Edward the Third upon a visitation made by himselfe to the Duke of Bungundy during his residence there he imployed such able Agents amongst the Flemish Clothiers representing to them the Danger they were in by the bordering Warrs with France and the peaceable Condition of England and Freedom of the People that are Subjects there which are great Motives propounds an Invitation for them to come over hither wherein he â—romises them the same Priviledges and Immunities with his own Subjects by which promises he prevailed with a great number of them to come into England soon after him where He most Royally performed those promises and also replanted many of his own Subjects who had been long setled in Flaâ—ders And as a suitable improvement of so great a mercy did wisely project and also accomplish the Manufacture of Wooll within the bowels of this Kingdom to the great enriching of his own People and also to the peopleing of his new-Conquered Dominions the Memory of whose Wisdom and Care for his People is worthy to be had in remembrance by English men unto the Worlds end The said King having thus setled the Manufacture of Wooll within the Kingdom of England confined it by a penal Statute which at first reached not only to Goods Chattels and Lands but also to Members and Lâ—fe it self but in a short time repealed the two latter thereof continuing the other in its full force to remain to future Generations which exceeding greate advantage to the propriety of the English Trade hath now coutinued three Hundred Years by the vigilency of the government and the Protection of its Laws in the careful execution thereof upon offenders with more than a little diligence to provide against the thâ—â—sting desires oâ— Forreigners to wrest this Nations priviledg out of English hands which by the Providence of God through the care of our Ancestors has been for many Ages enjoyed by the Nation as it is indeed its proper right But so it is for some years past the diligence of Forreigners to enrich themselves upon us hath so far exceeded our care to preserve our selves that it s come to if not beyond a question who hath the greatest benefit of the Manufacture of English Wooll they who have no right unto it or they to whome of right it doth belong That this is so will appear by considering that not only Holland and Flanders have long suckt the sweetness of our Trade but France is likewise learning to be too hard for us as is manifest by the great quantity of Wooll that of late years have been imported there how injurious it must be to us is also unquestionable if we consider the necessary consequences thereof For every Pack of Wooll sent to France doth prevent us not only of the benefit of the Manufacturing thereof but of much more by reason of the advantage that they make of their own course Wooll and fine spun Linnen in their Drugets and Stuffs Besides our Damage in putting that value on the French Fancies by giving them double the worth for the same Manufacture which we our selvs make of our English Wooll so much have we been deceived in this Matter that whereas in the time of the late War with the Dutch and French that French Druggets and other Stuffs not coming so freely from France some English broad Cloaths striped at 10s per Yard were rent in three parts viz. Breadths and put in the form of French Druggets and each part sold at 8s per yard which makes that one yard comes to 24s which as English â—loth was sold for 10s and the like Fancy many have for Dutch Black Cloth if it have the Name of Dutch tho' our own Make this is real Matter of Fact. Now if we consider what damage we sustain by exporting one paâ—k of Wooll unmanufactured by which we may judge of the rest that a pack of Wooll worth ten pound if it be Manufactured here and so exported would be improved to be worâ—h one Hundred Pounds That it is so doth most evidently appear by worsted-hose that one pound of Kembed Wooll worth twenty pence will make two pair of Hose worth five Shillings the pair or three pair worth three Shillings four pence which reckoned either way sâ—ten shillings for one pound of Wooll though some is less some more there being twelvescore pound of Wooll in a pack is so many ten shillings makes a Hundred and Twenty Pound For when it shall be observed as I have now demonstrated that a Pack of Kembed Wooll worth 20l. does when Manufactured at home yeild 120 l. here in the English Market out of which deduct 20 l. for the Wooll there remains 100 l. Starling gains by the Labour of Spining and Knitting besides the Dying Leging Packing and fitting it for the Sea when the additional advance thereon by home and forreign Customs Freight Land-Carriage and other incident expence together with the Profit on sâ—le in Foreign Parts shall be considered it is reasonable to conclude that this single Pack so Manufactured and Exported by the English Merchant will Purchase Forreign Commodities to neare the value of 20â— l. by that time the Customes of Importation are answered for the same And indeed the thing is naturally so obvious and the loss to England in 〈◊〉 Years so apparent that tâ— may justly â—lence the greatest opposâ—r and convince any thinking Person tho himsâ—lâ— never so indifferent or unconcerned in point of intrest And if it be so that the single Exportation of one Pack oâ— English Wooll unwrought be so great a â—amage to the Nation it is an amazing thing oâ—â—alculate what the loss has been and does daily prove to the King â—nâ— Kâ—â—gdom while so many Thousand Packs have been and still are Yearly Transported the mischeife haâ— not perhaps been 〈◊〉 to every one but is very easily discovered by such who give themselves the leastle sure to consider To return it 's aver'd that the Exportâ—tion of English and Irish Wooll is of a Dangerous anâ— Destructive Consequeâ—â—â— to the very Being of our Trade and to the riches and strength of this Kingdom and to his Mâ—jestiâ—s Customs notwithstanding the Objections produced against it with respect of the Graziers Advantage thereby supposing 40 s. upon a Pack of Wooll was advanced for a year or two by Exportation yet other things would be lessoned by it it being not to be denyed at the same time that the poore and laborious People can be employed as to have money to buy them Bread Beet much less Mutton the want of which must of necessity full the price of all manner of Vâ—ctuals and if we name only Mutton which is relative to our subject 2 s. in the â—arkass which comes to 10 l. for 〈◊〉 Sheep they producing a Pacâ—oâ— Wooll at that rate â—s the value of the saâ—d Pack modestly computed But then for Beef and Corn 〈◊〉 that â—e lâ—sned proportionable it must be oâ— course greater damage to the Farmer
and Gâ—azier it being reckoned three times the value of Wooll throughout the Nation one with another And supposing there should bâ— grown yearly in Enâ—land Two Hundred Thousand packs of Wooll one year wâ—th another And supposing that once in â—our years the sheep were aâ—l kill'd Viz. 25 yearly of â—00 which 2â— Sheep valued so low as 10 l. which is the value of the Wooll yearly shorn from the 100 Sheep It may therefore prevaile upon us to beleive that Beef and all sorts of Corn must be of a far greater value than Mutton and consequently of Wooll because the greatest number of People by far are the poor and laborious People which consume Beef Bread and Bear and few of such do often buy Mutton or at least any quantity proportionable to other provision and therefore whatever some others think that a Country can be inriched without the poor laborious People I am of another opinion For it 's matter of Fact that in England it self in those part where the inhabitance are thin and the Countres not full of People that the Land in those pâ—â—ts wiâ— not yeild much above half the value as Land of the same goodness will yeild near Townes well Inhabited or Countries where Trade is good and if thus in England it 's much less in Ireland which I think is a good Demonstration Tâ—ese things considered on the other hand it will manifestly appear that the Exportation of Wooll unmanufactured will not only be destructive to the Merchants and Clothiers Trade and the exposing the poor to distress â—o want of employment but consequently the Farmer and Gâ—asieâ— will not be able to pay his Rent For if it be so that whilst we have some little Tâ—aâ—e left there are such general complaints what may be expected if our Foreign Trade should be wholly taken away which is now in more danger by the French than it hath been this three Hundred Years past and we seem to sleep and take no notice of it And then we â—aâ— considâ—r what price Wooll will bear when we some of us bâ— our remissâ—esâ— and oâ—her wâ—â—fulneâ—â— have lost our Trade by the circumventâ—ng practises of Forreiners and we our selves helping forward for fear they should not be able to do it alone and all this for a meere fancied and supposed profit for there was not more Art and Sâ—ill used by our Aâ—cestors to bring home the workers at first to the Wooll and Prohibiting â—he Exportation thereof and setling the Manufacturing of it in England than is now us'd to Export the materials unmanufactured to Forreign Artificers and if by the means of that which is Exported already Wooll is now made so cheap as it is a greater Exportation would make it yet cheaper supposing ten thousand Paâ—ks shipped into France which by thâ—ir sort of working it and mixing it with Lining and their own course Wooll and thinnâ—â—s of their work goes as far there and makes as many yards in the whole as twenty thousand Packs if Manufactured here into more firm and substantial Cloth and Stuffs which Ten Thousand Packs if they were not Exported into France it would unavoydably follow that France would have of us the quantity of Twenty Thousand Packs in our Manufacture Bâ— all which it 's obvious that in time to come the Wooll in England will be much more cheaper than now it is because by the aforesaid meanes more Wooll will be Exported and less will of course be used in England and that little which will be Manufactured here can beare little or no price Forreigners making that themselves which we should furnish them with which if it be true as it 's generally asserted that Wooll is as cheap in France as in some parts of England at this time it 's but rational to conclude it will be much cheapter hereafter when our Wooll dos encrease on our hands and our Manufacture decrease both in quantity and value For the better clearing of this point give me leave to insert one instance or two as matter of Fact That when Wooll was wholly Manufactured in England and very little if any at all Exported raw the price thereof for several yeares togeather continued betwixt 12 d. and 18 d. per l. weight and I verily beleive as much if not more Wooll was grown in England at that time Viz. betwixt 20 and 30 yeares agoe then is now at this time the reason is plain from the great quantity of our Woollen Manufacture vended beyond Sea which was so considerable that it kept up the price of Wooll at home On the other hand in Ed. 3's time when all the Wooll was Exported Un manufactured it was sold for 6 d. per pound as is before asserted by which it's manifest that the advancement of the price of Wooll consist in the consumption and vent of our Manufacture freely beyond the Seas and not in the Exportation of our wooll un manufactured As the Price of Wooll to be Set at a constâ—nt Rate without varying it is very Improbable if not Imposible for that which Rules the Market's in this Affair is the Sale of the Woollen Manufacture beyond the Seas For Example Suppose the Pack of Stockings before mentioned stands the Merchant at home at first buying 120 l. besides other growing Charges now if this Pack be sole abroad by the Merchants for 100 l. only the Merchant at his next buying cannot pay 120 l. but the maker must withal abâ—te proportonable first in the Wooll he shall next buy and then in the Wages his Work folks in proportion being reâ—uced in their payments So on the other hand if this Pack of Stockings valued at 120 l. here be Sold for 200 l. Clear of all Chaâ—ges this advance puts the Merchants upon a Speedy buying by which the Price is Advanced by the Merchants and consequently the price of Wooll and Workmens Wages Now to answer an Objection that we do not so much depend upon the Export as upon the were and Consumption within the Kingdome the mistake is so visible that all which gives themselves the least trouble to look into Trade knows that not above the 5th part of the Woollen-Manufacture made in England is wore here at home and that at least 4 parts of 5 of what is made here is Exported and further quantities wiill be demanded when the Exportation of Wooll unwrought is effectually prevented Before I conclude give me leave to add here what Sr. Walter Rawleigh in his time presented to King James the first viz. that by meanes only of the Exportation of Cloth 〈◊〉 and undressed was lost to the Kingdom above Foure Hundred Thousand 〈◊〉 yearly to the workmanship which the Dressers and Dâ—ers and other Artificers would have gained thereby besides the damage to the King in discourageing the Importation of Dying Stuffs which pay a considerable Customs besides the hindring Navigation Now if it was thus with England when the Wooll was â—â—de up into Cloth and that only for want of
if made up into Stockings would Yeild one Hundred and Twenty Pounds as before demonstrated which would amount to Seven Hundred and Twenty Thousand Pounds so that if the said Wooll was Manufactured in that County the profit by the Manufacturing thereof would be six hundred and sixty Thousand Pounds which instead of this Profit the Kentish Gentlemen are willing to content themselves with fourty shillings per. Pack advance upon their Wooll exported which amounts to but Twelve Thousand Pounds tho' it be only to the enriching and strengthening the French King who alone has the Benefit of most of the Wooll exported and tho' this in reason should be satisfactory to any yet I shall Answer that question how we can work up the Wooll if not exported Matter of Fact is not often disputed that it is matter of Fact that before there was such great quantities of Wooll Exported to France all the Wooll grown in England and what was imported from Ireland was all made up into one sort of Manufacture or other and a great part of it exported to France which now having our Wooll Prohibits ouâ— Manufacture so that were the wooll wholy stopt we should quickly work it up and then no complaint of wooll upon hand For I have known for several years together when little wooll has been exported that at Sheering-Time there hath been but a very small quantity of wooll left on hand Give me leave further to add that by the said Exporiation of Wooll to France Exeter alone hath lost the sale of Three Hundred Thousand Pounds worth of the woollen-manufacture P. An. next is the loss of a great part of the Cottens and Bays made â—n Dorcetshire as also Cloth-Rashes in Hampshire from the Town of Hampton and Rumsy two thirds of the Trade is lost in 20 Years time next may be considered Welch Cottens Manchester Bayes and Yorkshire Kâ—â—sâ—s worsted stuffs and stockings formerly a great Trade to France And last of all fine broad mixt Cloth from London which Trade is now lost for one Merchant in London that had the buying of Fifty Thousand Pounds worth of Cloth Pr. An. Sterling now have nothing which is the effect of Exportation of wooll to France who as they have tasâ—ed the sweetness and have sound the Sinues of our Trade so they have not spared any Cost to gain it from us by getting our wooll either by Craft or Force from us for there was not more Art and Skill used by K. Edw. 3d. in bringing home the Manufacturers at the first to the wooll than is now used to Export our wooll the consequence of which is not only Iâ—jurious to us in the manufacturing of it in France but in another Advantage to them by the Improving every Pack of Raw wooll as before hinted by their sine-spun Linning and Course wooll otherwise only fit for Ruggs or Seamens Garments that it makes as much manufacture as three Packs if used in England which together by the Cheapness of wages under sels us and without our wooll the French can make no middle sort of Cloth nor Stuffs or Stockings there being none in the Known parts of the world to my best Information fit for those manufactures which is the greatest Trade in Europe for confermation give me leave to add the words of an English Merchant living in France in a Letter to a Friend of mine here dated the 16 of March 1669 viz. we Englishmen have our Throats Cut with our own Weapous wondering at the Stupidity of the English that they should so long omit to possess the King's Majesty with their Deplorable and dangerous Case in respect of the present and future Inconveniency thereof in having such great quantities of Wooll that is stolen into France by which the French Make Cloth called Serge-de-Berry in which they Cloath their Soldiers and all made of English wooll by which Means the English Men have the Reputation of betraying their Father for two pence than no Marvel if they betray their Country And in another Letter from the same Person to my self dated the 5th of March 1671 Respecting Stockings thus viz. I have much reason to believe unless some are made Examples there will be a continual Abuse of the Comodiâ—y both English and Irish raw and kembed abound much in these Countries that they make abundance of Fabricks and without our wooll they cannot make it There is a City called â—ourney that makes all sorts of woollen Sâ—ockings it 's but few Years ago that they betook themselves to it a Trade which in my Minority was considerable from London into these Countrys but it 's now lost it is not above three Years ago that there was a Scarcity of kembed Wooll in that quarter of the Country and could have contemedly given double the Price for the said Wooll I tould them care was then taking in England to prevent it I Remembred at that time viz the beginning of the Year 166â— upon my Address to K. Char. 2d by the Importunity of some Merchants in Exon for some Friggats at Sea and a Party of Horse at Land and strict Orders then given as at large else-where doth appear a great stop was then put to that mischeif but I being discouraged and also falling Sick in 1671 that Wooll was then Exported in great plenty that the same Gentleman saith That Wooll abounded both English and Irish that it fell in few Months one third part of its Price and there he concludes thus viz. you may easily see how Englands Hearts-Blood is drawn from them in a word France rejects our Fabricks at this day presuming they shall never want our wooll to make their own Fabricks which are so variable as puts a greâ—t stop to the Current demand that used to be of our Sollid Fabricks for which they will pretend to give the Mode to all the world and so by this Means in time all the world will be disgust with our Fabricks when they shall receive the Mode from the French consider this I pray that so there may be some speedy Remedy What hath been done in pursuance of this Letter I have else where wrote at large I shall here only incert the main Objections made against what I have here Asserted viz. 1st That for want of vending our superfluous wooll abroad that the Tenant and Landlord are so much damnified that the one cannot pay his Rent nor the other sustain his Taxes and this is the chiefest if not the sole Reason of sinking our Rents and throwing up of Farms and the Misery of the whole Country 2d That it is much more the Concern of the Nation to preserve the Nobility and Gentry rather than regard a few Artifficers who are employed in the working up the wooll or the Merchant who gains by the Exportation of our Manufacture 3d. That it will be more for the Advantage of our woollen Trade and less for that beyond the Sea than the hindring of it hath been 4th That if a large
hath released all the Impositions that he hath of late Years put upon it then I must needs confess the Case is altered and that the said Laws ought Justly to be Repealed or 2. If my Opponent hath received Information from sure and good Hands that the Hollanders make use of no other Wooll than that of their own Grouth though they breed few or no Sheep and that he hath also received Information from good and sure Hands that the French make use only of their own Wooll in all their Manufacture or 3. If my Opponent can make it appear that the setting on Work the Inhabitants of this Realm is not now a thing so conveniant or fit as it was when the said Acts were made or 4. If the Improving the Native Commodities of this Country to its best and utmost Use be found by Experience to be no good Policy but to bring many Inconveniences with it or 5. If it be much more adviseable that Forreiners should go away with the Gain of our Manufacture and with the sweet of our Trade rather than that his Majestie 's Subjects should have it in all these Cases I must confess it must Inevitably be for the Intrest of the Nation to Repeal the said Acts and lay them aside But on the other hand if none of all these Five Cases can possibly be put and that those very Reasons and Grounds do still remain and are the same now which they were when the said Acts were made Then my Opponent's motion to Repeal the said Laws must be against the Intrest of the Nation or Intrest doth not alwayes speast True which was the Paradox intended to be Argued by my Opponent As it is clear then that by both these Arguments my Opponent hath wholly mistaken himself in the Cause of our Manufactures decay to evidence yet farther the manifestness and palpableness of this mistake we affirm that it is Matter of Fact that our Woollen-Manufacture did greatly encrease after the said Prohibition of Wooll and not only encreased but bore a good Price and that I may not be found like some others who regard not the Credit of what they affirm and particularly like him who hath contracted the Arguments of my Opponent and hath published them together in one Sheet of Paper I will to justifie what I say appeal for the Truth of it not only to the Custome-house Books and to the quantity of Woollen-Manufacture there entred but to the Gentry themselves And to the Price that the Land bore and Victuals for many Years together after the said Prohibition Yea as our Manufacture did encrease for many Years together after the said Prohibition of the Exortation of Wooll so it had to this day still encreased had not those accidents happened that laid so effectual a Foundation for the ruine of it as it was neither in the Power of the Clothier nor in the Power of the Crown to prevent I mean those new and immoderate Taxes which were laid upon our Manufacture by the French King on purpose to encourage his own workmen to gain the said Manufacture from us and on purpose to prevent our Cloth and Stuffs from being brought into his Country the Fruits of Exportation of Wooll although we Yearly take of his Commodities to the value of above a Million of Pounds Sterling and I meane in the second place the making that unfortunate Act against the Importation of Irish Cattle which hath not only tended to the ruine of the Grower but to the ruine of the Clothier and to the ruine of the very Trade of England it self and which if it should continue to stand un-repealed must necessarily and inevitably ruine more and more Both the Gentry Merchant and Clothier every day And therefore as a further Proof of what I say I shall give one instanca insteed of many and leave the Truth of it to be strictly examined and judged accordingly which is that since the said accedents have befallen us I mean of the French Kings Arbitrary Impossitions upon us and that Act against the Importation of Irish Cattle Exeter alone hath lost of what it did formerly Vend near if not above three Hundred Thousand Pound Sterling every Year And if we shall reckon Proportionably for all other Countries and Cities we shall then easily see there is a Just Ground for the Decay of our Woollen-Manufacture and for the fall of the Price of our Wooll by it and for the fall and ruin of our Rents not as my Opponent Alleageth by reason of the Prohibition of Transporting our Wooll but truly and really by reason of the Multiplycation and Increase of our Wooll to that degree that the Exportation of it hath almost been Necessary in the Judgment of some The serious consideration of which true and real cause of the decay of our Manufacture I shall humbly leave to the Wisdom of the Parliament And shall likewise leave it to their Wisdom to be considered whether in this Conjuncture of Affairs and according to the Circumstances which now attend Us while our Neighbours do not only Emulate us but are become actual Rivals with us not only for our Clothing but for our Trade it self and for our Strength and Dominion at Sea we shall or ought so far to contribute towards the Design and towards the Certainty and Effectualness of our own Ruine to permit at any rate our Wooll to be Exported and by this means make our Neighbours scorn the Commerce and Trade they formerly had with us and thanked us for But if any Caveller should say that after all I cannot deny but there is a surplus of Wooll which cannot be wrought up by Clothiers at home and that I offer not one word how it should for the future be disposed of I answer 1. That it appeareth not by any thing which my Opponent hath hitherto said at least not by any thing that he hath hitherto proved that the Clothier either cannot or doth not work up the Wooll of the proper grouth of England to the full of it but if a far greater quantity of Wooll be brought into England from Ireland then ever until of late Years as the Clothier cannot be Responsible for his not Buying up all the Wooll which is sent into England so neither can he or ought he to be Responsible for the Glut proceeding from the Importation of it or for the cheapness of the said Wooll by reason of the said Glut. Non. withstanding which Glut I may presume to say or at least to suppose that if an account was taken both in Ireland and England before the time of shearing there will not be found one quarters Grouth or at the most 6 Months Un-Manufactured in the greatest Year of plenty of Wooll and dulness of Trade which duly considered doth require more care for a stock beforehand in England and not to suffer it to be Engrossed and Stored up in France and Holland as now it is Which is the true cause of keeping
with us and probably ever will there is small reason to expect better Rates for Ours for who will give us six pence for that pound of Wooll which in Ireland may be had for four pence unless it may be granted that ours is better than that of Ireland which few of the Adjutators will for certain Reasons be willing to confess 2. If the Irish Wooll enables the Forreigner to carry on that Manufacture to a degree hurtful to us we have small reason to assist them further therein by affording them ours seeing they enjoy advantages too many already least we immitate those good Men who break the pot because their Wives break the pitcher ruine our selves because Ireland hurts us To the last Reason that the prohibition of Wooll is a new practice unknown to us till within this twenty years and yet before that time both Wooll and Drapery yielded the best Rates for above 60 years last past I Answer 1. That 't is very true but it does not follow that the prohibition was therefore necessary or that the same brought a prejudice upon either but that other reasons already given must be assigned for the fall and meanness of the Rates of those Commodities it being no wayes questionable but that the Exportation of our Drapery had long since expired had not the prohibition of Wooll interposed 2. Statutes are provided to answer the present emergence and reason of Affaires and adapted to the occasion and Interest of the Age wherein they are made so that what was judged unnecessary in former Ages may be of superlative use in this and if the reason thereof again cease may be as insignificant in the next 3. We had no need of such restraining Laws long before they were enacted for till the peace of Munster England alone enjoyed almost the whole Manufacture of Europe But France who then also received Woollen-Drapery from us agitated since that peace by a most sagacious Counsel who understands the advantages of Manufactures and Navigation and fild with an active nnd enterprising People ' has unhappily added that Manufacture to the many other advantages they enjoy for commerce above most other Nations and hath all things propitious for the managing thereof except fine Wooll such as ours is to mix with their own Must our Ancestours proceedings then who were governed by reasons far different from ours be presidents to us or is it not rather high time to employ our utmost skill to retain so necessary a Commodity at home I have lately met with one Merchant of no small pretences to the intrigues of Trade who although he will not allow that the Rates of Wooll may encrease upon the repeal of our Laws which is the prime reason alleadged for repeal of the prohibition yet affirms that if the prohibition were removed and due Imposts charged upon Wooll it might thereby better than the prohibition be either retained at home or rendred so chargeable to our Neighbours that we might have sufficient advantages over them in that Manufacture To which I Answer 1. That he which affirms all this must maintain that either His Majesties Officers of His Customs will be more industrious to Collect the Duties and Imposts so to be charged on this Commodity than they were to make Seizures of it by vertue of the prohibition tho' they had a Moyety of the Seizure or that the Exporters will be more consciencious in paying His Majesties Impostes than they were in obeying His Laws which prohibited the Exportation tho' they ventured their Necks into the bargain or that the Forreigner may be less desirous of it after the repeal than before 2. The Imposts must be either much or little if much it may be worth venturing to save the payment as is so frequently practised in payments of the like nature but if they be little the payment of them will be easily ballanced by the advantages our Neighbours have over us in cheap dyet labour c. as has been already shewed If to what has been said it be replyed that it is better Export Wooll than neither Wooll nor Drapery I Rejoyn 1. That it is so were it true that we Exported no Drapery and remained without hopes of ever sharing again in Forreign Markets but thanks be to God Matters are not yet arrived to so ill terms and probably never will unless some aspiring Neighbour who may design to engross all Traffick beat us out of the Mediterranean Sea or that we let out our Wooll by a Law. 2. If we do yet more effectually provide to keep our Wooll at home 't is a thousand to one but our Drapery will off but if once we Export our Wooll by a Law charge it with what Impost and confine it to what Ports and seasons you please as some vainly or slily propose we may bid an Eternal adieu to the Exportation of our Woollen-Manufacture Who will buy our Wooll seeing we slight it our selves will the French to what end to employ their People and carry on a Manufacture as universal as their other designs have they not of late charged our drapery with heavy impositions meerly to discourage its coming among them the better to employ their own people and must we then return the civility with such advantage to them 4. And lastly to Export our Wooll because at present we want vent for our Drapery is for ever to confirme in that want and is a choyce like pulling down my house for fear it may be burnt or like hanging my self least any other kill me Thus far Mr. Manley but before I Conclude give me leave to ad one Testimony more Written by an unknown Author under the name of a Letter from a Younger Brother in Ireland to an Elder Brother in England Occasioned by the Act against Irish Cattle Printed the same Year 77. the sum of which followeth viz. THe â—all of Rents cheapness of Wooll and decay of Manufacture in England being Sugjested to be principally occasioned by Ireland the Irish Cattle were thereupon Prohibited by an Act of Parliament and declared to be a publick Nusance Admitting that some off those Counties might be prejudiced by the Importation of Irish Cattle yet whatsoever proffit accured to others by it did upon the mutual necessities of all settle into the common Stock of the Nation And it seems but reasonable that whatsoever private obligation a Parliament-Man hath to the place where he is Elected yet when once he comes to sit his Trust and his mind is enlarged and he does no more consider himself as the Polititian of a Shere or the Patron of a Borrough but as a Representor of the universality whereas otherwise if any County one or more chance to be more Fertile than other in Members of Parliament and they Act by such narrow Measures the decision would be by multitude not by Reason And notwithstanding if we were to tell Counties those that are not advantaged and are realy agrieved make the greatest plea for if we
account like Merchants by Proffit and loss all the proffit that can be made and that very small by this Act returns to such Counties which are proper for breeding and that small proffit is lâ—st to them if not much more by their Corn for want of Trade by it and the whole Nation hath hereby lost in great measure the vent of its home and Forreign Commodities to Irland and the increasing product to England in general by Irish Cattle in Specia But as to the Political Point you did herein as much as in you then lay to cut off all that stronge as more Natural dependance of Ireland upon England and to govern it rather by the force of Authority than by the Influencial benignity of Intrest Ireland being thus exposed their Corn not fit for Transportation put them upon increasing their Flocks of Sheep which produced great quantities of Wooll by which means the price in England consequently decreased through the whole Kingdome though the Irish Wooll with the duty in Ireland fraughts and Facturing the Charges wear 2d Per Pound for that in the judgment of some as the Irish Cattle was grown to a Nusance so the increase of Wooll occasioned by the Prohibiting Act comes to the same Fate That as among our English Gentry whose Rents depend upon the product of Wooll doe find their Estates by the late cheapness of it much reduced yet there are other reasons than Irish Wooll But than first of the Manufacture in Ireland about 20 years some Westren Clothiers reduced to extream poverey moved themselves and their Families over into Ireland invited by the cheapness of Wooll and Victuals there which Errected then a Manufacture at Dublin which hath since increased About the same time 60 Families from Holland come to Lymrick which by the occasion of the succeeding Warr decayed but after this more of the English Clothiers went over and fixed about Cork and Kingsale where they continue and are grown not inconsiderable some French have since resorted to Waterford to make Druggets there and other Commodities of their fashion and about a year or two agoe some Merchants of London raised another Manufacture at Clonmell managing it by Agents But a more evident and certain reason of yours and our consuming for want of vent or consumption is the wares with which formerly and of late years Europ has generally been infested so that in most parts thereof which were supplyed from you the People have been much Impoverished and thereby necessitated to be their own Clothier first and from thence Enabled industry increasing some of them to furnish their Neighbours And to this several of your own Subjects have concurred who either not finding themselves well and easie at home or intised over by greater profit have instructed Foreigners in the whole Mystery of Clothing till they now have made it a staple Commodity thus by the reciprocation of humane Affairs that Trade which the Warrs upon the foreigners reffuge with you first introduced is upon occasion of the Wars recovered back again and the Drapery restored to them in great measure even by the means of your own Subjects furnishing them with Wooll But the grand Spring of this whole Matter lies in Frame that King is a most vigilent and Potent Prince c. for he hath made Warr with all Europe with his Sword against his Enemies but against his Frinds by Trafique which is indeed as the more just so the most effectual way of destroying them But among all none hath on this later account more suffered than England for besides the Wine which we purchas at most Excessive Rates and for the most part with pure Money and besides these Trinkets of which we are so fond and to the making of which the French Genius was formerly Adapted he hath now for many years applyed his People to the more solid Trades of Cloth and Stuffs indeed of all things valiable embracing in effect or in projection the universel Monarchy of Commerce never did any Prince except ours addict himself so wholly to the encouragement of Trade and Navigation c. To this he hath either wholly Prohibited or which is Tantâ—â—neunt laid so excestive Impositions upon all English Manufacture c that they are in a manner totally excluded and you have no Commodity to exchange with but whatever you have of his must be Bought with a Peny insomuch that I have seen hear a particular drawn up as t is said in your Parliament wherein they computed besides the Lucrum Cessaerum that your Nation sustains a clear loss of Eleven Hundred Thousand Pounds Yearly by the French Trade hereby the French that were before at best but the Milliners of Europe are now become or pretend to be the Cape Merchants and their King gives not only the Mode but the Garment to all Christendoâ—e and the World puts it self into his Livery at their own Expences well may you complain of the Death rather than the Deadness of your Manufacture when from this Cause it receives such an obstruction even to Suffâ—cation when you are not only deprived of that general and gainful vâ—nt that you had formerly in France it self but in all other Places where you Traffique you meete the French now at every turn and the Forreign Post brings news from all Parts that they are before you and have undersold you in the same Commodities And to this Disease so Mortal and which is beyond any privat Man to remedy your selves do more particularly contribute by those vast quantities of Wooll which they tell us here are daily and now more than ever Transported for France a thing that you always prohibited but it seems at least some of you always Tolerate so that in effect Calice is still no less your Staple than while it was formerly under the English Dominion I will not excuse Ireland from the same Crime altho' in less Proportion but you have I hear a Milicia that in Defiance of all Authority Convey their Wooll to the Shallop with such Strength that your Officers dare not offend them While whatsoever we do of that kind is more Modest and wheresoever it looses its way afterwards at Sea it is first entred for England and pays both the King's Duty and that to the Lord Lievtenant for Licence so that as we cannot Trade so neither can we Steal with you on equal Terms by this time I hope you are satisfyed and convinced that Ireland deserves not your Complaint but your Pity and that those things which some have ascribed to us are but the common Calamity of both Nations occasioned by the Flux of Humane Affairs and Accidents of the present Conjuncture thorow Europe and therefore that you will not only consult how to redress our common Grievance but that you will also remedy those more particular Pressures that we suffer by or under you Whether you will think fit to reverse your Act against our Cattle I know not nor can I answer for the Effect that it would produce but I have often observed how gladly Waters that have been diverted return and fall into their former Channel Though I am no Politician dare say in General that it concerns you to use us kindly and to Indulge us in all things that tend to Civilize Cultivate and People this Nation FINIS