goodly a champion Countrie for we had that also in very neere kenning And that the King esteemeth it more no man can doubt seeing he keepeth a farre greater Garrison there then in the Canaria Captaine Charles Leigh which hitherto had commanded of the Alcedo on the fourth of May last the Fleete and in his owne Barke called the Blacke Lee runne himselfe alone for the Riuer of Orenoque His Lordship after diuers consultations determined that the Fleete should goe for Dominico His speeches Captaine Slingsbies employment and other particulars are here for breuity omitted An old Portugall Pilot told his Lordship that he had beene in eight and twentie voyages into Brasil but at this time of the yeere onely in one wherein hee saith the windes were so contrarie and they had so many other difficulties that they were forced to put in againe and loose that yeeres voyage so that the windes being in these parts at set times of the yeere themselues also constantly set we might well thinke wee should bee encountred with the same difficulties All this while we held on our course for the West Indies running West and by South and West South-west but bearing still to the Westward both because we are likelier to keepe the fresher gale that way though some were of contrarie opinion and because the later wee entred within the Tropick we should bee the likelier to meet with the Brasil fleet whose course homewards must of necessitie be much to the North. By Wednesday the tenth of May for till then wee met not with any memorable accident seeing to tell of the flocks of flying fishes might iustly seeme triuiall we were come so directly vnder the Sunne that none could see euidently the shadow of a stile set perpendicularly but if there were any it inclined rather to the due South For by obseruation by the Astrolabe the vse of the staffe now fayling we were found to haue passed our Tropick three degrees and a halfe and the Sunnes declination that day was precisely twentie degrees This was more cleerly perceiued at night by taking the height of the Crosier a starre which of all other distinctly to be perceiued neere the Antartick Pole serueth for those Southerly parts as the lesser Beare doth to the Northerly countries It is a long step from the Canaries to the West Indies which first of all wee had in our kenning vpon Sunday being the one and twentieth of May. But to lay if it be but a handfull of peeble stones in this gap Vpon Saturday being the thirteenth of May we had the first gust and it had many followers for few dayes passed without raine When this raine began immediately wee all felt a very noysome sauour it was very sulphurous and lasted so long as the raine did Whether this proceeded of the nature of the water that fell from so neere the Sunne or from the ship being very drie as on land after a great drought there will rise a hot sauour it is not cleerly knowne nor yet determined but that others may the better this obseruation is expressed This sauour was not felt vpon the decks or any where else besides the Cabbin or at least not any where so much The reason whereof may happily bee that the aire being suddenly beaten in and that by narrow passages came the more violently and by consequent the more sensibly into the Cabbin then into other parts of the ship and therefore whatsoeuer qualitie it bore with it it was there the strongliest felt In the following of as great gusts as that which came first there was no such sauour felt the fleet going still farther and farther from the Sunne And which may be most to the purpose not any of them that felt it found any distemper after it onely the sense was much displeased therewithall his Lordship had at this time aken much physick but still rather to preuent sicknesse then for to recouer health for God be thanked his body was very able to obey his minde finding no difference in the world in the working of physick there and in England Nauigators may helpe themselues by his Lordships obseruation That vpon Friday being
For their Kine that I haue seene here are for goodlinesse both of heads and bodies comparable with our English Oxen. And I wot not how that kinde of beast hath specially a liking to these Southerly parts of the world aboue their Horses none of which I haue seene by much so tall and goodly as ordinarily they are in England They are well made and well metalled and good store there are of them but me thinks there are many things wanting in them which are ordinarie in our English light horses They are all Trotters nor doe I remember that I haue seene aboue one Ambler and that a very little fidling Nagge But it may be if there were better Breeders they would haue better and more goodly increase yet these are good enough for Hackneys to which vse onely almost they are imployed For Sheepe and Goates I cannot say that there are any great flocks and of the two fewer Sheepe then Goates For I haue seene and tasted of many Goates but to my remembrance I did not see one Sheepe yet say they that the Iland is not without reasonable flocks and I haue beene told so by them who haue receiued information from their owne eyes Neither can this scant of sheepe be laid vpon the nature of the soile as being vnfit or vnwilling to feed that sober harmlesse creature but it proceedeth rather of a wooluish kinde of wilde Dogs which are bred in the woods and there goe in great companies together This commeth to passe by reason that these Dogs finde in the woods sufficient sustenance and preferre that wilde libertie before domesticall and to themselues much more profitable seruice These Dogs liue of Crabs I meane not fruits of trees but an Animal a liuing and sensible creature in feeding whereupon euen men finde a delight not onely a contentednesse These woods are full of these Crabs in quantitie bigger then euer I saw any Sea-Crabs in England and in such multitudes that they haue Berries like Conies in English Warrens They are in shape not different from Sea-Crabs for ought I could perceiue For I speake not this out of report but of my owne sensible experience I haue seene multitudes of them both here and at Dominica The whitest whereof for some are vgly blacke some of our men did catch and eate with good liking and without any harme that euer I heard complaint of At our first comming to Puerto Rico the Dogs of the Citie euery night kept a fearfull howling and in the day time you should see them goe in flocks into the woods along the Sea side This wee tooke at first a kinde bemoaning of their Masters absence and leauing of them but when within a while they were acquainted with vs who at first were strangers to them and so began to leaue the howling by night yet still continued their daily resort to the woods and that in companies We vnderstood by asking that their resort thither was to hunt and eate Crabs whereof in the woods they should finde store This then is the sustenance which the wilde Dogs of Puerto Rico finde in their woods which either fayling them sometimes or our of a wooluish disposition they get by liuing apart from men they fall vpon the sheepe whereof they haue made great waste but which easily might be repayred if the Spaniards would bee content to sweat a little or to be a little wearie in killing of these Dogs Their Goates liue more securely because they loue cliffes of Rocks or the tops of Hils and therefore they are out of the ordinarie haunt of these murderous Dogs by reason that their ordinarie foode the Crabs are most vsually in bottoms and along the Sea side Besides Sheep and Goats there is reasonable good store of Swine which in these Westerly and Southerly Ilands yeeld most sweet Porke I doe not remember that I haue seene here either Hare or Conie but here is store of excellent Poultrie as Cocks and Hens and Capons some Turkies and Ginny-hens Pidgeons in meruailous abundance not in Doue-houses as with vs but which breed and build in Trees they are both of great number and goodnesse For besides other places there are two or three little Ilands hard by Puerto Rico neere to the mouth of Toa where a Boat may goe in an euening or morning and suddenly take nine ten or a dozen dozen the chiefest of these three is called as I haue heard the Gouernours Iland I haue not marked any store of Fowle vpon this little Iland nor haue I heard of more by any that haue beene in the mayne Iland Parrots and Parrachetoes are here as Crowes and Dawes in England I haue ordinarily seene them flie in flocks and except it bee some extraordinarie talkatiue they are not here much regarded as it should seeme Now fruits of the Iland are abundant in number and measure very excellent Potatoes are ordinarie Their Pines are in shape like a Pine-apple and of this likenesse I thinke these had their names but neither in feeling or taste are they any thing like for that wherewith this Pine is inclosed is not wood but soft that you may squease it in your hand and so apt to bee mellow that it will not keepe long whereas a wooddie Pine-apple is of an exceeding durance and lasting The taste of this fruit is very delicious so as it quickly breedeth a fulnesse For I cannot liken it in the palate to any me thinks better then to very ripe Strawberries and Creame the rather if a man haue alreadie eaten almost his belly full for then they much resemble a Pine I haue seene some a quarter of a yard long at least and in proportionable thicknesse to bee like a Pine-apple it groweth vpon an hearb like an Artichoke Their Mammeis are of the colour of a very darke russitting apple or a leather-coat of the bignesse of a great Costard the rinde of it as thicke or thicker then the barke of a Sallow which being easily pulled off discouereth a yellow but well tasting meat something like a Carrot roote but much better Within this meat there are two or three great rugged ill-shaped stones which as I remember haue kirnels in them Their Guiauas are a lesser fruit as bigge as a Peach and without not much vnlike but within not solid as the Mammeis or as an Apple is but full of such little seedes as a Goose-berry hath not so greenish but inclining to a sanguine colour the taste of this is me thought like to a very ripe great white Plum this fruit is which a man would not thinke a remedie against the flux and so are their Papaies a fruit like an Apple of a waterish welsh taste They haue Plums blacke and white their stones much bigger and their meat much lesse then in England and these also stay the flux And so doe their wilde Grapes which are a fruit growing in Clusters and
to forgiue and true of word Sir Francis hâ—rd in reconciliation and constancie in friendship he was withall seuere and courteous magnaâ—imious and liberall They were both faultie in ambition but more the one then the other For in Sir Francis was an in sâ—tiable desire of honor indeed beyond reason He was infinite in promises and more temperate in aduersity then in better Fortune He had also other imperfections as aptnesse to anger and bitternesse in disgracing and too much pleased with open flattery Sir Iohn Hawkins had in him malice with dissimulation rudenesse in behauiour and passing sparing indeed miserable They were both happy alike in being Great Commanders but not of equall successe and grew great and famous by one meanes rising through their owne Vertues and the Fortune of the Sea Their was no comparison to bee made betweene their wel-deseruing and good parts for therein Sir Francis Drake did farre exceede This is all I haue obserued in the Uoyages wherein I haue serued with them R. M. A briefe recitall or nomination of Souldiers other Englishmens Voyages related at large in the printed Works of Master HAKLVYT OTher Voyages might here be inserted made by Englishmen into the Bay of Mexico as that by Captayne W. Michelson and William Mace of Ratcliffe in the Dogge 1589. which there tooke three shippes They held fight with a Spanish man of Warre who by fraud sought perfidiously to obtayne that which they could not by vnspotted Fortitude They put out a flagge of Truce and after kinde entertaynment aboord the English inuited them to their shippe where they assaulted them stabbing Roger Kingsâ—old the Pilot to the Heart staying others and forcing the rest to trust God and the Sea rather then the Deuill and the Spaniards thus swimming to their ship The valiant fight of the Content a small ship of Sir George Câ—reys Lord Hundsdon Lord Chamberlaine 1591. Iune 13. with three great Spanish ships each of six or seuen hundred and one small shippe and two Gallies farre more beeing slaine of the enemies then the English had to fight I leaue to Master Hakluyts report as also Captayne Christopher Newport his Voyage with three ships and a Pinnasse the same yeere which tooke and spoyled Yaguana and Ocoa in Hispaniâ—la and Truxillo besides other Prizes and in the way homeward were at the taking of the Madre de Dios. The next yeere Captayne Lane Gen. of Master Wats his fleete Captayne Roberts in the Exchange of Bristâ—ll and Captayne Beniamin Wood with foure shippes set forth by the Lord Thomas Howard Captayne Kenell of Lime-house and Captayne King of Ratcliffe Road with thirteene sayles before Hauana wayting for purchase Anno 1594. the Honourable Sir Robert Dudley set forth with two ships and two Pinnasses and made his Voyage to Trinidada and the Coast of Paria returning by the Iles of Granata Santa Cruez Santa Iuan de Puerto Rico Mona Zacheo and Bermuda In which Voyage he and his company tooke or sunke nine Spanish ships of which one was a man of Warre of sixe hundred tuns The particulars are related by himselfe in Master Hakluyt In him also the Reader may find the victorious Voyage of Captayne Amias Presten and Captayne George Summers both since Knights Anno 1595. in which the Iles of Puerto Santo and of Coche neere Margarita the Fort and Towne of Coro the Citie of Saint Iago de Leon were sacked and burnt the Towne of Cumana ransomed and Iamaica entred Sir Antonie Sherley Anno 1596. set forth from Hampton with nine ships and a Galley to Saint Iago Dominica Margarita Iamaica Bay of Honduras and homewards by New foundland This and Captayne Parkers Voyage 1596. to the same parts and Ports with his taking of Campeche the chiefe Towne of Iacatan and bringing thence a Frigat laden with the Kings Tribute Also the Voyages of Sir Walter Raleigh to Guiana and other intelligences of that Nation likewise Master William Hawkins his Voyages to Brasill and those of Reâ—iger and Borey Pudsâ—y Stephen Hare Sir Iames Lancasters taking of Fernambuc Fenton and Ward and Iohn Drakes Voyage after his departure from Fenton vp the Riuer of Plate and liuing fifteene moneths with the Sauages Anno 1582. All these I referre to the painfull labours of Master Hakluyt who hath well deserued of the English Nation and of these Neptunian Heroes that I mention not the many Voyages of others in those times of difference betwixt England and Spaine which here and there you shall finde mention of in these Relations Also Anno 1589. three ships were set forth by Master Chidlie and others for the Magellan Straites one of which arriued there and tooke there a Spaniard one of the foure hundred which had beene sent thither to inhabit which had long liued there alone the rest being famished They spent sixe weekes there with contrary winds and sixe only of their company teturned they also being racked on the Coast of Normandie as W. Magoths one of the sixe hath related These I doe but summarily mention as an Index rather to Master Hakluytâ— labours then with any intent to giue the discourse thereof But the strange fortunes of Peter Carder not hitherto published compell me to take speciall notice thereof which himselfe hath thus related CHAP. V. The Relation of PETER CARDER of Saint Verian in Cornwall within seuen miles of Falmouth which went with Sir FRANCIS in his Voyage about the World begun 1577. who with seuen others in an open Pinnasse or Shallop of fiue tuns with eight Oares was separated from his Generall by foule weather in the South Sea in October An. 1578. who returning by the Straites of Magellan toward Brasill were all cast away saue this one only afore named who came into England nine yeeres after miraculously hauing escaped many strange dangers aswell among diuers Sauages as Christians AFter Sir Francis Drake had passed the Straites of Magellan the sixt of September 1578. and was driuen downe to the Southwards in the South Sea vnto the latitude of fiftie fiue degrees and a terse with such accidents as are mentioned in his Voyage and returning backe toward the Straite againe The eight of October we lost sight of the Elizabeth one of our Consorts wherein Master Iohn Winter was who returned by the Straites againe as wee vnderstood afterward at our comming home into England according to his Voyage extant in print Shortly after his separation from our company our Generall commanded eight men to furnish our small Pinnasse or Shallop with eight men whose names were these my selfe Peter Carder aforesaid Richard Burnish of London Iohn Cottle and another both seruants to Master Iohn Hawkins Artyur a Dutch Trumpetor Richard Ioyner seruant to Vincent Scoble of Plimmouth Pasche Gidie of Salt Ashe and William Pitcher of London This company was commanded to waite vpon the ship for all necessary vses but hauing not passed one dayes victuals in vs nor any Card nor Compasse sauing only the
there wee would water and doe our other necessary businesses and there make a resolute determination of the rest of our proceedings This course seemed to like them all very well but the companie in the Roe-bucke instantly desired nothing more then to returne home all affirming that it was pittie such a Shippe should be cast of But in truth it was not of any care of the Shippe but onely of a most cowardly minde of the Master and the chiefest of the company to returne home Now you shall vnderstand that the Captaine was verie sicke and since the time that the Ship lost her Ma 〈…〉 s she became the most laboursome Ship that euer did swimme on the Sea so as he was not able to indure in her and at that present he lay aboord my Shippe so as there was none of any trust or accompt left in her But such was the case of that Shippe being without sailes masts or any manner of tackle as in the sense iudgement of any man liuing there did not liue that desperate minded man in the world which in that case she was then in would haue ventured to haue sailed in her halfe so farre as England and if she doe returne it is in my opinion the most admirable returne that euer Ship made being so farre of and in her case These villaines hauing left in my Ship all their hurt men and hauing aboord of them both my Surgeans I hauing not one in mine owne Shippe which knew how to lay a plaster to a wound much lesse to cure any by salues and further hauing in their Shippe three times the proportion of my victuall wherein consisted the onely reliefe and comfort of all my company these most hard harted villaines determined that night amongst themselues to loose mee at their next conuenient time they could espie and in this case to goe for England leauing vs in the greatest distresse that euer one Christian left another in for wee had all her hurt men in vs and we had taken out of her the best part of her men not long before so as in running from vs they not onely carried away our Surgeans and all their prouision but also our victuall wherein consisted all our reliefe and comfort hauing in them at their departure but six and fortie men carrying away with them the proportion for six moneths victuall of one hundred and twenty men at large I leaue you to consider of this part of theirs and the miserable case I was left in with so many hurt men so little victuall and my Boate being so bad as sixe or seuen men continually bailing water were scant able to keepe her from sinking and mend her we could not by any meanes before we recouered some shoare for had not these villaines in the Roe-bucke that night wee rode in this Baye suffered their Boate to run ashoare with Irish men which went to betray vs I had taken her Boate and sunke this great naughtie Boate. Such was the greatnesse of our mishaps as we were not left with the comfort and hope of a Boate to relieue our selues withall we not hauing left in the Ship scarse three tuns of water for 140. men the most part whereof being hurt and sicke We putting out of the road the next day they the same night in this case left vs and as I suppose they could not accompt otherwise then that wee should neuer againe be heard of The next morning looking for the Roe-bucke we could no where be seene I leaue to you to iudge in what plight my companie was being now destitute of Surgeans victuals and all other reliefe which in truth was so great a discomfort vnto them as they held themselues dead men as well whole as hurt The scantnesse of water made vs that we could not seeke after them but were inforced to seeke to this Iland with all possible speede hauing to beate backe againe thither two hundred leagues which place God suffered vs to get with our last caske water the poore men being most extreamly pinched for want thereof Where after we had a little refreshed our selues we presently mended our Boat in such sort as with great labour and danger we brought fortie tunnes of water aboord And in the meane time searching our store of ropes tackle and sailes we found our selues vtterly vnfurnished both of ropes and sailes which accident pleased the company not a little for by these wants they assuredly accounted to goe home Then making a suruay of the victuall we found to be remaining in the Shippe according to the rate we then liued at foureteene weekes victuals large Hauing rigged our Shippes in such sort as our small store would furnish vs which was most meanely for we had but foure sailes our sprite-saile and foretoppe-saile being wanting which two the Ship most principally loueth and those which we had except her maine saile were more then halfe worne In this poore case being furnished and our water taken in my company knowing my determination which was to haile my Boate a ground and build her a new they forth with openly began to murmure and mutinie affirming plainely that I neede not mend the Boate for they would goe home and then there should be no vse of her I hearing these speeches thought it was now time to looke amongst them calling them together and told them that although we had many mishaps fallen vpon vs yet I hoped that their mindes would not in such sort be ouercome with any of these misfortunes that they would goe about to vndertake any base or disordered course but that they would cheerefully goe forward to attempt either to make themselues famous in resolutely dying or in liuing to performe that which would be to their perpetuall reputation And the more we attempted being in so weake a case the more if we performed would be to our honours But contrariwise if we dyed in attempting we did but that which we came for which was either to performe or dye And then I shewed them my determination to goe againe for the Straits of Magellanus which words were no sooner vttered but forthwith they â—ll with one consent affirmed plainly they would neuer goe that way againe and that they would rather stay ashoare in that desart Iland then in such case to goe for the Straits I sought by peaceable meanes to perswade them shewing them that in going that way we should relieue our victuals by salting of Seales and Birds which they did well know we might doe in greater quantitie then our Ship could carry And further if we got through the Strait which we might now easily performe considering we had the chiefest part of Summer before vs we could not but make a most rich Voyage and also meete againe with the two small Ships which were gone from vs and that it was but six hundred leagues thither and to goe into England they had two thousand And further that
too great for so few shâ—ps of no greater burden was in all fourscore and seuenteene whereof threescore were Land-men Being thus imbarked wee set saile from the Rainge at Dartmouth the said three and twentieth of March but the winde altering vpon a sudden put vs backe againe that euening and about two of the clocke the next morning it comming better for vs we weighed anchor and put to Sea the euening following we lost sight of the Lizzard and steered away for the Canaries The seuenth day of Aprill we fell with Alegranza and Lancerote two Ilands of the Canaries we stood in with Alegranza and came to anchor on the South-west side thereof that euening and the next day I landed my companie to exercise their limmes on shoare in this Iland wee found no Inhabitants nor fresh water neither fruitfull Tree Plant Herbe Grasse nor any thing growing that was good onely an abundance of vnwholsome Sea-fowle which after one meale were vnsauourie and distastefull and a few wilde Capritos or wilde Goats which the craggy Rocks defended from our hands and hungrie mouthes The eighth of Aprill we departed from Alegranza and directed our course for Tenerife another of the Ilands The eleuenth day I sent the Pinnasse and the Shallop to water at the Calmes and there to attend my comming but with my ship I held my course for Orotauo a Towne on the other side of the Iland in hope to get some wine amongst the Merchants there but not being able by reason of a contrarie winde to double Punta de Nega wee altered our course from Wine to Water And the twelfth day wee passed by Santa Cruz and watered that euening at the Calmes This watering place is very conuenient for all such as passe by those Ilands and is thus to bee found there is a woodden Crosse neere vnto it the high Pike of Tenerife beareth due North from it There is also a ledge of Rocks to the Eastward of the landing place which is a short Sandie Bay When you are landed you shall finde the place about fortie or fiftie yards from the Sea side Then we stood on our course for the Riuer of Wiapoco in Guiana hauing a prosperous winde faire weather and a smooth Sea The ninth day of May wee fell into the Current of the great and famous Riuer of Amazones which putteth out into the Sea such a violent and mightie streame of fresh water that being thirtie leagues from land we drunke thereof and found it as fresh and good as in a Spring or Poole This Riuer for the great and wonderfull breadth contayning at the mouth neere sixtie leagues is rightly termed by Iosephus Acosta the Empresse and Queene of all Flouds and by Hiâ—ronymus Giraua Tarraconensis it is said to bee the greatest not onely of all India but also of the whole world and for the greatnesse is called of many the Sweet Sea It riseth and floweth from the Mountaines of Peru and draweth out her streames in many windings and turnings vnder the Equinoctiall for the space of one thousand and fiue hundred leagues and more although from her Fountaines and Springs vnto the Sea it is but sixe hundred When we entred into the aforesaid Current we sounded and had fortie foure fathome water sandie sounding The tenth day the colour of the water changed and became muddie whitish and thicke then we sounded againe at noone and had thirtie fathome and seuenteene at foure in the afternoone The eleuenth day at eight of the clocke in the morning wee made land the vttermost Point thereof bearing West from vs and came to anchor in fiue fathom water At night the Patience putting in to neere the shoare came to anchor in two fathome and a halfe water vpon the floud which fell from her vpon the ebbe and left her drie vpon the Oaze and the next floud comming in did so shake and beate her against the ground that before shee could get off her rudder was beaten away and her ribs so rent and crased that if Almightie God had not preserued her shee had beene wrackt but God be thanked with much adoe shee came off into deeper water and mended her Rudder as well as the time and place would afford means Then we followed on our course coasting along to the North North-west the Land so trending It is very shoale all along this Coast the ground soft oaze but no danger to be feared keeping our ship in fiue fathom water When we came to the latitude of two degrees and a halfe wee anchored in a goodly Bay by certaine Ilands called Carripapoory I did at that time forbeare to make particular discouerie of this Coast intending if God spare me life to make a perfect discouerie of the famous Riuer of Amazones and of her seuerall branches and Countries bordering vpon it and of all this tract of land from the Amazones vnto the Riuer of Wiapoco which contayneth many goodly Prouinces and Signiories which are in this discourse but briefly mentioned For at this time I purposed onely to prosecute my first proiect which hastened me vnto another place From hence I stood along the Coast and the seuenteenth of May I came to anchor in the Bay of Wiopoco where the Indians came off vnto vs in two or three Canoes as well to learne of what Nation we were as also to trade with vs who vnderstanding that we were English men boldly came aboard vs one of them could speake our language well and was knowne to some of my companie to be an Indian that sometime had beene in England and serued Sir Iohn Gilbert many yeeres they brought with them such dainties as their Countrie yeeldeth as Hens Fish Pinas Platanaes Potatoes bread of Cassaui and such like cates which were heartily welcome to my hungrie companie In recompence whereof I gaue them Kniues Beades Iewes trumps and such toyes which well contented them But when I had awhile entertayned them and made known vnto them the rerurne of the Indian Martin their Countriman whom I brought with mee out of England they seemed exceeding ioyfull supposing that he had beene dead being aboue foure yeeres since he departed from them The Indian before mentioned to haue serued Sir Iohn Gilbert whose name was Iohn whilest he liued for he is now dead and dyed a Christian was a great helpe vnto vs because hee spake our language much better then either of those that I brought with mee and was euer firme and faithfull to vs vntill his death By him I vnderstood that their Towne was situate vpon the East side of the Hill in the mouth of Wiapoco and was called Caripo that the Indian Martin was Lord thereof and that in his absence his brother was chiefe Moreouer hee certified mee that the principall Indian of that Riuer was called Carasana who by good fortune was then at Caripo and so hauing spent some time in other conference and friendly entertainment they tooke their
leaue and departed for that time I sent one of my companie with them to giue notice to Carasana and the rest of the Indians of Caripo that I had brought home their Country-man Martin whom they all thought to bee dead and another of their Nation also who had kindred and friends amongst them to desire him to come aboard my ship and to bring with him the principall Indians of Caripo that I might declare vnto them the cause of my comming into their Countrie and conferre with them of other matters intended for their good The next day I came into the Riuer of Wiapoco and anchored ouer against the Sandy Bay The day following the Indians came aboard as I had desired and brought vs good siore of their Countrie prouision Carasana and one or two more of them were attyred in old clothes which they had gotten of certaine English men who by the direction of Sir Walter Raleigh had traded there the yeere before the rest were all naked both men and women and this I obserued amongst them that although the better sort of men especially the Yaios doe couer their priuities by wearing ouer them a little peece of cotton cloth pretily wouen after their manner yet did I neuer see any of their women couered in any part either aboue or beneath the waste albeit they daily conuersed amongst vs but were all as the plaine prouerb is euen starke belly naked At their comming aboard my ship first Carasana as the principall amongst them and after him the rest saluted and welcommed vs after their rude manner I vsed them with all curtesie and entertayned them as well as the straight roome would giue me leaue giuing them good store of Aquauitae which they loue exceedingly I presented to their view their two Countrimen Martin the Lord of their Towne and Anthonie Canabre who was a Christian and had liued in England fourteene yeers both which I had brought home vnto them when they beheld them and after salutations and some conference knew to bee the same persons whom they supposed had beene long since dead they expressed much ioy and contentment and vnderstanding from their owne mouthes how well I had vsed them they seemed to be better pleased with our comming and when their rude salutations to their new-come Countrimen were ended I tooke them apart and thus declared the cause of my comming First I brought to their remembrance the exploits performed by Sir Walter Raleigh in their Countrie in the reigne of our late Soueraigne Queene Elizabeth when to free them from seruitude he most worthily vanquished the Spaniards at Trinidado burned their Towne tooke their Gouernour Don Anthonio de Berreo prisoner deliuered fiue of the Indian Kings imprisoned and bound by the necke with collers of Iron and with great labour and perill discouered the Riuer of Orenoque and the Countries adioyning as farre as the Prouince of Aromaya the Countrie of Topiawary and the Riuer of Caroli beyond it And that their Countrimen called the Orenoqueponi who are the borderers of Orenoque did then most willingly submit and render themselues vnder the subiection of the late Queene all which they well remembred and said that Sir VValter Raleigh promised to haue returned againe vnto them long since Then I excused his not returning according to his promise by reason of other imployments of great importance imposed vpon him by the late Queene shewing them moreouer that when he could not for that cause returne himselfe hee sent Captaine Keymis to visit them and to bring him true intelligence of their estate supposing that hee had left no Spaniards behinde him at Trinidado of power to molest them to the end that reliefe and aide might bee prepared for them according to their necessities and oppression of their enemies Then I told them of the death of the late Queene whereby that businesse of theirs was againe hindered Moreouer I declared vnto them that our gracious Soueraigne Lord King Iames who now reigneth ouer vs being the onely right and lawfull Heire and Successor to the Crowne and Dignitie of the Realme of England after the death of the late Queene was throughout the whole Land proclaymed King of England and so comming to reigne ouer vs hath beene euer since busied in ordering the State and affaires of the Kingdome which being by his great wisedome setled in tranquillitie and peace like a good gracious and worthy King doth now permit his Subiects to trauell abroad into forraine Countries and Nations to aide and assist all such as are vniustly molested by their enemies Whereupon I and the rest of these worthy Gentlemen my associates and friends hauing intelligence by some that had beene followers of Captaine Charles Lee who was a man well knowne amongst them and heretofore had taken possession of their Countrie to his Majesties vse and was planted diuers yeeres in Wiapoco where hee lyeth buried of the great variance and discord depending betweene them the allied Nations the Yaios Arwaccas Sappaios and Paragontos and their enemies the Charibes all inhabiting betweene the Riuers of Amazones and Dessequebe haue made a long and dangerous voyage into those parts to appease their dissentions and defend them against the Charibes or other enemies that shall molest or oppresse them and now being there arriued doe intend to make search in those Countries for conuenient places where such of our Nation as shall hereafter come to defend them may be fitly seated to dwell amongst them that if any of those Nations shall attempt at any time to disturbe the quiet liuing of their Neighbours they may haue store of English friends at hand and amongst them that will not spare their paines to appease their discords nor their liues to defend them from harme When I had thus declared vnto them the cause of my comming they made this answere that with our comming they were well pleased but our number of men they thought too great that they wanted meanes to prouide vs bread sufficient for them all hauing but a small Towne few Gardens and slender prouision for their owne companies because since Captaine Lee his death and his mens departure from them they neuer made prouision for any strangers I replyed that albeit their Towne was small and their Gardens few for the grounds wherein they plant their Cassaui whereof they make their bread they call their Gardens yet their Countrie was full of Inhabitants and had store of Gardens to supply our wants of bread and was plentifully stored with other prouisions sufficient for a greater number which I desired might be weekely brought vnto vs as neede required for that I meant not to take it without recompence but would giue them for it such commodities as should well please them which they wanted as Axes Hatchets Kniues Beades Looking-glasses Iewes trumps and such like things wherein they most delight Then they desired to consult amongst themselues which I permitted and expected their answere
Starboord side we dissembogued through the broken Ilands on the North side of Anguilla vpon S. Lukes day where I thinke neuer Englishman dissembogued before vs for we found all our Sea-charts false concerning that place those broken Ilands being placed therein to the Southward of Anguilla betweene it and Saint Martins and we found them scituate to the Northward thereof On the eleuenth day of Nouember wee had sight of Fayal one of the Ilands of the Terceras which we left on our starboord side and fleeted away for England the winde continuing faire vntill the twenty foure day But then it changed first to the East by North and then to the East South-east and became so violent and furious that for three dayes space we were not able to beare our saile but did driue before the winde at the least three leagues a watch out of our course and the first land we made was Cape Cleere in the South-west part of Ireland where against our wils we arriued at Crooke Hauen the twenty nine of Nouember During the time of my Voyage we lost but one Land-man who died in Guiana and one Sailer and an Indian Boy who died at Sea in our returne and during the space of these three yeares last past since the voyage of all the men which I left in the Countrey being in number about thirty there died but six whereof one was drowned another was an old man of threescore years of age and another tooke his death by his owne disorder the rest died of sicknesse as pleased God the giuer of life for such small losse his holy name be blessed now and euer The names of the Riuers falling into the Sea from Amazones to Dessequebe and of the seuerall Nations inhabiting those Riuers RIVERS NATIONS 1 Amazones 2 Arrapoco a branch of Amazones 3 Arrawary Charibs 4 Maicary 5 Connawini Yaios and Charibes 6 Cassipurogh 7 Arracow Arracoories 8 Wiapoco 9 Wianary a creeke or inlet of thesea Yaios and Arwaccas 10 Cowo not inhabited 11 Apurwacca 12 Wio 13 Caiane 14 Meccooria 15 Courwo 16 Manmanury 17 Sinammara Charibs 18 Oorassowini not inhabited 19 Coonannoma 20 Uracco Arwaccas 21 Marrawini Paragotos Yaios Charibs Arwas 22 Amanna 23 Camoâ—re or Comawin a branch of Selinama 24 Selinama or Surennamo 25 Surammo 26 Coopannomy 27 Eneccare Charibs 28 Coretine 29 Berebisse Arwaccas and Charibs 30 Manhica 31 Wapary 32 Micowine 33 Demeerare Arwaccas 34 Motooronnes 35 Quiowinne branches of Dessequebe Charibs 36 Dessequebe Arwaccas and Charibs Euery house hath Cocks Hennes and Chickens as in England and the variety of fish is wonderfull without compare but the chiefest comfort of our Country-men is this that the Beast called Maypury and the fish called the Sea-Cow being seuerally as bigge as a Heifer of two years old and of which kinde there are very many are in eating so like vnto our English Beefe that hardly in taste we can distinguish them and may as well as Beefe be salted and kept for our prouision There is also a Beast in colour like a Fawne but fuller of white spots in stature somewhat lesse then a small Sheepe and in taste like Mutton but is rather better meate the Baremo is also of the same taste I haue the Copie of Master Harcourt his Patent and he published also certaine Articles for the Aduenturers c. which for breuity are omitted CHAP. XVII A Relation of the habitations and other Obseruations of the Riuer of Marwin and the adioyning Regions Townes in the Riuer of Marwin INprimis Marracomwin a little Village so called where the Arwaccas dwell whose chiefe Captaine is Coretan and is at the foot of the Riuer of Marwin in a creake on the left hand going vp the Riuer Secondly Russia a little Village so called where likewise Arwaccas dwell being likewise at the foote of the Riuer on the right hand going vp the Riuer Thirdly Moyyemon a large Towne where are some twentie houses all builded very lately inhabited by Parawagotos and Yaios whose chiefe Captaine is Maperitacca being the Captaine with whom the Generall left vs and with whom we continue being on the left hand of the Riuer Fourthly Kiawarie a Towne inhabited by Careebees almost right against Moyyemon whose Chiefetaine is Fiftly Tonorima a little Village aboue Kiawary inhabited by Careebees being on the same side of the Riuer who be gouerned by the Captaine of Quuenow Sixtly Quuenou a Towne some quarter of a mile distant from Tonorima inhabited by Careebees whose Chiefetaine is Vcapea hauing a lame hand Seuenthly Arowatta a Towne situate on the same side of the Riuer whose inhabitants be Careebees but a good prettie way beyond whose Chiefetaine is Seepane Eightly Comurraty a Towne situate beyond Arowatta on the other side of the Riuer whose Inhabitants be Careebees and Chiefetaine is Parapane Ninthly Pasim a Towne situate beyond Comurratiâ— on the same side of the Riuer whose Inhabitants bee Careeb and Chiefetaine is Tanatweya Tenthly Paramaree a Towne situate beyond Pasim on the other side of the Riuer inhabited by Careabees whose Chiefetaine is Iuara There is beyond Paramaree a lone house beeing situate some dayes iourney from Paramaree on the same side of the Riuer being inhabited by Careebees Eleuenthly about some eleuen daies iourney beyond the lone house there is a towne called Tauparamunni whose Inhabitants be Careebees Twelfthly a daies iourney from thence is another Towne called Moreesheego whose Inhabitants be Careebees About some twentie daies iourney beyond Moreesheego is a Towne called Aretonenne whose Inhabitants bee Careebees hauing verie long eares hanging to their shoulders and they are reported to bee a very gentle and louing uing people Some twentie daies farther is the head of the Riuer Marwin where dwell Parawagatos Arwaccas and Suppay and after a daies iourney in the Land they report the way to be very faire and Champian ground with long grasse Townes from the foot of Marwin on the Northside along the Sea FIrst Equiwibone a Towne inhabited by Arwaccas and Parawagotos Secondly Caycooseooâ—ooro inhabited by Arwaccas whose Chiefetaine is Woaccomo Thirdly Amypea inhabited by Arwaccas Fourthly about six mile within Land is Careebee inhabited by Arwaccas whose Chiefetaine is Aramea Fiftly Wia Wiam about two miles from the Sea a Towne inhabited by Yaios Parrawagotos and Arwaccas whose Chiefetaine is Araponaca Sixtly Soorry Soorry some two mile directly farther toward the Sea side inhabited by Parawagotos whose Chiefetaine is Resurrima Seuenthly Amiebas a little distant from Soory Soory inhabited by Parawagotos Eightly Uieguano some sixe mile beyond Soory Soory inhabited by Yaos and Parawagotos Ninthly Vrarinno adioyning to Vicguano inhabited by Arwaccas and Parawagotos Tenthly Surarer a daies iourney beyond Wia Wiam vp into the Land inhabited by Arwaccas Eleuenthly Simarra some sixe miles distant from Wia Wiam inhabited by Arwaccas Twelfthly Caâ—ri a Towne adioyning to Simarra inhabited by Arwaccas Thirteenthly Conâ—oere a Towne adioyning to Cauri inhabited by Parawagotos and
For any man that putteth himselfe into the enemies Port had neede of Argus eyes and the winde in a bagge especially where the enemy is strong and the tydes of any force For with either ebbe or flood those who are on the shore may thrust vpon him inuentions of fire and with swimming or other deuises may cut his cables A common practise in all hot Countries The like may be effected with Raffes Canoas Boates or Pinnaces to annoy and assault him and if this had beene practised against vs or taken effect our Ships must of force haue yeelded themselues for they had no other people in them but sick men many times opinion feare preserueth the Ships and not the people in them Wherefore it is the part of a prouident Gouernor to consider well the dangers that may befall him before he put himself into such places so shall he euer be prouided for preuention In Saint Iohn de Vlua in the New-Spain when the Spaniards dishonoured their Nation with that foule act of periury and breach of faith giuen to my Father Sir Iohn Hawkins notorious to the whole world the Spâ—niards fired two great Ships with intention to burne my Fathers Admirall which he preuented by towing them with his Boates another way The great Armado of Spaine sent to conquer England Anno 1588. was with that selfe-same industry ouerthrowne for the setting on fire six or seuen Ships whereof two were mine and letting them driue with the floud forced them to cut their Cables and to put to Sea to seeke a new way to Spain In which the greatest part of their best Ships and men were lost and perished The next night the winde comming off the shore we set saile and with our Boates and Barkes sounded as we went It flowed vpon the Barre not aboue foure foote water and once in foure and twenty houres as in some parts of the West Indies at full Sea there is not vpon the barre aboue seuenteene or eighteene foote water The harbour runneth to the South-westwards he that will come into it is to open the harbours mouth a good quarter of a league before he beare with it and be bolder of the Wester-side for of the Easterland lyeth a great ledge of Rockes for the most part vnder water which sometimes breake not but with small shipping a man may goe betwixt them and the point Comming aboord of our Ships there was great ioy amongst my company and many with 〈◊〉 sight of the Oranges and Lemmons seemed to recouer heart This is a wonderfull secret of the power and wisedome of God that hath hidden so great and vnknowne vertue in this fruit to be a certaine remedy for this infirmity I presently caused them all to be reparted amongst our sicke men which were so many that there came not aboue three or foure to a share but God was pleased to send vs a prosperous winde the next day so much to our comfort that not any one died before we came to the Ilands where we pretended to refresh our selues And although our fresh water had failed vs many dayes before we saw the shore by reason of our long Nauigation without touching any land and the excessiue drinking of the sicke and diseased which could not be excused yet with an inuention I had in my Ship I easily drew out of the water of the Sea sufficient quantitie of fresh water to sustaine my people with little expence of fewell for with foure billets I stilled a hogshead of water and therewith dressed the meate for the sicke and whole The water so distilled we found to be wholesome and nourishing The coast from Santos to Cape Frio lyeth West and by South Southerly So wee directed our course West South-west The night comming on and directions giuen to our other Ships wee set the waâ—ch hauing a faire fresh gale of winde and large My selfe with the Master of our Ship hauing watched the night past thought now to gâ—ue nature that which she had beene depriued of and so commended the care of Steeridge to one of his Mates who with the like trauell past being drowsie or with the confidence which he had of him at the Helme had not that watchfull care which was required he at the Helme steered West and West by South brought vs in a little time close vpon the shore doubtlesse he had cast vs all away had not God extraordinarily deliuered vs for the Master being in his dead sleepe was suddenly awaked and with such a fright that he could not be in quiet whereupon waking his youth which ordinarily 〈…〉 pt in his Cabin by him asked him how the watch went on who answered that it could not be an houre since he laid himselfe to rest He replyed that his heart was so vnquiet that he could not by any meanes sleepe and so taking his Gowne came forth vpon the Decke and presently discouered the land hard by vs. And for that it was sandie and low those who had their eyes continually fixed on it were dazeled with the reflection of the Starres being a faire night and so was hindered from the true discouery thereof But he comming out of the drake had his sight more forcible to discerne the difference of the Sea and the shoare So that forthwith hee commanded him at the Helme to put it close a starbourd and taking our Ship we edged off and sounding found scant three fathome water whereby we saw euidently the miraculous mercy of God that if hee watched ouer vs as he doth continually ouer his doubtlesse wee had perished without remedie to whom be all glory and praise euerlasting world without end In this point of Steeridge the Spaniards Portugals doe exceede all that I haue seene I meane for their care which is chiefest in Nauigation And I wish in this and in all their workes of Discipline and reformation we should follow their examples as also those of any other Nation In euery Shippe of moment vpon the halfe decke or quarter decke they haue a chaire or feate out of which whilst they Nauigate the Pilot or his Adiutants which are the same officers which in our Ships wee terme the Master and his Mates neuer depart day nor night from the sight of the Compasse and haue another before them whereby they see what they doe and are euer witnesses of the good or bad Steeridge of all men that take the Helme The next day about ten of the clocke we were thwart of Cape Blanco which is low sandie land and perilous for foure leagues into the Sea thwart it lye bankes of sand which haue little water on them on a sudden we found our selues amongst them in lesse then three fathome water but with our Boate and Shallop we went sounding and so got cleare of them The next day following we discouered the Ilands where we purposed to refresh our selues they are two and some call them Saint
should be taken out of her and her men diuided amongst our other ships the Hull remayning to be sunke or burned To which I neuer spake word till I saw it resolued being my part rather to learne then to aduise But seeing the fatall sentence giuen and suspecting that the Captaine made it worse then it was rather vpon policie to come into another ship which was better of sayle then for any danger they might runne into with as much reason as my capacitie could reach vnto I disswaded my Uncle priuately And vrged that seeing wee had profited the Aduenturers nothing we should endeauour to preserue our principall especially hauing men and victuals But seeing I preuayled not I went further and offered to finde out in the same ship and others so many men as with me would be content to carrie her home giuing vs the third part of the value of the ship as â—hes should be valued at at her returne by foure indifferent persons and to leaue the Vice-admirall which I had vnder my charge and to make her Vice-admirall Whereupon it was condescended that wee should all goe aboord the ship and that there it should be determined The Captaine thought himselfe somewhat touched in Reputation and so would not that further triall should be made of the matter saying that if another man was able to carrie the ship into England he would in no case leaue her neither would he forsake her till shee sunke vnder him The Generall commended him for his resolution and thanked me for my offer tending to the generall good my intention being to force those who for gaine could vndertake to carrie her home should also doe it gratis according to their Obligation Thus this leake-ship went well into England where after she made many a good Voyage in nine yeeres As the weather gaue leaue wee entertained our selues the first dayes in necessarie affaires and workes and after in making of Coale with intent the winde continuing long very contrarie to see if wee could remedie any of our broken Anchours a Forge I had in my ship and of fiue Anchors which we brought out of England there remained but one that was seruiceable In the Ilands of Pengwins we lost one in Crabbis Coue another a third vpon another occasion we broke an arme and the fourth on the Rocke had the eye of his Ring broken This one day deuising with my selfe I made to serue without working him a new Which when I tooke first in hand all men thought it ridiculous but in fine we made it in that manner so seruiceable as till our ship came to Callaw which is the Port of Lyma shee scarce vsed any other Anchor and when I came from Lyma to Panama which was three yeeres after I saw it serue the Admirall in which I came a ship of aboue 500. tuns without other arte or addition then what my owne inuention contriued And for that in the like necessitie or occasion others may profit themselues of the industrie I will recount the manner of the forging our eye without fire or Iron It was in this sort From the eye of the shanke about the head of the crosse we gaue two tunnes with a new strong Halser betwixt three and foure inches giuing a reasonable allowance for that which should be the eye and serued in stead of the Ring then we fastned the two ends of the Halser so as in that part it was as strong as in any other and with our Capsten stretched the two bightes that euery part might beare proportionably then armed we all the Halser round about with sixe yarne Synnets and likewise the shanke of the Anchor and the head with a smooth Mat made of the same Synnet this done with an inch Rope we woolled the two bightes to the shanke from the crosse to the eye and that also which was to serue for the Ring and fitted the stocke accordingly This done those who before derided the inuention were of opinion that it would serue for need onely they put one difficultie that with the fall or pitch of the Anchor in hard ground with his waight he would cut the Halser in sunder on the head for preuention whereof we placed a panch as the Mariners terme it vpon the head of the Anchor with whose softnesse this danger was preuented and the Anchor past for seruiceable Some of our idle time we spent in gathering the barke and fruit of a certaine Tree which we found in all places of the Straits where we found Trees This Tree carrieth his fruit in clusters like a Hawthorne but that it is greene each berry of the bignesse of a Pepper-corne and euery of them contayning within foure or fiue granes twice as bigge as a Musterd-seed which broken are white within as the good Pepper and â—ite much like it but hotter The barke of this Tree hath the sauour of all kinde of Spices together most comfortable to the stomack and held to bee better then any Spice whatsoer And for that a learned Countriman of ours Doctor Turner hath written of it by the name of Winters Barke what I haue said may suffice The leafe of this Tree is of a whitish greene and is not vnlike to the Aspen leafe Otherwhiles we entertained our selues in gathering of Pearles out of Muscles whereof there are abundance in all places from Cape Froward to the end of the Straits The Pearles are but of a bad colour and small but it may be that in the great Muscles in deeper water the Pearles are bigger and of greater value of the small seed Pearle there was great quantitie and the Muscles were a great refreshing vnto vs for they were exceeding good and in great plentie And here let mee craue pardon if I erre seeing I disclaime from beeing a Naturalist by deliuering my opinion touching the breeding of these Pearles which I thinke to be of a farre different nature and qualitie to those found in the East and West Indies which are found in Oysters growing in the shell vnder the ruffe of the Oyster some say of the dew which I hold to be some old Philosophers conceit for that it cannot be made probable how the dew should come into the Oyster and if this were true then questionlesse we should haue them in our Oysters as in those of the East and West Indies but those Oysters were by the Creator made to bring forth this rare fruit all their shels being to looke to Pearle it selfe And the other Pearles found in our Oysters and Muscles in diuers parts are ingendred out of the fatnesse of the fish in the very substance of the fish so that in some Muscles haue bin found twentie and thirtie in seuerall parts of the fish and these not perfect in colour nor cleernesse as those found in the Pearle-oysters which are euer perfect in colour and cleernesse like the Sunne in his rising and therefore called Orientall and not as is supposed because out of
que por esto no seauisto permitirles ni darseles licencia paraque de aqui adelante puedan sin nuestra expressa y particular licencia nauegar tratar y contratar enla dicha carrera y que si lo hesieren demas de incurrir en las penas contenidas en nuestras leyes ordenanças cartas y prouisiones este pardon y gracia sea y ayadeser ninguno y de ningun valor y effecto y mandamos alos del nostro conseio delas Indias y alos nostros Iuezes y Officiales de la cas◠dela contratacion y a otras quales quier Iuezes y Iusticias que assilo guarden y cumplan fecha enel monastero de Sanct Lorenço el real a diez dias del mes de Agusto anno del Sennor de mill y quinien tos y setenta y vn annos YEL REY Por mandado de su Mag. S. Antonio Gracian V. Md. perdone a Iuano Aquins Ingles y a sus companneros le pena enque incurrienzo porauer nauegado y contratado enlas Indeas contra las ordenes de V. Md. CHAP. VII A briefe Relation of an Englishman which had beene thirteene yeeres Captiue to the Spaniards in Peru c. THe eleuenth of October 1602. we departed from the Citie of Lyma and that day wee set sayle from the Calloa in the Contadora Captaine Andrea Brocho The fifteenth of October wee came into Payta and there watered and tooke in fresh victuals and set sayle from thence the foure and twentieth of the same for Mexico 1602. The fourteenth of December we came to an anchor in Acapulca we were becalmed in 17. degrees and an halfe foure and twentie dayes and were set with the current into 23. degrees to the Northward we came all the coast alongst from Colyma and Nauydad to Acapulca The twentieth of December we came from Acapulca with sixe Mules and on Christmas Day in the morning we came to Zumpanga a Towne of Indians where wee remayned all that day being betweene this Towne and Acapulca thirtie leagues no Towne betwixt The last of December wee came to Querna vaca a Towne in the Marquesado of Hernan Cortes thirteene leagues from Mexico The first of Ianuarie we came into the great Citie of Mexico where we remayned vntill the seuenteenth at which time we came from Mexico in the euening and came two leagues that night The next day we came to Irazing which is seuen leagues from Mexico where wee remayned two dayes The fiue and twentieth of Ianuarie wee came to Pueblo de los Angelos passing in our way the Vulcan being from Mexico twentie leagues and thorow Chullula The thirtieth of Ianuarie I went to Atrizco where we were sixe dayes being fiue leagues from Mexico The sixteenth of Februarie we came from the Pueblo de los Angelos with fourteene Carts fiue or sixe temes of Oxen in a Cart for to come to the Citie of Vera cruz The seuenth of March 1603. wee came into the Vera cruz the new Towne where wee remayned vntill the eight of Aprill staying for a ship of aduise Tuesday the eight of Aprill we set sayle from Saint Iuo de Ullua in a Barque of aduise called the Saint Lazaro the Captaines name was Diego Garces being of the burden of thirtie tunnes the Pilot named Diego Vyedall we were eight and twentie persons 1603. The nine and twentieth of Aprill we had sight of the Martyrs and were in two fathomes water off them we saw no more nor no other while we fell with Alla Rocha in Barbarie which was the 14. of Iune The sixteenth of Iune wee had sight of Chiprone and Cales that night we came into S. Lucar The seuenteenth of Iune in the morning the Kings Officers came aboord of vs for the Kings Letters and the Letters of the Mexico Fleet where I heard newes of our good Queene Elizabeths death and our King Iames his comming to the Crowne in peace Heere I was discharged and had my libertie giuen me so I went to Syuill the nineteenth day where I remayned vntill the one and twentieth of September at which time I came to Wellua in the Condado The fift of Nouember I came from Wellua in the George of London Master Iuano Whary the ship was Master Hangers I arriued at the Reculluers the seuenth of December 1603. being since my departure from England thirteene yeeres and nine moneths of captiuitie for the which the Lord be praised and make me thankfull all the dayes of my life Amen CHAP. VIII The Relation of ALEXANDRO VRSINO concerning the coast of Terra Firma and the secrets of Peru and Chili where he had liued foure and thirtie yeeres THe first Towne inhabited of the Spaniards is Saint Iohn in the I le of Porto ricco it is a very poore Towne They haue no Bread but in stead thereof they vse a certaine Roote called Cazaue There is in the Towne about sixtie Spaniards and a Fort. In Saint Domingo there is a very strong Fort with aboue eightie great Peeces of Ordnance It is one of the fairest Cities in all the Indies there are aboue seuen hundred Spaniards in it It is a Bishoprike There is next the Towne of Monte Christo wherein there are about eightie Spaniards There is a small Fort. Then Ocoa which is a very good Port where the Fleete both comming and going doe put in for fresh water and wood and other necessaries Then Porto de Plata a small Towne with a little Fort about seuentie or eightie Spaniards Porto Reale a dishabited Towne but a very good Port. There is nothing else in the I le of Spagnola of any importance There are aboue 22000. Negros men and women slaues From Saint Domingo to Iamaica an hundred leagues in this I le there is but one Towne which standeth three leagues within the Land There are in it about fiftie Spaniards In all these places they make Sugar in great abundance but especially at Saint Domingo there are aboue eightie Ingenios or Sugar-houses They haue neither Siluer nor Gold They eate of the foresaid Roote for Bread in euery place The I le of Spaniola is inhabited onely by the Spaniards there is not one Naturall of the Countrey From Iamaica to Cartagena one hundred leagues This Cartagena is a faire Citie a very strong Fort in the Hauen mouth and Artilerie in three parts of the Towne A Bishoprike They haue neither Siluer nor Gold there are about 150. Spaniards Next to this is Tulu inhabited of the Spaniards about fortie or fiftie it is eighteene leagues from Cartagena alongst the coast Then Santa Martha a Citie with a small Fort about 100. Spaniards there they gather great quantity of Gold very fine they are a fierce people Santa Martha is fiftie leagues from Cartagena longst the same coast Vpon the same coast is Nombre de dios about seuentie leagues from Cartagena they haue no Fort but vpon the hauen
he would treat with him Oagimont Sagamos of the Riuer Saint Croix was appointed for that purpose and he would not trust them but vnder the assurance of the Frenchmen he went thither Some Presents were made to Astikou who vpon the speech of peace began to exhort his people and to shew them the causes that ought to induce them to hearken vnto it Whereunto they condiscended making an exclamation at euery Article that he propounded to them Some fiue yeeres agoe Monsieur de Monts had likewise pacified those Nations and had declared vnto them that he would bee enemie to the first of them that should begin the Warre and would pursue him But after his returne into France they could not containe themselues in peace And the Armouchiquois did kill a Souriquois Sauage called Panoniac who went to them for to trucke Merchandize which he tooke at the Store-house of the said Monsieur de Monts The Warre aboue mentioned happened by reason of this said murther vnder the conduct of Sagamos Membâ—â—iou the said Warre was made in the very same place where I now make mention that Monsieur de Champdore did treate the peace this yeere Monsieur Champlein is in another place to wit in the great Riuer of Canada neere the place where Captaine Iames Quartier did winter where hee hath fortified him selfe hauing brought thither housholds with Cattle and diuers sorts of fruit-trees There is store of Vines and excellent Hempe in the same place where he is which the earth bringeth forth of it selfe He is not a man to be idle and we expect shortly newes of the whole Discouerie of this great and vncomparable Riuer and of the Countries which it washeth on both sides by the diligence of the said Champlein As for Monsieur de Poutrincourt his desire is immutable in this resolution to inhabit and adorne his Prouince to bring thither his family and all sorts of Trades necessary for the life of man Which with Gods helpe hee will continue to effect all this present yeere 1609. And as long as hee hath vigour and strength will prosecute the same to liue there vnder the Kings obeysance The Authour hath written another large Booke of the Rites of the Sauages of those parts which I haue omitted partly because Champlein in the former Chapiter hath giuen vs large instructions of the same and because in our Virginian and New England and New-found-land our men will relate the like and because I seeke to bee short howsoeuer my Subiect causeth mee to bee voluminous CHAP. VIII Collections out of a French Booke called Additions to Noua Francia containing the Accidents there from the yeere 1607. to 1611. MOnsieur de Monts hauing his priuiledge prorogued for one yeare with some associates sent vnto his Gouernment three Ships furnished with men and victuals And forasmuch as Monsieur de Poutrincourt hath taken his part on the maine Sea and for the desire that Monsieur de Monts hath to pierce through the Land to the Westerne Sea coast to the end he should not be an hinderance vnto him and to be able thereby to reach one day to China he determined to fortifie himselfe in a place of the Riueâ— of Canada which the Sauages call Kebec some fortie leagues aboue the Riuer of Saguenay There it is narrower being no broader then a Canon will carry and so by that reason the place is commodious to command through all that great Riuer Monsieur Champlein the Kings Geographer very skilfull in Sea matters and who delighteth marueilously in these enterprises tooke vpon him the charge of conducting and gouerning this first Colonie sent to Kebec Where being arriued it was needefull to make houses for him and his company wherein there was no toyle wanting such as we may imagine as was the labour of Captaide Iacques Quartier at his arriuall in the place of the said Riuer where he wintered and so Monsieur de Monts in the I le of Saint Croix whereby did issue vnknowne sicknesses which tooke away many men for there was not found any Timber ready to be put in worke not any buildings to lodge the workemen in they were driuen to fell downe the wood by the roote to cleare the ground and to lay the first foundations of a worke which with the helpe of God shall be the subiect of many wonders But as our Frenchmen haue oftentimes bin found mutinous in such actions so there were some among these which did conspire against the said Champlein their Captaine hauing deliberated to put him to death first by poison afterwards by a traine of Gunpowder and after hauing pilfered all to come to Tadoussac where Baskes and Rochell Ships were to make their returne in them to these parts But the Apothecary of whom the poyson was demanded disclosed the matter Whereupon Information being made one of them was hanged and some others condemned to the Gallies which were brought backe into France in the Ship wherein Monsieur du Pont of Honfleur was Commander The people being lodged some store of Corne was sowed and a number of Gardens were made where the ground did restore plentifully the seedes receiued This Land bringeth forth naturally Grapes in great quantity the Walnut-trres are there in abundance and Chestnut-trees also whose fruite is in the forme of an halfe moone but the Walnuts are with many corners or edges which be not diuided There is also great store of Pumpions and very excellent Hempe wherewith the Sauages make fishing lines The Riuer there doth abound with as much fish as any other Riuer in the world It is thought that Beuers are not here so good as vpon the coast of the Etechemins and Souriquois yet notwithstanding I may say very well that I haue seene skins from thence of blacke Foxes which seeme to exceede Sables or Marterns The winter being come many of our Frenchmen were found greatly afflicted with the sickenesse which is called the Scuruie whereof I haue spoken elsewhere Some of them died thereof for want of present remedy As for the tree called Annedda so much renowned by Iacques Quartier it is not now to be found The said Champlein made diligent search for the same and could haue no newes thereof and notwithstanding his dwelling is at Kebec neighbouring on the place where the said Quartier did winter Whereupon I can thinke nothing else but that the people of that time haue bin exterminated by the Iroquois or other their enemies The Spring time being come Champlein hauing had a long time a minde to make new discoueries was to choose either to make his way to the Iroquois or to goe beyond the fall of the great Riuer to discouer the great Lake whereof mention hath bin made heretofore Notwithstanding because the Southerly Countries are more pleasant for their milde temperature he resolued himselfe the first yeare to visite the Iroquois But the difficulty consisted in the going thither
for discouering and peopling of vnknowne parts not actually possessed by any Christian Prince dated March 25. A. Reg. 26. The 27. of Aprill 1584. he set forth two Barkes vnder the command of Master Phillip Amadas and Master Arthur Barlow which arriued on that part of America which that Virgin Queene stiled Virginia and thereof in her Maiesties name tooke possession Iuly 13. and hauing taken view and liking of the Countrey and had conference and trade with the Sauages obseruing aboue foureteene seuerall sweete smelling timber trees and many other commodities they returned with two of the Sauages Wanchese and Manteo and arriued in England in September Aprill 9. 1585. Sir Richard Greeneuile was sent by Sir Walter Raleigh with a fleete of seuen saile which landed in the I le of Saint Iohn Port Ricco May 12. and there fortified themselues and built a Pinnace The Spaniard promised to furnish them with victuals but did not whereupon they tooke two Frigates In Hispaniola they had friendly greetings and trade Iune 26. they anchored at Wocokon where by the vnskilfulnesse of Fernando the Master their Admirall strooke on ground and sunke In the 25. of Iuly the Generall returned for England and tooke a Spanish Ship of three hundred tunne richly Iaden by the way boording her with a Boate made of the boords of Chests which as soone as hee had boorded her fell in sunder and sunke at the Ships side In the Countrie was a Colonie left vnder the gouernment of Master Ralph Lane viz Master Phillip Amadas Master Hariot Master Acton Master Edward Stafford Master Prideox Captaine Vaughan and aboue a hundred others Master Lane writ from his new Fort in Virginia that if Uirginia had Kine and Horses in reasonable proportion no Countrie in Christendome were comparable to it They discouered from Roanoak to the Chesepians aboue one hundred and thirty miles to Chawanock North-West as farre The Sauages conspired against the English the principall was Pemisapan who lost his head in the quarrell in the beginning of Iune 1586. and Sir Francis Drake comming thither from the sacke of diuers Spanish Townes to visite the Colony on the nineteenth tooke the Colony with him in his victorious Fleete and brought them into Englaâ—d The same yeere had Sir Walter Raleigh prepared a ship of a hundred tun fraught with prouision for the Colonie which setting forth late arriued at Hartoraske immediatly after the departure of the Colonie which hauing sought in vaine she returned with her prouisions for England About a fortnight after her departure Sir Richard Greeneuile Generall of Virginia accompanied with three Ships arriued there and neither hearing of the Ship nor of the Colonie which he had left there the yeare before after long and vaine search he left fifteene men to hold possession of the Countrie in the I le of Roanoak furnished for two yeares and returned by the way making spoyle on the Townes of the Azores and there taking diuers Spaniards Master Thomas Hariot writ a large History of the Men Beasts Fishes Fowles Plants and Commodities of Virginia subscribed also by Master Ralph Lane extant in Master Hackluit his third Tome In the yeare 1587. Sir Walter Raleigh continuing his purpose of Plantation sent another Colonie of one hundred and fiftie persons vnder the gouernment of Master Iohn White to him he appointed twelue Assistants vnto whom he gaue a Charter and incorporated them by the name of Gouernour and Assistants of the Citie of Raleigh in Virginia These arriued on Iuly 22. at Hatoraske where they went on shore to seeke the fifteene men left there the yeare before with intent after to plant at the Bay of Chesepiok according to Sir Walter Raleigh his directions there to make their feate and Fort. By Manteo they learned how the Sauages had secretly assalted the fifteene English and slaine some the other being forced to flee it was not knowne whither Manteo was Christened and by Sir Walter Raleighs direction made Lord of Roanoak Mistris Dare the Gouernours daughter was deliuered of a daughter which was baptised by the name of Uirginia The Company were very important with the Gouernour to returne for England to supply their defects to which with much vnwillingnesse he yeelded Aug. 27. and Octob. 16. arriued in Ireland and after in England Anno 1590. the said Master Iohn White put to Sea with Ships and two Pinnaces with purpose for Virginia where they anchored at Hatorask in 36. 20. Aug. 15. They found some of the goods such as the Sauages could not make vse of and tokens as if they were at Croatoan but the winds violence permitted no further search and they returned to the Azores and after to England arriuing at Plimmouth Octob. 24. Master BARTHOLOMEVV GOSNOLDS Letter to his Father touching his first Voyage to Virginia 1602. MY duetie remembred c. Sir I was in good hope that my occasions would haue allowed mee so much libertie as to haue come vnto you before this time otherwise I would haue written more at large concerning the Countrie from whence we lately came then I did but not well remembring what I haue already written though I am assured that there is nothing set downe disagreeing with the truth I thought it fittest not to goe about to adde any thing in writing but rather to leaue the report of the rest till I come my selfe which now I hope shall be shortly and so soone as with conueniency I may In the meane time notwithstanding whereas you seeme not to be satisfied by that which I haue already written concerning some especiall matters I haue here briefely and as well as I can added these few lines for your further satisfaction and first as touching that place where we were most resident it is in the Latitude of 41. degrees and one third part which albeit it be so much to the Southward yet is it more cold then those parts of Europe which are scituated vnder the same paralell but one thing is worth the noting that notwithstanding the place is not so much subiect to cold as England is yet did we finde the Spring to be later there then it is with vs here by almost a moneth this whether it hapned accidentally this last Spring to be so or whether it be so of course I am not very certaine the latter seemes most likely whereof also there may be giuen some sufficient reason which now I omit as for the Acornes we saw gathered on heapes they were of the last yeare but doubtlesse their Summer continues longer then ours We cannot gather by any thing we could obserue in the people or by any triall we had thereof our selues but that it is as healthfull a Climate as any can be The Inhabitants there as I wrote before being of tall stature comely proportion strong actiue and some of good yeares and as it should seeme very healthfull are sufficient proofe of the
certaine knowledge how to fall with the Coast hauing sounded euery watch and from fifty fathom had come in good deeping to seuenty and so to an hundred This day the weather being faire after the foure a clocke watch when he thought not to haue found ground before sounding in aboue a hundred fathom we had ground in foure and twenty fathom Wherefore our Sayles being downe one of our men presently cast out a hooke and before hee iudged it at ground was fished and haled vp an exceeding great and well fed Cod then there were cast out three or foure hookes more the fish was so plentifull and so great as when our Captaine would haue set sayle we desired him to suffer them to take fish a while because wee were so delighted to see them catch fish so great so fast as the hooke came downe some playing with the hooke they tooke by the backe And one of the Mates with two hookes at a Lead at fiue draughts together haled vp ten fishes all were generally very great some were measured This caused our Captaine not to maruell at the shoalding for he perceiued it was a fish-banke which for our farewell from the Land it pleased God in the continuance of his blessings to giue vs knowledge of Sunday the fourteenth of Iuly about six a clocke at night we were come into sounding in our Channell but for want of sight of the Sunne and Starre to make a true obseruation and with contrary windes we were constrained to beate vp and downe till Tuesday the sixteenth of Iuly when by fiue a clocke in the morning wee made Sylly from whence hindred with calmes and small windes Vpon Thursday the eighteenth of Iuly about foure a clocke wee came to anchor safâ—ly in Dartmouth which Hauen haply with Gods assistance wee made the last and first Harbour in England as the Termini of our Voyage A briefe Note of what profits we found the Countrie yeeld in the small time of our stay there Trees Oake of an excellent graine staight and great timber Elme Beech Birch very tall and great of whose Barque they make their Canoas Nut-hasle Hasle Alder Cherry tree Ash Mâ—ple Ewe Spruce Asp Fir in great abundance many other fruit trees which we know not Fowles Eagles Hernshawes Cranes Duks great Geese Swans Penguins Shark Crow Rauen Kite Soga Mewes Doues Turtles birds of sundry colours and many other fowles vnknown Beasts Deere red and fallow Beare Wolfe Beauer Otter Hare Conie Marterns Sables Hogs Porkespines Polcats Cats wilde great Dogs some like Foxes some like our other beasts the Sauages signe vnto vs with hornes and broad eares which we take to be Olkes or Loshes Fishes Whales Porpoise Seales Cod very great Haddocke great Herring Plaise Thornbacke Rock-fish Lobster great Crabbe Mussels Cockles Wilks Cunner-fish Lumpe-fish Whiting the Sauages signe vnto vs that they haue Tortoise very great Plants Fruits Herbs Tobacco excellent sweet and strong Vine wilde Strawberries Raspberries Gooseberries Hurtleberries Corant trees in abundance Rose bushes Pease which the Sauages signe to be very great in the Maine Ground-nuts Angelica a most soueraigne herbe and an herbe that spreadeth like Camomell and smelleth like sweet Marjoram great plenty Good Dies which appeare by their painting which they carrie with them in bladders Words which I learned of the Sauages in their Language Sunne or Moone Kesus Cod-fish Biskeiore A fish with hornes Manedo Lobster Shoggah Rock-fish Shagatocke Cockle-fish Hesucke Muskell Shoorocke Cunner-fish Tattaucke Crabbe Wussorasha Porpoise Muscopeiuck Plaise Anego Tortoise Romcaneeke Pease Ushcomono Tobacco Tomoch A leafe Mebeere A weed Cashterush A Firre tree Seteock A stone Nabscurr A Bowe Shoanor An Arrow Tobood Barke of a tree Mashquere Water Shamogoon Sand Cheemuck Crowe Cagagoose Haire Messer or Meris A beard Nicowur A Beare Rogsoo Beauer Paneah Otter Nymemano Rat Sanuke Polcat Pocamka Cat Pushuck Fallow Deere Coribo Hogge Madoso Red Deere Moosurr They tell vs of other beasts which they call Tasquus Pisho Narsim Teeth Ibider A hand and finger Breecke A Naile of the hand Cushe A legge Codd A foot Musseete Plum-tree Epsegan Strawberry Pishoa Gooseberry Shewanor Cherry tree Espegononino Corant tree Asheemena Rashberrie Kiskeemy A lippe Metoan Fire Squida The maine Land Bemoquiducke Sea Shoubbe Father Wado Sonne Usto Wane of the Sea Toboogg Pitch and Tallow Poco Wilde Rose Minusheck Birch Pasquar Sword Edagawancke Mountaine Machoucke Winde Puckchawsen Bloud Pagâgocun Red Paint Woroman Blacke Paint Cogosho A Dogge Remâ—ose A Ship or Boat Quiden An Oare Wuttohogauor A Garnepo Fly Chussuah Bread Paune Raine Soogoran A nose Peech-ten An Axe or Hatchet Tomaheegon A Knife Quodogon Oake Askabesse White Bone whereof they haue Chaines Girdles Bracelets Speesone The Cheeke Canoah A Shirt or Coat Tenoganuke The Chinne Queh An Eye Sheesuck Eylid Momon Forehead Scottoquah An Eare Fawwucke A fish-hooke Makeecon A Rainbow Shomogon The Names of their chiefe Gouernours whom they call Sagomoh 1. Bashabez 2. Abatuckquishe 3. Bdahanedo one of them we haue 4. Abokeesussick 5. Shurokinit 6. Psaheno 7. Mentoelmet 8. Ageemohuck 9. Mawermet 10. Chanacoboin 11. Amilquin 12. Muasacoromoneete These dwell vpon the Maine and weare an ornament of white bone vpon their head and Chaines and Bracelets and Girdles and haue their skinne garments laced with them The Names of our Virginians Bdahanedo Brother to the Bashabes Amocret his Brother Satacomoah Maneduck Scikaworrowse Thus haue I giuen thee the proceedings of Virginia and New Englands Discouerie for the originall beginning of the Discouerie Sir Sebastian Cabot was the first Discouerer both of it and the rest of the Continent of America The first Plantation was more Southerly by the charges of Sir Walter Raleigh as before is shewed The next yeere New Patents were obtained of his Maiestie for a double Plantation in these parts I trouble not the Reader with the whole Patent both because it hath sustained diuersified alteration diuision and subdiuision and because I more minde things there done than here for which cause I haue also omitted the Articles and instruction two dayes after dated signed and sealed with the Priuie Seale for the gouernment of the said Plantation of both which I haue the Copies by mee I onely here giue thee the beginning of the first Patent Aprill 10. 1606. CHAP. XIIII The description of the Ilands of Açores or the Flemish Ilands taken out of Linschoten with certaine occurrents and English acts THe Iles of Açores or the Flemish Ilands are seuen that is Tercera Saint Mary Saint George Gratiosa Pico and Faiael There are yet two Ilands called Flores and Coruo which are not contained vnder the name of Açores but yet at this day are vnder the gouernment of the same Ilands so that they are in all accounted nine Ilands They are called Açores that is to say Sparhawkes or Hawkes because that in their first discouery they found many Sparhawks in them wherof they hold the name although at this day there is not any there
to giue Bils of payment Gold Rings Furres or any such Commodities were euer welcome to this remoouing Tauerne such was our patience to obey such vile Commanders and buy our owne prouision at fifteene times the value suffering them to feast we bearing the charge yet must not repine but fast and then leakage ship-rats and other casualties occasioned the lost but the vessell and remnants for totals we were glad to receiue with all our hearts to make vp the account highly commending their Prouidence for preseruing that For all this plentie our ordinarie was but meale and water so that this great charge little relieued our wants whereby with the extremitie of the bitter cold Aire more then halfe of vs died and tooke our deaths in that piercing Winter I cannot deny but both Scriuener and Smith did their best to amend what was a misse but with the President went the maior part that their hornes were too short But the worst mischiefe was our gilded Refiners with their golden promises made all men their slaues in hope of recompence there was no talke no hope no worke but digge Gold wash Gold refine Gold load Gold such a brute of Gold as one mad fellow desired to bee buried in the Sands least they should by their Art make Gold of his bones Little need there was and lesse reason the shippe should stay their wages runne on our victuall consume fourteene weekes that the Mariners might say they built such a golden Church that we can say the raine washed neere to nothing in fourteene dayes Captaine Smith would not applaud all those Golden inuentions neuer any thing did more torment him then to see all necessary businesse neglected to fraught such a drunken ship with so much gilded dirt till then we neuer accounted Captaine Newport a Refiner who being fit to set saile for England and we not hauing any vse of Parliaments Playes Petitions Admirals Recorders Interpreters Chronologers Courts of Plea nor Iustices of Peace sent Master Wingfield and Captaine Archer with him for England to seeke some place of better imployment THe authority now consisting in refining Captaine Martin and the still sickly President the sale of the stores Commodities maintayned their estates as inheritable Reuenues The Spring approching and the ship departed Master Scriuener and Captaine Smith diuided betwixt them the rebuilding our Towne the repayring our Pallisadoes the cutting downe Trees preparing our fields planting our Corne and to rebuild our Church and recouer our Storehouse all men thus busie at their seuerall labours Master Nelson arriued with his lost Phoenix lost I say for that all men deemed him lost landing safely his men so well hee had mannaged his ill hap causing the Indian Iles to feed his company that his victuall to that was left vs before was sufficient for halfe a yeere he had nothing but he freely imparted it which honest dealing in a Mariner caused vs admire him wee would not haue wished so much as he did for vs. Now to relade this ship with some good tydings The President yet not standing with his dignity to leaue the Fort gaue order to Captaine Smith and Master Scriuener to discouer and search the Commodities of Monacans Countrey beyond the Falls sixty able men were allotted the which within sixe dayes exercise Smith had so well trained to their Armes and Orders that they little feared with whom they should encounter Yet so vnseasonable was the time and so opposite was Captaine Martin to euery thing but only to fraught his ship also with his phantasticall Gold as Cap Smith rather desired to relade her with Cedar which was a present dispatch then either with dirt or the reports of an vncertaine Discouerie Whilst their conclusion was resoluing this happened Powhatan to expresse his loue to Newport when he departed presented him with twenty Turkeyes conditionally to returne him twenty Swords which immediatly were sent him Now after his departure he presented Captaine Smith with the like luggage but not finding his humour obeyed in sending him Weapons he caused his people with twentie deuices to obtaine them at last by Ambuscadoes at our very Ports they would take them perforce surprize vs at worke or any way which was so long permitted that they became so insolent there was no Rule the command from England was so straight not to offend them as our authority Bearers keeping their houses would rather be any thing then Peace-breakers this vncharitable charity preuailed till well it chanced that they medled with Captaine Smith who without farther deliberation gaue them such an incounter as some hee so hunted vp and downe the I le some hee so terrified with whipping beating and imprisonment as for reuenge they surprized two of his foraging disorderly Souldiers and hauing assembled their forces boldly threatned at our Ports to force Smith to re-deliuer seuen Sauages which for their villanies he detained Prisoners But to try their furies in lesse then halfe an houre he so hampered their insolencies that they brought the two prisoners desiring peace without any farther composition for their Prisoners who being threatned and examined their intents and plotters of their villanies confessed they were directed only by Powhatan to obtaine him our owne weapons to cut our owne throats with the manner how where and when which we plainly found most true and apparant Yet hee sent his Messengers and his deerest Daughter Pocahuntas to excuse him of the iniuries done by his Subiects desiring their liberties with the assurance of his loue After Smith had giuen the Prisoners what correction he thought fit vsed them well a day or two after he then deliuered them to Pocahuntas for whose sake only hee fained to saue their liues and grant them liberty The patient counsell that nothing would mooue to warre with the Sauages would gladly haue wrangled with Captaine Smith for his cruelty yet none was slaine to any mans knowledge but it brought them in such feare and obedience as his very name would sufficiently affright them The fraught of this ship being concluded to be Cedar by the diligence of the Master and Captaine Smith shee was quickly reladed Master Scriuener was neither idle nor slow to follow all things at the Fort the ship falling to the Cedar I le Captaine Martin hauing made shift to bee sicke neere a yeere and now neither Pepper Sugar Cloues Mace nor Nutmegs Ginger nor Sweet meats in the Countrey to enioy the credit of his supposed Art at his earnest request was most willingly admitted to returne for England yet hauing beene there but a yeere and not past halfe a yeere since the ague left him that he might say some what he had seene he went twice by water to Paspahegh a place neere seuen miles from Iames Towne but lest the dew should distemper him was euer forced to returne before night Thus much I thought fit to expresse hee expresly commanding me to record his Iournies I being his
of this their imployment sent presently his Messengers to Captaine Smith to signifie it was not his fault to detayne them nor hinder his men from executing his command nor did hee nor would he mayntaine them or any to occasion his displeasure But ere this businesse was brought to a point God hauing seene our misery sufficient sent in Captaine Argall to fish for Sturgeon with a ship well furnished with Wine and Bisket which though it was not sent vs such were our occasions we tooke it at a price but left him sufficient to returne for England still dissembling Valdo his villany but certainly he had not escaped had the President continued Notwithstanding this Valdo comming for England pretending to the Company what rich Mynes he had found for which he was verie much fauoured rewarded and respected but returning with the Lord La-ware he could not performe any thing hee promised and thus also hauing coozened them all died both basely and miserably For the rest of his Consorts vpon the arriuall of the Lord La-ware whom they highly recommended to Powhatan promising what great wonders they would worke with his Lordship would he giue them leaue to goe to him but when he saw they would be gone he replied as you would haue betrayed Captaine Smith to me so will you me to this Lord for you that would be so false to him cannot be true to me so caused his men to beat out their braines as the Sauages reported to diuers that came from thence TO redresse those iarres and ill proceedings the Councell in England altered the gouernment and deuolued the authoritie to the Lord De-la-ware Who for his Deputie sent Sir Thomas Gales and Sir George Somers with nine ships and fiue hundred persons they set saile from England in May 1609. a small Catch perished at Sea in a Herycano The Admirall with 150. men with the two Knights and their new Commission their Bils of loading with all manner of directions and the most part of their prouision arriued not With the other seuen as Captaines arriued Ratliffe whose right name was Sickelmore Martin and Archer Who as they had beene troublesome at Sea began againe to marre all ashore For though as is said they were formerly deposed and sent for England yet now returning againe graced by the title of Captaines of the passengers seeing the Admirall wanting and great probabilitie of her losse strengthned themselues with those new Companies so railing and exclayming against Captaine Smith that they mortally hated him ere euer they saw him Who vnderstanding by his Scowts the arriuall of such a fleet little dreaming of any such supply supposing them Spaniards he so determined and ordered his affaires as we little feared their arriuall nor the successe of our incounter nor were the Sauages any way negligent or vnwilling to aide and assist vs with their best power had it so beene we had beene happy For we would not haue trusted them but as our foes whereas receiuing those as our Countrimen and friends they did their best to murder our President to surprize the store the Fort and our Lodgings to vsurpe the gouernment and make vs all their seruants and slaues to our owne merit To a thousand mischiefes those lewd Captaines led this lewd company wherein were many vnruly Gallants packed thether by their friends to escape ill Destinies and those would dispose and determine of the gouernment sometimes one the next day another to day the old Commission to morrow the new the next day by neither In fine they would rule all or ruine all yet in Charitie wee must endure them thus to destroy vs or by correcting their follies haue brought the Worlds censure vpon vs to haue beene guiltie of their blouds Happie had we beene had they neuer arriued and wee for euer abandoned and as wee were left to our fortunes for on Earth was neuer more confusion or misery then their factions occasioned The President seeing the desire those Braues had to rule seeing how his authoritie was so vnexpectedly changed would willingly haue left all and returned for England but seeing there was small hope this new Commission would arriue longer hee would not suffer those factious spirits to proceed It would be too tedious too strange and almost incredible should I particularly relate the infinite dangers plots and practises hee daily escaped amongst this factious crue the chiefe whereof hee quickly laid by the heeles till his leasure better serued to doe them Iustice and to take away all occasions of further mischiefe Master Percie had his request granted to returne for England and Master West with one hundred and twentie went to plant at the Falls Martin with neere as many to Nansamund with their due proportions of all prouisions according to their numbers Now the Presidents yeere being neere expired he made Martin President who knowing his owne insufficieâ—cie and the Companies scorne and conceit of his vnworthinesse within three houres resigned it againe to Captaine Smith and at Nansamund thus proceeded The people being Contributors vsed him kindly yet such was his iealous feare and cowardize in the midst of his mirth he did surprize this poore naked King with his Monuments Houses and the I le hee inhabited and there fortified himselfe but so apparantly distracted with feare as imboldned the Sauages to assault him kill his men redeeme their King gather and carrie away more then one thousand bushels of Corne he not once daring to intercept them But sent to the President then at the Falls for thirtie good shot which from Iames Towne immediatly were sent him but he so well imployed them as they did iust nothing but returned complayning of his childishnesse that with them fled from his company and so left them to their fortunes Master West hauing seated his men at the Falls presently returned to reuisit Iames Towne the President met him by the way as hee followed him to the Falls where hee found this Company inconsiderately seated in a place not only subiect to the Riuers inundation but round inuironed with many intollerable inconueniences For remedy whereof hee sent presently to Powhatan to sell him the place called Powhatan promising to defend him against the Monacans and these should be his conditions with his people to resigne him the Fort and Houses and all that Countrey for a proportion of Copper that all stealing offenders should bee sent him there to receiue their punishment that euery House as a custome should pay him a bushell of Corne for an inch square of Copper and a proportion of Poâ—ones as a yeerely Tribute to King Iames for their protection as a dutie what else they could spare to barter at their best discretion But both this excellent place and those good conditions did those furies refuse contemning both him his kinde care and authoritie the worst they could to shew their spight they did I doe more then wonder to thinke how only with fiue men
little tasted of those great proportions for their prouisions as they of our miseries that notwithstanding euer swayd and ouerruled the businesse though wee did liue as is said three yeeres chiefly of what this good Countrey naturally affordeth yet now had wee beene in Paradice it selfe with those Gouernours it would not haue beene much better with vs yet were there some amongst vs who had they had the gouernment would surely haue kept vs from those extreamities of miseries that in ten dayes more would haue supplanted vs all by death Thus you see the miserable ends of those vsurping Commanders for all their greatnesse Oratory and long being there and what is the want of owne man in Authoritie that is honest and valiant discreet and industrious and how easily that may also be blemished by ambitious indiscretion or what did binder them now in his absence they had not done much better then hee hauing all these aduantages But God that would not it should bee vnplanted sent Sir Thomas Gates and Sir George Summers with one hundred and fiftie men most happily preserued by the Bermudas to preserue vs. But when those noble Knights did see our miseries being strangers in the Countrey and could vnderstand no more of the cause but by their coniecture of our clamours and complaints of accusing or excusing one another they imbarked vs with themselues with the best meanes they could and abandoning Iames Towne set saile for England But yet God would not so haue it for ere wee left the Riuer wee met the Lord de-la-ware then gouernour of the Countrey with three Ships exceeding well furnished with all necessaries fitting who againe returned them to the abandoned Iames Towne the ninth of Iune 1610. accompanied with Sir Ferdinando Waiâ—â—an and diuers other Gentlemen of sort Sir George Sommers and Captaine Argall he presently dispatcheth to repaire to the Bermudas to furnish them with prouision Sir Thomas Gates for England to helpe forward their supplies himselfe neglected not the best was in his power for the furtherance of the businesse and regaining what was lost But euen in the beginning of his proceedings his Lordship had such an incounter that after eight months sicknesse he was forced to saue his life by his returne for England In this time Argall not finding the Bermudas hauing lost Sir George Sâ—mers at sea fell on the coast of Sagadahock where refreshing himselfe he found a conuenient fishing for Cod. With a taste whereof he returned to Iames Towne from whence the Lord De-la-ware sent him to trade in the Riuer of Patawomeck where finding an English boy those people had preserued from the fury of Powhatan by his acquaintance had such good vsage of those kind Sauages that they fraughted his Ship with Corne wherewith he returned to Iames Towne and so for England with the Lord Gouernour yet before his returne the aduenturers had sent Sir Thomas Dale with three Ships men and cattell and all other prouisions necessarie for a yeere all which arriued the tenth of May 1611. Againe to second him with all possible expedition there was prepared for Sir Thomas Gates sixe tall Ships with three hundred men and one hundred Kine with other cattell with munition and all manner of prouision could be thought needfull and they arriued about the first of August next after safely at Iames Towne Sir George Somers all this time was supposed lost but thus it hapned missing the Barmudas hee fell also as did Argall with Sagadahock where being refreshed would not content himselfe with that repulse but returned againe in the search and there safely arriued But ouertoyling himselfe on a surfet died And in this Cedar Ship built by his owne directions and partly with his owne hands that had not in her any Iron but onely one bolt in her Keele yet well endured thus tossed to and againe in this mightie Ocean till with his dead bodie she arriued in England and at Whitchurch in Dorsetshire his body by his friends was honourably buried with mane volies of shot and the rites of a Souldier c. But thus much may serue as the argument of the discourses following and as the Prologue to the Virginian Scene where we will first produce M. Archer after whose succinct narration M. Strachies copious discourse shall feast you with the liuely expression of others miseries and Barmudas happy discouery in Rhetorickes Full sea and spring tide CHAP. V. A Letter of M. GABRIEL ARCHAR touching the Voyage of the Fleet of Ships which arriued at Virginia without Sir THO. GATES and Sir GEORGE SVMMERS 1609. FRom Woolwich the fifteenth of May 1609 seuenth saile weyed anchor and came to Plimmouth the twentieth day where Sir George Somers with two small Vessels consorted with vs. Here we tooke into the Blessing being the ship wherein I went fixe Mares and two Horses and the Fleet layed in some necessaries belonging to the action In which businesse we spent time till the second of lune And then wee set sayle to Sea but crost by South-west windes we put in to Faulemouth and there staying till the eight of Iune we then gate out Our Course was commanded to leaue the Canaries one hundred leagues to the Eastward at least and to steere away directly for Virginia without touching at the West Indies except the Fleet should chance to be separated then they were to repaire to the Bermuda there to stay seuen dayes in expectation of the Admirall and if they found him not then to take their course to Virginia Now thus it happened about sixe dayes after we lost the sight of England one of Sir George Somers Pinnasses left our company and as I take it bare vp for England the rest of the ships viz. The Sea Aduenture Admirall wherein was Sir Thomas Gates Sir George Somer and Captaine Newport The Diamond Vice-admirall wherein was Captaine Ratcliffe and Captaine King The Falcon Reare-admirall in which was Captaine Martin and Master Nellson The Blessing wherein I and Captaine Adams went The Vnitie wherein Captaine Wood and Master Pett were The Lion wherein Captaine Webb remained And the Swallow of Sir George Somers in which Captaine Moone and Master Somer went In the Catch went one Matthew Fitch Master and in the Boat of Sir George Somers called the Virginia which was built in the North Colony went one Captaine Davies and one Master Davies These were the Captatines and Masters of our Fleet. We ran a Southerly course froâ— the Tropicke of Cancer where hauing the Sun within sixe or seuen degrees right ouer our head in Iuly we bore away West so that by the feruent heat and loomes breezes many of our men fell sicke of the Calenture and out of two ships was throwne ouer-boord thirtie two persons The Viceadmirall was said to haue the plague in her but in the Blessing we had not any sicke albeit we had twenty women and children Vpon Saint Iames day being about one hundred
stored with abundance and plentie in England continuall wasting no Husbandry the old store still spent on no order for new prouisions what better could befall vnto the Inhabitants Land-lords and Tenants of that corner then necessarily following cleannesse of teeth famine and death Is it not the sentence and doome of the Wiseman Yet a little sleepe a little slumber and a little folding of the hands to sleepe so thy pouerty commeth as one that trauelleth by the way and thy necessitie like an armed man And with this Idlenesse when some thing was in store all wastfull courses exercised to the heigth and the headlesse multitude some neither of qualitie nor Religion not imployed to the end for which they were sent hither no not compelled since in themselues vnwilling to sowe Corne for their owne bellies nor to put a Roote Herbe c. for their owne particular good in their Gardens or elsewhere I say in this neglect and sensuall Surfet all things suffered to runne on to lie sicke and languish must it be expected that health plentie and all the goodnesse of a well ordered State of necessitie for all this to flow in this Countrey You haue a right and noble heart worthy Lady bee iudge of the truth herein Then suffer it not bee concluded vnto you nor beleeue I beseech you that the wants and wretchednesse which they haue indured ascend out of the pouertie and vilenesse of the Countrey whether bee respected the Land or Riuers the one and the other hauing not only promised but powred enough in their veines to conuince them in such calumnies and to quit those common calamities which as the shadow accompanies the body the precedent neglects touched at if truely followed and wrought vpon What England may boast of hauing the faire hand of husbandry to manure and dresse it God and Nature haue fauourably bestowed vpon this Country and as it hath giuen vnto it both by situation height and soyle all those past hopes assurances which follow our well planted natiue Countrie and others lying vnder the same influence if as ours the Countrey and soyle might be improued and drawne forth so hath it indowed it as is most certaine with many more which England fetcheth farre vnto her from elsewhere For first wee haue experience and euen our eyes witnesse how yong so euer wee are to the Countrie that no Countrey yeeldeth goodlier Corne nor more manifold increase large Fields wee haue as prospects of the same and not farre from our Pallisado Besides wee haue thousands of goodly Vines in euery hedge and Boske running along the ground which yeelde a plentifull Grape in their kinde Let mee appeale then to knowledge if these naturall Vines were planted dressed and ordered by skilfull Vinearoones whether wee might not make a perfect Grape and fruitefull vintage in short time And we haue made triall of our owne English seedes kitchen 〈◊〉 and Rootes and finde them to prosper as speedily as in England Onely let me truely acknowledge they are not an hundreâ— or two of deboist hands dropt forth by yeare after yeare with penury and leisure ill prouâ—ed for before they come and worse to be gouerned when they are here men of such distempeâ—â—d bodies and infected mindes whom no examples daily before their eyes either of goodnesse 〈◊〉 punishment can deterre from their habituall impieties or terrifie from a shamefull death â—hat must be the Carpenters and workemen in this so glorious a building Then let no rumour of the pouerty of the Couâ—â—ry as if in the wombe thereof there lay not those elementall seedes which could produce 〈◊〉 many faire births of plenty and increase and better hopes then any land vnder the heaueâ— to which the Sunne is no neerer a neighbour I say let no imposture rumour nor any fame of â—ome one or a few more changeable actions interposing by the way or at home waue any â—â—ns faire purposes hitherward or wrest them to a declining and falling off from the businesse I will acknowledge deere Lady I haue seene much propensnesse already towards the vnity and generall endeauours how câ—â—tentedly doe such as labour with vs goe forth when men of ranke and quality assist anâ—â—et on their labours I haue seene it and I protest it I haue heard the inferiour people with alacrity of spirit professe that they should neuer refuse to doe their best in the prâ—â—tise of their sciences and knowledges when such worthy and Noble Gentlemen goe â—n and out before them and not onely so but as the occasion shall be offered no â—â—â—e helpe them with their hand then defend them with their Sword And it is to be vnderstood that such as labour are not yet so taxed but that easily they performe the same and e 〈…〉 by tenne of the clocke haue done their Mornings worke at what time they haue theâ— allowances set out ready for them and vntill it be three of the clocke againe they take their owne pleasure and afterwards with the Sunne set their dayes labour is finished In all which courses if the businesse be continued I doubt nothing with Gods fauour towards vs but to see it in time a Countrie an Hauen and a Staple fitted for such a trade as shall aduance assureder increase both to the Aduenturers and free Burgers thereof then any Trade in Christendome or then that euen in her earely dayes when Michael Cauacco the Greeke did first discouer it to our English Factor in Poland which extenus it selfe now from Calpe and Abila to the bottome of Sidon and so wide as Alexandria and all the Ports and Hauens North and South through the Arches to Cio Smyrna Troy the Hellespont and vp to Pompeys Pillar which as a Pharos or watch Tower stands vpon the wondrous opening into the Euxine Sea From the three and twentieth of May vnto the seuenth of Iune our Gouernour attempted and made triall of all the wayes that both his owne iudgement could prompe him in and the aduise of Captaine George Percy and those Gentlemen whom hee found of the Counsell when hee came in as of others whom hee caused to deliuer their knowledges concerning the State and Condition of the Countrey but after much debating it could not appeare how possibly they might preserue themselues reseruing that little which wee brought from the Bermudas in our Shippes and was vpon all occasions to stand good by vs tenne dayes from staruing For besides that the Indians were of themselues poore they were forbidden likewise by their subtile King Powhatan at all to trade with vs and not onely so but to indanger and assault any Boate vpon the Riuer or stragler out of the Fort by Land by which not long before our arriuall our people had a large Boate cut off and diuers of our men killed euen within command of our Blocke-house as likewise they shot two of our people to death after we had bin foure and fiue dayes come in and yet would
her aboord my ship This done an Indian was dispatched to Powhatan to let him know that I had taken his Daughter and if he would send home the Englishmen whom he deteined in slauerie with such armes and tooles as the Indians had gotten and stolne and also a great quantitie of Corne that then he should haue his daughter restored otherwise not This newes much grieued this great King yet without delay he returned the messenger with this answer That he desired me to vse his Daughter well and bring my ship into his Riuer and there he would giue mee my demands which being performed I should deliuer him his Daughter and we should be friends Hauing receiued this answere I presently departed from Patowomeck being the 13. of Aprill and repayred with all speed to Sir T. Gates to know of him vpon what condition he would conclude this peace and what he would demand to whom I also deliuered my prisoner towards whose ransome within few dayes this King sent home seuen of our men who seemed to be very ioyfull for that they were freed from the slauery and feare of cruell murther which they daily before liued in They brought also three pieces one broad Axe and a long Whip-saw and one Canow of Corne. I beeing quit of my prisoner went forward with the Frigat which I had left at Point Comfort and finished her Thus hauing put my ship in hand to be fitted for an intended fishing Uoyage I left that businesse to be followed by my Master with a ginge of men and my Lieutenant fortified on shoare with another ginge to fell timber and cleaue plankes to build a fishing Boat my Ensigne with another ginge was imployed in the Frigat for getting of fish at Cape Charles and transporting it to Henries Towne for the reliefe of such men as were there and my selfe with a fourth ginge departed out of the Riuer in my shallop the first of May for to discouer the East side of our Bay which I found to haue many small Riuers in it and very good harbours for Boats and Barges but not for ships of any great burthen and also great store of Inhabitants who seemed very desirous of on loue and so much the rather because they had receiued good reports from the Indians of Pembrock Riuer of our courteous vsage of them whom I found trading with me for Corne whereof they had great store We also discouered a multitude of Ilands bearing good Medow ground and as I thinke Salt might easily be made there if there were any ponds digged for that I found Salt kerned where the water had ouer-flowne in certaine places Here is also great store of fish both shel-fish and other So hauing discouered along the shore some fortie leagues Northward I returned againe to my ship the twelfth of May and hasted forward my businesse left in hand at my departure and fitted vp my ship and built my fishing Boate and made readie to take the first opportunitie of the wind for my fishing Voyage of which I beseech God of his mercy to blesse vs. CHAP. X. Notes of Virginian Affaires in the gouernment of Sir THOMAS DALE and of Sir THOMAS GATES till Anno 1614. Taken out of Master RALPH HAMOR Secretary to the Colonie his Booke WE found the Colonie at our arriuall there from the Bermudas not liuing aboue threescore persons therein and those scarce able to goe alone of wel-nigh six hundred not full ten monethes before The reason hereof is at hand for formerly when our people were fed out of the common store and laboured ioyntly in the manuring of the ground and planting Corne glad was that man that could slip from his labour nay the most honest of them in a generall businesse would not take so much faithfull and true paines in a weeke as now hee will doe in a day neither cared they for the increase presuming that howsoeuer their haruest prospered the generall store must maintayne them By which meanes we reaped not so much Corne from the labours of thirtie men as three men haue done for themselues To preuent which mischiefe hereafter Sir Thomas Dale hath taken a new course throughout the whole Colonie by which meanes the generall store apparell onely excepted shall not bee charged with any thing and this it is hee hath allotted to euery man in the Colonie three English Acres of cleere Corne ground which euery man is to mature and tend being in the nature of Farmers the Bermuda vndertakers onely excepted and they are not called vnto any seruice or labour belonging to the Colonie more then one moneth in the yeere which shall neither be in Seed time or in Haruest for which doing no other dutie to the Colonie they are yeerely to pay into the store two barrels and a halfe of Corne there to bee reserued to keepe new men which shall bee sent ouer the first yeere after their arriuall and euen by this meanes I dare say our store will bee bountifully furnished to maintayne three or foure hundred men whensoeuer they shall be sent thither to vs. Concerning the vndertaking of the Bermuda Citie a businesse of greatest hope euer begunne in our Territories there their Patent doth apparantly demonstrate vpon what termes and conditions they voluntarily haue vndertaken that imployment The Land is stored with plentie and varietie of wild Beasts Lions Beares Deere of all sorts onely differing from ours in their increase hauing vsuall three or foure Fawnes at a time none that I haue seene or heard off vnder two the reason whereof some of our people ascribe to the vertue of some grassie or herbe which they eate because our Goates oftentimes bring forth three and most of them two for my part I rather impute their fecundire to the Prouidence of God who for euery mouth prouideth meate and if this increase were not the Naturals would assuredly starue for of the Deere they kill as doe we Beefes in England all the yeere long neither sparing young nor olde no not the Does readie to fawne nor the young Fawnes if but two dayes olde Beauers Otters Foxes Racounes almost as bigge as a Foxe as good meate as a Lambe Hares wild Cats Muske Rats Squirrels flying and other of three or foue sorts Apossumes of the bignesse and likenesse of a Pigge of a moneth old a beast of as strange incredible nature she hath commonly seuen young ones sometimes more and sometimes lesse which at her pleasure till they be a moneth old or more shee tateth vp into her belly and putteth forth againe without hurt to her selfe or them Of each of these beasts the Lion excepted my selfe haue many times eaten and can testifie that they are not onely tastefull but also wholsome and nourishing food There are fowle of diuers sorts Eagles wild Turkeyes much bigger then our English Cranes Herons white and russet Hawkes wilde Pidgeons in Winter beyond number or imagination my selfe haue seene three or foure
at the Church a little within Ludgate London SIR IT was the nineteenth of May before I was fitted for my discouery when from Monahiggan I set sayle in an open Pinnace of fiue tun for the Iland I told you of I passed alongst the Coast where I found some antient Plantations not long since populous now vtterly void in other places a remnant remaines but not free of sicknesse Their disease the Plague for wee might perceiue the sores of some that had escaped who described the spots of such as vsually die When I arriued at my Sauages natiue Country finding all dead I trauelled alongst adaies iourney Westward to a place called Nummastaquyt where finding Inhabitants I dispatched a Messenger a dayes iourney further West to Poconaokit which bordereth on the Sea whence came to see me two Kings attended with a guard of fiftie armed men who being well satisfied with that my Sauage and I discoursed vnto them being desirous of noueltie gaue mee content in whasoeuer I demanded where I found that former relations were true Here I redeemed a Frenchman and afterwards another at Mastachusit who three yeeres since escaped shipwracke at the North-east of Cape Cod. I must amongst many things worthy obseruation for want of leisure therefore hence I passe not mentioning any place where we touched in the way to the Iland which wee discouered the twelfth of Iune Here we had good quarter with the Sauages who likewise confirmed former reports I found seuen seuerall places digged sent home of the earth with samples of other commodities elsewhere found sounded the Coast and the time being farre spent bare vp for Monahiggan arriuing the three and tieth of Iune where wee found our Ship ready to depart To this I le are two other neere adioyning all which I called by the name of King Iames his Iles because from thence I had the first motiues to search For that now probable passage which may hereafter be both honourable and profitable to his Maiestie When I had dispatched with the ships ready to depart I thus concluded for the accomplishing my businesse In regard of the fewnesse of my men not being able to leaue behind mee a competent number for defence and yet sufficiently furnish my selfe I put most of my prouisions aboord the Sampson of Cape Ward ready bound for Virginia from whence hee came taking no more into the Pinnace then I thought might serue our turnes determining with Gods helpe to search the Coast along and at Virginia to supply our selues for a second discouery if the first failed But as the best actions are commonly hardest in effecting and are seldome without their crosses so in this we had our share and met with many difficulties for wee had not sayled aboue forty leagues but wee were taken with a Southerly storme which draue vs to this strait eyther we must weather a rockie point of Land or run into a broad Bay no lesse dangerous Incidit in Syllam c. the Rockes wee could not weather though wee loosed till we receiued much water but at last were forced to beare vp for the Bay and run on ground a furlong off the shoare where we had beene beaten to pieces had wee not instantly throwne ouerboord our prouisions to haue our liues by which meanes we escaped and brought off our Pinnace the next high water without hurt hauing our Planke broken and a small leake or two which we easily mended Being left in this misery hauing lost much bread all our Beefe and Sider some Meale and Apparell with other prouisions and necessaries hauing now little left besides hope to encourage vs to persist Yet after a little deliberation we resolued to proceed and departed with the next faire winde We had not now that faire quarter amongst the Sauages as before which I take it was by reason of our Sauages absence who desired in regard of our long iourney to slay with some of our Sauage friends at Sawahquatooke for now almost euery where where they were of any strength they sought to betray vs. At Manamock the Southerne part of Cape Cod now called Sutcliffe Inlets I was vnawares taken prisoner when they sought to kill my men which I left to man the Pinnace but missing of their purpose they demanded a ransome which had I was as farre from libertie as before yet it pleased God at last after a strange manner to deliuer me with three of them into my hands and a little after the chiefe Sacheum himselfe who seeing me weigh anchor would haue leaped ouerboord but intercepted craued pardon and sent for the Hatchets giuen for ransome excusing himselfe by laying the fault on his neighbours and to be friends sent for a Canoas lading of Corne which receiued we set him free I am loth to omit the story wherein you would finde cause to admire the great mercy of God euen in our greatest misery in giuing vs both freedome and reliefe at one time Departing hence the next place we arriued at was Capaock an Iland formerly discouered by the English where I met with Epinew a Sauage that had liued in England and speakes indifferent good English who foure yeeres since being carried home was reported to haue beene slaine with diuers of his Countreymen by Saylers which was false With him I had much conference who gaue mee very good satisfaction in euery thing almost I could demand Time not permitting mee to search here which I should haue done for sundry things of speciall moment the wind faire I stood away shaping my course as the Coast led mee till I came to the most Westerly part where the Coast began to fall away Southerly In my way I discouered Land about thirtie leagues in length heretofore taken for Mayne where I feared I had beene imbayed but by the helpe of an Indian I got to the Sea againe through many crooked and streight passages I let passe many accidents in this iourney occasioned by treacherie where wee were compelled twice to goe together by the eares once the Sauages had great aduantage of vs in a streight not aboue a Bowe shot and where a multitude of Indians let flye at vs from the banke but it pleased God to make vs victours neere vnto this wee found a most dangerous Catwract amongst small rockie Ilands occasioned by two vnequall tydes the one ebbing and flowing two houres before the other here wee lost an Anchor by the strength of the current but found it deepe enough from hence were wee carried in a short space by the tydes swiftnesse into a great Bay to vs so appearing but indeede is broken land which gaue vs light of the Sea here as I said the Land treadeth Southerly In this place I talked with many Saluages who told me of two sundry passages to the great Sea on the West offered me Pilots and one of them drew mee a Plot with Chalke vpon a Chest whereby I found it a great Iland parted the two Seas they report the one
on the Woods so as the fire might run halfe a mile or more before it were extinct Euery man in the Countrey was enioyned to set twelue Traps and some of their owne accord set neere a hundred which they visited twice or thrice in a night Wee trayned vp our Dogs to hunt them wherein they grew so expert that a good Dog in two or three houres space would kill fortie of fiftie Rats and other meanes we vsed to destroy them but could not preuaile finding them still to increase against vs. And this was the principall cause of that great distresse whereunto wee were driuen in the first planting of the Countrey for these deuouring the fruits of the earth kept vs destitute of bread a yeere or two so that when wee had it afterwardes againe wee were so weaned from it that wee should easily neglect and forget to eate it with our meat We were also destitute at that time of Boats and other prouision for fishing And moreouer Master Moore had receiued warning from England that hee should expect the Spaniard that yeere yet they came not but with two ships attempting to come in and hauing their Boat before them to sound the way were shot at by the said Master Moore from Kings Castle and as we supposed one of them stricken through wherevpon they presently departed But as I say this expectation of them caused vs though in great necessitie to hasten the fortifications of the Countrey All these ioyntly but principally the Rats were the causes of our distresse for being destitute of food many dyed and wee all became very feeble and weake whereof some being so would not others could not stir abroad to seeke reliefe but dyed in their houses such as went abroad were subiect through weaknesse to bee suddenly surprized with a disease we called the Feages which was neither paine nor sicknesse but as it were the highest degree of weaknesse depriuing vs of power and abilitie for the execution of any bodily exercise whether it were working walking or what else Being thus taken if there were any in company that could minister any reliefe they would straightwayes recouer otherwise they dyed there Yet many after a little rest would be able to walke again and then if they found any succour were saued About this time or immediately before came thither a company of Rauens which continued with vs all the time of this mortalitie and then departed There were not before that time nor since so far as I heare any more of them seene there And this with some other reasons of more moment moued many to thinke that there was some other Ilands neere the Sommer Ilands betweene Uirginia and it and M. Moore in his time with some other of vs went forth in a Boat so far as then wee could conuemently of purpose to discouer it Since then it hath beene endeauoured by other and is yet as I heare to be further attempted And howsoeuer I am perswaded for certaine causes which I cannot here relate there is no such thing Yet would I not disanimate any from this enterprise for if they find any their labours will be well recompenced and though they find none yet might they discouer those parts so well that the passage to and from Virginia would be more safe and easie But to returne from whence wee haue digressed The extremitie of our distresse began to abate a little before M. Moores time of gouernment was expired partly by supplies out of England of victualland prouision for fishing and partly by that rest and libertie we then obtained the Countrey being fortified Yet the Rats encreased and continued almost to the end of Captaine Tuckers time although hee was prouident and industrious to destroy them but toward the end of his time it pleased God by what meanes it is not wel known to take them away insomuch that the wilde Cats and many Dogs which liued on them were famished and many of them leauing the Woods came downe to the houses and to such places where they vse to garbish their Fish and became tame Some haue attributed this destruction of them to the encrease of wild Cats but that 's not likely they should be so suddenly encreased rather at that time then in the foure yeeres before And the chiefe occasion of this supposition was because they saw such companies of them leaue the Woods and shew themselues for want of food Others haue supposed it to come to passe by the coolnesse of the weather which notwithstanding is neuer so great there as with vs in March nor scarce as it is in April except it be in the wind besides the Rats wanted not feathers of young Birds and Chickens which they daily killed and of Palmeto Mosse as wee call it to build themselues warme nests out of the wind as vsually they did Neither doth it appeare that the cold was so mortall to them seeing they would ordinarily swim from place to place and be very fat euen in the midst of Winter It remaineth then that as we know God doth sometimes effect his will without subordinate and secondary causes and sometimes against them So wee need not doubt but that in the speedy encrease and spreading of these Vermine as also in the preseruation of so many of vs by such weake meanes as we then enioyed and especially in the sudden remouall of this great annoyance there was ioyned with and besides the ordinary and manifest meanes a more immediate and secret worke of God Now to proceed M. Moores time of gouernment being expired Capt. Tucker succeeded arriuing there about mid-May 1616. who likewise gouerned according to the custome three yeeres which time hee spent for the most part in husbandring the Countrey planting and nourishing all such things as were found fit either for trade or for the sustentation and vse of the Inhabitants wherein hee trauelled with much diligence and good successe sending to some parts of the Indies for Plants and Fruâ—ts hee also adâ—ed to the Fortifications and made some Inclosures In his time viz. in the yeere 1617. was sent a Ship and prouision with men of skill for the killing of Whales but they arriued there too late to wit about the midst of April so that before they could make ready their Shallops and fit themselues the principall season for Whale-fishing was past For the Whale come thither in Ianuary and depart againe toward the latter end of May Yet they strook some but found them so liuely swift fierce after they were stricken that they could take none They yeeld great store of Oyle as appeared by one that draue to shoare on Sommerset Iland in Sandys Tribe and by another that we found not far from thence dead vpon a Rocke I also receiued by Captaine Tucker directions from the Aduenturers to diuide the Countrey and to assigne to each Aduenturer his shares or portion of Land and withall a description with notes touching the manner how they
chosen Gouernour till further order came from London The Wormes before mentioned are still troublesome and make them morning workes to kill them Caterpillers are pernicious to their fruits and Land Crabs are as thicke in some places as Conies in a Warren and doe much harme A Ship in which had beene much swearing and blaspheming vsed all the voyage perished the companies negligence iovially frolicking in their cups and Tobacco hauing landed certaine goods by accident the Powder fired and blew vp the great Cabbin some were taken vp in the Sea liuing in miserable torments eighteene were lost with this fatall blast the Ship also sunke with sixtie Barrells of Meale sent for Virginia and her other prouisions lost The Company haue sent Captaine Woodhouse in a Ship called the Tigre for that gouernment a man much commended and hopefull I haue beene told that there are three thousand persons of all sorts liuing there halfe of which number is able to beare Armes and exercised to that seruice CHAP. XIX Briefe intelligence from Virginia by Letters a supplement of French-Virginian Occurrants and their supplantation by Sir SAMVEL ARGAL in right of the English Plantation THe late alteration of Virginia Gouernment is vnknowne to none and most know of the frequent complaints both by priuate Letters and by Petitions to his Maiesty Now least any should hereupon thinke Virginia to be vnworthy of such our care and cost I haue out of one of the Planters priuate Letters transcribed a few words of grieuances and yet a magnifying of the Country that the English may be more blamed for want of Prouidence then the Region for defect of Natures best gifts Other things I could alleadge from others but my meaning is to amend things not to quarrell them and to awaken the care of good men rather then to recite the faults of the bad In one Letter dated Dec. 22. last past he hath these words The intollerable rates we pay here for commodities as ten pound sterling a hogshead of Meale sixteen shillings a gallon of Alligant three pound sterling a Henne and eight Chickens c. and so according to these rates for euery thing else lastly the heauy taxations that are laid vpon vs free men for building of Castles paying of publique debts for the not gathering of Sasafras c. so that it will come to my share with that that is paid and that that is to pay in Corne and Tobacco to at least twenty or fiue and twenty pound sterling this yeere so that when I haue paid this and paid my faithlesse seruants their wages I shal scarse haue good Tobacco enough left to buy my selfe for the next yeer a pint of Aquauitae c. Thus you see I neither warrant nor except against the truth but present the worst quarelled paralelled with the best complaints of great prizes of things not arising from plenty of money as you reade before in the conquest of Peru but from I know not what ill habit and indisposition of that Colony And least any man should withdraw his heart hand or purse therefore from that worthy work I haue out of the same mans Letters deliuered a commendation of the Countrey The Letters were written and dated 22. March 1624. and containe for substance none other then what before you haue read in others yet are more sutable to this time and purpose as later newes and fitter directories to the Phisitians of that Estate that at last the English honour may be vindicated against so base perils from Sauages and baser quarrels from and amongst our owne God prosper his Maiesties care and make those which are therein emploied not to seeke their owne good by hasty returnes much lesse other their fellow aduenturers euill by calumnies and vnderminings but Virginias prosperity of which Natures prosperity is thus related by one querulous of his owne losses and crosses His words are these Now concerning the state of the Country so much as I haue obserued I will relate vnto you First the Countrie it selfe I must confesse is a very pleasant Land rich in Commodities and fertile in soyle to produce all manner of Plants Hearbes and Fruites I haue seene here my selfe both Carrets Turneps Cabages Onyons Leekes Garlicke Tyme Parseley Pompions Muskmilion and Watermilions rare fruits and exceeding wholesome here are also Strawberries I haue lien downe in one place in my Corne field and in the compasse of my reach haue filled my belly in the place and for Mulberries I can when I list goe and gather a bushell at a time here is also a coole Fruite growing wildely on the ground much resembling a great Walnut with the greene rinde on it which reserues in it three admirable good tastes namely of Strawberries Rosewater and Sugar they were an exceeding great comfort to me in my last yeeres sicknesse and are admirable good against the bloudly fluxe English Wheate and Barley will grow here exceeding well I haue seene here growing as good English Wheate as euer I saw in England in all my life For Timber we haue the Oake Ashe Poplar blacke Walnut white Walnut Pines Gumme trees the Pines here afford admirable good Pitch and Tarre and serue split out in small peeces in many places of this Land instead of Candles but it will smeare one worse then a Linke here are also Peare trees which yearely bring forth Peares But there is a tree that passeth all Fruite trees which we call by the names of a Prissurmon tree which beareth a Plum much about the bignesse of a Peare plum I doe thinke it is one of the rarest Fruites in the world when they are ripe they eate naturally of themselues from the tree better then any preserued Plummes I euer tasted in England The Beasts that this Land is plentifully stored withall are Deere Beares in some parts Beauers Otters Foxes Hares Squirrels Roccounes Possucins names strange to you yet are they singular good meate the Roccouns tasting as well as Pigges flesh Indian Dogges here are as good meate with vs as your English Lambe English Cattell here increase and thriue very well as Kine Hogges Goates and Poultry Fowle here are abundance as Swans Brants Geese Turkies Herons Cranes Eagles fishing Hawkes Bussards Ducke and Mallard Sheldrake Dapchicke Partriches Pidgeons Crowes Blacke-birds and all manner of small Birds in abundance Our Riuers here are likewise rich by the abundance of Fish as Herings Shads Perch Eele Pike Carpe Cat-fish Rock-fish Gor-fish and Sturgeon If here were any that would make fishing for Sturgeon an occupation they might take inough to furnish this Land and also plentifully supply England I my selfe haue seene aboue twenty Sturgeon leape aboue water in lesse then two houres As for our Graine I thinke it produceth the plentifullest encrease of any Corne in the World for I haue seene one graine of Corne that by the assistance of growth and time hath yeelded a pint of Corne we haue here also Beanes and Pease I confesse here are
left fifteene men to keepe possession furnished with prouision for two yeeres A. 1587. Sir Walter Raleigh sent a new Colony of one hundred fifty persons with three saile a Ship of one hundred and twenty Tuns a Fly-boat and a Pinnace Hee appointed twelue Assistants to the Gouernour and incorporated them by the name of Gouernour and Assistants of the Citie of Raleigh in Virginia To these Sir Walter Raleigh sent succour fiue seuerall times the last by Samuel Mace 1602. An. 1603. the Bristow men sent thither by leaue of Sir Walter Raleigh in which Expedition was Master Robert Saltern who the yeere before had beene with Cap. Bart. Gosnold And thus are wee come to the beginning of his Maiesties gracious raigne when the North and South Plantations were by new Patents eagerly pursued the one from hence the other from the West parts of England Mawooshen and other parts were many yeeres visited by our men and An. 1607. a Plantation setled at Sagadahoc by two Ships sent by that wise and seuere Iustice Sir Iohn Popham and others the successe whereof hath been such that from the North Plantation it hath beene dignified with the Title of New England And for the Southerne parts A. 1606. a Colony went from hence set forth by the Virginia Company which haue euer since maintained their Plantation in differing fortunes As for the former Plantations of Sir Walter Raleigh some children were borne to them there and whether they liue they continued the possession or if the Sauages dealt perfidiously with them as Powhatan confessed to Cap. Smith that hee had beene at their slaughter and had diuers vtensills of theirs to shew their carkasses the dispersed bones of their and their Countrey mens since murthered carkasses haue taken a mortall immortall possession and being dead speake proclaime and cry This our earth is truly English and therefore this Land is iustly yours O English Thus haue we discouered the English right by Discouery Possession Praescription to which we may adde that none other Nation hath once aduentured to settle in those parts nor scarce to view them yea the French and Spanish Plantations in Florida Virginias Southerne neighbour soone ended in bloudy massacres the Spanish cruelly murthering the French vnder the conduct of Pedro Melendes which An. 1567. was repaid them by Dominique de Gorgues the acquittance written with his sword in Spanish bloud Florida euer since expecting ciuilizing from her first discouerers the English which is further ratified by the former Spanish disasters in the Expeditions of Pamphilo di Nauarez 1527. and of Solo 1537. into Florida which two iourneyes consumed neere one thousand men therein imployed besides other Expeditions of Ponce de Leon and others mentioned by Uega and the Spanish Authors Now for voluntary subiection of the Natiues giuing themselues and their lands to the Crown of England M. Ralph Lane hath testified for the first Colonie that Menatonon their King by his Messenger with him twentie foure principal men sent from Okisko King of Weopomiok his Vassall formally acknowledged Her Maiesty as seruants and homagers to her and vnder her to Sir W. R. For the last Plantation by the present Patent of His Maiesty Paspehay one of their Kings sold vs land for Copper and Powhatan the chiefe Lord of all the Sauages with thirty nine Werowances haue yeelded to more then formes and circumstances of homage besides contribution hauing also actually sold for Copper by him receiued of Cap. Iohn Smith and made voluntary cession of as much as the English desired going away with his people to leaue it to the English onely This purchase was much increased by Sir Thomas Dale and for whatsoeuer else which he held hee accepted a Copper Crowne as Vassall to His Maiesty which also hee really performed for a time howsoeuer since they haue beene perfidious And this perfidiousnesse of theirs hath further warranted the English Title Temperance and Iustice had before kissed each other and seemed to blesse the cohabitations of English and Indians in Virginia But when Virginia was violently rauished by her owne ruder Natiues yea her Virgin cheekes dyed with the bloud of three Colonies that of Sir R. Greenevile that of Sir W. R. both confessed by themselues and this last butchery intended to all extended to so many hundreths with so immaine inhumane dâ—uillish treachery that I speake not of thousands otherwise mis-caring here and mis-carrying there taking possession of Uirginia by their facts and fates by so manifold losses adding to the price of Virginias purchase Temperance could not temper her selfe yea the stupid Earth seemes distempered with such bloudy potions and cries that shee is ready to spue out her Inhabitants Iustice cryeth to GOD foe vengeance and in his name adiureth Prudence and Fortitude to the execution The Holy Patriarks had a promise of Canaan yet held no possession but with their dead bodies Ioseph by faith gaue charge concerning his bones Virginia by so many rights naturalized English by first discouery actuall possession chargeable continuation long prescription voluntary subiection deliuery of seisin naturall inheritance of English there borne reall sale legall cession regall vassallage disloyall treason hath now confiscated whatsoeuer remainders of right the vnnaturall Naturalls had and made both them and their Countrey wholly English prouoking vs if wee bee our owne not base degenerate vnworthy the name of English so that wee shall not haue any thing left like Dauids Embassadors which thus abused brought their Master a iust title to Ammon purchased by their disgraces to couer our nakednesse till Virginia couer reward inrich vs with a totall subiection at lest if not a fatall reuenge And thus much for our right which God hath giuen vs whose Virginian tribute is his glory that hee may indeed be Alpha and Omega as hath beene said of the Virginian Plantation which if it hath not satisfied the expectation hitherto no doubt that defect hath in great part proceeded from this The end of a thing is the beginning being first in intention though last in execution the end which Christians ought to ayme at is God Doing all things in the name of our Lord Iesus Christ to the glory of God the Father by the gracious guide and assistance of the Holy Ghost Glory is Frequens de aliquo fama cum laude And heereby is our Father glorified sayeth Christ if yee bring forth much fruite and so shall yee be my Disciples Loe here the scope of Christians Plantations to plant Christianity to produce and multiply Christians by our words and works to further the knowledge of God in his Word and Workes The workes of God glorifie their Creator The Heauens saith Dauid declare the glory of God c. I will triumph in the workes of thy hands O Lord how great are thy workes and thy thoughts are very deepe A bruitish man knoweth not neither doth a foole vnderstand this All creatures
are inuited to praise the name of the Lord for hee hath commanded and they were created How much more should the tongue of man be the Pen of a readie writer and as it is called The glory of the man so imploy it selfe in setting forth the glory of God in his Workes of Creation Prouidence Redemption God is a Glorious Circle whose Center is euery where his circumference no where himselfe to himselfe is Circle and Circumference the Ocean of Entitie that very vbique from whom to whom the Centre of vnitie all diuersified lines of varietie issue and returne And although we euery where feele his present Deitie yet the difference of heauenly climate and influence causing such discording concord of dayes nights seasons such varietie of meteors elements aliments such noueltie in Beasts Fishes Fowles such luxuriant plentie and admirable raritie of Trees Shrubs Hearbs such fertilitie of soyle insinuation of Seas multiplicitie of Riuers safetie of Ports healthfulnesse of ayre opportunities of habitation materialls for action obiects for contemplation haps in present hopes of future worlds of varietie in that diuersified world doe quicken our mindes to apprehend whet our tongues to declare and fill both with arguments of diuine praise On the other side considering so good a Countrey so bad people hauing little of Humanitie but shape ignorant of Ciuilitie of Arts of Religion more brutish then the beasts they hunt more wild and vnmanly then that vnmanned wild Countrey which they range rather then inhabite captiuated also to Satans tyranny in foolish pieties mad impieties wicked idlenesse busie and bloudy wickednesse hence haue wee fit obiects of zeale and pitie to deliuer from the power of darknesse that where it was said Yee are not my people they may bee called the children of the liuing God that Iustice may so proceed in rooting out those murtherers that yet in iudgement imitating Gods deâ—ling with vs wee may remember Mercy to such as their owne innocence shall protect and Hope shall in Charitie iudge capable of Christian Faith And let men know that hee which conuerteth a sinner from the errour of his way shall saue a soule from death and shall hide a multitude of sinnes And Sauiours shall thus come on Mount Zion to iudge the Mount of Esau and the Kingdome of Virginia shall be Lord. Thus shall wee at once ouercome both Men and Deuills and espouse Virginia to one husband presenting her as a chast Uirgin to Christ. If the eye of Aduenturers were thus single how soone and all the body should be light But the louing our selues more then God hath detained so great blessings from vs to Virginia and from Virginia to vs. Godlinesse hath the promises of this life and that which is to come And if wee be carefull to doe Gods will he will be ready to doe ours All the rich endowments of Uirginia her Virgin-portion from the creation nothing lessened are wages for all this worke God in wisedome hauing enriched the Sauage Countries that those riches might be attractiues for Christian suters which there may sowe spirituals and reape temporals But what are those riches where we heare of no Gold nor Siluer and see more impouerished here then thence enriched and for Mines we heare of none but Iron Iron mindes Iron age of the world who gaue Gold or Siluer the Monopoly of wealth or made them the Almighties fauorites Precious perils specious punishments whose originall is neerest hell whose house is darknesse which haue no eye to see the heauens nor admit heauens eye guilty malefactors to see them neuer produced to light but by violence and conuinced vpon records written in bloud the occasioners of violence in the World which haue infected the surface of their natiue earth with deformity and sterility these Mines being fit emblemes of mindes couetous stored with want and euer wanting their owne store her bowels with darknesse damps deaths causing trouble to the neighbour Regions and mischiefe to the remotest Penurious mindes Is there no riches but Gold Mines Are Iron Mines neglected reiected for hopes of Siluer What and who else is the Alchymist and impostor which turnes the World and Men and all into Iron And how much Iron-workes in Warres and Massacres hath American Gold and Siluer wrought thorow all Christendome Neither speake I this as if our hopes were blasted and growne deplorate and desperate this way the Country being so little searched and the remote in-land-Mountaines vnknowne but to shew the fordid tincture and base alloy of these Mine-mindes Did not the Spanish Iron tell me you that contemne Iron-mines draw to it the Indian Siluer and Gold I will not be a Prophet for Spaine from Virginia But I cannot forget the wily apophthegme of the Pilots Boy in the Cacafuego a great Ship laden with treasure taken in the South Sea by Sir Francis Drake who seeing the English Ordnance command such treasure from the Spanish Cacafuego Our Ship said he shall be called the Cacaplata and the English may be named the Cacafuego I will not be so vnmannerly to giue you the homely English it is enough that English Iron brought home the Spanish-Indian Siluer and Gold But let vs consult with the wisest Councellour Canaan Abrahams promise Israels inheritance type of heauen and ioy of the earth What were her riches were they not the Grapes of Eshcol the balme of Gilead the Cedary neighbourhood of Libanus the pastury vale of Ierieho the dewes of heauen fertility of soile temper of climat the flowing not with Golden Sands but with Milke and Hony necessaries and pleasures of life not bottomelesse gulfes of lust the commodious scituation for two Seas and other things like in how many inferiour to this of Virginia What golden Country euer nourished with her naturall store the hundreth part of men in so small a proportion of earth as Dauid there mustered being 1100000. of Israel and 500000. of Iuda not reckoning the Tribes of Leui and Beniamin all able men for warres And after him in a little part of that little Iehoshaphat More I dare say then the Spaniards can finde in one hundred times so much of their Mine lands and choose their best in Peru New Spaine and the Ilands the Scriptures containing an infallible muster-booke of 1160000. able Souldiers in his small territories That then is the richest Land which can feede most men Man being a mortall God the best part of the best earth and visible end of the visible World What remarkeable Gold or Siluer Mines hath France Belgia Lumbardy or other the richest peeces of Europe what hath Babylonia Mauritania or other the best of Asia and Africke What this our fertile Mother England Aske our late Trauellers which saw so much of Spaine the most famous part of Europe for Mynes of old and inriched with the Mynes of the New World if an Englishman needs to enuy a Spaniard or prefer a Spanish life and happinesse to his owne Their old
Mynes made them the seruants of Rome and Carthage and what their Mynes and mindes doe now I leaue them to others Once as the Mynes are in barrennest soyle and couetous men haue least euen when they are had of most money medijs vt Tantalus vndis so I haue heard that in Spaine is lesse Gold and Siluer then in other parts of Europe I dare not mention the proportions from both Spanish and English relation their vsuall money also to meddle with no more is of base mettall and their greatest summes computed by Marauedis lesse then our later tokens except which deuised for poorer vses of the poorest England of long time knowes no base monyes and hath seene plentie of Siluer and Gold of Wine and Oyle which grow not in her when Spaine which produceth these is fed with salads and drinketh water helped now and then with Hogges-kinne vnsauoury Wine The Indian Fountaines runne with golden and siluer streames sic vos non vobis not to themselues but into that Spanish Cisterne and these Cisternes are like those of the London Water-house which hath the Conduit Pipes alway open in the bottome so that a thousand other Cisternes hold more water then it so may it be said of the other it is not Concha but Canalis a Pipe rather then Cisterne a Cash-keeper rather then Owner and which is spoken of better things remaining poore makes many rich To proceed are not Myners the most miserable of Slaues toyled continually and vnto manifold deaths tired for others in bringing to light those Treasures of darknesse and liuing if they liue or if that bee a life in the suburbs of Hell to make others dreame of Heauen Yea Paradise the modell of heauen had in it no Minerals nor was Adam in his innocency or Noah after the Worlds recouery both Lords of all employed in Mines but in those happy workes which Uirginia inuiteth England vnto in Vines Gardening and Husbandry Neither let any man thinke that I pleade against the sourenesse of the Grapes like the Foxe which could not reach them but I seriously shew that they are calues and not men which adore the golden Calfe or Nabuchadnezzars great golden statue as if the body were not more then raiment and those things to be preferred to money for whose sake mony the creature of man base Idolatry where the Creator worships his creature was first ordained and still hath both vse and being Doe we not see in this respect that the Silkes Calicos Drugges and Spices of the East swallow vp not to mention the Belgian whirlepoole all the Mines of the West and that one Carricke carrieth more Rials thither then perhaps some whole Region in Spaine retaineth for vulgar vse And whence are English Portugals or Dutchmen fitted for that commerce as if America had ominously for other iust reason there is none beene called India as if the West were but drudge and factor for the East And what hath dispeopled the New World not leauing in some places one of Millions but Auri sacra fames others killing them in the Mines or they killing themselues to preuent the Mines Let it be riches enough that Sir Thomas Dale testified by Letters from thence and after his returne to me that foure of the best Kingdomes of Christendome were not for naturall endowments comparable to Virginia and which I haue heard of one which hath trauelled in all the best Regions of Europe and hath seene more of Virginia then perhaps any man else and which needes not speake for any gaine there or thence gotten as no reputed fauourite or fauourer of that Society and their actions that he hath seene no Country to be preferred for soile nor for commodious Riuers to be compared And if successe hath not beene correspondent to English hopes who seeth not the causes of those diseasters Diuision that taile-headed Amphisbana and many-headed monster deformed issue of that difformed old Serpent in some of the Colony there CoÌ„pany here hath from time to time thrust in her forged venomous tongue wherby they haue swolne with deadly poison of great thoughts of heart onely by pride doe men make contention with blinde-staring eyes of self-loue abounding in their own sense whence suspicions iealousies factions partialities to friends and dependants wilfull obstinacies and other furious passions haue transported men from Uirginias good and their owne Couetousnesse hath distorted others to minde earth and not heauen in hastinesse of more then speedy returne and present gaine forgetting that Godlinesse is the best gaine and that they are planting a Colony not reaping a haruest for a publike and not but in subordinate order priuate wealth A long time Uirginia was thought to be much encombered with Englands excrements some vicious persons as corrupt leuin sowring or as plague sores infecting others and that Colony was made a Port Exquiline for such as by ordure or vomit were by good order and physicke worthy to be euacuated from This Body whence not only lazie drones did not further the Plantation but wicked Waspes with sharking and the worst that is beggerly tyrants frustrated and supplanted the labours of others Caelum non animum mutant qui trans mare currunt A prodigious Prodigall here is not easily metamorphosed in a Virginian passage to a thrifty Planter nor can there neede wiser choise or more industrious course in any vndertaking then is requisite in a Christian Colonies plantation amongst Infidels Which I suppose hath beene carefully by many Aduenturers practised and whatsoeuer faults happened by ignorance in the beginnings neglect of seasons riot slâ—ath occasionall wants of or in Gouernours or Gouernment abuses of Mariners trechery of Fugitiues and Sauages and other diseases which haue in part attended all new Plantatâ—ons and consumed many experience I hope by this time hath taught to preuent or remedy The late barbarous Massacre hinc illa lachrymâ— still bleedeth and when things were reported to be in better forwardnesse then euer in great part blasted those hopefull blossomes di 〈…〉 ointed the proceedings in the Iron workes Vineyards Mulberry plants and in sudden shifts for life exposed them to manifold necessities insomuch that many of the Principals being slain the rest surprised with feare reduced themselues almost from eighty to eight Plantations whereby pestered with multitude and destitute of Corne and other forsaken necessaries they incurred a grieuous and generall sicknesse which being increased by infection of some passengers tainted in their Ship-passage with corrupt Beere there followed a mortality which consumed about fiue hundred persons besides three hundred and fifty or thereabouts murthered in that Sauage-Massacre All which notwithstanding there remaine some haue if truely calculated and coniectured eighteene hundred persons for whose security and prouision it hath pleased his Maiesty to haue a Royall care as lâ—kewise the Honorable Lords of his Maiesties priuy Councell besides the honorable endeuours of the Councell and well affected members of that Society
which God almighty the great Founder of Colonies prosper Now that I may shew Virginia worthy those princely honorable and industrious thoughts I haue aduentured briefely to point out rather then to paint out her beauty and attractiue ornaments First Religion as is before obserued inuiteth vs there to seeke the Kingdome of God first and all other things shall be ministred to vs and added as aduantage to the bargaine seeke the Kingdome of God and see an earthly Kingdome in recompence as the earnest and the heauenly Kingdome for our full paiment Of glorifying God in his word and workes in this designe is already spoken Secondly Humanity and our common Nature forbids to turne our eyes from our owne flesh yea commands vs to loue our neighbours as our selues and to play the good Samaritan with these our neighbours though of another Nation and Religion as the wounded Iew was to him to recouer them if it be possible as by Religion from the power of Sathan to God so by humanity and ciuility from Barbarisme and Sauagenesse to good manners and humaine polity Thirdly the Honour of our Nation enioyneth vs not basely to loose the glory of our forefathers acts which here haue beene shewed in King Henry the seuenth King Henry the eight King Edward the sixt and Queene Elizabeths times all which illustrated their names by Discouery of Realmes remote vnknowne parts and ports and the first first of all Kings and the last holding to the last Discouering and possessing these and leauing them as iust inheritance to his Maiesty What shame to a degenerate posterity to loose so honorable a claime and gaine yea to neglect that which many English haue purchased with doing and suffering so much and not with their sweate alone their care and cost but with their deerest bloud and manifold deaths Fourthly wee may reckon the Honour of our King and his Royall posterity to which in time Uirginia may performe as much with equall manuring as euer Britannia and Ireland could promise when first they became knowne to the then ciuiller World And were not comparisons odious I am sure I heard Sir Thomas Dale confidently and seriously exulting in priuate conference with me in the hopes of future greatnesse from Virginia to the English Crowne And if the wise King wisely said the honour of a King is in the multitude of his Subiects loe here the way to preserue employ encrease them and for his Maiesty to reach his long royall armes to another World The Roman Empire sowed Roman Colonies thorow the World as the most naturall and artificiall way to win and hold the World Romaine Fifthly the honour of the Kingdome thus growing and multiplying into Kingdomes that as Scotland and England seeme sisters so Virginia New England New found Land in the Continent already planted in part with English Colonies together with Bermuda and other Ilands may be the adopted and legall Daughters of England An honorable designe to which Honor stretcheth her faire hand the fiue fingers whereof are adorned with such precious Rings each enriched with inualuable Iewels of Religion Humanity Inheritance the King the Kingdome 〈◊〉 Honos alit artes omnesque incenduntur ad studia gloria And if Honour hath preuailed with honorable and higher spirits we shall come laden with arguments of profit to presse meaner hands and hearts to the seruice of Virginia Onely I desire that men bring their hearts first and consider that the very names of a Colony and Plantation doe import a reasonable and seasonable culture and planting before a Haruest and Vintage can be expected which if they here exercise our Faith and Hope both for earth and heauen where all things are prepared let vs not in ruder and cruder foundations and beginnings there precipitate vnto hasty fals And before we come to Virginias particular probabilities for this Kingdomes good we need not far fetched speculations we haue euidence from experience Castile a Kingdome which now stoops to none and which some of her flatterers aduance aboue all making it Catholike without respect to Faith grew from an almost nothing out of the Moorish deluge to be but a pettie something in comparison of others in Europe till Ferdinands time who sent Columbus to America And how poore abilities or probabilities had they for it when Columbus vpon false grounds hauing conceiued strong strange hopes of the Easterne Indies stumbled vpon a Westerne World whereof hee neuer dreamed which therefore he called India and Hispaniola Ophir to which Expedition neither founded on sound reason nor experience of former Discoueries when as yet the Mariners Art was but crept out of the Cradle and blessed only in the Euent the state of Castile was as poorely furnished as it seemes eyther with money or credit the Queene pawning part of her Iewels for 2000. Duckets to set Columbus forth with three poore Caruels for this Discouery Little was it then imagined that in Hispaniola should be found which happened in the taking of Domingo by Sir Francis Drake a Spanish Scutchion with a Horse whose hinder feet trod on the Globe his fore-feet prauncing as if he would foot out another World like Alexander hearing Philosophers discourse of other Worlds weeping that hee had not yet finished the conquest of this hauing this Motto annexed Non sufficit Orbis Yea but they found Gold and Siluer in abundance the Pockes they did and plagued all Europe with the great ones with the small consuming America and if they did find Gold and Siluer how poore were the proportions till the Mexican Discouery almost thirty yeeres and that of Peru forty yeeres after their Indian plantation And who knowes what Uirginia in that space may produce by better Discouery of it and further Discouery of parts adioyning whereof we haue ten thousand times more pregnant hopes then they had in their first Expedition by knowledge gathered from their Discoueries Besides though Gold and Siluer from thence hath enriched the Spanish Exchequer yet the Magazines haue found other and greater wealth whereof Virginia is no lesse capeable namely the Countrey Commodities What Mynes haue they or at least what doe they vse in Brasill or in all the Ilands where yet so many wealthy Spaniards and Portugalls inhabit Their Ginger Sugar Hides Tobacco and other Merchandize I dare boldly affirme yeeld far far more profit to the generalitie of the Spanish Subiects thorow that vast World then the Mynes do or haue done this last Age. Which I shall make apparant by honourable testimonie in one of the last English Exploits on the Spanish Indies The Right Honorable Earle of Cumberland in a Letter of his after the â—aking of Port Rico chiefe Towne if not the greatest Iland in those parts and far short of Hispaniola and Cuba affirmeth that if hee would haue left the place hee might haue had by good account as much Sugar and Ginger in the Countrey as was worth 500000. pounds
wantonized and danced a Loath to depart in the winding of those Streames which seeme willingly againe and againe to embrace that beloued Soile and to present her with rich Collers of siluer Esses murmuring that they must leaue so fresh and fertile a Land of which at last with Salt teares they take their leaue but contracting with their New Sea Lord to visit their old Land-lord and former Loue euery Floud Meane whiles those many impetuous clippings and sweet embraces searching refuges euery way make shew as if they would meet together in consultation and agree on some Conspiracie which howsoeuer disappointed yeeld neuerthelesse many conueniences of entercourse and easier portage each Riuer comming within foure eight ten miles more or fewer in diuers places of another All these Riuers runne into a faire Bay on which the Earth euery way is a greedie gazing Spectator except where the Ocean rusheth in to rauish her beauties flowing neere two hundred miles into it and forcing a Channell one hundred and fortie of depth betwixt seuen and fifteene fathome and ten or fourteene miles in ordinary breadth The Earth yet vndermining it by Ilands and mustering those Riuer Captaines and innumerable Springs and Brookes maintaineth his fresh challenge with continuall Warres forcing backe the Ocean euery Ebbe to retire which yet loth to lose so sweete a possession returneth within few houres freshly flowing with Salt re-enforcements Fifthly the soile is blessed euery Element bestowing a rich portion on her The fire hath treasures laid vp to maintaine her fewell vnto prodigality yea which seldome meete a thriftie prodigality for many yeeres Her store of waters you haue heard but not her watery store of fishes vnto incredibility in kinds goodnesse numbers The Aire is no lesse luxuriant in the Fowles of Heauen But the Earth fruitfull Mother of Mankind she is prodigiously prodigall in fatnesse of the soile talnesse sweetnesse strength varietie numberlesse numbers of her Trees her Oakes no lesse excellent then frequent many of them bearing two foote and an halfe square of good Timber twenty yards long of which also are diuers kinds Elmes and Ashes of which Sope-ashes are made Wal-nuts in three sorts Cypresses or much resembling them Cedars and other sweet smelling Timbers Chesnuts Plummes of diuers sorts Cheries and other Trees c. reckoned by Virginian Relators I omit But most remarkable and promising are the Mulberie and the Vine the one to the backe the other to the belly yeelding Silkes and Wine As for Silke how great profits are raised thereof to the Chinois and Persian Yea to come neerer in Naples and other parts of Italy which haue prouoked France to a generall imitation And how vnualuable are the expenses of this Kingdome for that materiall Ut matronae in publico luceant Likewise for Wines from France Spaine Germanie and other parts how many thousands are yeerely expended to the profits of Strangers that I say not to enemies or at least to suspected friends It hath pleased his Maiestie to take these two into his Princely consideration and by his Letter to the Right Honorable the Earle of Southampton and the Company of Virginia to commend and command this care to them The Countrey it selfe naturally produceth Vines in great abundance and some of a very good sort diuers plants also haue beene sent thither of the better kinds of Christendome with eight Vignerons procured from Languedock for the husbanding of that commoditie The Soyle is no lesse naturally happy in Mulberie Trees of the best kind and some Silke-wormes also and generall order hath beene taken for the abundant planting of them in all places inhabited large supply also of Silke-worme-seed from his Maiesties store and men skilfull in that kind for the well ordering of that businesse haue beene sent In a word the very prosperity and pregnant hopes of that Plantation made the Deuil and his lims to enuy feare and hate it Hence thatbloudy Massacre which caused almost a sudden Chaos to the hinderance of those affaires by the convulsions combustions and almost confusion of that Body and their Designes whereof yet we hope not only a recouery but greater aduantage the greatest danger from the Sauages growing out of our mens confidence which that terrible stroke except a stupid Deuill possesse vs hath cut off which likewise requires that seruile natures be seruily vsed that future dangers be preuented by the extirpation of the more dangerous and commodities also raised out of the seruilenesse and seruiceablenesse of the rest As for Sassafras Salt Terra Lemnia Gummes and other profitable Drugges I shall not neede speake nor of their Silke-grasse naturally growing besides a kind of Hempe or Flaxe yeelding most excellent Cordage Pot-ashes Sope-ashes Pitch and Tarre haue beene the employment of Polacres sent thither In foure yeeres space before the Massacre the Iron Oare of Virginia being found very good and very plentifull aboue fiue thousand pounds were spent and one hundred and fiftie persons sent for that imployment which being brought in manner to perfection was interrupted by that fatall accident since which the restituion is with all possible diligence as it is said ordered and furthered There haue beene also sent skilfull men from Germany for setting vp of Saw-mils Virginia yeelding to no place in the knowne World for Timbers of all sorts commodious for strength pleasant for sweetnesse specious for colours spacious for largenesse vsefull for Land and Sea for housing and shipping in which Timber vses England and Holland alone are said to disburse about 300000. pounds sterling yeerely And the defects at home where the Hearth hath climbed into the Roofe where back-fewell hath deuoured our buildings in the Woods and bellyfewell hath deuoured the Woods and conuerted them to arable where so many ships are employed for prouisions of and for shipping Virginia by diuine bountie is Magnae spes altera Britanniae Herein we may verifie the old Prouerbe That he which liueth longest shall fetch his wood furthest but so as he shall be paid for the fetching with great aduantage And if an Iland needs woodden Wals to secure it against others to enrich it from others Virginia offers her seruice herein and will looke so much more cheerefully on you how much more you shall disburthen her in this kind yea as England hath wooed and visited Virginia so herein Virginia will be glad and reioyce to visit England in her there-built ships and to dwell here with vs in thence-brought Timbers and esteeme her selfe aduanced to adorne our Towres and take view of our Pomps and Spectacles And touching shipping and the materials thereof Timbers Pitch Tarre Cordage Sayles Anchors c. necessitie of the times exacteth in our defects at home for securitie from enemies abroad employment of Mariners Merchants and our numerous multitudes offending our Offenders defending our Allies that I adde not the Riches of the World and glory of Exploits all which depend on Nauigation
and great riches confessed that they had taken three Portugall prizes The Spaniards at first receiued them on good conditions but some villaines seeing their wealth murthered them for which this Auditor had sentenced Roderigo de Fuentes with others as his Letter to the King of Spaine importeth Now had there then beene a Virginian or Bermudan Plantation how easily might they haue attained thither the Boat at least and escaped that butchery I could hither adde instructions from the English Indian Ships 1604. and 1608. from Captaine Fenton 1582. from the Earle of Cumberlands Voyages before related in the yeares 86. 89. 91. 93. 96. 97. and from Master Candish Master Dauis and others But we haue made too long a Virginian Voyage hauing no better freight then Arguments which the Times doe now promise if not worthy wise mens approbation yet good mens indulgence where in a weake body and manifold weighty imployments the willingnesse of a heart truely English sincerely Christian may seeme tolerable if not commendable pardonable if not plausible Another labour remaines to set downe rules and proiects of best fecibility and accomplishing this noble worke but I am onely a Freeman no Councellour of that Plantation and haue neither Lands there nor other aduenture therein but this of my loue and credit which with the allegiance to my Soueraigne and desire of the publike good of this Kingdome is more to me then all the treasures of America I seeke the good and not the goods of England and Virginia I follow the hand of God which haue giuen England so many rights in Virginia right naturall right nationall right by first discouery by accepted trade by possession surrendred voluntarily continued constantly right by gift by birth by bargaine and sale by cession by forfeiture in that late damnable trechery and massacre and the fatal possession taken by so many murthered English Gods bounty before his iustice now hath giuen vs Virginia that we should so in iudgement remember mercy as to giue Virginia againe to God in Christian acknowledgement of his goodnesse and mercy of his word and workes and in our owne more serious conuersion to prepare that of Virginia God goeth before vs in making this designe honorable to Religion to Humanity to our Ancestors to our King to our Kingdome God goeth before vs and hath giuen Virginia so rich a portion to allure and assure our loues in multiplying our people and thereby our necessities enforcing a vent in endowing Virginia with so large a iointure so temperate so commodious for the climate compared with other Countries beyond other Countries in her own diuersified Lands Seas Riuers in so fertile a soyle in so strong sweete stately delicate Woods and Timbers in her naturall hopes of Wines of Silkes of the bodies of Natiues seruile and seruiceable in Drugges Irons and probability also of other Mines in all materials for Shipping and other buildings God goeth before vs in offering that meane to saue that which wee seeke and spend in other perhaps enemies Countries to breede vp Marriners to train vp Souldiers to exercise labourers by transportation of English and Europaean creatures to plant another England in America enriched with the best things of Europe to giue vs Fish Tobacco and other present improuements as earnest of future better hopes and that in these times which haue so manifold necessities thereof in regard of monies men and trades decayed in regard of neighbour plantations in the probabilities of a South-Sea glory and in the case of obtruded warre obtruding on vs absolute necessity and including and concluding euery way so manifold vse God the Father Sonne and holy Ghost which goe before vs in these things if not in miraculous fire and cloudy pillars as when Israel went to Canaan yet in the light of reason and right consequence of arguments come into vs and fillvs with the spirit of wisedome and vnderstanding the spirit of counsell and of fortitude the spirit of knowledge and the feare of the Lord I may adde the spirit of vnity and counsell that he may vouchsafe to goe with vs and we with him and after him to Uirginia Amen O Amen Be thou the Alpha and Omega of Englands Plantation in Virginia O GOD. The end of the ninth Booke ENGLISH DISCOVERIES AND PLANTATIONS IN NEW ENGLAND AND NEW-FOVND-LAND WITH THE PATENT AND VOYAGES TO NEW-SCOTLAND Relations also of the Fleets set forth by Queene Elizabeth against the Spaniards THE TENTH BOOKE CHAP. I. A briefe Relation of the Discouerie and Plantation of new-New-England and of sundry Accidents therein occurring from the yeere of our Lord 1607. to this present 1622. Published by the President and Councell and dedicated to the Princes Highnesse here abbreuiated WHen this Designe was first attempted some of the present Company were therein chiefly interessed who being carefull to haue the same accomplished did send to the discouery of those Northern parts a braue Gentleman Cap. Henry Challons with two of the Natiues of that Territorie the one called Maneday the other Assecomet But his misfortunes did expose him to the power of certaine strangers enemies to his proceedings so that by them his Company were seized the ships and goods confiscated and that Voyage wholly ouerthrowne This losse and vnfortunate beginning did much abate the rising courage of the first Aduenturers but immediately vpon his departure it pleased the Noble Lord Chiefe Iustice Sir Iohn Popham Knight to send out another shippe wherein Captayne Thomas Hanam went Commander and Martine Prinne of Bristow Master with all necessary supplyes for the seconding of Captayne Challons and his people who arriuing at the place appointed and not finding that Captayne there after they had made some Discouerie and found the Coasts Hauens and Harbours answerable to our desires they returned Vpon whose Relation the Lord Chiefe Iustice and we all waxed so confident of the businesse that the yeere following euery man of any worth formerly interessed in it was willing to ioyne in the charge for the sending ouer a competent number of people to lay the ground of a hopefull Plantation Hereupon Captaine Popham Captaine Rawley Gilbert and others were sent away with two ships and an hundred Landmen Ordnance and other prouisions necessary for their sustentation and defence vntill other supply might be sent In the meane-while before they could returne it pleased God to take vs from this worthy member the Lord Chiefe Iustice whose sudden death did so astonish the hearts of the most part of the Aduenturers as some grew cold and some did wholly abandon the businesse Yet Sir Francis Popham his Sonne certaine of his priuate friends and other of vs omitted not the next yeere holding on our first resolution to ioyne in sending forth a new supply which was accordingly performed But the ships arriuing there did not only bring vncomfortable newes of the death of the Lord Chiefe Iustice together with the death of Sir Iohn Gilbert the elder
taught by experience the necessitie of hauing that defect supplied But those hopes failed him all being before that time ruined and dispersed so farre as he saw it in vaine to hope for helpe by that meanes and therefore attempted to make the best of what hee had of his owne And going to set his men a worke they all in few dayes after their arriuall fell sicke of a disease which hapned at that time in the Countrey so as now he was not onely forced to be without hope of their helping of him but must labour himselfe all hee could to attend and sustaine them but so God fauoured him that they recouered and in time conuenient he dispatched his businesse there and put himselfe to Sea againe resoluing to accomplish in his iourney backe to new-New-England what in his last Discouery he had omitted In his passage he met with certaine Hollanders who had a trade in Hudsons Riuer some yeeres before that time with whom he had conference about the state of that coast and their proceedings with those people whose answere gaue him good content Hee betooke himselfe to the following of his businesse discouering many goodly Riuers and exceeding pleasant and fruitfull Coasts and Ilands for the space of eightie leagues from East to West for so that Coast doth range along from Hudsons Riuer to Cape Iames. Now after wee had found by Captaine Rocrafts relation made the yeere before the hopes hee conceiued of the benefits that Coast would afford towards the vpholding of the charge for setling our Plantation by reason of the commodities arising by Fishing and Furres if a course might bee taken for the managing of that businesse as was fit for such a designe as well as for the aduancement of the publike good of our whole Nation and satisfaction of euery well disposed person that had a will to be interressed therein It was held to be most conuenient to strengthen our selues by a new Grant to bee obtained from his Royal Maiesty the rather finding that those of Uirginia had by two seuerall Patents setled their bounds and excluded all from intermedling with them that were not free of their Company and had wholly altered the forme of their Gouernment from the first ground layed for the managing the affaires of both Colonies leauing vs as desperate and our businesse as abandoned These considerations as is said together with the necessitie of setling our affaires bounds and limits dictinct from theirs made vs resolue to petition his Maiestie for the renewing of our Grant By which time the rumour of our hopes was so publikely spread abroad and the commodities of the Fish and Trade so looked into as it was desired that all that Coast might bee made free as well to those of Virginia as to vs to make their commoditie How iust or vniust that motion was wee will not argue seeing the businesse is ended By this meanes our proceedings were interrupted and wee questioned about it first by the Counsell of Virginia whom wee thought to haue beene fully satisfied therein before wee could haue way giuen vs for a new Patent both parties hauing beene heard by certaine of the Lords of the Councell and the businesse by them so ordered as wee were directed to proceed and to haue our Grant agreeable to the libertie of the Virginia Company the frame of our gouernment excepted but this order not being liked of it was againe heard and concluded Lastly the Patent being past the Seale it was stopt vpon new suggestions to the King and by his Maiesty referred to the Councel to be setled by whom the former Orders were confirmed the difference cleered and we ordered to haue our Patent deliuered vs. These disputes held vs almost two yeeres so as all men were afraid to ioyne with vs and we thereby left hopelesse of any thing more than that which our owne fortunes would yeeld to aduance our proceedings in which time so many accidents hapned vnto vs at home and abroad that wee were â—aine to giue order by the Ships wee sent a fishing for the retiring of Master Darmer and his people vntill all things were cleered and wee better prouided of meanes to goe through with our designe But this worthy Gentleman confident of the good likely to ensue and resolutely resoluing to pursue the ends he aymed at could not be perswaded to looke backe as yet and so refusing to accept our offer began againe to prosecute his Discouery wherein he was betrayed by certaine new Sauages who sodainly set vpon him giuing him fourteene or fifteene wounds but by his valour and dexteritie of spirit hee freed himselfe out of their hands yet was constrained to retire into Virginia againe the second time for the cure of his wounds where he fell sicke of the infirmities of that place and thereof dyed so ended this worthy Gentleman his dayes after he had remained in the discouery of that Coast two yeeres giuing vs good content in all hee vndertooke and after hee had made the peace betweene vs and the Sauages that so much abhorred our Nation for the wrongs done them by others as you haue heard but the fruit of his labour in that behalfe wee as yet receiue to our great commoditie who haue a peaceable Plantation at this present among them where our people both prosper and liue in good liking and assurednesse of their neighbours that had beene formerly so much exasperated against vs as will more at large appeare hereafter But hauing passed all these storms abroad and vndergone so many home-bred oppositions and freed our Patent which wee were by order of State assigned to renew for the amendment of some defects therein contained wee were assured of this ground more boldly to proceed on than before and therefore wee tooke first to consideration how to raise the meanes to aduance the Plantation In the examination thereof two wayes did first offer themselues The one was the voluntary contribution of the Patentees The other by an easie ransoming of the freedomes of those that had a will to partake only of the present profits arising by the Trade and Fishing vpon the Coast. The first was to proceed from those Noble-men and others that were Patentees and they agreed by order among themselues to disburse a hundred pounds a piece for the aduancement of such necessary businesse as they had in hand The second was to bee accomplished by setling such liberties and orders in the Westerne Cities and Townes as might induce euery reasonable man in and about them affecting the publike good or a regular proceeding in the businesse of Trade to embrace an vniformitie and to ioyne a communitie or ioynt stock together c. BVt this Countrey what by the generall and particular situation is so temperate as it seemeth to hold the golden meane and indeed is most agreeable to the nature of our owne which is made manifest by experience the most infallible proofe of all
assertions insomuch as our people that are setled enioy their life and health much more happily then in other places which can be imputed to no other cause then to the temperature of the Climate Now as the Clime is found to be so temperate so delicate and healthfull both by reason and experience such is the soile also some parts thereof yeelding wonderfull increase both of Corne the Natiues haue most vse of as also of our owne of all sorts with infinite varietie of nourishing Rootes and other Hearbs and Fruits common among them but rare with vs. Besides the Coast doth abound with most conuenient Hauens and Harbors full of singular Ilands fit for Plantation replenished with Plants and Wood of all sorts as Oake Cedars Spruce Fir Pyne Walnut Chestnut Elme Sassafras Plum-trees and Calamus Aromaticus c. The people are tractable if they be not abused to commerce and Trade withall and as yet haue good respect of vs. The Seas are stored with all kindes of excellent Fish and in many places vpon the Coast fit to make Salt in The Countrey aboundeth with diuersitie of wilde Fowle as Turkies Partridges Swans Cranes wild Geese of al sorts wild Ducks of three sorts many Doues especially when Strawberries are ripe There are seuerall sorts of Deere in those parts and some that bring forth two three and foure young at once which is a manifest proofe of the fertilitie of the Soile or temper of the Clime or both together There is also a certaine Beast that the Natiues call a Mosse hee is as big bodied as an Oxe headed like a fallow Deere with a broad Palme which hee mues euery yeere as doth the Deere and neck like a Red Deere with a short Mane running downe along the Ranes of his back his haire long like an Elâ—e but esteemed to be better then that for Sadlers vse he hath likewise a great bunch hanging downe vnder his throat and is of the colour of our blacker sort of fallow Deere his legs are long and his feet as big as the feet of our Oxen his taile is longer then the Single of a Deere and reacheth almost downe to his Huxens his skinne maketh very good Buffe and his flesh is excellent good food which the Natiues vse to Ierkin and keepe all the yeere to serue their turne and so proues very seruiceable for their vse There haue beene many of them seene in a great Iland vpon the Coast called by our people Mount Mansell whither the Sauages goe at certaine seasons to hunt them the manner whereof is by making of seuerall fires and setting the Countrey with people to force them into the Sea to which they are naturally addicted and then there are others that attend them in their Boates with Bowes and weapons of seuerall kindes wherewith they slay and take at their pleasure And there is hope that this kind of Beasts may be made seruiceable for ordinary labour with Art and Industry The knowne Commodities of that Countrey are Fish of seuerall sorts rich Furres as Beauers Otters Martins blacke Fox Sables c. There are likewise plentie of Vines of three kinds and those pleasant to the taste yet some better then other There is Hempe Flax Silkgrasse seuerall veines of Ironstone commodities to make Pitch Rosen Tarre Deale-boords of all sorts Spars Masts for Ships of all burdens in a word there comes no commoditie out of France Germany or the Sound but may be had there with reasonable labour and industry Further wee haue setled at this present seuerall Plantations along the Coast and haue granted Patents to many more that are in preparation to bee gone with all conueniencie Those of our people that are there haue both health and plenty so as they acknowledge there is no want of any thing but of industrious people to reape the commodities that are there to be had and they are indeed so much affected to the place as they are loth to bee drawne from thence although they were directed to returne to giue satisfaction to those that sent them but chose rather to performe that office by Letters together with there excuse for breach of their duty in that behalfe And thus you see there is no labour well imployed but hath his reward at one time or other These incouragements haue imboldned vs to proceed to the ingaging of our selues for the building of some Ships of good burden and extraordinary mould to lie vpon the Coast for the defence of Merchants and Fishermen that are imployed there as also to Waft the Fleets as they goe to and from their Markets and wee purpose from henceforth to build our shipping there where wee find all commodities fit for that seruice together with the most opportune places that can bee desired Lastly finding that we haue so far forth preuailed as to wind our selues into familiaritie with the Natiues which are in no great number along the Coast for two hundred Leagues together wee haue now dispatched some of our people of purpose to dyue into the bowels of the Continent there to search and finde out what Port or Place is most conuenient to settle our mayne Plantation in where wee meane to make the Residencie of our State and Gouernment as also to bee assured what other commodities may bee raysed for the publike and priuate benefit of those that are dealers in that businesse and willing to bee interessed in any the Lands there Whither is gone this yeere already for Trade and Fishing onely thirite Saile of the better sort of Ships belonging to the Westerne parts besides those who are gone for transportation of the Planters or supply of such as are already planted whose returne as is supposed will amount at the least to thirty thousand pound the greater part whereof comes home in Bullion And therefore as touching the third happinesse of these parts which is the Sea there needeth no other greater commendation then this benefit of Fishing assured vnto vs by common Experience although it affords many other hopes both in regard of the facilitie of the Nauigation the boldnesse of the Coast the conueniencie of Roades Hauens and Harbors for performance of all manner of imployments yet is there also found Showes of Pearle Ambergreece great numbers of Whales and other merchantable meanes to raise profit to the industrious Inhabitants or diligent Traders CHAP. II. The Voyage of M. HENRY CHALLONS intended for the North Plantation of Virginia 1606. taken by the way and ill vsed by Spaniards written by IOHN STONEMAN Pilot. ON Tuesday the twelfth of August 1606. M. Henry Challons Gentleman set forth from Plimouth in our small Ship of the burthen of fiftie fiue Tunnes or thereabout called the Richard of Plimouth Wherein went twentie nine Englishmen and two of the fiue Sauages whose names were Mannido and Assacomo 〈…〉 which were brought into England the yeere before out of the North parts of Uirginia from our goodly Riuer by
him thriee discouered called in the Latitude of 43. derees 20. minutes were imployed for a farther discouery of these Coasts And if any good occasion were offered to leaue as many men as wee could spare in the Country Being victualled for eleuen or twelue moneths at the charges of the Honourable Sir Iohn Popham Knight Lord chiefe Iustice of England Sir Fardinando Gorges Knight Captaine of the Fort of Plimouth together with diuers other worshipfull Knights Gentlemen and Merchants of the West Countrye Iohn Stoneman of Plimouth being Pilot who had beene in the foresaid parts of Virginia the yeere before with George Waymouth The Masters name was Nicholas Hine of Cockington neere Dartmouth The last day of August wee fell with the I le of Madera where we watered and refreshed our selues and stayed three dayes being very kindly vsed by the Inhabitants The third day of September wee departed from thence passing betweene Gomora and Palma two of the Canary Iles and from thence were driuen by contrary winds to take a more Southerly course then we intended and so spent more then sixe weekes before wee could recouer any of the Ant-Iles The first that wee could recouer was the I le of Saint Lucia in the Latitude of 14. degrees 20. minutes where we refreshed our selues with Wood and Water And saw certaine of the Sauages there about fortie or fiftie came vnto vs at our Ship in one of their Cannoas bringing vnto vs Tobacco Potatos Plantins and Cassaui Bread the which Sauages had slaine more then fortie of our Nation the yeere before 1605. as after wee vnderstood by Philip Glasco and Miles Pett being two of Captaine Nicholas Saint Iohns company which was there treacherously slaine among the rest Hauing stayed heare three dayes about the two and twentieth of October we departed thence to the Northward And in passing by the I le of Dominica wee chanced to see a white Flag put forth on the shoare whereat maruelling wee supposed that some Christians had sustained shipwrack their And forthwith a Cannoa came off from the shoare towards vs which when they came neere being very little wind we layed our Ship by the lee and stayed for them a little and when they were come within a little distance of the Ship wee perceiued in the Cannoa a Friar who cried aloud in the Latine tongue saying I beseech as you are Christians for Christ his sake to shew some mercy and compassion on mee I am a Preacher of the Word of God a Friar of the Order of Franciscus in Siuill by name Friar Blasius And that hee had beene there sixteene moneths a Slaue vnto those Sauages and that other two Friars which were of his company they had murthered and throwne into the Sea We demanded of him then how he got so much fauour to preserue his life his Brethren being murthered Hee answered because hee did shew the Sauages how to fit them Sayles for their Cannoas and so to ease them of much labour often in rowing which greatly pleased the Sauages as appeared for wee saw them to vse sayles in their Cannoas which hath not beene seene before Then we demanded of him where they had this Linnen Cloth to make those Sayles hee answered That about two yeeres before that three Gallions comming to the West Indies were cast away on the I le of Gwadalopa where abundance of Linnen Cloth and other Merchandise was cast on shoare We demanded farther what was the cause of his being in this place and how he came thither he answered That the King of Spaine did euery yeere send out of euery great Monastery certaine Friars into the remote parts of the Indies both to seeke to conuert the Sauages as also to seeke out what benefits or commodities might be had in those parts and also of what force the Sauages were of and what number of them were in the seuen Ant-Iles viz. Saint Vincent Granado Saint Lucia Mattalina Dominica Gwadalopa Aisey The which the said Friar Blaseus said he had diligently noted and obserued and did hope to make perfect relation of such great benefits and riches as was to be drawne from thence as he doubted not but would bee greatly accepted of his King if hee might liue to returne to declare it For said hee I haue seene in one Riuer discending from the Mountaines in the I le of Dominica the Sand to glitter like Gold or find Copper whereupon I tooke some of it and chewed it betweene my teeth and found it perfect Mettall the Sauages noting me began to haue some iealousie of me so as I durst not take any farther notice of it neither would they suffer him forward to come neere to that place And farther hee said That if the great plentie of diuers Fruits and Roots fit for mans sustenance were perfectly knowne together with the Sugar-canes that they haue in those Iles and the fertilitie of the soyle he thought it would be very shortly inhabited and as for the number of Sauages there as neere as we could vnderstand was scarce one thousand of all sorts of men women and children in all the said seuen Iles. Now being moued with pittie at the lamentable complaint and humble suit of this distressed Friar wee tooke him into our Ship and sent away the Sauages much discontented And from thence wee sayled to the I le of Saint Iohn De-port-rico where on the nine and twentieth of October wee arriued on the Southside and forthwith sent the Friar on shoare and deliuered him to two Heardsmen which most thankfully receiued him and of their courtesie brought vs a fat Cow and proferred vs more with Hogs Calues or any thing else that they could procure vs in recompence of the good deed done to the Friar Wee departed from thence and sayled out betweene the Iles of Saint Iohn De-portrico and Hispaniola standing away to the Northward And leauing the great shoalds called Abrioio on our Larboord side being in the Latitude of 21. and 22. degrees from thence Westward our course North North-west and North-west and by North vntill wee were in the Latitude of 27. degrees or better and about one hundred and eightie leagues from Saint Iohn de Port Rico. In this place hauing had a very great storme of Wind and Raine continuing fiftie sixe houres and more before on the tenth day of Nouember about ten of the clocke in the morning suddenly we found our selues in the middest of a Fleet of eight Sayle of ships in a very thicke fogge of mist and raine so as we could not see them before they were very neere and within shot of them wherein three of them were on the wind-ward of vs on a third and fourth more to lee-ward those at the wind-ward came to me vnto vs and shot at vs requiring vs to speake with their Admirall When we saw that by no meanes we could auoid them but that they would speake with vs we put
that yeerely fish about Yarmouth where they sell their Fish for Gold and fifteene yeeres ago they had more then 116000. Sea-faring men The fishing shippes doe take yeerely two hundred thousand Last of fish twelue barrels to a Last which amounted to 3000000. pounds by the Fishermens price that fourteene yeeres agoe did pay for their Tenths 300000. pound which venting in Pumerland Sprussia Denmarke Lefland Russia Swethland Germany Netherlands England or else-where c. make their returnes in a yeere about 7000000. pounds and yet in Holland they haue neither matter to build ships nor Merchandize to set them forth yet by their industrie they as much increase as other Nations decay But leauing these vncertainties as they are of this I am certaine That the Coast of England Scotland and Ireland the North Sea with Ireland and the Sound New-found-land and Cape Blanke doe serue all Europe as well the Land Townes as Ports and all the Christian shipping with these sorts of Staple fish which is transported from whence it is taken many a thousand mile viz. Herring Salt-fish Poore-Iohn Sturgion Mullit Tunny Porgos Cauiare Buttargo Now seeing all these sorts of fish or the most part of them may be had in a Land more fertile temperate and plentifull of all necessaries for the building of ships Boates and houses and the nourishment of man the Seasons are so proper and the fishings so neere the habitations we may there make that New England hath much aduantage of the most of those parts to serue all Europe far cheaper then they can who at home haue neither Wood Salt nor Food but at great rates at Sea nothing but what they carrie in their ships an hundred or two hundred leagues from their habitation But New Englands fishings is neere land where is helpe of Wood Water Fruites Fowles Corne or other refreshings needfull and the Terceras Mederas Canaries Spaine Portugall Prouance Sauoy Sicilia and all Italy as conuenient Markets for our dry fish greene fish Sturgion Mullit Cauiare and Buttargo as Norway Swethland Littâ—ania or Germany for their Herring which is here also in abundance for taking they returning but Wood Pitch Tarre Sope-ashes Cordage Flaxe Waxe and such like Commodities we Wines Oyles Sugars Silkes and such Merchandize as the Straits affoord whereby our profit may equalize theirs besides the increase of shipping and Mariners And for proofe hereof With two ships sent out at the charge of Captaine Marmaduke Roydon Captaine George Laâ—gam Master Iohn Buley and W. Skelton I went from the Downes the third of March and arriued in New England the last of April where I was to haue stayed but with ten men to keepe possession of those large Territories Had the Whales proued as curious information had assured mee and my Aduentures but those things failed So hauing but fortie fiue men and boyes we built seuen Boates thirtie seuen did fish my selfe with eight others ranging the Coast I tooke a plot of what I could see got acquaintance of the Inhabitants 1100. Beuer skinnes a hundred Martines and as many Otters Fortie thousand of dry fish wee sent for Spaine with the Salt-fish traine Oyle and Furres I returned for England the eighteenth of Iuly and arriued safe with my Company the latter end of August Thus in sixe moneths I made my Voyage out and home and by the labour of fiue and fortie got neere the value of fifteene hundred pounds in those grosse Commodities This yeere also one went from Plimmouth set out by diuers of the I le of Wight and the West Countrie by the directions and instructions of Sir Ferdinando Gorge spent their victuals and returned with nothing The Virginia Company vpon this sent foure good ships and because I would not vndertake it for them hauing ingaged my selfe to them of the West the Londoners entertained the men that came home with me They set sayle in Ianuary and arriued there in March they found fish enough vntill halfe Iune fraughted a ship of three hundred tunnes went for Spaine which was taken by the Turkes one went to Uirginia to relieue that Colonie and two came for England with the greene fish traine Oyle and Furres within six moneths In Ianuary with two hundred pounds in cash for aduenture and six Gentlemen well furnished I went from London to the foure Ships was promised prepared for mee in the West Countrey but I found no such matter notwithstanding at the last with a labyrinth of trouble I went from Plimoth with a Ship of two hundred Tunnes and one of fiftie when the fishing was done onely with fifteene I was to stay in the Countrey but ill weather breaking all my Masts I was forced to returne to Plimoth where rather then lose all reimbarking my selfe in a Barke of sixtie Tuns how I escaped the English Pyrats and the French and was betrayed by foure Frenchmen of War I refer you to the description of New England but my Vice-Admirall notwithstanding the latenesse of the yeere setting forth with me in March the Londoners in Ianuary shee arriued in May they in March yet came home well fraught in August and all her men well within fiue moneths odde dayes The Londoners ere I returned from France for all their losse by the Turkes which was valued about foure thousand pounds sent two more in Iuly but such courses they tooke hy the Canaries to the West Indies it was ten moneths ere they arriued in New England wasting in that time their seasons victuall and health yet there they found meanes to refresh themselues and the one returned neere fraught with Fish and Traine within two moneths after From Plimoth went foure Ships onely to Fish and Trade some in February some in March one of two hundred Tuns got thither in a moneth and went full fraught for Spaine the rest returned to Plimoth well fraught and their men well within fiue moneths odde dayes From London went two more one of two hundred Tuns got thither in sixe weekes and within sixe weekes after with fortie foure men and boyes was full fraught and returned againe into England within fiue moneths and a few dayes the other went to the Canaries with dry fish which they sold at a great rate for Rials of eight and as I heard turned Pyrats I being at Plimoth prouided with three good Ships yet but fifteene men to stay with me in the Countrey was Wind-bound three moneths as was many a hundred saile more so that the season being past the Ships went for New-found-land whereby my designe was frustrate which was to me and my friends no small losse in regard whereof here the Westerne Commissioners in the behalfe of themselues and the rest of the Company contracted with me by Articles indented vnder our hands to be Admirall of that Country during my life and in the renewing of their Letters Patents so to be nominated halfe the fruites of our endeuours theirs the rest our owne being thus ingaged now the
businesse doth prosper some of them would willingly forget mee but I am not the first they haue deceiued There was foure good Ships prepared at Plimoth but by reason of their disagreement the season so wasted as onely two went forward the one being of two hundred Tunnes returned well fraught for Plimoth and her men in health within fiue moneths the other of eightie Tuns went for Bilbow with dry fish and made a good returne In this voyage Edward Rowcroft alias Stallings a valiant Souldier that had beene with mee in Virginia and seuen yeeres after went with mee from Plimoth towardes New England with Thomas Darmer an vnderstanding and â—n industrious Gentleman to inhabite it all whose names with our proceedings you may read at large in my description of New England vpon triall before the Iudge of the Admiraltie how when wee had past the worst for pure cowardise the Master and Sailer ran away with the Ship and all I had and left mee alone among eight or nine Frenchmen of War in the yeere 1615. This Stallings went now againe in those Ships and hauing some wrong offered him in New England by a Frenchman he tooke him and as he writ to mee he went with her to Virginia with fish to trade with them for such commodities as they might spare hee knew both these Countries well yet hee promised mee the next Spring to meete mee in New England but the Ship and he perished in Uirginia This yeere againe diuers Ships intending to goe from Plimoth so disagreed as there went but one of two hundred Tunnes who stayed in the Countrey about six weekes with thirtie eight men and boyes had her fraught which shee sold at the first peny for two thousand one hundred pounds besides the Furs so that euery poore Sayler that had but a single share had his charges and sixteene pound ten shillings for his seuen moneths worke M. Thomas Darmer hauing liued about a yeere in New-found-land returning to Plimoth went for New England in this Ship and not onely confirmes what I haue writ but so much more approued of it that he stayed there with fiue or six men in a little Boat finding two or three Frenchmen among the Sauages who had lost their Ship augmented his company with whom hee ranged the Coast to Virginia where he was kindly welcommed and well refreshed thence returned to New England againe where hauing beene a yeere in his backe returne to Uirginia he was so wounded by the Sauages hee dyed vpon it them escaped were relieued at Virginia Let not men attribute their great aduentures and vntimely deaths to vnfortunatenesse but rather wonder how God did so long preserue them with so small meanes to doe so much leauing the fruites of their labours to bee an encouragement to those our poore vndertakings and this for aduantage as they writ vnto mee that God had laid this Countrey open for vs and slaine the most part of the Inhabitants by cruell Wars and a mortall disease for where I had seene one hundred or two hundred people there is scarce ten to bee found From Pembrocks Bay to Harrintons Bay there is not twentie from thence to Cape Anne some thirtie from Taulbuts Bay to the Riuer Charles about fortie and not any of them touched with any sicknesse but one poore Frenchman that dyed For to make triall this yeere there is gone sixe or seuen sayle from the West Countrey onely to fish three of whom are returned and as I was certainly informed made so good a voyage that euery Sayler for a single share had twentie pounds for his seuen moneths worke which is more then in twentie months hee should haue gotten had he gone for wages any where Now though all the former Ships haue not made such good voyages as they expected by sending opinionated vnskilfull men that had not experienced diligence to saue that they tooke nor take that there was which now patience and practise hath brought to a reasonable kinde of perfection in despite of all detractors and calumniations the Country yet hath satisfied all the defect hath bin in their vsing or abusing it not in it selfe nor mee VPon these inducements some few well disposed Gentlemen and Merchants of London and other places prouided two Ships the one of one hundred and sixtie Tuns the other of seuentie they left the Coast of England the three and twentieth of August with about one hundred and twentie persons but the next day the lesser Ship sprung a leake that forced their returne to Plimouth where discharging her and twentie Passengers with the great Ship and a hundred persons besides Sailers they set saile againe the sixth of September and the ninth of Nouember fell with Cape Iames but being pestred nine weekes in this leaking vnwholsome Ship lying wet in their Cabbins most of them grew very weake and weary of the Sea then for want of experience ranging to and againe sixe weekes before they found a place they liked to dwell on forced to lie on the bare ground without couerture in the extremitie of Winter fortie of them dyed and sixtie were left in very weake estate at the Ships comming away about the fifth of April following and arriued in England the sixth of May. Immediately after her arriuall from London they sent another of fiftie fiue Tuns to supply them with thirtie seuen persons they set saile in the beginning of Iuly but being crossed by Westerly winds it was the end of August ere they could passe Plimouth and arriued at New Plimouth in New England the eleuenth of Nouember where they found all the people they left in April as is said lusty and in good health except six that dyed Within a moneth they returned here for England laded with Clapboord Wainscot and Walnut with about three Hogsheads of Beauer skins and some Saxefras the thirteenth of December and drawing neere our Coast was taken by a Frenchman set out by the Marquis of Cera Gouernour of Ile Deu on the Coast of Poytou where they kept the Ship imprisoned the Master and Companie tooke from them to the value of about fiue hundred pounds and after fourteene dayes sent them home with a poore supply of Victuall their owne being deuoured by the Marquis and his hungry seruants they arriued at London the fourteenth of Februarie leauing all them they found and carried to New England well and in health with victuall and Corne sufficient till the next Haruest The Copie of a Letter sent by this Ship LOuing Cousin at our arriuall at New Plimoth in New England wee found all our Friends and Planters in good health though they were left sicke and weake with very small meanes the Indians round about vs peaceable and friendly the Countrey very pleasant and temperate yeelding naturally of it selfe great store of fruits as Uines of diuers sorts in great abundance there is likewise Walnuts Chesnuts Small-nuts and Plums with much varietie of Flowers Roots and Hearbs no
Capawuck where Epenew should haue fraughted them with Gold Ore that his fault could be no cause of their bad successe howeuer it is alledged for an excuse I speake not this out of vain glory as it may be some gleaners or some was neuer there may censure mee but to let all men be assured by those examples what those Sauages are that thus strangely doe murder and betray our Coâ—ntrie men But to the purpose What is already writ of the healthfulnesse of the ayre the richnesse of the soyle the goodnesse of the Woods the abundance of Fruits Fish and Fowle in their season they still affirme that haue beene there now neer two yeeres and at one draught they haue taken one thousand Basses and in one night twelue hogsheads of Herring They are building a strong Fort they hope shortly to finish in the interim they are well prouided their number is about a hundred persons all in health and well neere sixtie Acres of ground well planted with Corne besides their Gardens well replenished with vsefull fruits and if their Aduenturers would but furnish them with necessaries for fishing their wants would quickly bee supplied To supply them this sixteenth of October is going the Paragon with sixtie seuen persons and all this is done by priuate mens purses And to conclude in their owne words should they write of all plenties they haue found they thinke they should not be beleeued For the twentie sixe sayle of Ships the most I can yet vnderstand is M. Ambrose Iennens of London and Master Abraham Iennens of Plimmoth sent their Abraham a Ship of two hundred and twentie Tuns and the Nightingale of Porchmouth of a hundred whose Fish at the first penie came to 3150 pounds in all they were fiue and thirty saile and wherein New found Land they shared sixe or seuen pounds for a common man in New England they shared foureteene pounds besides six Dutch and French Ships made wonderfull returnes in Furres Thus you may see plainely the yearely successe from New England by Virginia which hath bin so costly to this Kingdome and so deare to me which either to see perish or but bleede pardon me though it passionate me beyond the bounds of modesty to haue bin sufficiently able to foresee it and had neither power nor meanes how to preuent it By that acquaintance I haue with them I may call them my children for they haue bin my Wife my Hawkes my Hounds my Cards my Dice and in totall my best content as indifferent to my heart as my left hand to my right and notwithstanding all those miracles of disasters haue crossed both them and me yet were there not one Englishman remaining as God be thanked there is some thousands I would yet begin againe with as small meanes as I did at the first not for that I haue any secret encouragement from any I protest more then lamentable experiences for all their Discoueries I can yet heare of are but Pigs of my owne Sowe nor more strange to me then to heare one tell mee he hath gone from Billings gate and discouered Greenwich Grauesend Tilberry Quinborow Lee and Margit which to those did neuer heare of them though they dwell in England might be made seeme some rare secrets and great Countries vnknowne except the Relation of Master Dirmer But to returne It is certaine from Cannada and New England within these sixe yeares hath come neere 20000. Beuer Skins Now had each of those Ships transported but some small quantitie of the most increasing Beasts Fowles Fruites Plants and Seedes as I proiected by this time their increase might haue bin sufficient for a thousand men But the desire of present gaine in many is so violent and the endeuours of many vndertakers so negligent euery one so regarding their priuate gaine that it is hard to effect any publicke good and impossible to bring them into a body rule or order vnlesse both authority and money assist experiences It is not a worke for euery one to plant a Colony but when a House is built it is no hard matter to dwell in it This requireth all the best parts of art iudgement courage honesty constancy diligence and experience to doe but neere well your home-bred ingrossing proiectors shall finde there a great difference betwixt saying and doing But to conclude the Fishing will goe forward if you plant it or no whereby a Colonie may be transported with no great charge that in a short time might prouide such fraughts to buy of vs there dwelling as I would hope no Ship should goe or come empty from New England The charge of this is onely Salt Nets Hookes Lines Kniues Irish Rugs course Cloath Beades Glasse and such like trash onely for fishing and trade with the Sauages beside our owne necessary prouisions whose endeuours will quickly defray all this charge and the Sauages haue intreated me to inhabite where I will Now all these Ships till this last yeare haue bin fished within a square of two or three leagues and not one of them all would aduenture any further where questionlesse fiue hundred saile may haue their fraught better then in Island New found Land or elsewhere and be in their markets before the other can haue their fish in their Ships because New Englands fishing begins with February the other not till mid May the progression hereof tends much to the aduancement of Virginia and the Bermudas whose emptie Ships may take in their fraught there and would be a good friend in time of neede to the Inhabitants of New found Land c. CHAP. IIII. A Relation or Iournall of a Plantation setled at Plimoth in New England and proceedings thereof Printed 1622. and here abbreuiated WEdnesday the sixt of September the Winde comming East North-east a fine small gale we loosed from Plimoth hauing bin kindely entertained and curteously vsed by diuers friends there dwelling and after many difficulties in boisterous stormes at length by Gods prouidence vpon the ninth of Nouember following by breake of the day we espied Land which we deemed to be Cape Cod and so afterward it proued Vpon the eleuenth of Nouember we came to an anchor in the Bay which is a good harbour and pleasant Bay circled round except in the entrance which is about foure miles ouer from land to land compassed about to the verie Sea with Oakes Pines Iuniper Saffafras and other sweete Wood it is a harbour wherein 1000. saile of Ships may safely ride there wee relieued our selues with Wood and Water and refreshed our people while our Shallop was fitted to coast the Bay to search for an habitation there was the greatest store of Fowle that euer we saw And euerie day we saw Whales playing hard by vs of which in that place if wee had instruments and meanes to take them we might haue made a verie rich returne which to our great griefe we wanted Our Master and his Mate and others experienced in fishing professed wee might haue
loosed from thence and the seuen and twentieth thereof they arriued at Saint Iohns Harbour in New-found-land and from thence sailed alongst the Bay of Conception where they left the Ship and dispatched themselues home in seuerall Ships that belonged to the West part of England and doe intend this next Spring to set forth a Colony to plant there The description of the Countrey of Mawooshen discouered by the English in the yeere 1602. 3. 5. 6. 7. 8. and 9. MAwooshen is a Countrey lying to the North and by East of Uirginia betweene the degrees of 43. and 45. It is fortie leagues broad and fiftie in length lying in breadth East and West and in length North and South It is bordered on the East side with a Countrey the people whereof they call Tarrantines on the West with Epistoman on the North with a great Wood called Senaglecoune and on the South with the mayne Ocean Sea and many Ilands In Mawooshen it seemeth there are nine Riuers whereof the first to the East is called Quibiquesson on which there is one Towne wherein dwell two Sagamos or Lords the one called Asticon the other Abermot In this Towne are fiftie houses and 150. men The name of which Towne is Precante this Riuer runneth farre vp into the Mayne at the head thereof there is a Lake of a great length and breadth it is at the fall into the Sea tenne fathoms deepe and halfe a mile ouer The next is Pemaquid a goodly Riuer and very commodious all things considered it is ten fathoms water at the entrance and fortie miles vp there are two fathoms and a halfe at low water it is halfe a mile broad and runneth into the Land North many daies iourney where is a great Lake of 18. leagues long and foure broad In this Lake are seuen great Ilands toward the farthest end there falleeh in a Riuer which they call Acaconstomed where they passe with their Boates thirtie daies iourney vp and from thence they goe ouer Land twentie daies iourney more and then come to another Riuer where they haue a trade with Anadabis or Anadabijon with whom the Frenchmen haue had commerce for a long time Neere to the North of this Riuer of Pemaquid are three Townes the first is Upsegon where Bashabes their chiefe Lord doth dwell And in this Towne are sixtie houses and 250. men it is three daies iourney within the Land The second is Caiocame the third Shasheekeing These two last Townes are opposite one to the other the Riuer diuiding them both and they are two daies iourney from the Towne of Bashabes In Caioc 〈…〉 dwelleth Maiesquis and in Shasheokeing Bowant two Sagamos subiects to Bashabes Vpon both sides of this Riuer vp to the very Lake for a good distance the ground is plaine without Trees or Bushes but full of long Grasse like vnto a pleasant meadow which the Inhabitants doe burne once a yeere to haue fresh feed for their Deere Beyond this Meadow are great Woods whereof more shall bee spoken hereafter The Riuer of Pemaquid is foure dayes iourney from the mouth of Quibiquesson The third Riuer is called Ramassoc and is distant from the mouth of Pemaquid foure daies iourney it is twentie fathoms at the entrance and hath a mile ouer it runneth into the Land three daies iourney and within lesse then a daies iourney of the dwelling of Bashabes vpon this Riuer there is a Towne named Panobscot the Lord whereof is called Sibatahood who hath in his Town fiftie houses and eightie men The fourth Riuer Apanawapeske lying West and by South of Ramassoc at the entrance whereof there is twentie fathoms water and it is a mile broad it runneth vp into the Countrey fiue daies iourney and within three daies of the mouth are two Townes the one called Meecombe where dwelleth Aramasoga who hath in his Towne fiftie houses and eightie men The other is Chebegnadose whose Lord is Skanke and hath thirtie houses and ninetie men The mouth of Apanawapeske is distant from Ramassoc three daies iourney To the South-west foure daies iourney there is another excellent Riuer in the entranc◠whereof is twentie fathoms water and it is a quarter of a mile broad it runneth into the Land two daies iourney and then there is a great fall at the head wherof there is a Lake of a daies iourney long and as much in breadth On the side of this Lake there is a Strait and at the end of that Strait there is another Lake of foure daies iourney long and two daies iourney broad wherin there are two Ilands one at the one end and another at the other end I should haue told you that both these Lakes as also the rest formerly spoken of doe infinitely abound with fresh water fish of all sorts◠as also with diuers sorts of Creatures as Otters Beeues sweete Rats and such like The sixt Riuer is called Apponick on which there are three Townes the first is called Appisham where dwelleth Abochigishic The second is Mesaqueegamic where dwelleth Amniquin in which there is seuentie houses and eightie men the third is Matammiscowte in which are eightie houses and ninetie men and there dwelleth Narracommique To the Westward of this there is another Riuer called Aponeg it hath at the entrance ten fathoms water and is a mile broad it runneth vp into a great Sound of fresh water Vpon the East side of this Riuer there are two Townes the one called Nebamocago the other called Ashawe In the first dwelleth Mentavrmet and hath in his Towne 160. housholds and some 300. men In the second dwelleth Hamerhaw and hath in his Towne eightie housholds and seuentie men On the West side there is another Towne called Neredoshan where are 120. housholds and 100. men There is a Sagamo or Lord called Sabenaw Three daies iourney from Aponeg to the Westward there is a goodly Riuer called Sagadohoc the entrance whereof is a mile and an halfe ouer holding that breadth a daies iourney and then it maketh a great Sound of three daies iourney broad in which Sound are six Ilands foure great and full of Woods and two lesse without Woods The greater are called Sowaghcoc Neguiwo Neiwoc And in the verie entrance of this Riuer there is another small Iland from the West of which Iland to the Maine there is a Sand that maketh as it were a bar so that that way is not passable for shipping but to the Eastward there is two fathoms water This Sound diuideth it selfe into two branches or armes the one running North-east twentie foure daies iourney the other North-west thirtie daies iourney into the Maine At the heads whereof there are two Lakes the Westermost being eight daies iourney long and foure daies iourney broad and the Eastermost foure daies iourney long and two daies broad The Riuer of Aponeg runneth vp into this Sound and so maketh as it were a great Iland
between Sagadahoc and it From the Iland vpward the water is fresh abounding in Salmons and other fresh-water fish Some thirteene or fourteen daies iourney from the entrance in the North-east branch there is a little arme of a Riuer that runneth East some daies iourney which hath at the entrance foure fathoms water Vpon this arme there is one ouer fail which standeth halfe a daies iourney aboue this braneh vpon this arme there are foure Townes The first is called Kenebeke which hath eightie houses and one hundred men The Lord whereof is Apombamen The second is Ketangheanycke and the Sagamos name is Octoworthe who hath in his Towne ninetie housholds and three hundred and thirtie men This Towne is foure dayes iourney from Kenebeke and eight dayes iourney from To the Northward is the third Towne which they call Naragooc where there are fiftie housholds and one hundred and fiftie men The chiefe Sagamo of that place is Cocockohamas And on the small branch that runneth East standeth the fourth Towne named by Mâ—ssakiga where there are but eight housholds and fortie men Vpon the Northwest branch of this Sound stand two Townes more The first is called Amereangan and is distant from Kenebeke sixe dayes iourney In this place are ninetie housholdes and two hundred and sixtie men with two Sagamoes the one called Sasuâ—a the other Scawas Seuen daies iourney hence there is another Sagamo whose name is Octoworâ—kin and his Townes name Namercante wherein are fortie housholds and one hundred and twentie men A dayes iourney aboue Namercante there is a downefall where they cannot passe with their Cannoes but are inforced to carrie them by Land for the space of a quarter of a mile and then they put them into the Riuer againe And twelue dayes iourney aboue this Downfall there is another where they carrie their Boates as at the first and sixe dayes iourney more to the North is the head of this Riuer where is the Lake that is of eight dayes iourney long and foure dayes broad before mentioned In this Lake there is one Iland and three dayes iourney from this Lake there is a Towne which is called Buccawganecants wherein are threescore housholds and foure hundred men And the Sagamo thereof is called Baccatusshe This man and his people are subiects to the Bashabez of Mawooshen and in his Countrey is the farthest limit of his Dominion where he hath any that doe him homage To the Westward of Sagadahoc foure dayes iourney there is another Riuer called Ashamabaga which hath at the entrance sixe fathoms water and is halfe a quarter of a mile broad it runneth into the Land two dayes iourney and on the East side there is one Towne called Agnagebcoc wherein are seuentie houses and two hundred and fortie men with two Sagames the one called Maurmet the other Casherokenit Seuen dayes iourney to the South-west of Ashamabaga there is another Riuer that is sixe fathoms to the entrance This Riuer is named Shawakotoc and is halfe a myle broad it runneth into the Land fiftie dayes iourney but foure dayes from the entrance it is so narrow that the Trees growing on each side doe so crosse with their boughes and bodies on the other as it permitteth not any meanes to passe with Boates that way for which cause the Inhabitants that on any occasion are to trauell to the head are forced to goe by Land taking their way vpon the West side At the end of this Riuer there is a Lake of foure dayes iourney long and two dayes broad wherein are two Ilands To the North-West foure daies iourney from this Lake at the head of this Riuer Shawakatoc there is a small Prouince which they call Crokemago wherein is one Towne This is the Westermost Riuer of the Dominions of Bashabez and Quibiquisson the Westermost To the Reader I Haue thought good to adde to the English Plantations in New England those in the neighbour Countrey of New-found-land This was first discouered Ann. 1497. by S. Sebastian Cabot set forth by King Henry the seuenth the Voyages followed of M. Rut Albert de Prato M. Hore and others Ann. 1583. actuall and formall possession was taken in the right of Queene Elizabeth of glorious memory and her Successours by that memorable Knight Sir Humfrey Gilbert see sup lib. 4. ca. 13. And in the yeere 1609. M. Iohn Guy of Bristoll did write a Treatise to animate the English to plant there a written Copy whereof I haue A. 1610. It pleased his most excellent Maiestie to grant a Patent for a Plantation part whereof the whole might seeme too long for our purpose we haue inserted CHAP. VII The beginning of the Patent for New-found-land and the Plantation there made by the English 1610. deliuered in a Letter dated thence from M. GVY to M. SLANY Also of the weather the three first Winters and of Captaine WESTON with other remarkable Occurrents IAMES by the Grace of GOD of Great Brittaine France and Ireland King Defendour of the Faith c. To all people to whom these Presents shall come greeting Know yee whereas diuers Our louing and well disposed Subiects are desirous to make Plantation to inhabite and to establish a Colony or Colonies in the Southerne and Easterne parts of the Countrey and I le or Ilands commonly called New-found-land vnto the Coast and Harbour whereof the Subiects of this our Realme of England haue for the space of fiftie yeeres and vpwards yeerely vsed to resort in no small numbers to fish intending by such Plantation and inhabiting both to secure and make safe the said Trade of Fishing to Our Subiects for euer And also to make some commendable benefit for the vse of mankind by the lands and profits thereof which hitherto from the beginning as it seemeth manifest hath remained vnprofitable And for better performance of such their purpose and intentions haue humbly besought Our Regall Authoritie and assistance Wee being well assured that the same Land or Countrey adioyning to the foresaid Coasts where Our Subiects vse to fish remaineth so destitute and desolate of inhabitance that scarce any one Sauage person hath in many yeeres beene seene in the most parts thereof And well knowing that the same lying and being so vacant is as well for the reasons aforesaid as for many other reasons very commodious for Vt and Our Dominions And that by the Law of Nature and Nations We may of Our Royall Authoritie possesse our selues and make graunt thereof without doing wrong to any other Prince or State considering they cannot iustly pretend any Soueraigntie or Right thereunto in respect that the same remaineth so vacant and not actually possessed and inhabited by any Christian or other whomsoeuer And therefore thinking it a matter and action well beseeming a Christian King to make true vse of that which God from the beginning created for mankind And therefore intending not onely to worke and procure the benefit and good of many of Our Subiects
of the afore said two moneths being both warmer and drier then in England In December we had sometimes faire weather sometimes frost and snow and sometime open weather and raine for in the latter end it was rainie and was open weather All these three moneths the winde was so variable as it would euery fortnight visite all the points of the Compasse The most part of Ianuary and February vnto the middle of March the frost continued the winde being for the most part Westerly and now and then Northerly notwithstanding three or foure times when the winde was at South it began to thaw and did raine That which fell in this season was for the most part Snow which with the heate of the Sunne would be consumed in the open places within a few dayes That which abode longest was in February During this time many dayes the Sun shone warme and bright from morning to night notwithstanding the length of this frosty weather small brookes that did run almost in leuell with a slow course were not the whole winter three nights ouer frozen so thicke as that the Ice could beare a Dogge to goe ouer it which I found by good proofe for euery morning I went to the brooke which runneth by our house to wash The Snow was neuer aboue eighteene inches thicke generally out of the drift so that the feare of wanting wood or water neuer tooke hold of vs for albeit we made no prouision for them yet at a minute of an houres warning we were furnished where there were Lakes of fresh water that stood still and did not run there is remained frozen able to beare a man almost three moneths and was not dissolued vntill the middle of Aprill But where the ayre had entrance and issue cut of them there was no frost When the winde in the winter time in England is at the North-east one moneth together the frost is greater and the cold more sharpe then it is here at all There was no moneth in all the winter that some of our company did not trauell in either by land or by water and lie abroad and drinke water in places distant two three foure and fiue leagues from our habitation and sometimes lay in the woods without fire and receiued no harme When Aprill came our Spring began and the first that did bud was the small Resen or the Corinth tree Our Company was not letted in working abroad in the woods and open ayre fifteene dayes the wholewinter We neuer wanted the company of Rauens and small Birds So that the doubt that haue bin made of the extremity of the winter season in these parts of New-found-land are found by our experience causelesse and that not onely men may safety inhabit here without any neede of Stoue but Nauigation may be made to and fro from England to these parts at any time of the yeare Concerning the healthfulnesse of these Countries we hauing bin now more then ten moneths vpon this Voyage of nine and thirty persons which was all our number which wintered here there are wanting onely foure whereof one Thomas Percy Sawyer died the eleuenth of December of thought hauing slaine a man in Rochester which was the cause being vnknowne vnto mee vntill a day before he died that he came this Voyage And one other called Iohn Morris Tyler miscarried the first of February by reason of a bruse The third called Marmaduke Whittington was neuer perfectly well after he had the small Poxe which he brought out of Bristoll with him who died the fifteenth of February And the fourth called William Stone hauing at the first onely a stiffenesse in one of his knees kept his bed ten weakes and would neuer stirre his body which lasinesse brought him to his end who died the thirteenth of Aprill Of the rest foure or fiue haue bin sicke some three moneths and some foure moneths who now are better then they were except one All of them if they had bad as good will to worke as they had good stomackes to their victuals would long since haue bin recouered One Richard Fletcher that is Master Pilot here and a director of the Fishing reported vnto me that he was one of the company consisting of forty persons that went in a drumbler of Ipswich called the Amitie to the North part of Ireland about eleuen yeeres agoe from London in the late Queenes seruice vnder the charge of one Captaine Fleming and continued there the space of two yeares In which time two and thirty died of the Scuruie and that onely eight of them returned home whereof the said Richard Fletcher was one So that the accident of death or sicknesse of any persons in these our parts of New-found-land is not to argue any vnhealthfulnesse of this Country no more then Ireland is to be discredited by the losse of those two and thirty men notwithstanding that there were to be had fresh victuals and many other helpes which this Country as yet hath not but in good time may haue From the sixt of October vntill the sixteenth of May our Company had bin imployed in making of a Store-house to hold our prouisions and a dwelling house for our habitation which was finished about the first of December with a square inclosure of one hundred and twenty foot long and nintie foot broad compassing these two houses and a worke house to worke dry in to make Boates or any other worke out of the raine and three peeces of Ordnance are planted there to command the Harboroughs vpon a platforme made of great posts and railes and great Poles sixteene foot long set vpright round about with two Flankers to scoure the quarters A Boat about twelue tuns big with a decke is almost finished to saile and row about the headlands six fishing Boates and Pinnesses a second saw pit at the fresh Lake of two miles in length and the sixt part of a mile broad standing within twelue score of our habitation to saw the timber to be had out of the fresh Lake in keeping two paire of Sawyers to saw plankes for the said buildings in ridding of some grounds to sow Corne and garden seedes in cutting of wood for the Collier in coling of it in working at the Smiths Forge Iron workes for all needfull vses in costing both by Land and Sea to many places within this Bay of Conception in making the frame of timber of a farre greater and fairer house then that which as yet we dwell in which is almost finished and diuers other things We haue sowed all sorts of graine this Spring which prosper well hitherto Our Goates haue liued here all this winter and there is one lustie Kidde which was yeaned in the dead of winter Our Swine prosper Pidgens and Conies will endure exceeding well Our Poultrie haue not onely laied Egges plentifully but there are eighteene yong Chickins that are a weeke old besides others that are a hatching The feare of wilde Beasts
we haue found to be almost needelesse Our great Ram-Goate was missing fifteene dayes in October and came home well againe and is yet well with vs. If the industry of men and presence of domesticall Cattle were applied to the good of this Countrey of New-found-land there would shortly arise iust cause of contentment to the inhabitants thereof Many of our Masters and Sea-faring men seeing our safetie and hearing what a milde winter we had and that no Ice had bin seene fleeting in any of the Bayes of this Countrey all this yeare notwithstanding that then met one hundred and fifty leagues off in the Sea great store of Ilands of Ice doe begin to be in loue with the Countrey and doe talke of comming to take land here to inhabit falling in the reckoning aswell of the commoditie that they may make by the banke fishing as by the husbandry of the Land besides the ordinary fishing At the Greene Bay where some of our Company were a fishing in Nouember they report there is great store of good grounds without woods and there is a thousand acres together which they say may be moâ—ed this yere There is great store of Deere whereof they saw some diuers times and twice they came within shot of them and the Greyhound who is lustie had a course but could not get vpon them But neerer vnto Cape Razo Reuonse and Trepasse there is great quantitie of open ground and Stagges It is most likely that all the Sackes will be departed out of England before the returne of this our Barke which shall not make any matter because I am now of opinion that nothing should be sent hither before the returne of the Ships from fishing For as concerning sending of Cattle it will be best that it be deferred vntill the next Spring And concerning Victuals in regard of the quantity we haue of it remaining of old together with that that is come now as with the dry fish that here we may be stored with I am in good hope there will not want any to last till this time twelue moneths And according to the victuals which shall be found at the end of the fishing the number of persons that shall remaine here all the next winter shall be fitted that there shall not want notwithstanding about Alhollantide or the beginning of December a Ship may be sent such a one as our Fleming was with Salt from Rochel for at any time of the winter Ships may as well goe and come hither as when they doe especially before Ianuary This Summer I purpose to see most places betweene Cape Rase Placentia and Bona vista and at the returne of the fishing Ships to entertaine a fit number of men to maintaine here the winter and to set ouer them and to take the care of all things here with your patience one Master William Colton a discreete yong man and my brother Philip Guy who haue wintered with me and haue promised me to vndertake this charge vntill my returne the next Spring or till it shall be otherwise disposed of by you and then together with such of the company as are willing to goe home and such others as are not fit longer to be entertained here I intend to take passage in the fishing Ships and so returne home And then betweene that and the Spring to be present to giue you more ample satisfaction in all things and to take such further resolution as the importance of the enterprise shall require wherein you shall finde me alwayes as ready as euer I haue bin to proceeds and goe forward God willing And because at my comming home it will be time enough for mee to lay before you mine opinion touching what is to be vndertaken the next yeare I will forbeare now to write of it because you should be the sooner aduertised of our welfare and because such of the Company as are sent home both for their owne good and that the vnprofitable expence of victuals and wages might coase I haue laden little or nothing backe that the said Company might the better be at ease in the hold Onely there is sent three hogsheads of Charcoles where Numero 1o. is they are of Burch no. 2o. is of Pine and Spruce no. 3o. is of Firre being the lightest wood yet it maketh good Coles and is vsed by our Smith I send them because you shall see the goodnesse of each kinde of Cole Also I send you an Hogshead of the Skinnes and Furres of such Beasts as haue bin taken here the particulers whereof appeare in the Bill of lading While I was writing I had newes of the Vineyard the Ship which you send to fishing to haue bin in company with another Ship that is arriued on this side of the Banke and that the Master intended to goe to Farillon or Fer-land God send her in safety So praying God for the prosperity of your Worships and the whole Company with hope that his diuine Maiestie which hath giuen vs so good a beginning will alwayes blesse our proceedings my dutie most humbly remembred I take my leaue Dated in Cupers Coue the sixteenth of May 1611. I haue also a Iournall of the winde and weather from the latter end of August 1611. till Iune 1612. written by Master William Colston and deliuered to Master Iohn Guy Gouernour of the English Colony in Newfoundland at his returne from England thither Iune the seuenth 1612. By which it appeareth that the weather was somewhat more intemperate then it had beene the yeare before but not intolerable nor perhaps so bad as we haue it sometims in England Their Dogges killed a Wolfe Otters Sables c. Captaine Easton a Pirat was troublesome to the English and terrible to the French there of whom I haue added this Letter for the Diarie of the weather and occurrents each day would be very tedious To Master IOHN SLANY Treasurer and others of the Councell and Company of the New-found-land Plantation the twenty nine of Iuly 1612. RIght Worshipfull by my last of the seuenteenth of Iune I wrote you of the estate then of all matters here by the Holland Ship which I hope is long since safely arriued together with Master Colston who hath I doubt not made by word of mouth full relation of all matters Because the proceedings of one Captaine Peter Easton a Pirate and his company since are most fit to be knowne before I touch our Plantation businesse you shall vnderstand what they haue bin vnto this time vntill the seuenteenth of this present the said Captaine Easton remained in Harbor de Grace there trimming and repairing his Shipping and commanding not onely the Carpenters of each Ship to doe his businesse but hath taken victuals munition and necessaries from euery Ship together with about one hundred men out of the Bay to man his Ships being now in number six He purposed to haue before he goeth as is said cut of the land fiue hundred men while he remained there
night to the harbour that we were in at our entring which we call Flag-staffe Harbour because we found there the Flag-staffe throwne by the Sauages away These Sauages by all likelihood were animated to come vnto vs by reason that wee tooke nothing from them at Sauage Bay and some of them may be of those which dwell there For in no other place where we were could we perceiue any tokens of any aboade of them c. CHAP. VIII Captaine RICHARD WHITBOVRNES Voyages to New-found-land and obseruations there and thereof taken out of his Printed Booke IT it well knowne that my breeding and course of life hath beene such as that I haue long time set many people on worke and spent most of my daies in trauell specially in Merchandizing and Sea-Voyages I haue beene often in France Spain Italy Portugall Sauoy Denmarke Norway Spruceland the Canaries and Soris Ilands and for the New-found-land it is almost so familiarly knowne to me as my owne Countrey In the yeere 1588. I serued vnder the then Lord Admirall as Captaine in a Ship of my owne set forth at my charge against the Spanish Armado and after such time as that seruice was ended taking my leaue of his Honour I had his fauourable Letters to one Sir Robert Denuis in the Countie of Deuon Knight whereby there might be some course taken that the charge as well of my owne Ship as also of two other and a Pinnace with the victuals and men therein imploied should not be any way burthensome to me Wherein there was such order giuen by the then right Honorable Lords of the priuie Counsell that the same was well satisfied which seruice is to be seene recorded in the Booke at White-Hall Now to expresse some of my Voyages to the New-found-land which make most for the present purpose My first Voyage thither was about fortie yeeres since in a worthie Shippe of the burthen of three hundred â—un set forth by one Master Cotton of South-hampton wee were bound to the Grand Bay which lieth on the Northside of that Land purposing there to trade then with the Sauage people for whom we carried sundry commodities and to kill Whales and to make Traine Oyle as the Biscaines doe there yeerely in great abundance But this our intended Voyage was ouerthrowne by the indiscretion of our Captaine and faint-hartednesse of some Gentlemen of our Companie whereupon we set faile from thence and bare with Trinity Harbour in New-found-land where we killed great store of Fish Deere Beares Beauers Seales Otters and such like with abundance of Sea-fowle and so returning for England wee arriued safe at South-hampton In a Voyage to that Countrie about six and thirtie yeeres since I had then the command of a worthy Ship of two hundred and twenty tun set forth by one Master Crooke of South-hampton At that time Sir Humfrey Gilbert a Deuonshire Knight came thither with two good Ships and a Pinnace and brought with him a large Patent from the late most renowned Queene Elizabeth and in her name tooke possession of that Countrie in the Harbour of Saint Iohns whereof I was an eye-witnesse He failed from thence towards Virginia and by reason of some vnhappy direction in his course the greatest Ship he had strucke vpon Shelues on the Coast of Canadie and was there lost with most part of the company in her And he himselfe being then in a small Pinnace of twenty tun in the company of his Vice-Admirall one Captaine Hayes returning towards England in a great storme was ouerwhelmed with the Seas and so perished In another Voyage I made thither about foure and thirty yeeres past wherein I had the command of a good Ship partly mine one at that time own Sir Bernard Drake of Deuonshire Knight came thither with a Commission and hauing diuers good Ships vnder his command hee there took many Portugall Ships laden with Fish and brought them into England as Prizes Omitting to speak of other Voyages I made thither during the late Queens raign I will descend to later times In the yeere 1611. being in New-found-land at which time that famous Arch-Pirate Peter Easton came there and had with him ten saile of good Ships well furnished and very rich I was kept eleuen weekes vnder his command and had from him many golden promises and much wealth offered to be put into my hands as it is well knowne I did perswade him much to desist from his euill course his intreaties then to me being that I would come for England to some friends of his and sollicite them to become humble petitioners to your Maiestie for his pardon but hauing no warrant to touch such goods I gaue him thinkes for his offer onely I requested him to release a Ship that he had taken vpon the Coast of Guinnie belonging to one Captaine Rashly of Foy in Cornewall a man whom I knew but onely by report which he accordingly released Whereupon I prouided men victuals and a fraught for the said Ship and so sent her home to Dartmouth in Donen though I neuer had so much as thankes for my kindenesse therein And so leauing Easton I came for England and gaue notice of his intention letting passe my Voyage I intended for Naples and lost both my labour and charges for before my arriuall there was a pardon granted and sent him from Ireland But Easton houering with those ships and riches vpon the Coast of Barbary as he promised with a longing desire and full expectation to be called home lost that hope by a too much delaying of time by him who carried the Pardon Whereupon he failed to the Straights of Gibraltar and was afterwards entertained by the Duke of Sauoy vnder whom he liued rich I was there also in the yeere 1614. when Sir Henry Manwaring was vpon that Coast with fiue good Ships strongly prouided he caused me to spend much time in his company and from him I returned into England although I was bound from thence to Marsseâ—â—is to make sale of such goods as I then had and other imploiments c. In the yeere 1615. I returned againe to New-found-land carrying with mee a Commission out of the high Court of Admiraltie vnder the great Seale thereof authorising me to empannell Iuries and to make inquirie vpon Oath of sundry abuses and disorders committed amongst Fishermen yeerly vpon that Coast and of the fittest means to redâ—esse the same with some other points hauing a more particular relation to the Office of the Lord Admirall What was then there done by vertue of that Commission which was wholly executed at my owne charge hath bin at large by me already certified into the high Court of Admâ—â—altie Neuerthelesse seeing the same hath beene ouer slipt euer since not produced those good effects which were expected I will in some conuenient place of this Discourse set downe a briefe collection of some part of my endeuours spent in that seruice not doubting but it will be as auaileable for the
furtherance of our intended designe as any other reason I shall deliuer In the yeere 1616. I had a Ship at New-found-land of a hundred tun which returning laden from thence being bound for Lisbone was met with by a French Pirace of Rochell one Daniel Tibolo who rifled her to the ouerthrow and losse of my Voyage in more then the 〈◊〉 of 860. pounds and cruelly handled the Mastes and the Company that were in her and although I made good proofe thereof at Lisbone and represented the same also to this Kingdome as appertained after my returne from thence yet for all this losse 〈◊〉 could neuer haue any recompence Shortly after my returne from Lisboue I was sent for by a Gentleman who about a yeere before by a grant from the Patentees had vndertaken to settle people in New-found-land he acquainted me with his designes after some conference touching the same we so concluded that he gaue me a conueiance vnder his hand and seale for the terme of my life with full power to gouerne within his circuit vpon that Coast whereupon being desirous to aduance that worke in Anno 1618. I sailed thither in a Ship of my owne which was victualled by that Gentleman my selfe and some others We likewise then did set forth another Ship for a fishing Voyage which also carried some victuals for those people which had beene formerly sent to inhabit there but this Ship was intercepted by an English erring Captain that went forth with Sir Walter Raleigh who tooke the Master of her the Boatswaine two other of the best men with much of her victuals the rest of the Company for feare running into the woods and so left the Ship as a Prize whereby our intended Fishing Voyages of both our Ships were ouerthrown and the Plantation hindered Now seeing it pleased your Maiestie many yeers since to take good notice of the said New-found-land and granted a Patent for a Plantation there wherein many Honorable and worthy mens endeuours and great charge therein haue deserued good commendations as is well known the which I desire to further with all my best endeuours and not to disgrace or disable the foundation and Proiects of others knowing they haue beene greatly hindered by Pâ—â—ats and some erring Subiects that haue arriued vpon that Coast it being indifferent to me whether there be a new foundation laid or whether it be builded vpon that which hath already beene begun so that the Plantation go forward Yet I may truly say that hither to little hath beene performed to any purpose by such as therein were imploied worthy the name of a Plantation or answerable to the expectationa and desert of the Vndertakers neither haue such good effects followed as may be expected from a thorow performance hereafter And seeing that no man hath yet published any fit motiues or inducements whereby to perswade men to aduenture or plant there I haue presumed plainly to lay downe these following reasons c. A Relation of the New-found-land NEw-found-land is an Iland bordering vpon the continent of America from which it is diuided by the Sea so far distant as England is from the neerest part of France lieth between 46. and 53. deg North-latitude It is neere as spacious as Ireland and lieth neere the course that Ships vsually hold in their return from the Wost Indies and neere halfe the way between Ireland and Virginia I shall not much neede to coâ—â—end the wholsome temperature of that Countrie seeing the greatest part thereof lieth aboue 3. degrees neerer to the South then any part of England doth And it hath bin well approued by some of our Nation who haue liued there these many yeeres that euen in the winter it is as pleasant and healthfull as England is And although the example of one Summer be no certain rule for other yeeres yet thus much also can I truely affirme that in the yeare 1615. of the many thousands of English French Portugals and others that were then vpon that Coast amongst whom I sailed to and â—â—o more then one hundred leagues I neither saw nor heard in all that crauell of any man or boy of either of these Nations that died there during the whole Voyage neither was so much as any one of them sicke The naturall Inhabitants of the Countrie as they are but few in number so are they something rude and sauage people hauing neither knowledge of God nor liuing vnder any kinde of ciuil gouernment In their habits customs manners they resemble the Indians of the Continent from whence I suppose they come they liue altogether in the North and West part of the Country which is seldome frequented by the English But the French and Biscaines who resort thither yeerely for the Whale-fishing and also for the Cod-fish report them to be an ingenious and tractable people being well vsed they are ready to assist them with great labour and patience in the killing cutting and boyling of Whales and making the Traine Oyle without expectation of other reward then a little Bread or some such small hire All along the coast of this Countrie there are many spacious and excellent Bayes some of them stretching into the land one towards another more then twentie leagues On the East side of the Land are the Bayes of Trinitie and Conception which stretcheth themselues towards the South-weste Toâ— Bay and Cap 〈…〉 Bay lying also on the East stretch toward the West the Bayes of Trepassoy S. Mary Bâ—rrell and Plaisâ—â—ce on the South part of the Land extend their armes toward the North The great Bay of S. 〈◊〉 lying on the South-west side of the Land and East So 〈…〉 rly from the great Riuer of C 〈…〉 being about twentie leagues distant the same stretcheth toward the East And here I pray you note that the bottoms of these Bayes doe meete together within the compasse of a small 〈◊〉 by meanes whereof our men passing ouer land from Bay to Bay may with much facilitied discouer the whole Countrie From the Bay of S. Peter round about the West side of the Land till you come to the grand Bay which 〈◊〉 on the North side of the Countrie and so from thence till you come round back to T 〈…〉 Bay are abundance of large and excellent Bayes which are the lesse knowne because not frequented by the English who seldome 〈◊〉 to the Northward of Triâ—â—tie Bay And it is to be obserued that round about the Coast and in the Bayes there are many small Ilands none of them further off the 〈…〉 league from the land both faire and fruitfullâ— neither doth any one part of the world afford greacee store of good Harbours more free from dangers or more commodious then are there built by the admirable workmanship of God I will onely instance two or three of the chiefest for some speciall reasons Trinitie Harbour â—yes fortie nine degrees North-latitude being very commodiously seasted to receiue shipping in
as Geese and flie not for they haue but a little short wing and they multiply so infinitely vpon a certaine flat Iland that men driue them from thence vpon a boord into their Boates by hundreds at a time as if God had made the innocencie of so poore a creature to become such an admirable instrument for the sustentation of man There are also Godwits Curlewes and a certaine kinde of Fowle are called Oxen and Kine with such like which Fowle doe not onely steed those that trade thither greatly for foode but also they are a great furthering to diuers Ships voyages because the abundance of them is such that the Fishermen doe baâ—t their hookes with the quarters of Sea-Fowle on them and therewith some Ships doe yeerely take a great part of their Fishing Voyages with some baite before they can get others The fresh waters and Springs of that Countrie are many in number and withall very pleasant delightfull and wholesome that no Countrie in the world hath better And Fewell for fire is so plenâ—â—full that there is neuer like to be want of that commoditie In like manner there is great abundance of Trees fit to be imploied in other seruiceable vses There are Furre and Spruce trees sound good and fit to mast Ships withall and as commodious for boords and buildings as the Spruce and Firre trees of Norway and out of these came abundance of Turpentine No Countrie can shew Pine and Birch trees of such height and greatnesse as those are there and doubtlesse if some store of your Maiesties subiects doe once settle there to liue and would be industrious to search further and more throughly into the Countrie then as yet it hath beene there might be found many other commodities of good worth Amongst the which I may not omit that there is much probabilitie of finding Mines and making of Iron and Pitch The Riuers also and Harbors are generally stored with delicate Fish as Salmons Pearles Eeles Herring Mackerell Flounders Launce Capelin God and Troutes the fairest fattest and sweetest that I haue seene in any part of the world The like for Lobsters Crabfish Musktes Hens and other varietie of Shel-fish great store And also obserue here that in these places there is vsually store of the spawne and frie of seuerall sorts of fishes whereby the Sea-fowle liue so fat as they are there in the winter And likewise the Beuers Otters and such like that seeke their foode in the Ponds and fresh Riuers The Seas likewise all along the Coast doe plentifully abound in other sorts of fish as Wâ—ales Spanish Mackerell Dorrell Pales Herring Hogs Porposes Seales and such like royall fish c. But the chiefe commodity of New-found-land yet knowne and which is growne to be a setled trade and that may be much bettered by an orderly Plantation there if the Traders thither will take some better course then formerly they haue done as shall be declared if the Cod-fishing vpon that Coast by which our Nation and many other Countries are enricht And if I should here set downe a valuation of that Fish which the French Biscaines and Portugals setch yeerely from this Coast of New-found-land and the Banke which lieth within fiue and twentie leagues from the South-Cape of that Countrie where the French vse to fish Winter and Summer vsually making two Voyages euery yeere thither To which places and to the Coast of Canady which lieth neere vnto it are yeerely sent from those Countries more then foure hundred saile of Ships It would seeme incredible yea some men are of opinion that the people of France Spaine and Italy could not so well liue if the benefit of the fishing vpon this Coast and your Maiesties other Dominions were taken from them But I trust it will be sufficient that I giue an estimate of our owne trading thither and partly of the wealth and commodities we reape thereby without any curious search into other mens profits In the yeere 1615. when I was at New-found-land with the Commission before mentioned which was an occasion of my taking the more particular obseruations of that Country there were then on that Coast of your Maiesties subiects two hundred and fiftie saile of Ships great and small The burthens and Tunnage of them all one with another so neere as I could take notice allowing euery Ship to be at least threescore tun for as some of them contained lesse so many of them held more amounting to more then 15000. tunnes Now for euery threescore tun burthen according to the vsuall manning of Ships in those Voyages agreeing with the note I then tooke there are to be set downe twentie men and boyes by which computation in these two hundred and fiftie saile there were no lesse then fiue thousand persons Now euery one of these Ships so neere as I could guesse had about 120000. fish and fiue tunne of traine Oyle one with another So that the totall of the Fish in these two hundred and fiftie saile when it was brought into England France or Spaine being sold after the rate of foure pound for euery thousand of fish sixscore fishes to the hundred which is not a pennie a fish and if it yeelde lesse it was ill sold amounted in monie to 120000. pound Now as I haue said before allowing to euery Ship of sixtie tun at least fiue tun of traine Oyle the totall of that ariseth to 1250. tun each tun whether it be sold in England or elsewhere being vnder-valued at twelue pound So as the whole value thereof in monie amounteth to the sum of 15000. pound which added to the fish it will appeare that the totall value of the fish and Traine Oyle of those 250. saile of Ships that yeere might yeelde to your Maiesties subiects better then the Summe of 135000. pound omitting to reckon the ouer-prices which were made and gotten by the sale thereof in forrain Countries being much more then what is vsually made at home and so the like in other yeeres And this certainly in my vnderstanding is a point worthy of consideration that so great wealth should yearely be raised by one sole commodity of that Countrie yea by one onely sort of fish and not vpon any other trade thither which must needes yeelde with the imploiments thereof great riches to your Maiesties Subiects And this also to be gathered and brought home by the sole labour and industry of men without exchange or exportation of our Coine and natiue commodities or other aduenture then of necessarie prouisions for the fishing as Salt Nets Leads Hookes Lines and the like and of victuals as Bread Beefe and Porke in competent measure according to the number and proportion of men imployed in those Voyages The conuerting of these commodities gotten by fishing into mony cannot choose but be a great benefit to all your Maiesties Kingdomes in many respects What the charge in setting forth of these two hundred and fiftie saile might
trust to fi 〈…〉 d some for the turne of Dâ—ers Our high leuells of Land are adorned with Woods both fare and seemely to behold and greene all Winter Within Land there are Plaines innumerable many of them containing many thousand Acres very pleasant to see to and well furnished with Ponds Brookes and Riurrs very plentifull of sundry sorts of Fish besides store of Deere and ether Beasts that yeeld both Food and Furre Touching the soyle I find it in many places of goodnesse farre beyond my expectation the Earth as good as can be the Grasse both fat and vnctious and if there were store of Cattle to feed it vp and with good ordering it would become a most stedfast nourishment whereof the large breed of Cattell to our Northerne Plantation haue lately giuen proofes sufficient though since they haue beene most shamefully destroyed The ayre here is very healthfull the water both cleer and wholsome and the Winter short tolerable continuing onely in Ianury February and part of March the day in Winter longer then in England the nights both silent and comfortable producing nothing that can be said either horrid or hideous Neither was it so cold here the last Winter as in England the yeere before I remember but â—eree seuerall dayes of hard weather indeed and they not extreame neither for I haue knowne greater Frosts and farre greater Snowes in our owne Countrey At the B 〈…〉 Plantation there is as goodly Rye now growing as can bee in any part of England they are also well furnished with Swine and a large breed of Goates faâ—â—er by far then those that were sent ouer at the first The Stones Kernells and Seeds that Stoning brought mee were put into the ground presently after his arriuall the which are already of a prettie growth though late set for they came to my hands but vpon the seuenteenth of May. The Uines that came from Plimouth doe prosper very well nay it is to be assured that any thing that growes in England will grow and prosper very well here whereby it plainly appeares vnto your Honour what manner of Countrey the same is It may please your Honour to vnderstand that our Salt-maker hath performed his part with a great deale of sufficiency by whom I haue sent your Honour a Barrell of the best Salt that euer my eyes beheld who with better setling doth vndertake to better this which hee hath made already I shall humbly also desire you to remember my last yeeres suit that our delicate Harbours and Woods may not bee altogether destroyed For there hath beene rinded this yeere not so few as 50000. Trees and they heaue out ballast into the Harbors though I looke on It may likewise please your Honour to giue expresse order First that such as be sent thither hereafter may be such men as shall bee of good strength whereof wee stand in need of sixe Masons foure Carpenters two or three good Quarry-men a Slater or two a Lyme-â—urner and Lyme-stones a good quantitie of hard Laths a couple of strong Maids that besides other worke can both Brew and Bake and to furnish vs with Wheeles Heâ—â—â—pe and Flax and a conuenient number of West-countrey Labourers to fit the ground for the Plough Secondly that no more Boyes or Girles be sent hither I meane vpon your Honors charge nor any other persons which haue not beene brought vp to labour for they are vnfit for these affaires Thirdly your Honor of necessitie must needes send some Gunnes and a Gunner with his necessaries for the place and time doe require it It is a durable Chartell they will command the Harbour and secure all c. A Copie of a Letter from N. H. a Gentleman liuing at Ferryland in Newfound-Land to a worthy Friend W. P. of the 18. of August 1622. SIR MY humble seruice remembred accounting my selfe bound vnto you in a double bond namely loue and dutie I could not be vnmindfull to shew the same vnto you in these rude lines thereby to acquaeint you with our health the temperature of the Countrey and the commodities and blessings therein And first for the first Concerning our health there is not any man amongst our company that hath beene sicke scarcely one day since he came but hath beene able to follow his worke The Climate differs but little from England and I my selfe felt lesse cold here this Winter then I did in England the Winter before by much The aâ—â—e 〈◊〉 sweeter for I neuer s 〈…〉 elt any euill sauor in the Countrey nor saw any venemous creature to burt mee Gods blessings vpon this Land are manifold As for wood and water it passeth England the one most sweet in growing and burning the other most pleasant to taste and good to drinke For in Whitson-holidayes I taking with me Master Stoning did coast some ten miles into the Countrey Westward from our Plantation to make some discouery of the Countrey and to kill a Deere and being some fiue miles into the Land where wee lodged that night in a Wood we found much Champion ground and good leuels of one two three or foure hundred Acres together and at the foot of each Mountaine and small Hill wee alwayes met with a faire fresh Riuer or a sweet Brooke of running water whereof wee freely dranke and it did quench my thirst as well as any Beere and much refresh vs both and neuer offended our stomackes at all Wee trauelled three dayes but found no Deere saue their footings which came to passe by meanes of a great fire that had burned the Woods a little before ten miles compasse It began betweene Formouse and Aquafort it burned a weeke and then was quenched by a great raine I know not how or what hee was that gaue sire to it but I thinke hee was a seruant hired by the Deuill to doe that wicked deed who I doe not doubt will pay him for his worke In the night the Wolues being neere did something affright vs with howlings but did not hurt vs for wee had Dogs Fire and Sword to welcome them As for the Beares although there bee many they beare vs no ill will I thinke for I haue eaten my part of two or three and taken no hurt by them Foxes heere are many and as subtill as a Foxe yet haue wee coozned many of them of their rich coats which our worthy Gouernour keepes carefully as also of Cattagena's and Otters whose couerings wee preserue as fitting presents for greater persons The Fowles and Birds of the Land are Partridges Curlues Fillidayes Black-birds Bulfinches Larkes Sparrowes and such like Those of the Sea are Goose Ducks of foure sorts Capderace Teale Snipes Penguyns Murres Hounds Sanderlings Redshanks and others all very fat sweete and wholsome The Fowles of prey are Tercells Goshawkes Falcons Laners Sparhawkes Gripes Ospreis Owles great and small Rauens Gulls Puâ—erils and some others and of most of these sorts I haue killed many As for the plentie
of Codfish it is well knowne vnto you Salmons Eeles Mackarell Herrings Lance Caplin Dog fish Hollibuts Flowkes Lobsters Crabs and Muskles All and more then all these are here in great plentie very good and sweet meat The wild fruit and berries are small Peares Cherries Nuts Resberries Strawberries Barberries Dewberrics Hurtleberries with others all good to eate Many faire Flowers I haue seene here which I cannot name although I had learned Gerrards Herball by heart But wild Roses are here both red and damaske as fragrant and faire as in England All our Corne and Seedes haue prospered well and are already growne almost to perfect maturitie c. THE SECOND PART OF THE TENTH BOOKE CHAP. X. Diuers Warlike Fleets set forth to Sea against the Spaniards by our English DEBORA Queene ELIZABETH of Glorious memory Her manifold Deliueries and Victories LOI the Man whose Mâ—se 〈…〉 s'd on Plantations New England Virgin Bermude Newfound-landed Lawrell for oliue take and make Relations Of Armes Harmes Fights Frights Flights Depopulations Romes Buls Spaines broyles Irelands 〈◊〉 Traitors branded GOD Angels Winds Seas Men Elizas Glory Conspire Shee outlines Death â—n Heauen in Story HAile greatest of English Names Glorious ELIZABETH Nor may wee after thy voyage and peregrination out of this World vnto thy true and heauenly home Country forget the great Acts of thy earthly Pilgrimage Thou wast indeed the Mother of English Sea-greatnesse and didst first by thy Generalls not salute alone but awe and trrrifie the remotest East and West stretching thy long and strong armes to India to China to America to the Peruvian Seas to the Californian Coast and New Albions Scepters Thou mad'st the Northerne Muscouite admire thy Greatnesse Thou gauest name to the North-west Straits Meta Incognita and the Southern Negros and Ilands of the South-vnknowne-continent which knew not humanitie were compelled to know Thee Thou imbracedst the whole earthly Globe in thy Maritime Armes thou freedst England from Easterlings and Lumbards borrowed legs and taughtst her not onely to stand and goe without helpe but become helpe to our friends and with her own Sea forces to stand against yea to stand vpon and stampe vnder feet the proudest of her foes Thou wast a Mother to thy Neighbours Scots French Dutch a Mirrour to the remotest of Nations Great Cumberland twelue voyages before recited are thine and the fiery vigor of his Martiall Spirit was kindled at thy bright Lamp quickened by the Great Spirit of ELIZABETH Drake Candish Iohn and Richard Hawkins Raleigh Dudley Sherley Preston Greenuile Lancaster Wood Raimund Leuison Monson Winter Frobisher Daâ—â—es and other the Star-worthies of Englands Sphere whose Planet-courses we haue before related acknowledge ELIZAS Orb to be their First and highest Mouer How many Royall Fleets did shee set forth In the yeeres 85. and 87. those vnder Sir Francis Drake before mentioned as that also in 95. vnder him and Sir Iohn Hawkins another Fleet 1590. vnder Sir Iohn Hawkins and Sir Martin Frobisher to the Ilands also 1591. the Iland Fleet vnder the Lord Thomas Howard now Earle of Suffolke that 1592. by Sir Iohn Burroughs and Sir Robert Crosse when the Madre de Dios was taken and another Carrike burnt An. 1594. Shee sent forth a Fleet to Brest where Frobusher was slaine Another 1599. vnder the Lord Thomas Howard A. 1600. vnder Sir Richard Leuison a Fleet to the Ilands 1601. another to Ireland A. 1602. vnder Sir Richard Leuison and Sir William Manson and another vnder the same Commanders 1603. as bequeathing in her fatall extreames Marine Actions and Glory to her Successour These and other her Sea-glories I purpose not here to dilate hauing already handled some of them but haue singled from the rest the actions of 88. 89. 96. and 97. praemising somthing as a Preface of the great deliuerances which God vouch safed that Virgin Queen That Church which is mystically called The woman drunken with the bloud of Saints had begun to persecute her from her birth Pope Clement the sixt decreeing against her Mothers mariage and Pope Paul the third thundring a terrible sentence against her Fathers Soueraigntie And although King Henry had first enacted against his daughters and after for them by Parliamentary authoritie yet when King Edward which vsed to call her his sweet sister Temperance was dead there wanted not some which extruded both the sisters and obtruded another succession Queene Mary dispersing that storme raised another wherein shee was exposed to the columnies of fairesoule-mouthed sycophants which would haue stained the reigne of that Queene otherwise branded as short bloudy vnfortunate with the slaughter of that Royall Virgin Story and others saying That in vaine the boughs of Heresie were lopped off if the Root were suffered to continue Long and straight imprisonment shee indâ—red and was forced by them to Masse Confession and externall profession of that Romish Catholiâ—â—sme which perhaps had not diuerted her enemies designe had not the peruersâ—st of her enemies Gardiner beene auerted by his owne death and had not also King Philip with the Spaniards enuied to the French so rich an Inheritance as by Queene M 〈…〉 death without â—ssue which could scarsly from her sicke and aged body be expect was likely to fall vpon Queene Mary of Scotland betrothed to the Dolphin of France whereby the Spanish greatnesse already embroyled enough was likely to bee ouermatched by the French increased with addition of three mightie Kingdomes Queene Mary dying and Cardinall Poole with many Prelates as it were attending her exequies with their owne with generall applause Shee was acknowledged Queen Her first care was to restore Religion notwithstanding the dangers thence incompassing her shee also reiected the mariage with King Philip whereof hee had treated with her by the Earle of Feria his Embassadour promising to procure thereunto the Popes dispensation neither admitted shee the offered match of Charles sonne to Ferdinand the Emperour and when Henry the French King by the Guisians was perswaded to challenge England to his sonne and daughter in law causing them to vse her title Francis Mary by the Grace of God King and Queene of Scotland England and Ireland and prepared Warres against her God tooke him out of the world being s 〈…〉 e at a Talt sport The new King and Queene continued their former challenge Title and Ensignes which gaue no small occasions of those euills which afterwards inuolued her breeding a great d 〈…〉 gust betwixt those two greatest Ladies which Christendome had both Heires to an absolute Souereigntie Shee expelled the French out of Scotland stablished the affaires of Ireland procured armour and weapons out of Germany caused much Artillery to bee cast of Brasse and Iron new Mynes of Brasse being sound at Keswicke and the stone Calammaris vsefull for Brasse-workes found here also prouision for Gunpowder was first at her commandement made here at home Barwicke fortified the Nauie furnished the Sea Townes imitating her example and increasing
dayly in Nauall forces answered by Martiall Spirits for Land and Sea seruice Thus did God blesse her that had glorified him in establishing his Truth notwithstanding the pouertie of the State at her entrance deepely indetted by her predecessours and the saint friendship or professed enmitie of Rome and all her disciples Thus shall it bee done to the Woman God will honour and more then thus for what was all the time of her reigne but vicissitudes of Treasons Warres and manifold externall and internall broyles and yet in an admirable working of Diuine Grace when had England so long and flourishing peace at home or glory and renowme abroad as if hee which brought light out of darknesse would permit all such contrary workings to bee the object of his goodnesse the fewell and materialls of her greatnesse Arthur Poole the fourth yeere of her reigne abused the greatnesse of his bloud with other conspirators to the Guisâ—â—n purposes but taken and sentenced receiued not bloudie reward from her mild and mercifull hand Pope Pius the fift denounceth her excommunicate discharging her Subiects from loyaltie and alleageance and arming them against her Ridolfi a Florentine playes the Merchant of Popish wares the Earles of Northumberland and Westmerland take armes the Duke of Norfolke is entangled the French and Spaniard are perswaded by the Pope who promised also if need were to ingage to this purpose all the goods of the Sea Apostolike Chalices Crosses and holy Vestments Uitellius is commanded to inuade England with an Army from the Low-countries but God protected ELIZABETH and her Enemies abroad were disappointed the Traitors at home falling into their owne pit About the same time Edmund and Peter brethten to the Earle of Oâ—â—ond were busie in Ireland to inflame which rebellion Mendoza came out of Spaine but before it brake forth into any great combustion it was extinct Don Iohn of Austria enters next vpon the Stage for I omit Barues and Muthers Sir Henry Percie the B. of Ross his attempts and other Acts and Arts sauouring more of the Foxe then the Lion and pretended a peace whiles hee intended the deliuerance of the Scottish Queene and marrying her to make himselfe King of England and Scotland by helpe of fugitiues and fauour of the Pope and Guisians and in the midst of his warlike preparations suddenly dieth When Pius his impious curses had thus proued blessings hee deceaseth and Gregory his successour in the Papacie and malice to Queene ELIZABETH the great Founder of Seminaties gaping for no lesse then a Kingdome to his base sonne Iames Boncompagnâ— treateth with the Spaniard who had swallowed England also in his conceit Thomas Stukley an English fugitiue promiseth Ireland to the Popes bastard who in recompence giues him the titles of Marquesse of Lagen Earle of Wexford and Caterlough Vicount of Morough and Baron of Ross all places of note in Ireland and made him Generall of eight hundred Italian Souldiers the King of Spaine paying their wages But Sebastian King of Portugall which should haue conducted the Spanish forces against England being intangled with an African Expedition procured Sâ—â—cley to goe thither with him where both lost their liues And the Spaniard was now diuerted from English designes to those neerer of Portugall there imploying the forces intended against vs. Doctor Nicolas Sanders playeth the next part who hauing written in defence of the Popes visible Monarchy Ecclesiasticall and belched out the fowlest slanders of Queen ELIZABETHS parentage that Hell could deuise would make his writings visible by his deeds and with Iames Fitz Moricâ— an Irish Traitor hauing obtained to be the Popes Nuntio with a banner consecrated at Rome and some forces out of Spaine entreth Ireland there fortifieth and winneth Desmond to his partie San Ioseph 〈…〉 followeth with seuen hundred Italians and Spaniards with Armour for fiue thousand Their Fort is taken Fitz moricâ— first and after the Earle with many others slaine Sanders runnes mad and wandering vp and downe in the Woods and Mountaines dieth miserably the Country is pacified and ELIZABETH preuaileth The Seminaries Schooles of Treason were now erected at R 〈…〉 and Rhemâ—â— to become worse then that Troian Hoâ—se Cells of desperate Eâ—issaries incâ—ndaries of their owne Countrey Campion and others suffer seditious Bookes are written against the Queene whereby S 〈…〉 râ—ill was instigated to kill her Mendoza the Spanish Embassadour was commanded to depart out of England hauing practised with Throckmorton and others about an inuasion of the Land and to remoue the Queene About the same time in manner miraculously traiterous projects came to light by certaine papers of one Creighâ—â—â— a Scottish Iesuite who being taken by Dutch Pirates tare them and threw them into the Sea which would not bee accâ—ssary to Iesuiticall plots but by the helpe of the winde brought them backe to the Ship which being deliuered to Sir William Wade were ioyned again and reuealed new plots of the Pope the Spaniard and Guisians to inuade England Whereupon an Association was made by many thorow the Kingdome binding themselues by their hands and seales to prosecute all such to death as should attempt any thing against the life of the Queene Cardinall A 〈…〉 for the English Catholikes Ecclesiasticall Inglefield for the Larkes the Bishop of Rosse for the Queene of Scots were said to haue agreed to depriue the Queene and to disinherite King IAMES as a fauoâ—â—er of Heresie c. A. 1585. Doctor Parry whom Queene ELIZABETH had before pardoned his life being heartned by Ragazonius the Popes Nuntio in France and absolued in the Popes name by the Cardinall Comensis vndertooke to kill the Queene being thereunto incouraged by Allens booke teaching that excommunicated Princes may bee dispoyled of liues and Scepters His partner reueales him and his mischiefe lighted on himselfe Henry Earle of Northumberland brother of Thomas before executed at Yorke slew himselfe in the Tower and the Lord Chancellour three dayes after in the Starre Chamber declared that he had beene committed for traiterous deuises against the Queene and State the particulars whereof were then opened by the Atturney Popham seeking to set free the Queene of Scots to destroy the Queene and the Religion to haue dealt with Charles Paget termed Mope about these things with the inuasion of England c. The Burkes rebellion in Ireland fell out that yeere and many broyles which cost three thousand their liues at one time the title Mac-William in Connagh extinguished and the insolence of the Ilanders betwixt Scotland and England repressed The Spaniard arrested the English Ships in his Ports whence the Expeditions of the Earle of Cumberland and Sir Francis Drake before mentioned tooke their beginning and the Warres betwixt the two Kingdomes A. 1586. that prodigions plot of Sauage Balard Babington and the rest of that bloudy crue conspiring to kill the Queene was detected and the plotters were executed In 87. the French Embassadour a Guisian conferred
Oquendo and the Enemies tooke the chiefe Ship of Don Pedro de Valdez which being entangled with others vnder his charge was left without Tackle and so neere the Enemies that shee could not be succoured by others With this our Fleet seeing that the Enemy in euery point did flye from giuing battell they sailed with some calme weather and the Enemies after them shooting alwayes at the Rearward vntill the seuenth that our Fleet ancored in the Road of S. Iohn betwixt Calleis and Bollin nine leagues from Dunkerk and the Enemies did the like the neerest they could to England The night being approached the Enemies got vp their Ankers to get wind and not to suffer our Ships to goe out of the Road to Sea because they had trimmed eight Ships of fire which with the current of the water should haue put themselues amongst our Ships to haue burnt them But my Lord the Duke foreseeing the danger preuented them with commandement that the Ships that were neerest should cut their Cables and take vp the others with a readinesse vncredible and with this the Enemies pretence was hindered and so got the Sea most brauely and with good fortune that if hee had not done it our Army should haue beene in an euill case for in the very place where we left there was shot off by them out of those fiery Ships such Fires and other Engines that were sufficient to burne the Sea much more Ships which are made of Wood and Pitch In this departure the Captaine of the Galeasses had a great mischance for getting vp her Anker a Cable fell foule of her Helme that shee could not follow the rest which caused one of her sides to lie so high that her Ordnance could not play and so twentie fiue Pinnaces came and battared her and with all this if the Mariners Souldiers and Rowers that were in her had not cast themselues into the Sea it is holden for certaine that Don Hugo de Moncada had defended her as he did vntill she came into Calleis where at the entrance thereof he was killed of two Caliuer shot the people on shoare defended the Galeasse and all that was in her and deliuered the same to our Soueraigne Lord the Kings Ministers At this time the Duke had a very franke wind and the like had the Queenes Fleet and so they both passed by the sight of Dunkerke insomuch as they on Land knew the Gallion S. Martin and others that went fighting with the English Army and in this order they went till the twelfth Afterwards they write that their came into Calleis a Ship which saith that the twelfth day they did see the two Fleets together in fight another which came afterwards said he had seene some Ships spoyled and torne and from them they threw out their baggage which they saued in Boats which argueth they were Ships of the Enemies for that our men had no place to saue themselues nor there were none of them arriued into Flanders which was their place of returne OUt of England was aduise giuen that on the thirteenth arriued fifteene of the Queenes Ships and they said that the Galleon S. Martin wherin my Lord the Duke is whom God preserue had encountred with Drake and had grappled his Ship and captiued his Person and other Noble Englishmen and taken other fifteene Ships beside others that were distressed and the Duke with his Fleet followed his way iâ— Scotland because the wind was not come about With these newes his Maiesty resteth very much contented and caused them to be sent to the Empresse by the hands of Francisco Ydiaquez his Secretary of Estate Imprinted in Seuill in the House of Cosmo de Lara Printer of Bookes by licence of the Counte of Orgaz Assistant in Seuill CHAP. XII A Discourse of the Portugall Voyage A. 1589. Sir IOHN NORRIS and Sir FRANCIS DRAKE Generalls written as is thought by Colonell ANTONIE WINGFIELD imployed in the same Voyage formerly published by his friend to whom it was written and here abbreuiated HAuing determinately purposed to put on this habite of a Souldier I grew doubtfull whether to employ my time in the warres of the Low-countries which are in auxiliarie manner maintained by her Maiestie or to follow the fortune of this voyage which was an aduenture of her and many honourable personages in reuenge of vnsupportable wrongs offered vnto the estate of our Countrey by the Castilian King in arguing whereof I finde that by how much the Challenger is reputed before the Defendant by so much is the iourney to bee preferred before those defensiue Warres For had the Duke of Parma his turne beene to defend as it was his good fortune to inuade from whence could haue proceeded that glorious honour which these late warres haue laid vpon him or what could haue beene said more of him then of a Respondent though neuer so valiant in a priuate Duell Euen that he hath done no more then by his honour he was tied vnto For the gaine of one Towne or any small defeat giueth more renowme to the Assailant then the defence of a Countrey or the withstanding of twentie encounters can yeeld any man who is bound by his place to guard the same whereof as well the particulars of our age especially in the Spaniard as the reports of former Histories may assure vs which haue still layed the fame of all warres vpon the Inuader And doe not ours in these dayes liue obscured in Flanders either not hauing where withall to manage any warre or not putting on Armes but to defend themselues when the enemy shall procure them Whereas in this short time of our Aduenture we haue won a Town by Escalade battered and assaulted another ouerthrowne a mightie Princes power in the Field landed our Army in three seuerall places of his Kingdome marched seuen dayes in the heart of his Country lyen three nights in the Suburbs of his principall Citie beaten his forces into the Gates thereof and possessed two of his frontier Forts as shall in discourse thereof more particularly appeare But our Army which hath not cost her Maiestie much aboue the third part of one yeeres expences in the Low-countries hath already spoyled a great part of the prouision hee had made at the Groine of all sorts for a new voyage into England burnt three of his Ships whereof one was the second in the last yeeres expedition called S. Iuan de Colorado taken from him aboue 150. Peeces of good artillery cut off more then 60. Hulkes and 20. French Ships well manned fit and ready to serue him for men of warre against vs laden for his store with Corne Victualls Masts Cables and other merchandizes slaine and taken the principall men of Warre hee had in Galitia made Don Pedro Enriques de Gusman Conde de Fuentes Generall of his forces in Portugall shamefully run at Peniche laid along of his best Commander in Lisbon wherefore I directly conclude that this proceeding is the most safe
Voyage Herein was Gods fauour and mercy mightily shewed towards all sides For by this Storme which so furiously for the time afflicted vs were wee and that Spanish Fleet vnder the Adelantado seuered and kept from incountring which had cost much blood and mischiese and to say a truth in all likelihood the worst might haue fallen to our shares For when wee had left the Ilands and were once crosse sayled for England I obserued that before the Storme diuers of our best Ships made all the haste they could homewards neuer following nor attending the Admirals course nor light Which is an Errour too much vsed amongst vs and very disorderly and dangerous as would haue beene well found if the Adelantado had then met with any of those straglers or with the Admirall himselfe homewards bound so stenderly accompanied Which manner of disorder and scattering in the Conduct of a Royall Nauie especially in so long a Voyage is very fit to bee straightly reformed These Spanish Flee-boates and Carauels had made many landings by stealth on that side of Cornewall and put the Countrey in great frights and amazements especially vpon the report of a great Fleet that was comming after them for England Whereupon our Reere Admirall from before the Saint Iues left the Seas and went a Land to take some order for the Countrey of Cornewall whereof hee was then her Maiesties Lieutenant seeing it then in much amazement and feare and so meant to goe ouer land to Plimouth there to meet with our Generall From the Road of Saint Iues the next morning wee in the Wast-spight set sayle for Kingroad and met with such foule weather as that ouer against the flat Holmes shee brake againe her Maine yard which was before broken and new fished in the beginning of this Voyage But at last with much adoe wee brought her about to Kingroad and within a few dayes after moored her safe in Hungread where I tooke speedie order for the paying and discharging of her men at the Spaniards cost and also for the repayring of her decayes By this time wee also had newes that our Admirall and the rest of our Fleet were safely met and arriued at Plimouth And at the same instant also wee had intelligence by a small man of Brasill but newly come from Corke in Ireland that Sir Iohn Norris President of Munster and the Lord Burgh Deputie of Ireland were both lately deceased Of which two men her Maiestie and the Realme had no small losse being both Martiall men of as great worth and seruice as England bred in many yeeres before And although it be no part of this matter to speake of them yet their Deathes being diuulged to vs at the same time cannot be thought vnfit or vnworthy by the way heere to be remembred and lamented After I had thus taken order with the Officers of the Ship at Bristoll I receiued Letters from the Lord Treasurer and the Lord Admirall for the accomplishing of that which I had already out of due consideration gone in hand withall I meane the discharging and paying of the Marriners and Souldiers being to the number of foure hundred men which would haue growne to a great and needlesse expense to haue kept them in pay and victuals vntill such time as I could haue sent vnto the Court to receiue directions backe againe for the same And therefore did first take vp monies vpon credit and then by the Drum make knowne in Bristow that there were Sugars Brasil wood and Fernanbuck aboord o r Ships which I would presently make sale of to those that would giue most for it and not merchand it vnder hand nor in secret to the preiudice and deceiuing of her Maiestie And therefore with the knowledge and aduice of the Master the Purser and Boatswaine of the Ship and the Customer and Searcher of Bâ—â—stow I landed those Wares in safe Cellers and sold them to the best Chapmen in publique testified vnder the hands of these Officers of the Citie and of the Ship for my discharge in that behaâ—â—e and made thereof fiue hundred pounds The which summe I deliuered to one Askew then Purser of the Wast-spight to the end that hee by his Booke might pay the Marriners and the Souldiers by the Powle as a care of mine for those poore-men vnder my Charge which was duely performed The which I haue beene the more precise to remember and notifie for that I tooke no small paines and care in getting those Sugars and Brasill wood aboard vs out of a torne Brasill 〈◊〉 that was ready to founder in the Seaâ— before Saint Michaels and abandoned to any that would aduenture to goe abâ—ord her to fetch away the lading Which businesse in that vacant time that the Ar 〈…〉 e lay at Villa Franca and we before S. Michaels Towne 〈◊〉 put my selfe and my Marriners vnto And I had not so much paines and trauell in the getting as trouble and vexation afterwards to preserue it whilest it was aboord when we came to Kingroad from the purloyning and stealing of the Marriners and Officers of the Ship And to say no more but a truth I dare thus much anouch and iustifie that if there had beene in some other of her Maiesties ships the like regard for these goods that were gotten and of the Prizes taken in this Iourney and as faithfully answered as were these that then for all the crosses and errours that had happened it had fully returned to her Maiestie the double value of all the Charges she had beene at for this Voyage But it was strange to see what carelesse courses were held in all such actions as were set out by the State and what poore returnes were made againe into the Exchequer And therefore more strange that the Prince could subsist so often to set out such chargeable Voyages without any manner of getting more then to particuler persons For so fell it out before in the Indian Voyage when Sancto Domingo and Cartagena were taken and sackâ— by Sir Francis Drake and when Cades in Spaine was surprised and sackt by the English Armie where was infinite wealth But that of Lisbona in Portugall vndertaken by Sir Iohn Norris where the Suburbes did so abound with Merchandize and Spicerie being wholly at the mercy and disposition of our Armie was to be excused for that our Shops kept not promise with him in comming vp the Riuer that should haue both assisted the land Armie with Munition and Victuals and also carried away those Spiceries and rich Merchandize wherein the Sea-men were greatly wanting and taxed by the generall voyce But in this Voyage wee all saw and knew that there were besides Brasill men three good Prizes taken that came from the Hauana laden with Cochynella and other rich Merchandize besides the Siluer Gold Pearle Ciuet Muske Amber-greece which was amongst the Passengers And those three Prizes whereof one was about 400. Tunnes by the report of those Merchants that came in them were
said and valued to bee richly worth aboue foure hundred thousand Duckets At the taking of them I stood in our Gallerie in the Wast-spight with the Reere Admirall and wee halled and called vnto some to inquire of their lading and Merchandize and from what places they came whereby wee learned that they were come from the Hauana very rich and at the least to the value aboue said Whereupon our Reere Aamirall said vnto me in priuate that although wee should be little the better for these rich Prizes yet he was heartily glad for our Generals sake because they would in good sort giue contentment to her Maiestie so that there should bee no repining against the poore Lord for the expense of the Voyage And for my better satisfaction in the value of them I had caused mine owne Prisoner to giue me notice of the Ships wherein hee had Aduentures and according to the Rates thereof set downe vpon his owne knowledge those three Ships could not be so little worth as they all had formerly affirmed Now if wee doe but looke into the husbandrie and prouidence of former Ages and of the mightiest Empire and best gouerned State that euer was wee shall plainely see that they euer â—coke a more strict and iust account of the benefit of their gettings and Victories And that it was an especiall regard of the Roman Consuls and Generals at their returne from a prosperous Warre to render a plentifull gaine into the publique Treasurie which made their State still able to subsist in their great actions And many times their greatest and worthiest Captaines were deepely called in question for imbeseling any part of such gettings as amongst others was that famous Scipio surnamed Africanus prosecuted in that kinde by the Petilâ—j notwithstanding his many great seruices to the Common-wealth But what became of all these our gettings God knowes Onely I heare that there was a Composition made afterwards with her Maiestie for the Cochynella and other Merchandize not to a third part of that it was worth For neither that nor yet any of the other riches could truely come to light or publique knowledge because they were neuer faithfully certified vnder the hands and testimonies of sufficient Officers when they were first taken nor any of that which was preserued fold when wee came home but onely to the Buyers aduantage And yet in Conclusion they that had so played the wise Stewards in so prouiding for themselues and their followers had all the grace and gaine from those that had more carefully and iustly intended the publique Seruice But this generall neglect of truth and merit throughout the world is the cause that so few doe apply to follow those sincere and vnprofitable courses especially seeing how many doe daily by fraud and slatterie finde shorter and smoother wayes to Honours wealth and preferment Euen beyond all measure and expectation The Conclusion of the Worke with some later Aduertisements touching His Maiesties Care for VIRGINIA VVE haue now compassed the World in the Courses of so many Planets euery of which had a peculiar wandering and yet none erring from the publike benefit of the Vniuerse And as in Geometricall compasses one foote is fixed in the Centre whiles the other mooueth in the Circumference so is it with Purchas and his Pilgrimes in this Geographicall compassing they haue their owne motions but ordered in this Circumference from for and by him which abideth at home in his Centre and neuer trauelled two hundred miles from Thaxted in Essex lately adorned and augmented with Franchises by his Maiestie where hee was borne All their lines tend to this Centre and this Centre to the Basis and Ground thereof that is to his Countrey to the honour and benefit wherof he and all his are due All Nations dance in this Round to doe the English service and English Trauellers here enioy the Mayne others the By to attend and with their Trauels to perfect the English at lest the knowledge of the World to the English The Map of England ANGLIA Yea in this English Centre also I haue chosen the Centre of that Centre the Renowmed Name of Queene ELIZABETH to which because Mortalitie hath depriued vs of Her Person wee haue added that of King IAMES the All that is left vs of Queene ELIZABETH and more then that All in further perfection of Sexe and Arts. With those auspicious Names as the faire Starres in the Constellations of both Poles our Pilgrimes begaâ—ne their Progresse by the Light of those two Eyes of Great Brittaine they haue taken view of the World and therefore heere wee end in our Pilgrimage with those two auspicious Names His Maiestie first for Brute is vncertaine hath combined a Trinitie of Kingdomes into an Vnitie Fecit eos in gentem vnam made the Ocean the Wall to his Inheritance hath rooted out the wonted barbarisme of Borderers of Scottish Fewds of English Duells of Irish Bogges hath confirmed and settled those cruder and more indigested beginnings of our prosperitie hath enioyed soueraignetie longer then euer did any of Britaines Soueraignes and still ô still may we long long enioy him hath giuen so manifold securitie against the extreamest and most fatall rigor both in number weight and worth of Royall pledges The Map of Great Brittaine and Ireland ANGLIA SCOTIA et HIBERNIA He is beyond comparison compared with others a meere transcendent beyond all his Predecessors Princes of this Realme beyond the neighbouring Princes of his own times beyond the conceits of subiects dazled with such brightnes Beyond our victorious Debora not in sex alone but as Peace is more excellent then War and Salomon then Dauid in this also that He is and we enioy his present Sunshine in regard of posteritie not onely sowing thereto the fruit of his bodie but of his learned mind like a Salomon indeed by voluminous Writings and not which is more vsesuall to Princes with apophthegme-flashes recorded by others like Saul sometime among the Prophets a Miracle and Oracle both this in polemicall politicall problematicall apocalypticall positiue Theology and Bookes of deuotion also that in that his Royall body hath had the honour not to be polluted with women aboue men aboue Salomon And as wee haue trauelled abroad that wee may bring forraine rarities home wee find no greater raritie abroad or at home then his Maiestie the Father of the Clergie the raiser of so many Families to honour and of honours to Families whose bountie and clemencie none deny let others beware least they perhaps haue euill eyes because his is good so honoured of his Subiects with awfull loue with louing awe that himselfe hath professed no King herein his superiour and we can and all History will professe with vs that England neuer enioyed better daies then vnder her deceased Mother and the present Pater Patriae who hath secured Britaine in peace and prosperitie whiles all Christian Kingdomes haue beene shaken with warres and that which alone hath escaped
the Lions hath beene bitten by the Adder the Spanish Dominions being coasted braued spoiled of thousands of their people besides wealth and security by the basest of enemies the Algier Pirates Thus at home doth Great Britain enioy this Gem of Goodnes the best part of the Ring of the worlds Greatnes abroad we see that as Gods Steward to others also His Maiestie hath ballanced the neerer World by his prudence by iustice of commerce visited the remoter by truest fortitude without wrong to any man conquered the furthest North and by iustest temperance disposed the ouerflowing numbers of his Subiects not in Intrusions and Inuasions of weaker Neighbours but in the spacious American Regions some thinly others not all inhabited to breed New Britaines in another World We haue giuen Voyages thorow this Booke and being now returned home and fixed on so illustrious a Name I meane to trauell no more here I hang vp my Pilgrims weeds here I fixe my Tabernacle it is good to bee here wee haue brought all the World to England England it selfe to the greatest of her Soueraignes King IAMES But yet the mention of his Maiesties Plantations makes me gratefully to mention his gracious care of the same euen since the former Virginian Relations were printed I then left Virginia with some griefe and sorrow because of her distracted Children and Fathers the diuisions and mutuall distasts of the Company here and Planters there sighing to God for them who hath put in his Maiesties heart to compassionate these his Subiects and hauing appointed the Gouernment to be according to a Commission in that Case directed hath to further Virginias gaine beene content to suffer the losse of many thousands yeerly in his Royall Customes arising out of Tobacco so I haue heard deliuered in open Court that so only that of the New Plantations may bee vendible till the Colonie may recouer greater strength His Maiestie is also pleased to send a Running Armie of Souldiers to scoure the Countrey of the vnneighbourly malicious Naturalls and to secure the planters from their priuie ambushments For openly they dare not attempt but lurking in secret places attend aduantages I feare not but so bright a Sunshine will quickly produce blessed effects Of their vndertakers for three yeeres Tobacco I lust not to speake because I wish and euen from that vndertaking shortly expect better commodities from thence then Tobacco I cannot but magnifie His Maiesties care and manifest that also of the Honorable Lords of the Councel who after diligent search of Virginian Affaires the last yeere 1623. appointed Captaine Iohn Haruey Master Iohn Porey Master Abraham Persey Master Samuel Matihews to search further into the diseases and possible remedies of that plantation In Februarie and March last a generall Assembly was summoned and questions propounded to Sir Francis Wiat Gouernour and the said Assembly First what places in the Countrey were best and most proper to be fortified or maintayned both against Indians or other Enemies Secondly concerning the present state of the Colonie in reference to the Sauages Thirdly touching the hopes really to be conceiued of the Plantation and fourthly touching the Meanes thereunto c. Their answere I know not whether I may publish in other things In this one I presume for better confirmation of what hath beene said before to incite and confirme Mens affections to Virginia namely their answere to the third subscribed as the rest by about thirty chiefe mens hands We hold it to be one of the goodliest parts of the Earth abounding with Nauigable riuers full of varietie of Fish and Fowle falling from high and sleepe Mountaines which by generall relation of the Indians are rich with Mines of Gold Siluer and Copper another Sea lying within sixe dayes iourney beyond them into which other Riuers descend The soile fruitfull and apt to produce the best sorts of commodities replenished with many Trees for seuerall vses Gums Dyes Earths and Simples of admirable vertues Vines and Mulberry Trees growing wild in great quantities the Woods full of Deare Turkies and other Beasts and Birds Sir Thomas Gates and Sir Thomas Dales reports to the Company concerning those praises were in no part hyperbolicall nor any Countrey more worthy of a Princes care and supportance Other reports concerning the healthfulnesse of the aire especially where the ground is cleered of woods and other needfull prouisions of the plantation in numbers of Men and Armes which some had hyperbolically disgraced and in all other necessaries seeing the late massacre hath not permitted it better I am glad reioyce that it is no worse and hope and pray for the fortunate increase thereof daily I reioyce also to heare by one lately returned thence Master Morell a Minister and man of credit that the affaires of New England are thriuing and hopefull which two Colonies of Virginia and New England with all their Neighbours God make as Rachel and Leah which two did build the house of Israel that they may multiply into thousands and there inlarge the Israel of God and the Churches Catholike confines doing worthily in America and being famous in Great Britaine These with the rest of his Maiesties Dominions and his neerest and deerest possession Prince Charles his Highnesse the Count Palatine the Lady Elizabeth more shining more pure in her fiery trialls and like the pressed palme and her Royall Godmother spreading her boughes the more by greater weight with the sweet and princely Fruits of her wombe still multiplied like the Israelites vnder the Crosse God preserue and prosper vnto the Maiesty of our Dread Soueraigne the mighty Defender of the True Faith KING IAMES Amen O AMEN The end of the tenth Booke FINIS AN ALPHABETICALL TABLE OF THE PRINCIPALL things contained in the fiue Bookes of the fourth Part of Purchas his Pilgrimes A AAys a Prouince in Florida 1553 Abayâ—a formozo a Harbour in Brasile where is found great store of Amber greice Coral Brasil-wood Fish c. 1240 Abausango Retambuero a great mountaine in Brasile 1240 Abausanga the name of a valiant Caniball 1228 Abermot a great Lord of Mawooshen 1874 Aborollas dangerous Sands clifts in the West-Indies betweene the Cape and Spirito Santo 1222 Abraham Cock an Englishman maried in America 1141 Abrioio great Shoalds in the Latitude of 21 and 22 Degrees from Hispaniola westward 1834 Acara a towne in Peru 1446 Acacoustomed a Riuer in Mawooshen 1874 Acapulea the situation and description thereof 1418. 1446. 1562 Acarewanas Indian Kings Lords so called 1247 Acari a Towne where is made the best and greatest store of wine in all Peru 1446 Accomack a Riuer in Virginia 1694 Acela a Towne in Florida 1531 Achese a Towne in Florida 1536 Achneres a certaine people so called their natures habitations fashions and commodities 1357 Acle a Gulph so called 1244 Acoma a Towne of 6000 Indians the passage to which is by stayres â—â—wen out of a rocke 1561 1562 Acuco a Prouince in America 1560 Acus a
plants beasts and commodities from ours and their severall description 1325. seq Their astonishment at the hearing of God Their inconstancie naturall parts c. 1340. Their mariages and polygamie the manners of women with child c. 1341. The destruction of families and bounds of their possessions 1342. Their houshold stuffe 1343. Their entertainment 1344 1345. Their Physicke and demeanour towards the sicke their buriall attended with diuellish rites 1346. Brasils description and chiefe Havens 1382. A Brasile Ship taken by Sir Water Raleigh 1938. Brasile commodities sent for Spaine not onely gold but much other treasures as Ginger Sugar Hides Tobacco c. 1817 Brauadoes are sometimes the hinderers of successe in great proiects 194â— Braverie of the English turneth to beggerie 1942 Bridegroomes thâ—â— giue the fiâ—st hansâ—ll of their spousâ—â— to their hindred and friends 1481 Brigalian Iland the situation thereof 1240 Buena Ventura a River in the West Indies the description thereof 1413 1414 Buenoâ— Aeres a tâ—â—ne in the River of Plate 1â—41 Buccaw ganecants a towne vnder the dominion of Bashabez Sagamo of Mawooshen 1873 Building without tooles or engines miraculous by the Indians of Peru 1477 1478 Burdones a place so called 126â— Burkes rebellion in Ireland 1893 The Burlings an Iland so called 〈◊〉 soyle commodi 〈…〉 and iâ—â—abitants described 1155 Butter how made by the Indians 1539 C. CAbot viz. Sir Sebastian Cabot his American travels 1177 1178 seq he discovered so much of the continent of the New World that it deserved to bee called Caboâ—iana rather then America 1177 1112 Cabusto a towne in Florida 1544 Caaâ—tâ— certaine Brasilians so called 1298 Câ—era River 1248 Cadiz taken by the English the Castle surrendred c 1931. Cadiâ— described 1932. It is set â—â—firâ— and rased to the ground 1933 Caiama Iland the description therof 1248 Caiocame a towne in Mawocshen 1874 Caioses Cannibals so called living in Brasile 1241 Caiuari certaine Savages of Brasile living in Caues 1â—99 Cale a towne of Florida 1532 Caleformia a sea so called 1560 or an Iland or many Ilands as others say 1562 Calenture 1181 1182 Caliane a River in Guiana very aboundant with gold and silver â—â—60 Caliquen towne 1533 Callipuny a mountaine in Guyana 1â—71 Callis taken by the Spaniards 1927 Calmes the strange effects thereof in the Sea and in mens bodies 1373 Camalaha a Fayre in the Indies neere Orenoco where women are sold. 1248 Camaâ—uiars certaine Savages that haue paps reaching vnder their waste 1299 Camana a road in Brasile 1142 as also a towne in Peru 1446 Campseau a Port in New-France described 1639 Camarijiuua a River how situate 1223. It s danger or ease for Navigation and the commodities thereof 1238 Camo a Hill on the coasts of Brasile 1240 Camoni Indians 1514 Campeche the chiefe towne of Iacatan 1186 Canacum the Governour of Manomet his friendly entertainment to the English 1858 Canada River 1606. The adioyning Countrey the Inhabitants description feasts fights lodging houses Canons with other customes 1606 1607. They endure great famine lye and are false-hearted their beliefe and ridiculous relation of God ibid. 1609. vide Indians of Canada Canasagua a towne in Florida 1539 Canauerall where 1247 Canarie Ilands their number and description 1369 1370 Canariagranda 1185 1369 et seq Candish his Voyage 1971. seq he takes the towne Santos and Saint Vincent 1191. Loseth Captaine Dauies ibid. His ariuall at Port-desire and the Magellane Streights ibid. His mutinous company 1192. and distresse in the streights 1193. Returne for Brasil 1194. His company slaine 1195. His valour and proiects ibid. Losse of men by Indians and Portingals 1197. Losse of the Roe-bucke 1200. Seuerity ibid. His weaknesse and vnwillingnesse of his company for going to the Streights 1200. His voyage further discouered by Anthony â—niuer 1201 1202. seq The supposed ouerthrow of his voyage 1203 Canduacu Brasilian beastâ— that dart their bristles through a mans skin 1302 Canari a Province of Morequito 1248 Cannete iâ— towne in Peru 1446 Canri a toune in the Riuer Marwin in America 1283 Canibals with faces like dogs at Ports-desire 1191. Other strange and valorous Caunibals 1208 Canibals profer fa 〈…〉 to Candish in Santos 1203. Cannibals naked and fearfull 1204. cald Pories 1208. Their strange entertainment of strangers 1208. Canibals called Tamoyes 1228 1240. vid. Savages Cano a famous Nauigator 1191 Canoas or boats of threescore foot long with 80 men in them 1380 Cape Blanco 1379 Cape Saint Francisco 1400 Cape Saint Antonio 1147 Capawucke a place in the Indâ—â—s stored with gold 1841 Cape bona Esperâ—nza the danger of the passage there 1151 1152 Cape Rico 1170 Cape Verdi 1181 Cape de la vela 118â— 1244 Cape Frio or cold Cape its situation 1202. It s Navigation 1240 Cape Saint Augustine 1238 Cape Caldera 1â—46 Cape de verde its vnhealthinesse 1370. Its Ilands 1371 Capignramirinij a place in Brasile 1238. Cape Agreda cape froward 1386 chiqui-towne 1535. Cape Francois 1603 Cape Saint Maries Cape de Rare Cape Saint Lawrence 1606 Caperrocca a Sauage towne 1285 Capitua a flat land in Brasile 1238 Cape-cod 1647. Cape Charls 1691. Cape Henry in Virginia 1687. Cape Laware in Virginia 1762. It s adioyning Shoales ibid. Captaines for narres how chosen among the Indians 1262 Captaines errours checked 1397. patience commendable in a Captaine 1153 Captaine Listers dingerous attempt in my Lord of Cumberlands voyage 1143. Hee is drowned and his Ship in his returne ibid. Captaine Bayly slaine 1144 Captaine Munson taken captiue 1144 Captaine Nortons Uoyage ibid. Captaine Caues surprizall of in Ar gosie of Lisbone ibid. Captaine Nortons assailing a Fortingall ibid. Capt. Caue Admirall in the eighth Uoyage of the Lord of Cumberland slaine 1147 Captaine Antonie killed ibid. Captaine Dounton wounded 1148 Capurisell a River 1250 Capucaras water-Serpents in the Indies 1211 Capari a River neere Orenoque 1247 Carrabouca a place in India 1249 Carcocies Indians so called 1365 Carder viz. Peter Carder a Cornish man his hard fortune and escapes 1187. The losse of his company 1188. His living two moneths vpon a fruit like Oranges and his drinking of his owne Urine ibid. His conversing with Indians â—bid Teacheth them to marre 1189. His departure from them ibid. His imprisonment deliverance 1189 1190. His imployment 1190. His escape from the Portingals and ariuall to England after nine yeares voyage 1190 Carigue a Beast in Brasile that that carteth her yong ones in a bag about with her 1301 Cari-River 1248 A Carrak runneth a shore to avoid the English 1938 Caripo a towne in Guiana 1268 Caroli a pleasant River neere Orenoco 1248 Carraemba Sauages so called 1299 Carapana a place in the Province of Emeria 1247 Carraibas certain Ingglers in Brasile 1290 Carracus a place in the Indies 1242 1248 Caredenas a Province in America 1560 Carripapoory Ilands neere Guiana 1268 Carendies a fierce Nation of the Indies neere the River of Plateâ— their nature warlikenesse and description 1348 A Carrack runneth
and benignity 1717. Virginians in want and pouerty 1725. a Virginian Sauages his Oration to Captaine Smith 1727. a Virginian smothered at Iames towne and recouered lunaticke and restored 1726 1727. Virgina Sauages offer to fight vnder English banners 1729. Virginian Sauages brought perforce to peace with the English 1769 1770. Virginia Sauages religion and disposition 1771. their countries described seasons climate beasts birds fishes and other rarities 1771 1772 1773. Virginian account of yeares 1774. Virginians kill some English ibid. their trecherous and bloody nature 1788 1789. Virginians worship the Deuill but loue him not 1790. their fearing the shadow of a Piece or Musket with their sowing gunpowder ibid. Virginians possesse some Pieces with munition after the massacre destroyed cattell ibid. Virginian plantations Presidency assumed by the Lord De la Ware its first successe 1754. 1755 1756. in what case it was left by the said Lord and the cause why he left it 1763. its commodities ibid. 1764. Virginias plantations benefit of corne by Captaine Argall 1765. its rarities ibid. Virginian affaires variety by the approach of diuers Captaines there 1766 1767 1768. its commodities vnworthy English inhabitants ibid. chiefe places the Bermuda City and Henrico ibid. its Forts 1768. Virginias eleuation aboue many countries 1770. Virginian affaires Anno 1617 1618 page 1774. Anno 1619 page 1775. the profits that may bee deriued thence ibid. Anno 1619 et 1620 page 1775 1775. the supplies from England in that time ibid. with Ships men and their employments there on what commodities for trading 1776 1777. Virginian benefactors 1777. Virginian affaires in the yeare 1621 page 1783. with the supply of men goods and Ships then sent with other accidents ibid. 〈◊〉 1784. and supplies with relation of matters of trading there 1784. Virginia's praises farther related 1717 w th the hopes to paxss thense to China 1786. Virginia's state before the massacre 1788. The massacre it selfe the plot and execution 1788 1789 1790. 1347. The Englishmen basely murdered in it ibid. A Virginian conuerted discovers the plots 1790. Virginiaes plantations necessaries without which it may not so wel be effected 1791 Virginiaes massacre supposed caâ—se seconded by a sicknesse 1792. It s authors end ibid. The supply thereof by King Iames 1793. Virginia commended and discommended according to mens diuers humours discovered in Letters 1806 1807. Virginia planted by French men 1807. They afterwards displanted by Sir Samuel Argall 1808. Virginia's possession and plantation by the English soundly and largely proved to be lawfull by a naturall and nationall right 1809 1810 1811. Virginia's first discouerie and discouerers 1812. Virginia rightly possessed by the English by acknowledgement of the Prince there 1813. By buying selling cession forfeiture ib. Virginiaes plantation advanceth Gods glory 1817 1818. Virginia's want of good exeused 1814 1815. Virginia-plantations losse by the massacre 1816. The number there since ibid. Virginia's plantation to the prosecuted and for what reasons 1826. seq As first Religion honour of the Nation c. 1816 Virginia deserues plantation for the profit 1817. For disburdening multitudes 1818. For a temperate climate ibid. For largenesse ibid. Commodious Rivers whose sliding embracements of the earth are fiuently described ibid. Siâ—kes Wines Mines drugs c. ibid. Materials for shipping 1820. Fishâ—ng 1821. Tobacco trading ibid. Hopes of passage to the South Sea 1822. For other reasons advantages 1824. For being a refreshment to ships tired with long voyages ibid. 1825 Virguano a towne inhabited by Savages in America neere Marwin 1285 A Vision 14â—8 Visitation of the sicke among the Indians the horrible hideous noise vsed by those miserable comforters 1860 Vitachaco a town in Florida 1534 Vlissingers take one of the Portingal Gallions 1909 Vllibaholi a walled towne of the Indians in Florida and the fashion of those walls 1541 Vndermining of townes 1919 Vnicornes horne saveth many from poison 1213 Vno a River 1223 Vomiting to death 1214. Vomiting procured by what Plants in Bermuda Ilands 1801 Vna a mountaine in the West-Indies 1285 A Vnicorne with a strange horne 1560. With haire as bigge as a finger ibid. Vnthankfulnesse in Spaniards towards their Indian Benefactors 1526 Voyages are commonly ouerthrowne by the Captaines giving way or too much yeelding lenity 1389. Voyages by the Lord of Cumberland 1141. 1142 seq Voyages by Sir Sebastian Cabot Sir Thomas Pert 1177. By Sir Iohn Hawkins Sir Fran. Drake ibid. seq Voyages by Capt. Michelson Capt. Newport Earle of Suffolke Sir Robert Dudley ibid. Voyages by Captaine Preston Capt. Summers Sir Anthony Sherley Capt. Parker Sir Walter Raleigh Mr Will. Hawkins ibid. Capt. Parker 1243 1244 seq Mâ—ddleton 1246 1247. Voyages by Reniger Borey Pudsey Steuen Hare Fenton Ward and Iohn Drake 1186. Voyages by Captaine Candish and Capt. Dauies 1191 1192 c. By Sir Richard Hawkins 1367. c. By Pamphilo Naruaez Spaniard 1500 1501 seq By Francisco Pizarro 1489 seq Voyages by Nunno de Guzman Spaniard 1556. seq Soto his Voyages and discoveries of Florida 1530. at large in seq Voyages by the the French and discoueries of Florida and Canada 1603. seq Voyages by Monseur de Montz 1620. seq Voyages from England the ships being furnished with two hundred pounds in Cash 1838. From Plimmouth to Bilboa with dry fish 1839. A voyage of seven sayle from the West-country 1839. Voyages to Virginia furnished by Sir Walter Raleigh 16â—5 1646. Voyage of Captaine Gosnol to Virginia Anno 1602. pag. 1647. seq Voyage by Mr Pringe to Virginia 1654. seq By Captaine Gilbert to the same 1656. seq By Capt. Weymouth to Virginia 1659. seq Avoyage to the Iâ—e of Azores by the Right Honorable Rob. Earle of Essex 1935. Voyages by Sir Thomas Gates 1734 seq By Captaine Argall 1758. Voyages to Sommer-Iland by the English 1793. seq An admirable voyage from the Bermudas to Ireland in a small boat 1803 Vparason a River nauigable in Brasile 1â—40 Vpanason a River in the Indâ—â—s very commodious for watering 1223 Vpsegon a towne in Mawooshen vnder the Lord Bashabes 1874 Vrarino towne a towne of Aâ—waccas and â—aâ—awogoto Savages in America 1283 Vraâ—itan an Iland in Brasile called by the Portingals Alqua 〈…〉 1241. It s description for Navigators ibid. Vrapo and Arieppo two Indian woods 1251 Vrine drunke for want of water 1188 Vrokere Indians so called 1286 Vrquam River 1364 Vtinama a Floridan towne 1533 A Vulcan a most dreadfull thing casting forth fire stones as great as a house causing vnwholsomnesse of thence-issuing waters 15â—9 Vupanqui his raigne ouer the inhabitants of Peru his acts and conquests his making a bridge of Oziers beautifying the Sunnes temple extent of his dominions transplantation of countries 1463 1464 Vzela a towne in Florida in America 1534 W. VVAbocâ—â—yaway an Arwacca towne in America 1286 Wacarimock mountaines neere the riuer O. enoco 1248 Walnuts thirty Ilands of thâ—m 1612 Wancoobanoua a valley abounding with gold-grains wasâ—ed from the
Sir Seb Cabota his picture in the priâ—e gallerie at White Hall hath â—hese words Effigies Seb. Cabotae Angli filij Ioannis Cabotae Veneti militis aurati c. he was born at Venice and seruing H. 7. H. 8. Ed. 6. was accounted English c. Galpano saith he was borne at Bristol Sir Seb. Cab. Grand Pilot of England Possession continuation prescription The names of aboue 100. are extant in M. Hack. 3. Tome Two former Colonies wholly c. Virginians acknowledge subiection and seruice to the English Right by buying selling and by cession Right by Forfeiture Fatall possession Heb. 11. The Glorie of God in his Word and Workes aduanced by this Plantation * Cicero Ie. 15. Ps. 19. 1. Ps. 92. 4. Ps. 148. 5. Ps. 16. ac 2. E 〈…〉 The workes of God and vaâ—ietie there seen set forth his glorie Propagation of the Gospell rewards therof Ose 2. Iam. 5. 20. Obad. vlt. 2. Cor. 11. 2. Matth. 6. 22. 1. Tim. 4. 8. Answeres to Obiections first to the want of Gold and Siluer Mines * Compare 2 Sam. 24. with 1 Chron. 21. It seemes that there were aboue two millions of men besides women and children Virginias high valuation Cap. Ioh. Smith Answer to the obiected ill successes and causes thereof Iud. 5116. Prou. 13. 10. 1 Tim. 6. The massacre hatâ— been the chiefe cause of later miscarying This number of 1800. was presented by the Companie to the Lords of the Councell Arguments for Virginian plantation as being honorable 1. Religion 〈◊〉 Humanitie 3. Honor of the English Nation 4. Honour of the King 5. Honor of the Kingdome 6. Argument of profit generally propounded Illustrated by the Castilian greatnesse Vpon lesse probabilities See Ouiedo our sixth Book Their greatest benefit in commodities not in Mines to the common subiect The Earle had purposed to leaue Sir Iohn Barkley with a Garrison to hold it but a great sicknesse and mortalitie consuming most of his men he was forced to leaue the place to bring home his ships I finde this in a written Extâ—â—ct of all the Ports shipping Cities Men c. of Spaine which sometimes belonged to that industrious Gentleman M. W. Burrough Controller of the Nauie Arg. 7. from necessiâ—ie by our multitudes Arguments of particular coÌ„modities and commodiousnesse 1. The same climate with best Countries 2. Temperate 3. Large extension 4. Commodious diuision of Lands and Riuers Bay of Chesepeake 5. Fertile soile 6. Trees for timber and other vses many 7. Specially for Silkes 8. And for Wines Iuly 9. A. R. 20. See sup c. 15. 9. Iust aduantage from the Sauages to make vse of their labours 10. Drugs and diuers other commodities 11. Iron mines 12. Timbers for all vses 13. More especially for building both houses ship 14. The manifold materialls for shipping 15. Sauing of expenses and freeing from dangers in forreine Countries 16. Imployment and 〈…〉 ding of Mariners 17. Many probabilities by transplantation of cattell fruits c. exemplified by Spaniards 18. The Countrie cattell beasts not only for vse there but Merchandise hâ—re * Cap. Smith tels of 1000. Basses at a draught M. Rolse of 5000. the least of two foot long 300. as big as Cod by Sir T. Dale 19. Benefits by fishing D. D. Brit. Monarchie Et quae non prosunt singula multa inuant 20. Tobacco A Booke presented to the Parliament by Master Bennet It is said that some maliciously father all their bad Tobacco on Virginia and Bermuda â—nd thâ— go 〈…〉 â—rom thence â—n Spanish 〈◊〉 21. Hopes of future Tâ—â—â—e for clothes other English commodities 22. Manifold necessities of these times 25. Nâ—cessarie for streng thening other Plantations 24. Probâ—bilities of a South Sea passage mame manie commodities thereoy 25. Necessitie of mâ—intaining Virginia in case of war forcâ—d â—y others South Sea why so called * See sup the end of the 4. Booke Dermers Letter in this * M. Thomas Turner an English Merchant liuing then in Portugall in name of an Almaine Q Elizabeths praises Acosta l. 3. c. 4. 5. 6. 7. Ouiedo Summary Gen. hist. l. 2. Hereras Descri of Ind. 〈◊〉 2. 3. The brises and course of Nauigation Eddy windes Disaduantage to our Ships of warre by want of some such Plantation as this is and may be whence ma ny Voyages were frustrated in part or wholly S. Seb. Sabot Anno 1517. Ouiedo Gen. hist. l. 19. c. 13. Master Hore 1536. Sir Io. Hawkins 1564. 1567. Spanish perfidie Spanish crueltiâ— Cap. Lancaster 1591. Cap. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 1596. Santâ—s of 〈◊〉 Orient◠〈◊〉 East Indie societie The Conclusion Briefe recapitulation of the most remarkable premisses Ex. 13. Es. 11. 1. Ca. Challon 2. Cap. Hanam sent by Lord Chiefe Iustice Popham 3. Cap. Popham Cap. Gilbert Sir Iohn Pophams death Captaine Pophams death Death of the Plantation Sir Fr. Popham Frenchmen plant there Sir Sa. Argall Noua Scotia Cap. Hobson imployed with Cap. Herley c. 1611. Hunts Sauage hunting of Sauages Friers charitie Wicked effects of wickednes Cap. I. Smith Cap. Mason Gouernor in New found land Plantation Cap. Rocraft French seized Conspiracie Conspirators â—â—ft Sawaguatock Menehighon Barke sunke Rocraftâ—â—aine â—â—aine Cap. Darmers voiage Necessi ie of a Deck in Pinnaces of discouerie Hollanders in Hudsons Riuer Darmers discoueries New Patent thought on Dermer betraied by Sauages See sup his owne letter to me His death Peaceable Plantation by his meanes Patentrenewed Temperate Climate Fertile Soile Commodious Coast. Fowle Deere The Mosse a strange Beast described Mount Mansell How they take the Mosse or Musse Commodities Seuerall Plantations along the Coast. Thirtie saile 1622. Madera Saint Lucia Fortie English slaine by Sauages 1605. See the storie sup pag. 1255. Dominica Friar Blascus his request Three gallions lost at Guadalupa Causes of yeerly sending of Friars out of Spaine Gold in Dominica They land 〈◊〉 Friar on Port Rico. They by vnhappy hap fall amongst Spanish ships They are borded taken and abused King Iames his name little respected by Spaniards French courtesie Their imprisonment Hard hearted Spaniard Cruell imâ—â—nitie Spanish Presidents respect to the English Honest Spaniards Three ships cast away Cap. Iohn Legat of Plimmouth Mutine Cap. Legat slaine by his mutinous crew which knew not when they had done to bring home their ship and so stumbled on Spanish iusticers I haue heard him much commended for a proper and expert Sea-man Proofe 1. 1614. Proofe 2. 1615. Proofe 3. 1615. Proofe 4. 1616. Proofe 5. 1616. Proofe 6. 1616. Proofe 7. 1617. Proofe 8. 1618. Proofe 9. 1619. Proofe 10. 1620 A Plantation in New England Proofe 11. 1620 Proofe 12. 1620 A Letter from New Plimoth Proofe 13. 1622 For this yeere 1622. Opechancanough taken in â—he midst of his armie as Atabalipa was by Piçarra 1622. Sep. 6. 1620. No. 9. Cape Cod. Ill Landing Sight of Sauages A Deere and water Sepulchers Kettle and Corne found Pâ—lizado They returne Deuise to catch Deere Cold Harbour Note
Frost and Snow Sepulchre opened Two houses Houshold stuffe Third discouerie Extreme cold Gramâ—us Bay Thâ—y found Grampuses dead two inches thicke of fat and fiue or six paces long A good Harbour Two great Wolues Thunder Conference with Sauages Patuxet People all dead of a plague Masasoyts Nausites Hunts wickednesse Sâ—uâ—geâ— dâ—sâ—ribed The agreements of peace betweene vs and Massasoyt A iourney to Packanokik the Habitation of the Great King Massasoyâ— 1621. Great plague Royall entertainment Games Hungrie fare A Voyage made by ten of our men oâ—the Kingdome of Nauset to seek a Boy that had lost himselfe in the Woods with such accidents as besell vs in that Voyage The Boy is restored Snakes skin defiance Towne impaled Tisquantum trechâ—â—y Plagy 〈◊〉 Master Westons planters which plâ—id the wâ—sps with English and Sauages Two Ships Helpe f 〈…〉 Master Iones A Plague Note Honest Sauages Namasket Manomet Sauages great gamsters Iust iealousie Base Summer and Winter Dutch Ship Visitations of the sicke Reports of Massassowats death His commendation Miserable comforters He reuealeth the trechery of the Massachusets Their name of God Indians into lence Sauages slain Sauage Englishmen An. 1623. Great drought Publike Fast. Gracious dewes Indians coniuration M. Tomson a Scot his Plantation Day of thanks Two Ships Their Religion The meaning of the word â—â—eâ—tan I think hath reference â—o Antiquity for Chise is an old man and Kiâ—hchise a man that exceedeâ—h in agâ— Iâ—e maledicti Their Deuill Powah or Priest Offerings Sacrifices Burnt offring The Deuill keeps his seruants poore Their Knights Pnieses valourous counsellours Bitter trialls Sachim or Lords Tribu 〈…〉 Mourning foâ— the dead Burialls Womens slauery Manhood Names Maids wiues Adulterie and whooredome Theft Murther Crying a cowards note Apparell Wittie people Their Arts. Note Language Registers The Country New England an Iland Seasons Dayes Soyle Corne * For the Description incouragements to this designe and for better knowledge of New Scotland besides a Book purposely published by the Honourable learned Author who at other weapons hath plaied his Muses prizes and giuen the world ample testimony of his learning you may read our 8. Booke from the sixt Chapter forwards the last two Chapiters of the ninth Booke that description of the Countrey of Mawâ—oshen which I haue added hereto An. 1623. Lukes Bay Fit place for a Plantation Port Iolly Port Negro This description of Mawooshen I had amongst M. Hakluyts papers Climate and quantitie Tarantines are said to be the same with the Souriquois 1. Quibequesson Riuer Asticon Sagamo A great Lake 2. Pâ—maquid riuer A great Lake Anadabis Three townes Bashabes Caiocame 3. Ramassoc Panobscâ—t a Towne 4. Apanawapeske 5. Apanmensek A Lâ—ke Another Lake All the Lakes full of Fish Beeues and sweet Rats 6. Aponeg 7. Aponeg 8. Sagadahoc Here C. Popham builâ— S. Georges Fort and planted Great Sound Tâ—o Lakes A great Iland Kenebeke 9. Ashamabaga 10. Shawakâ—toc A Lake foure dayes iourney long 2 broad Voyage in eight daies Fishermens kinde assistances State of the weather in Autumne and Winter I haue by me a written iournall declaring the winde and weather of euery day from 24. Nouember 1610. till the last of Aprill 1611. but thought it would seeme ted ous the substance thereof being here contained Moderate Frosta Spring Healthfulnes Homicide dieth for thought Imployment of the Colony English Corne Fowle and Cattle prosper there Medow Deere Copper kettle Their houses described Their Oares Sauages Their fashions Their Canoas The situation of the Country The temperature of the Ayre The Inhabitanes with their nature and customes The conueniency of the Bayes in that Countrie Commodious Ilands worthy Harbours Trinitie Harbor affording diuers good commodities Sauages liuing neer to Trinitie Harbour The bottoms of diuers Baies meeting neere together The Harbour of Trepassey lying commodiously The fertiltie of the soyle Seuerall sorts of Fruits there growing Herbs Flowers both pleasant and medicinable Corn growing there yeelding good increase Store of Deere other Beasts A rare example of the gentle nature of the Beasts of that Country M Guies Mastâ—â—e Greyhound vsed a Wolfe there more doggedly one pulling out the throat the other the belly Great store of Land Fowle Water Fowle Penguins Fresh water and Springs Many sorts of Timber there growing Good hope of Mines and making of Iron and Pitch Fish in great abundance Cod-fishing a great hope of benefit therefrom The benefit arising to France Spaine and Italy from fishing vpon those coasts 250. saile of Shipslying vpon that coast Anno 1615. What the valew of the Fish con tained in most Ships did amount vnto The relief that the trading there will afford to seuerall sorts of people * After this the author vseth reasons to perswade to a Plantation there which I haue omitted as busied in history The Book is common to such as desire to reade it I haue also omit ted his Admiralty commission and proceedings Commoditieâ— vsed by the Natiues This was the last Letter sent into England the yeere before 1621. They were but twelue men all the last Winter vnti 〈…〉 the new supply came in the Spring following Temperate Winter Bristow Plantation Salt made there Abuses of Fishermen The Fiâ—â—ts sâ—â— forth by queen Elizabeth Sup. pag. 108◠〈◊〉 Aâ—â—â— 17. 6. Her persecution from the Papacie from the wombe In queen Maries daies French wrongs Q. Elizabeths prosperitie See of Gods mercies in this other kinds the B. of Chichister his Religious Tractate of Thanksgiuing See also Camdens Elizabetha and others Anuales of her Reigne Arthur Poole of the house of George Duke of Clarence Ann. 1569. Pius his impious Bull. Irish action Don Iohn base son of Charles Emperour 1576. A. 1572. Greg. 13. confirmeth the sentence against Q. Elis-Stuklys trea on A. 1578. 1579. 1580. Sanders Author of the booke De visiâ— Monarch of the forged tale De schismate Anglicano in which he abuseth the queens Mother with grosse lies neuer before een or dreams of by the sharpest and spitefullesâ— eyes which Malice could entertain euen then when she was most malicious most serpent sighted * 15â—3 * 1584. Mendoza Throckmorton Creighton papers Assoâ—iation Pâ—â—ries treason Allens booke Earle of Northumberland Burks Ilandeys â—â—i s in Ireland Babington c. French Embassadâ—urs plot with Moody Lopez Luke 8. 29. Rome Citie of murthers haters of kings * Plin. l. 7. c. 25. * See to 1. l. 8. 〈◊〉 1. 〈◊〉 3. 4. 6. l. 2. c. 1 to 2. l. 8. c. 4. c. Present Rome greater manstaier Saintslaier then the Ethnike Priests agents in euery treason The Pope Master Workman Allen or Alan was by Spanish procurement made Cardinall for this purpose and to this purpose had written a violent booke which heartned Parry to vndertake to kil the Queen He and Bristow Martin were Authors of the Rhemish Translation and Notes of the N. T. Papall pretended causes of depriuing the Queene Fugitiues impotent Zeale